,,the ,,anti-,,slavery ,,examiner       
,,by ,the ,american ,anti-,slavery      
,society    #ahcf                  ,no4 
#a4 ,to the ,people of the ,united      
,states2 or1 ,to ,such ,americans       
,as ,value ,their ,rights1 and ,dare to 
,maintain ,them4        ,no4  #b4       
,appeal to the ,christian ,women of the 
,south4        ,no4  #b4 ,appeal to the 
,christian ,women of the ,south4        
,revised and              ,corrected4   
,no4  #c4 ,letter of ,gerrit ,smith to  
,rev4 ,james ,smylie1 of the ,state     
of ,mississippi4        ,no4  #d4 ,the  
,bible ,against ,slavery4 ,an ,inquiry  
,into the              ,patriarchal and 
,mosaic ,systems on the ,subject of     
,human              ,rights4        ,no4
  #d4 ,the ,bible ,against ,slavery4 ,an
 ,inquiry ,into the                     
,patriarchal and ,mosaic ,systems on the
 ,subject of              ,human        
,rights4 ,third ,edition--,revised4     
,no4  #d4 ,the ,bible ,against ,slavery4
 ,an ,inquiry ,into the                 

,patriarchal and ,mosaic ,systems on the
 ,subject of ,human                     
,rights4 ,fourth ,edition--,enlarged4   
,no4  #e4 ,power of ,congress ,over the 
,district of ,columbia4        ,no4  #e4
 ,power of ,congress ,over the ,district
 of ,columbia4 ,with                    
,additions by the ,author4        ,no4  
#e4 ,power of ,congress ,over the       
,district of ,columbia4 ,fourth         
,edition4        ,no4  #f4 ,,narrative  
,,of ,,james ,,williams1 ,,an ,,american
 ,,slave4        ,no4  #g4              
,,emancipation ,,in ,,the ,,west        
,,indies4        ,no4  #h4              
,,correspondence1 ,,between ,,the ,,hon4
 ,f4,h4 ,,elmore1 ,,one ,,of ,,the      
,,south ,,carolina ,,delegation ,,in    
,,congress1 ,,and ,,james ,g4           
,,birney1 ,,one ,,of ,,the ,,secretaries
 ,,of ,,the ,,american                  
,,anti-,,slavery ,,society4        ,no4 
#i4 ,,letter ,,of ,,gerrit ,,smith1 ,,to
 ,,hon4 ,,henry ,,clay4        ,no4 #aj4
 ,,emancipation ,in ,the ,,west         

,,indies1 ,,in #ahch4                   
,,the ,,chattel ,,principle ,,the       
,,abhorrence ,,of ,,jesus ,,christ ,,and
              ,,the ,,apostles2 ,,or    
,,no ,,refuge ,,for ,,american ,,slavery
 ,,in ,,the ,,new                       
,,testament4 #ahci4        ,no4 #aj4    
,american ,slavery ,as ,it ,is3         
,testimony of a ,thousand               
,witnesses4        ,no4 #aj4 ,speech of 
,hon4 ,thomas ,morris1 of ,ohio1 in     
,reply to the              ,speech of   
the ,hon4 ,henry ,clay4        ,no4 #aa4
 ,the ,constitution ,a ,pro-,slavery    
,compact ,or ,selections                
,from the ,madison ,papers1 c4          
,no4 #aa4 ,the ,constitution ,a         
,pro-,slavery ,compact ,or ,selections  
,from the ,madison ,papers1 c4 ,second  
,edition1              ,enlarged4       
,no4 #ab4 ,chattel ,principle ,the      
,abhorrence of ,jesus ,christ           
and the ,apostles2 ,or ,no ,refuge for  
,american ,slavery              in the  
,new ,testament4                ,on the 

,condition of the ,free ,people of      
,color in the              ,united      
,states4        ,no4 #ac4 ,can          
,abolitionists ,vote or ,take ,office   
,under the ,united              ,states 
,constitution8                ,address  
to the ,friends of ,constitutional      
,liberty1 on the              ,violation
 by the ,united ,states ,house of       
,representatives              of the    
,right of ,petition at the ,executive   
,committee of              the ,american
 ,anti-,slavery ,society4          ,,the
 ,,anti-,,slavery ,,examiner            
,,vol4 ,i4 ,,august1 #ahcf4 ,,no4 #a4   
,,to ,,the    ,,people ,,of ,,the       
,,united ,,states2    ,,or1 ,,to ,,such 
,,americans ,,as ,,value ,,their        
,,rights1 ,,and    ,,dare ,,to          
,,maintain ,,them4      ,,fellow        
,,countrymen6    ,a crisis has arrived1 
in which rights the most important which
 civil  society can acknowledge1 and    
which have been acknowledged by our     
,constitution and laws1 in terms the    

most explicit which language can        
afford1 are set at nought by men1 whom  
your favor has invested with a  brief   
authority4 ,by what standard is your    
liberty of conscience1 of  speech1 and  
of the press1 now measured8 ,is it by   
those glorious charters  you have       
inherited from your fathers1 and which  
your present rulers have  called ,heaven
 to witness1 they would preserve        
inviolate8 ,alas6 another  standard has 
been devised1 and if we would know what 
rights are conceded  to us by our own   
servants1 we must consult the ,,compact 
by which the  ,south engages on certain 
conditions to give its trade and votes  
to  ,northern men4 ,all rights not      
allowed by this compact1 we now hold by 
sufferance1 and our ,governors and      
,legislatures avow their readiness to   
deprive us of them1 whenever in their   
opinion1 legislation on the  subject    
shall be necessary,a4 ,this compact is  
not indeed published to  the world1     
under the hands and seals of the        

contracting parties1 but it  is set     
forth in official messages1--in         
resolutions of the ,state and  ,national
 ,legislatures--in the proceedings of   
popular meetings1 and in  acts of       
lawless violence4 ,the temples of the   
,almighty have been sacked1  because the
 worshipers did not conform their       
consciences to the  compact,b4          
,ministers of the gospel have been      
dragged as criminals from  the altar to 
the bar1 because they taught the people 
from the ,bible1  doctrines proscribed  
by the compact,c4 ,hundreds of free     
citizens1  peaceably assembled to       
express their sentiments1 have1 because 
such an  expression was forbidden by the
 compact1 been forcibly dispersed1 and  
the chief actor in this invasion on the 
freedom of speech1 instead of  being    
punished for a breach of the peace1 was 
rewarded for his fidelity  to the       
compact with an office of high trust and
 honor,d4    ,footnote ,a3 ,see the     
,messages of the ,governors of          

,new-,york and  ,connecticut1 the       
resolutions of the ,new-,york           
,legislature1 and the bill  introduced  
into the ,legislature of ,rhode ,island4
      ,footnote ,b3 ,churches in        
,new-,york attacked by the mob in #ahcd4
      ,footnote ,c3 ,see two cases      
within the last twelve months in ,new   
,hampshire4      ,footnote ,d3 ,samuel  
,beardsley1 ,esq4 the leader of the     
,utica riot1 was  shortly afterwards    
appointed ,attorney ,general of the     
state of ,new-,york4             99     
99       99       99       99           
,,postage--,this ,periodical contains   
one sheet1 postage under #ajj miles1 is 
#a #a-b cents over #ajj miles1 #b #a-b  
cents4    ,the freedom of the press--the
 palladium of liberty1 was once a       
household proverb4 ,now1 a printing     
office,a is entered by ruffians1 and    
its types scattered in the highway1     
because disobedient to the compact4  ,a 
,grand ,jury1 sworn to present all      
things truly as they come to their      

knowledge1 refuse to indict the         
offenders2 and a senator in ,congress   
rises in his place1 and appeals to the  
outrage in the printing office1  and the
 conduct of the ,grand ,jury as evidence
 of the good faith with  which the      
people of the state of ,new ,york were  
resolved to observe the  compact,b4     
,footnote ,a3 ,office of the ,utica     
,standard and ,democrat newspaper4      
,footnote ,b3 ,see speech of the ,hon4  
,silas ,wright in the ,u4,s4 ,senate of 
,feb4 #ahcf4    ,the ,executive         
,magistrate of the ,american ,union1    
unmindful of his  obligation to execute 
the laws for the equal benefit of his   
fellow  citizens1 has sanctioned a      
censorship of the press1 by which papers
  incompatible with the compact are     
excluded from the southern mails1 and   
he has officially advised ,congress to  
do by law1 although in violation  of the
 ,constitution1 what he had himself     
virtually done already in  despite of   
both4 ,the invitation has indeed been   

rejected1 but by the  ,senate of the    
,united ,states only1 after a portentous
 struggle--a  struggle which distinctly 
exhibited the political conditions of   
the  compact1 as well as the fidelity   
with which those conditions are         
observed by a northern candidate for the
 ,presidency4 ,while in compliance  with
 these conditions1 a powerful minority  
in the ,senate were forging  fetters for
 the ,,press1 the ,house of             
,representatives were employed in       
breaking down the right of ,,petition4  
,on the #bfth ,may last1 the following  
resolution1 reported by a committee was 
adopted by the ,house1 viz4             
,resolved1 that all ,petitions1         
,memorials1 ,resolutions and            
,propositions relating in any way1 or to
 any extent whatever1 to      the       
subject of ,slavery1 shall without being
 either printed or      referred1 be    
laid on the table1 and that no further  
action      whatever shall be had       
thereon4 ,yeas1 #aag4 ,nays1 #fh4       

,bear with us1 fellow countrymen1 while 
we call your attention to the  outrage  
on your rights1 the contempt of personal
 obligations and the  hardened cruelty  
involved in this detestable resolution4 
,condemn us not  for the harshness of   
our language1 before you hear our       
justification4 ,we  shall speak only the
 truth1 but we shall speak it as        
freemen4    ,the right of petition is   
founded in the very institution of civil
  government1 and has from time         
immemorial been acknowledged as among   
the  unquestionable privileges of our   
,english ancestors4 ,this right springs 
from the great truth that government is 
established for the benefit of  the     
governed2 and it forms the medium by    
which the people acquaint their  rulers 
with their wants and their grievances4  
,so accustomed were the  ,americans to  
the exercise of this right1 even during 
their subjection to  the ,british crown1
 that1 on the formation of the ,federal 
,constitution1  the ,convention not     

conceiving that it could be endangered1 
made no  provision for its security4    
,but in the very first ,congress that   
assembled under the new ,government1 the
 omission was repaired4 ,it was  thought
 some case might possibly occur1 in     
which this right might prove            
troublesome to a dominant faction1 who  
would endeavor to stifle it4 ,an        
amendment was therefore proposed and    
adopted1 by which ,congress is          
restrained from making any law abridging
 the right of the ,people1  peaceably to
 assemble1 and to petition the          
,government for a redress of            
grievances4 ,had it not been for this   
prudent jealousy of our ,fathers1       
instead of the resolution ,i have       
transcribed1 we should have had a ,,law1
  visiting with pains and penalties1 all
 who dared to petition the ,federal     
,government1 in behalf of the victims of
 oppression1 held in bondage by  its    
authority4 ,the present resolution      
cannot indeed consign such  petitioners 

to the prison or the scaffold1 but it   
makes the right to  petition a          
congressional boon1 to be granted or    
withheld at pleasure1  and in the       
present case effectually withholds it1  
by tendering it  nugatory4    ,petitions
 are to inform the ,government of the   
wishes of the people1 and  by calling   
forth the action of the ,legislature1 to
 inform the  constituents how far their 
wishes are respected by their           
representatives4 ,the information thus  
mutually given and received is          
essential to a faithful and enlightened 
exercise of the right of  legislation on
 the one hand1 and of suffrage on the   
other4 ,but the  resolution we are      
considering1 provides that no petition  
in relation to  slavery1 shall be       
printed for the information of the      
members1 nor  referred to a committee to
 ascertain the truth of its statements2 
nor  shall any vote be taken1 in regard 
to it1 by which the ,people may learn   
the sentiments of their representatives4

    ,if ,congress may thus dispose of   
petitions on one subject1 they may make 
the same disposition of petitions on any
 and every other subject4 ,our          
representatives are bound by oath1 not  
to pass any law abridging the  right of 
petition1 but if this resolution is     
constitutional1 they may  order every   
petition to be delivered to their       
door-keeper1 and by him to  be committed
 to the flames2 for why preserve        
petitions on which no  action can be    
had8 ,had the resolution been directed  
to petitions for an  object palpably    
unconstitutional1 it would still have   
been without  excuse4 ,the construction 
of the ,constitution is a matter of     
opinion1 and  every citizen has a right 
to express that opinion in a petition1  
or  otherwise4    ,but this usurpation  
is aggravated by the almost universal   
admission that  ,congress does possess  
the constitutional power to legislate on
 the  subject of slavery in the         
,district of ,columbia and the          

,territories4 ,no  wonder that a        
distinguished statesman refused to      
sanction the right of  the ,house to    
pass such a resolution by even voting   
against it,a4 ,the  men who perpetrated 
this outrage had sworn to support the   
,constitution1  and will they hereafter 
plead at the bar of their ,maker1 that  
they had  kept their oath1 because they 
had abridged the right of petition by a 
resolution1 and not by law6    ,footnote
 ,a3 ,mr4 ,j4,q4 ,adams1 on his name    
being called1 refused to vote1  saying1 
the resolution is in direct violation of
 the ,constitution of  the ,united      
,states1 and the privileges of the      
members of this ,house4    ,this        
resolution not only violates the rights 
of the people1 but it  nullifies the    
privileges and obligations of their     
representatives4 ,it is  an undoubted   
right and duty of every member of       
,congress to propose any  measure within
 the limits of the ,constitution1 which 
he believes is  required by the         

interests of his constituents and the   
welfare of his  country4 ,now mark the  
base surrender of this right--the wicked
  dereliction of this duty4 ,all        
resolutions and propositions relating   
in any way or to any extent whatever to 
the subject of slavery1  shall be laid  
on the table1 and no further action     
whatever shall be  had thereon4 ,what a 
spectacle has been presented to the     
,american  people6--one hundred and     
seventeen members of ,congress          
relinquishing  their own rights1        
cancelling their own solemn obligations1
 forcibly  depriving the other members  
of their legislative privileges1        
abolishing  the freedom of debate1      
condemning the right of petition1 and   
prohibiting  present and future         
legislation on a most important and     
constitutional  subject1 by a rule of   
order6    ,in #ahbj1 the ,new-,york     
,legislature instructed the             
representatives from  that state in     
,congress1 to insist on making the      

prohibition of slavery  an indispensable
 condition of admission of certain      
territories into the  union4 ,in #ahbh1 
the ,legislature of ,pennsylvania       
instructed the  ,pennsylvania members of
 ,congress1 to vote for the abolition of
 slavery  in the district of ,columbia4 
,in vain hereafter shall a              
representative  present the instructions
 of his constituents1 or the injunctions
 of a  sovereign state4 ,no question    
shall be taken1 or any motion he may    
offer1  in any way1 or to any extent1   
relating to slavery6    ,search the     
annals of legislation1 and you will find
 no precedent for  such a profligate act
 of tyranny1 exercised by a majority    
over their  fellow legislators1 nor for 
such an impudent contempt of the rights 
of  the people4    ,but this resolution 
is no less barbarous than it is         
profligate and  impudent4 ,remember1    
fellow countrymen6 that the decree has  
gone forth1  that there shall be no     
legislation by ,congress1 in any way1 or

 to any  extent whatever1 on the subject
 of slavery4 ,now call to mind1 that    
,congress is the local and only         
legislature of the ,district of         
,columbia1  which is placed by the      
,constitution under its exclusive       
jurisdiction  in all cases whatsoever4  
,in this ,district1 there are thousands 
of  human beings divested of the rights 
of humanity1 and subjected to a         
negotiable despotism2 and ,congress is  
the only power that can extend the      
shield of law to protect them from      
cruelty and abuse2 and that shield1  it 
is now resolved1 shall not be extended  
in any way1 or to any extent6  ,but this
 is not all4 ,the ,district has become  
the great slave-market of  ,north       
,america1 and the port of ,alexandria is
 the ,guinea of our proud  republic1    
whence cargoes of despair are           
continually departing,a4    ,footnote   
,a3 ,one dealer1 ,john ,armfield1       
advertises in the ,national             
,intelligencer of the #ajth of ,february

 last1 that he has three vessels in  the
 trade1 and they will leave the port of 
,alexandria on the first and  fifteenth 
of each month4    ,in the city which    
bears the name of the ,father of his    
country1 dealers  in human flesh receive
 licenses for the vile traffic1 at four 
hundred  dollars each per annum2 and the
 gazettes of the ,capital have their    
columns polluted with the advertisements
 of these men1 offering cash for        
children and youth1 who1 torn from their
 parents and families1 are to  wear out 
their existence on the plantations of   
the south4,a ,for the  safe keeping of  
these children and youth1 till they are 
shipped for the  ,mississippi1 private  
pens and prisons are provided1 and the  
,,united  ,,states' ,,jail used when    
required4 ,the laws of the ,district in 
relation to  slaves and free negroes are
 of the most abominable and iniquitous  
character4 ,any free citizen with a dark
 skin1 may be arrested on  pretence of  
being a fugitive slave1 and committed to

 the ,,united ,,states'  ,,prison1 and  
unless within a certain number of days  
he proves his  freedom1 while immured   
within its walls1 he is1 under authority
 of  ,congress1 sold as a slave for     
life4 ,do you ask why8 ,let the blood   
mantle  in your cheeks1 while we give   
you the answer of the ,,law--to pay his 
jail fees66    ,footnote ,a3 ,twelve    
hundred negroes are thus advertised for 
in the  ,national ,intelligencer of the 
#bhth of ,march last4 ,the negroes      
wanted are  generally from the age of   
ten or twelve years to twenty-five1 and 
of  both sexes4    ,on the #aath of     
,january1 #ahbg1 the ,committee for the 
,district of  ,columbia1 7themselves    
slaveholders7 introduced a bill         
providing that the  jail fees should    
hereafter be a county charge4 ,the bill 
did not pass2  and by the late          
resolution1 a statute unparalleled for  
injustice and  atrocity by any mandate  
of ,european despotism1 is to be like   
the law of  the ,medes and ,persians1   

that altereth not1 since no proposition 
for its  repeal or modification can be  
entertained4    ,the ,grand ,jury of    
,alexandria presented the slave trade of
 that place1 as  disgraceful to our     
character as citizens of a free         
government1 and as  a grievance         
demanding legislative redress2 that is1 
the interposition  of ,congress--but one
 hundred and seventeen men have decided 
that there  shall be no action whatever 
by ,congress in relation to slavery4    
,in ,march1 #ahaf1 ,john ,randolph      
submitted the following resolution to   
the  ,house of ,representatives3        
,resolved1 ,that a ,committee be        
appointed to  inquire into the existence
 of an inhuman and illegal traffic of   
slaves1 carried on in and through the   
,district of ,columbia1 and to  report  
whether any1 and what measures are      
necessary for putting a stop  to the    
same4 ,the ,,compact had not then been  
formed and the resolution  was adopted4 
,such a resolution would now be laid on 

the table1 and  treated with silent     
contempt4    ,in #ahbh1 eleven hundred  
inhabitants of the ,district presented a
 petition  to ,congress1 complaining of 
the ,,domestic ,,slave-,,trade as a     
grievance  disgraceful in its character1
 and even more demoralizing its         
influence  than the foreign traffic4    
,the petition concluded as follows3 ,the
 people  of this ,district have within  
themselves no means of legislative      
redress1  and we therefore appeal to    
your ,honorable body as the only one    
vested  by the ,american ,constitution  
with power to relieve us4 ,no more shall
  such appeals be made to the national  
council4 ,what matters it1 that the     
people of the ,district are annoyed by  
the human shambles opened among  them8  
,what matters it1 that ,congress is the 
only body vested by the  ,american      
,constitution with power to relieve     
them8 ,the compact requires  that no    
action shall be had on any petition     
relating to slavery4    ,the horse or   

the ox may be protected in the          
,district1 by act of  ,congress1 from   
the cruelty of its owner2 but ,,man1    
created in the image  of ,god1 shall1 if
 his complexion be dark1 be abandoned to
 every outrage4  ,the negro may be bound
 alive to the stake in front of the     
,capitol1 as  well as in the streets of 
,st4 ,louis--his shrieks may resound    
through the  representative hall--and   
the stench of his burning body may enter
 the  nostrils of the law-givers--but no
 vote may rebuke the abomination--no    
law forbid its repetition4    ,the      
representatives of the nation may       
regulate the traffic in sheep and       
swine1 within the ten miles square2 but 
the ,,slavers of the ,district may  be  
laden to suffocation with human         
cattle--the horrors of the middle       
passage may be transcended at the       
wharves of ,alexandria2 but ,congress   
may not limit the size of the cargoes1  
or provide for the due feeding  and     
watering the animals composing          

them6--,the ,district of ,columbia is   
henceforth to be the only spot on the   
face of the globe1 subjected to a       
civilized and ,christian police1 in     
which avarice and malice may with  legal
 impunity inflict on humanity whatever  
sufferings ingenuity can  devise1 or    
depravity desire4    ,and this          
accumulation of wickedness1 cruelty and 
baseness1 is to render  the seat of the 
federal government the scoff of tyrants 
and the reproach  of freemen ,,forever6 
,on the #ith of ,january #ahbi1 the     
,house of  ,representatives passed the  
following vote4 ,resolved1 that the     
committee of the ,district of ,columbia 
be instructed to inquire into the       
expediency of providing by law1 for the 
gradual abolition of ,slavery in  the   
,district1 in such manner that no       
individual shall be injured  thereby4   
,never again while the present rule of  
order is in force1 can  similar         
instructions be given to a              
committee--never again shall even an    

inquiry be made into the expediency of  
abolishing slavery and the  slave-trade 
in the ,district4 ,what stronger        
evidence can we have1 of the  growing   
and spreading corruption caused by      
slavery1 than that one  hundred and     
seventeen republican legislators        
professed believers in                  
,christianity--many of them from the    
,north1 aye even from the land of the   
,pilgrims1 should strive to render such 
curses ,,perpetual6    ,the             
flagitiousness of this resolution is    
aggravated if possible by the  arbitrary
 means by which its adoption was        
secured4 ,no representative of  the     
,people was permitted to lift up his    
voice against it--to plead the  commands
 of the ,constitution which is          
violated--his own privileges and  duties
 which it contemned--the rights of his  
constituents on which it  trampled--the 
chains of justice and humanity which it 
impiously  outraged4 ,its advocates were
 afraid and ashamed to discuss it1 and  

forbidding debate1 they perpetrated in  
silence the most atrocious act  that has
 ever disgraced an ,american            
,legislature,a4 ,and was no reason      
whatever1 it may be asked1 assigned for 
this bold invasion of our  rights1 this 
insult to the sympathies of our common  
nature8  ,yes--connected with the       
resolution was a preamble explaining its
 ,,object4  ,read it1 fellow countrymen1
 and be equally astonished at the       
impudence  of your rulers in avowing    
such an object1 and at their folly in   
adopting  such an expedient to effect   
it4 ,the lips of a free people are to be
  sealed by insult and injury6          
,footnote ,a3  ,a debate was allowed on 
a motion to re-commit the report1  for  
the purpose of preparing a resolution   
that ,congress has no  constitutional   
power to interfere with slavery in the  
,district of  ,columbia2 but when the   
sense of the ,house was to be taken on  
the  resolution reported by the         
committees1 all debate was prevented by 

the  previous question4    ,whereas1 it 
is extremely important and desirable    
that the ,,agitation on  this subject   
should be finally ,,arrested1 for the   
purpose of restoring  tranquillity to   
the public mind1 your committee         
respectfully recommend  the following   
resolution4    ,,order ,,reigns ,,in    
,,warsaw1 were the terms in which the   
triumph of ,russia  over the liberties  
of ,poland was announced to the world4  
,when the right  of petition shall be   
broken down--when no whisper shalt be   
heard in  ,congress in behalf of human  
rights--when the press shall be muzzled1
 and  the freedom of speech destroyed by
 gag-laws1 then will the slaveholders   
announce1 that ,,tranquillity ,,is      
,,restored ,,to ,,the ,,public ,,mind6  
,fellow countrymen6 is such the         
tranquillity you desire--is such the    
heritage you would leave to your        
children8 ,suffer not the present       
outrage1 by effecting its avowed object1
 to invite farther aggressions  on your 

rights4 ,the chairman of the committee  
boasted that the number of  petitioners 
the present session1 for the abolition  
of slavery in the  ,district1 was only  
thirty-four thousand6 ,let us resolve1  
we beseech  you1 that at the next       
session the number shall be ,a          
,,million4 ,perhaps our  one hundred and
 seventeen representatives will then    
abandon in despair  their present       
dangerous and unconstitutional expedient
 for tranquilizing  the public mind4    
,the purpose of this address1 is not to 
urge upon you our own views of  the     
sinfulness of slavery1 and the safety of
 its immediate abolition2  but to call  
your attention to the conduct of your   
rulers4 ,let no one  think for a moment1
 that because he is not an abolitionist1
 his  liberties are not and will not be 
invaded4 ,we have no rights1 distinct   
from the rights of the whole people4    
,calumny1 falsehood1 and popular        
violence1 have been employed in vain1 to
 tranquilize abolitionists4 ,it  is now 

proposed to soothe them1 by despoiling  
them of their  ,constitutional rights2  
but they cannot be despoiled alone4 ,the
 right  of petition and the freedom of  
debate are as sacred and valuable to    
those who dissent from our opinions1 as 
they are to ourselves4 ,can the         
,constitution at the same time secure   
liberty to you1 and expose us to        
oppression--give you freedom of speech1 
and lock our lips--respect your  right  
of petition1 and treat ours with        
contempt8 ,no1 fellow  countrymen6--we  
must be all free1 or all slaves         
together4 ,we implore  you1 then1 by all
 the obligations of interest1 of        
patriotism1 and of  religion--by the    
remembrance of your ,fathers--by your   
love for your  children1 to unite with  
us in maintaining our common1 and till  
lately1  our unquestioned political     
rights4    ,we ask you as men to insist 
that your servants acting as the local  
legislators of the ,district of         
,columbia1 shall respect the common     

rights  and decencies of humanity4--,we 
ask you as freemen1 not to permit your  
constitutional privileges to be trifled 
with1 by those who have sworn to        
maintain them4--,we ask you as          
,christian men1 to remember that by     
sanctioning the sinful acts of your     
agents1 you yourselves assume their     
guilt4    ,we have no candidates to     
recommend to your favor--we ask not your
  support for any political party2 but  
we do ask you to give your  suffrages   
hereafter only to such men as you have  
reason to believe will  not sacrifice   
your rights1 and their own obligations1 
and the claims of  mercy and the        
commands of ,god1 to an iniquitous and  
mercenary ,,compact4  ,if we cannot have
 northern ,presidents and other officers
 of the general  government except in   
exchange for freedom of conscience1 of  
speech1 of  the press and of            
legislation1 then let all the           
appointments at  ,washington be given to
 the ,south4 ,if slaveholders will not  

trade with  us1 unless we consent to be 
slaves ourselves1 then let us leave     
their  money1 and their sugar1 and their
 cotton1 to perish with them4    ,fellow
 countrymen6 we wish1 we recommend no   
action whatever1  inconsistent with the 
laws and constitutions of our country1  
or the  precepts of our common religion1
 but we beseech you to join with us in  
resolving1 that while we will respect   
the rights of others1 we will at  every 
hazard maintain our own4    ,in behalf  
of the ,american ,anti-,slavery         
,society4      ,,arthur ,,tappan1       
,,wm4 ,,jay1                 ,,jno4     
,,rankin1              ,,lewis ,,tappan1
              ,s4,s4 ,,jocelyn1         
,s4,e4 ,,cornish1                       
,executive ,committee4    ,,joshua      
,,leavitt1         _/    ,,abraham ,l4  
,,cox1        _/    ,,amos ,a4 ,,phelps1
       _/    ,,la ,,roy ,,sunderland1   
_/    ,,theo4 ,s4 ,,wright1    _/       
,,elizur ,,wright1 ,,jr4 _/             
99       99       99       99       99  

,published by the ,american             
,anti-,slavery ,society1 corner of      
,spruce and  ,nassau ,streets4          
,,the ,,anti-,,slavery ,,examiner4      
,,vol4 ,i4     ,,september #ahcf4       
,no4 #b4          ,,appeal    ,,to ,,the
    ,,christian ,,women ,,of ,,the      
,,south1          ,,by ,a4,e4 ,,grimk4  
,then ,mordecai commanded to answer     
,esther1 ,think not within      thyself 
that thou shalt escape in the king's    
house more than all      the ,jews4 ,for
 if thou altogether holdest thy peace at
 this time1      then shall there       
enlargement and deliverance arise to the
 ,jews      from another place3 but thou
 and thy father's house shall be        
destroyed3 and who knoweth whether thou 
art come to the kingdom      for such a 
time as this4 ,and ,esther bade them    
return ,mordecai      this answer3--and 
so will ,i go in unto the king1 which is
 not      according to law1 and if ,i   
perish1 ,i perish4 ,esther ,,iv4        
#ac-af4      ,,respected ,,friends1     

,it is because ,i feel a deep and tender
 interest in your present and  eternal  
welfare that ,i am willing thus publicly
 to address you4 ,some of  you have     
loved me as a relative1 and some have   
felt bound to me in  ,christian         
sympathy1 and ,gospel fellowship2 and   
even when compelled by a  strong sense  
of duty1 to break those outward bonds of
 union which bound  us together as      
members of the same community1 and      
members of the same  religious          
denomination1 you were generous enough  
to give me credit1 for  sincerity as a  
,christian1 though you believed ,i had  
been most strangely  deceived4 ,i       
thanked you then for your kindness1 and 
,i ask you now1 for  the sake of former 
confidence1 and former friendship1 to   
read the  following pages in the spirit 
of calm investigation and fervent       
prayer4  ,it is because you have known  
me1 that ,i write thus unto you4    ,but
 there are other ,christian women       
scattered over the ,southern ,states1   

and of these1 a very large number have  
never seen me1 and never heard my  name1
 and feel no personal interest whatever 
in me4 ,but ,i feel an  interest in you1
 as branches of the same vine from whose
 root ,i daily  draw the principle of   
spiritual vitality--,yes6 ,sisters in   
,christ ,i feel  an interest in you1 and
 often has the secret prayer arisen on  
your  behalf1 ,lord open thou their eyes
 that they may see wondrous things out  
of thy ,law--,it is then1 because ,i do 
feel and do pray for you1 that  ,i thus 
address you upon a subject about which  
of all others1 perhaps you  would rather
 not hear any thing2 but1 would to ,god 
ye could bear with  me a little in my   
folly1 and indeed bear with me1 for ,i  
am jealous over  you with godly         
jealousy4 ,be not afraid then to read my
 appeal2 it is  not written in the heat 
of passion or prejudice1 but in that    
solemn  calmness which is the result of 
conviction and duty4 ,it is true1 ,i am 
going to tell you unwelcome truths1 but 

,i mean to speak those truths in  love1 
and remember ,solomon says1 faithful are
 the wounds of a  friend4 ,i do not     
believe the time has yet come when      
,christian women  will not endure sound 
doctrine1 even on the subject of        
,slavery1 if it  is spoken to them in   
tenderness and love1 therefore ,i now   
address you4             99       99    
99       99       99                    
,,postage4--,this periodical contains   
four and a half sheets4 ,postage under  
#ajj miles1 #f #c-d cents2 over #ajj    
miles1 #aa #a-d cents4 ,please read and 
circulate4    ,to all of you then1 known
 or unknown1 relatives or strangers1    
7for you  are all one to ,christ17 ,i   
would speak4 ,i have felt for you at    
this  time1 when unwelcome light is     
pouring in upon the world on the subject
  of slavery2 light which even          
,christians would exclude1 if they      
could1  from our country1 or at any rate
 from the southern portion of it1       
saying1 as its rays strike the rock     

bound coasts of ,new ,england and       
scatter their warmth and radiance over  
her hills and valleys1 and from  thence 
travel onward over the ,palisades of the
 ,hudson1 and down the soft  flowing    
waters of the ,delaware and gild the    
waves of the ,potomac1  hitherto shalt  
thou come and no further2 ,i know that  
even professors  of ,his name who has   
been emphatically called the ,light of  
the world  would1 if they could1 build a
 wall of adamant around the ,southern   
,states  whose top might reach unto     
heaven1 in order to shut out the light  
which  is bounding from mountain to     
mountain and from the hills to the      
plains  and valleys beneath1 through the
 vast extent of our ,northern ,states4  
,but  believe me1 when ,i tell you1     
their attempts will be as utterly       
fruitless  as were the efforts of the   
builders of ,babel2 and why8 ,because   
moral1  like natural light1 is so       
extremely subtle in its nature as to    
overleap  all human barriers1 and laugh 

at the puny efforts of man to control   
it4  ,all the excuses and palliations of
 this system must inevitably be swept   
away1 just as other refuges of lies have
 been1 by the irresistible  torrent of a
 rectified public opinion4 ,the         
supporters of the slave  system1 says   
,jonathan ,dymond in his admirable work 
on the ,principles of  ,morality1 will  
hereafter be regarded with the same     
public feeling1  as he who was an       
advocate for the slave trade now is4 ,it
 will be1 and  that very soon1 clearly  
perceived and fully acknowledged by all 
the  virtuous and the candid1 that in   
principle it is as sinful to hold a     
human being in bondage who has been born
 in ,carolina1 as one who has  been born
 in ,africa4 ,all that sophistry of     
argument which has been  employed to    
prove1 that although it is sinful to    
send to ,africa to  procure men and     
women as slaves1 who have never been in 
slavery1 that  still1 it is not sinful  
to keep those in bondage who have come  

down by  inheritance1 will be utterly   
overthrown4 ,we must come back to the   
good  old doctrine of our forefathers   
who declared to the world1 this self    
evident truth that all men are created  
equal1 and that they have  certain      
inalienable rights among which are life1
 liberty1 and the  pursuit of happiness4
 ,it is even a greater absurdity to     
suppose a man  can be legally born a    
slave under our free ,republican        
,government1 than  under the petty      
despotisms of barbarian ,africa4 ,if    
then1 we have no  right to enslave an   
,african1 surely we can have none to    
enslave an  ,american2 if it is a self  
evident truth that all men1 every where 
and  of every color are born equal1 and 
have an inalienable right to  liberty1  
then it is equally true that no man can 
be born a slave1 and  no man can ever   
rightfully be reduced to involuntary    
bondage and  held as a slave1 however   
fair may be the claim of his master or  
mistress  through wills and title-deeds4

    ,but after all1 it may be said1 our 
fathers were certainly mistaken1 for    
the ,bible sanctions ,slavery1 and that 
is the highest authority4 ,now the      
,bible is my ultimate appeal in all     
matters of faith and practice1 and it   
is to this test ,i am anxious to bring  
the subject at issue between us4  ,let  
us then begin with ,adam and examine the
 charter of privileges which  was given 
to him4 ,have dominion over the fish of 
the sea1 and over the  fowl of the air1 
and over every living thing that moveth 
upon the  earth4 ,in the eighth ,psalm  
we have a still fuller description of   
this  charter which through ,adam was   
given to all mankind4 ,thou madest him  
to  have dominion over the works of thy 
hands2 thou hast put all things  under  
his feet4 ,all sheep and oxen1 yea1 and 
the beasts of the field1  the fowl of   
the air1 the fish of the sea1 and       
whatsoever passeth through  the paths of
 the seas4 ,and after the flood when    
this charter of human  rights was       

renewed1 we find no additional power    
vested in man4 ,and  the fear of you and
 the dread of you shall be upon every   
beast of the  earth1 and every fowl of  
the air1 and upon all that moveth upon  
the  earth1 and upon all the fishes of  
the sea1 into your hand are they        
delivered4 ,in this charter1 although   
the different kinds of  irrational      
beings are so particularly enumerated1  
and supreme dominion  over all of them  
is granted1 yet man is never vested with
 this  dominion over his fellow man2 he 
was never told that any of the human    
species were put under his feet2 it was 
only all things1 and man1  who was      
created in the image of his ,maker1     
never can properly be  termed a thing1  
though the laws of ,slave ,states do    
call him a chattel  personal2 ,man then1
 ,i assert never was put under the feet 
of man1  by that first charter of human 
rights which was given by ,god1 to the  
,fathers of the ,antediluvian and       
,postdiluvian worlds1 therefore this    

doctrine of equality is based on the    
,bible4    ,but it may be argued1 that  
in the very chapter of ,genesis from    
which ,i  have last quoted1 will be     
found the curse pronounced upon ,canaan1
 by  which his posterity was consigned  
to servitude under his brothers ,shem   
and ,japheth4 ,i know this prophecy was 
uttered1 and was most fearfully  and    
wonderfully fulfilled1 through the      
immediate descendants of ,canaan1  i4e4 
the ,canaanites1 and ,i do not know but 
it has been through all the  children of
 ,ham1 but ,i do know that prophecy does
 not tell us what  ought to be1 but what
 actually does take place1 ages after it
 has been  delivered1 and that if we    
justify ,america for enslaving the      
children of  ,africa1 we must also      
justify ,egypt for reducing the children
 of ,israel  to bondage1 for the latter 
was foretold as explicitly as the       
former4 ,i  am well aware that prophecy 
has often been urged as an excuse for   
,slavery1 but be not deceived1 the      

fulfillment of prophecy will not  cover 
one sin in the awful day of account4    
,hear what our ,saviour says  on this   
subject2 it must needs be that offences 
come1 but woe unto  that man through    
whom they come--,witness some           
fulfillment of this  declaration in the 
tremendous destruction of ,jerusalem1   
occasioned by  that most nefarious of   
all crimes the crucifixion of the ,son  
of ,god4 ,did  the fact of that event   
having been foretold1 exculpate the     
,jews from sin  in perpetrating it2     
,no--for hear what the ,apostle ,peter  
says to them on  this subject1 ,him     
being delivered by the determinate      
counsel and  foreknowledge of ,god1 ye  
have taken1 and by wicked hands have    
crucified and slain4 ,other striking    
instances might be adduced1 but  these  
will suffice4    ,but it has been urged 
that the patriarchs held slaves1 and    
therefore1  slavery is right4 ,do you   
really believe that patriarchal         
servitude was  like ,american slavery8  

,can you believe it8 ,if so1 read the   
history of  these primitive fathers of  
the church and be undeceived4 ,look at  
,abraham1 though so great a man1 going  
to the herd himself and fetching a  calf
 from thence and serving it up with his 
own hands1 for the  entertainment of his
 guests4 ,look at ,sarah1 that princess 
as her name  signifies1 baking cakes    
upon the hearth4 ,if the servants they  
had were  like ,southern slaves1 would  
they have performed such comparatively  
menial offices for themselves8 ,hear too
 the plaintive lamentation of  ,abraham 
when he feared he should have no son to 
bear his name down to  posterity4       
,behold thou hast given me no seed1 c41 
one born in my house  is mine heir4     
,from this it appears that one of his   
servants was to  inherit his immense    
estate4 ,is this like ,southern slavery8
 ,i leave it to  your own good sense and
 candor to decide4 ,besides1 such was   
the footing  upon which ,abraham was    
with his servants1 that he trusted them 

with  arms4 ,are slaveholders willing to
 put swords and pistols into the hands  
of their slaves8 ,he was as a father    
among his servants2 what are  planters  
and masters generally among theirs8     
,when the institution of  circumcision  
was established1 ,abraham was commanded 
thus2 ,he that is  eight days old shall 
be circumcised among you1 every         
man-child in your  generations2 he that 
is born in the house1 or bought with    
money of any  stranger which is not of  
thy seed4 ,and to render this command   
with  regard to his servants still more 
impressive it is repeated in the  very  
next verse2 and herein we may perceive  
the great care which was  taken by ,god 
to guard the rights of servants even    
under this dark  dispensation4 ,what too
 was the testimony given to the         
faithfulness of  this eminent patriarch4
 ,for ,i know him that he will command  
his  children and his household after   
him1 and they shall keep the way of  the
 ,lord to do justice and judgment4 ,now 

my dear friends many of you  believe    
that circumcision has been superseded by
 baptism in the ,church2  ,are you      
careful to have all that are born in    
your house or bought  with money of any 
stranger1 baptized8 ,are you as faithful
 as ,abraham  to command your household 
to keep the way of the ,lord8 ,i leave  
it to  your own consciences to decide4  
,was patriarchal servitude then like    
,american ,slavery8    ,but ,i shall be 
told1 ,god sanctioned ,slavery1 yea     
commanded ,slavery under  the ,jewish   
,dispensation4 ,let us examine this     
subject calmly and  prayerfully4 ,i     
admit that a species of servitude was   
permitted to the  ,jews1 but in studying
 the subject ,i have been struck with   
wonder and  admiration at perceiving how
 carefully the servant was guarded from 
violence1 injustice and wrong4 ,i will  
first inform you how these  servants    
became servants1 for ,i think this a    
very important part of our  subject4    
,from consulting ,horne1 ,calmet and the

 ,bible1 ,i find there were  six        
different ways by which the ,hebrews    
became servants legally4    #a4 ,if     
reduced to extreme poverty1 a ,hebrew   
might sell himself1 i4e4 his  services1 
for six years1 in which case he received
 the purchase money  himself4 ,lev4 xxv1
 #ci4    #b4 ,a father might sell his   
children as servants1 i4e4 his          
daughters1  in which circumstance it was
 understood the daughter was to be the  
wife  or daughter-in-law of the man who 
bought her1 and the father received  the
 price4 ,in other words1 ,jewish women  
were sold as white women were  in the   
first settlement of ,virginia--as wives1
 not as slaves4 ,ex4  xxi1 #g4    #c4   
,insolvent debtors might be delivered to
 their creditors as servants4  #b ,kings
 iv1 #a4    #d4 ,thieves not able to    
make restitution for their thefts1 were 
sold for  the benefit of the injured    
person4 ,ex4 xxii1 #c4    #e4 ,they     
might be born in servitude4 ,ex4 xxi1   
#d4    #f4 ,if a ,hebrew had sold       

himself to a rich ,gentile1 he might be 
redeemed  by one of his brethren at any 
time the money was offered2 and he who  
redeemed him1 was not to take advantage 
of the favor thus conferred1  and rule  
over him with rigor4 ,lev4 xxv1 #dg-ee4 
,before going into an examination of the
 laws by which these servants  were     
protected1 ,i would just ask whether    
,american slaves have become  slaves in 
any of the ways in which the ,hebrews   
became servants4 ,did they  sell        
themselves into slavery and receive the 
purchase money into their  own hands8   
,no6 ,did they become insolvent1 and by 
their own imprudence  subject themselves
 to be sold as slaves8 ,no6 ,did they   
steal the property  of another1 and were
 they sold to make restitution for their
 crimes8 ,no6  ,did their present       
masters1 as an act of kindness1 redeem  
them from some  heathen tyrant to whom  
they had sold themselves in the dark    
hour of  adversity8 ,no6 ,were they born
 in slavery8 ,no6 ,no6 not according to 

,jewish ,law1 for the servants who were 
born in servitude among them1  were born
 of parents who had sold themselves for 
six years3 ,ex4 xxi1  #d4 ,were the     
female slaves of the ,south sold by     
their fathers8 ,how shall  ,i answer    
this question8 ,thousands and tens of   
thousands never were1  their fathers    
never have received the poor            
compensation of silver or  gold for the 
tears and toils1 the suffering1 and     
anguish1 and hopeless  bondage of their 
daughters4 ,they labor day by day1 and  
year by year1  side by side1 in the same
 field1 if haply their daughters are    
permitted  to remain on the same        
plantation with them1 instead of being  
as they  often are1 separated from their
 parents and sold into distant states1  
never again to meet on earth4 ,but do   
the fathers of the ,south ever sell     
their daughters8 ,my heart beats1 and my
 hand trembles1 as ,i write the  awful  
affirmative1 ,yes6 ,the fathers of this 
,christian land often sell  their       

daughters1 not as ,jewish parents did1  
to be the wives and  daughters-in-law of
 the man who buys them1 but to be the   
abject slaves  of petty tyrants and     
irresponsible masters4 ,is it not so1 my
 friends8 ,i  leave it to your own      
candor to corroborate my assertion4     
,southern slaves  then have not become  
slaves in any of the six different ways 
in which  ,hebrews became servants1 and 
,i hesitate not to say that ,american   
masters  cannot according to ,jewish law
 substantiate their claim to the men1   
women1 or children they now hold in     
bondage4    ,but there was one way in   
which a ,jew might illegally be reduced 
to  servitude2 it was this1 he might he 
stolen and afterwards sold as a  slave1 
as was ,joseph4 ,to guard most          
effectually against this dreadful  crime
 of manstealing1 ,god enacted this      
severe law4 ,he that stealeth a  man and
 selleth him1 or if he be found in his  
hand1 he shall surely be  put to        
death,a4 ,as ,i have tried ,american    

,slavery by legal ,hebrew  servitude1   
and found1 7to your surprise1 perhaps17 
that ,jewish law  cannot justify the    
slaveholder's claim1 let us now try it  
by illegal  ,hebrew bondage4 ,have the  
,southern slaves then been stolen8 ,if  
they did  not sell themselves into      
bondage2 if they were not sold as       
insolvent  debtors or as thieves2 if    
they were not redeemed from a heathen   
master  to whom they had sold           
themselves2 if they were not born in    
servitude  according to ,hebrew law2 and
 if the females were not sold by their  
fathers as wives and daughters-in-law to
 those who purchased them2 then  what   
shall we say of them8 what can we say of
 them8 but that according  to ,hebrew   
,law they have been stolen4    ,footnote
 ,a3 ,and again1 ,if a man be found     
stealing any of his brethren  of the    
children of ,israel1 and maketh         
merchandise of him1 or selleth  him2    
then that thief shall die1 and thou     
shalt put away evil from  among you4    

,deut4 xxiv1 #g4    ,but ,i shall be    
told that the ,jews had other servants  
who were absolute  slaves4 ,let us look 
a little into this also4 ,they had other
 servants who  were procured in two     
different ways4    #a4 ,captives taken  
in war were reduced to bondage instead  
of being  killed2 but we are not told   
that their children were enslaved4      
,deut4 xx1  #ad4    #b4 ,bondmen and    
bondmaids might be bought from the      
heathen round about  them2 these were   
left by fathers to their children after 
them1 but it  does not appear that the  
children of these servants ever were    
reduced  to servitude4 ,lev4 xxv1 #dd4  
,i will now try the right of the        
southern planter by the claims of       
,hebrew  masters over their heathen     
slaves4 ,were the southern slaves taken 
captive in war8 ,no6 ,were they bought  
from the heathen8 ,no6 for surely1  no  
one will now vindicate the slave-trade  
so far as to assert that  slaves were   
bought from the heathen who were        

obtained by that system of  piracy4 ,the
 only excuse for holding southern slaves
 is that they were  born in slavery1 but
 we have seen that they were not born in
 servitude  as ,jewish servants were1   
and that the children of heathen slaves 
were  not legally subjected to bondage  
even under the ,mosaic ,law4 ,how then  
have the slaves of the ,south been      
obtained8    ,i will next proceed to an 
examination of those laws which were    
enacted  in order to protect the ,hebrew
 and the ,heathen servant2 for ,i wish  
you  to understand that both are        
protected by ,him1 of whom it is said   
his  mercies are over all his works4 ,i 
will first speak of those which  secured
 the rights of ,hebrew servants4 ,this  
code was headed thus3    #a4 ,thou shalt
 not rule over him with rigor1 but shalt
 fear thy ,god4    #b4 ,if thou buy a   
,hebrew servant1 six years shall he     
serve1 and in the  seventh year he shall
 go out free for nothing4 ,ex4 xx1      
#b;,a4    ,footnote ,a3 ,and when thou  

sendest him out free from thee1 thou    
shalt  not let him go away empty3 ,thou 
shalt furnish him liberally out of thy  
flock and out of thy floor1 and out of  
thy wine-press3 of that wherewith  the  
,lord thy ,god hath blessed thee1 shalt 
thou give unto him4 ,deut4 xv1  #ac1    
#ad4    #c4 ,if he come in by himself1  
he shall go out by himself2 if he were  
married1 then his wife shall go out with
 him4    #d4 ,if his master have given  
him a wife and she have borne him sons  
and  daughters1 the wife and her        
children shall be his master's1 and he  
shall  go out by himself4    #e4 ,if the
 servant shall plainly say1 ,i love my  
master1 my wife1 and my  children2 ,i   
will not go out free2 then his master   
shall bring him unto  the ,judges1 and  
he shall bring him to the door1 or unto 
the door-post1  and his master shall    
bore his ear through with an awl1 and he
 shall  serve him forever4 ,ex4 xxi1    
#c-f4    #f4 ,if a man smite the eye of 
his servant1 or the eye of his maid1    

that  it perish1 he shall let him go    
free for his eye's sake4 ,and if he     
smite out his man servant's tooth or his
 maid servant's tooth1 he shall  let him
 go free for his tooth's sake4 ,ex4 xxi1
 #bf1 #bg4    #g4 ,on the ,sabbath rest 
was secured to servants by the fourth   
commandment4 ,ex4 xx1 #aj4    #h4       
,servants were permitted to unite with  
their masters three times in  every year
 in celebrating the ,passover1 the feast
 of ,pentecost1 and the  feast of       
,tabernacles2 every male throughout the 
land was to appear  before the ,lord at 
,jerusalem with a gift2 here the bond   
and the free  stood on common ground4   
,deut4 xvi4    #i4 ,if a man smite his  
servant or his maid with a rod1 and he  
die under  his hand1 he shall be surely 
punished4 ,notwithstanding1 if he       
continue a  day or two1 he shall not be 
punished1 for he is his money4 ,ex4 xxi1
 #bj1  #ba4    ,from these laws we learn
 that ,hebrew men servants were bound to
 serve  their masters only six years1   

unless their attachment to their        
employers1 their wives and children1    
should induce them to wish to  remain in
 servitude1 in which case1 in order to  
prevent the possibility  of deception on
 the part of the master1 the servant was
 first taken  before the magistrate1    
where he openly declared his intention  
of  continuing in his master's service1 
7probably a public register was kept  of
 such7 he was then conducted to the door
 of the house1 7in warm  climates doors 
are thrown open17 and there his ear was 
publicly  bored1 and by submitting to   
this operation he testified his         
willingness  to serve him forever1 i4e4 
during his life1 for ,jewish ,rabbins   
who  must have understood ,jewish       
slavery1 7as it is called17 affirm that 
servants were set free at the death of  
their masters and did not  descend to   
their heirs3 or that he was to serve him
 until the year of  ,jubilee1 when all  
servants were set at liberty4 ,to       
protect servants  from violence1 it was 

ordained that if a master struck out the
 tooth or  destroyed the eye of a       
servant1 that servant immediately became
 free1  for such an act of violence     
evidently showed he was unfit to possess
 the  power of a master1 and therefore  
that power was taken from him4 ,all     
servants enjoyed the rest of the        
,sabbath and partook of the privileges  
and festivities of the three great      
,jewish ,feasts2 and if a servant died  
under the infliction of chastisement1   
his master was surely to be  punished4  
,as a tooth for a tooth and life for    
life was the ,jewish law1  of course he 
was punished with death4 ,i know that   
great stress has been  laid upon the    
following verse3 ,notwithstanding1 if he
 continue a day or  two1 he shall not be
 punished1 for he is his money4         
,slaveholders1 and the apologists of    
slavery1 have eagerly seized upon  this 
little passage of scripture1 and held it
 up as the masters' ,magna  ,charta1 by 
which they were licensed by ,god himself

 to commit the  greatest outrages upon  
the defenceless victims of their        
oppression4 ,but1  my friends1 was it   
designed to be so8 ,if our ,heavenly    
,father would  protect by law the eye   
and the tooth of a ,hebrew servant1 can 
we for a  moment believe that he would  
abandon that same servant to the brutal 
rape of a master who would destroy even 
life itself4 ,do we not rather  see in  
this1 the only law which protected      
masters1 and was it not  right that in  
case of the death of a servant1 one or  
two days after  chastisement was        
inflicted1 to which other circumstances 
might have  contributed1 that the master
 should be protected when1 in all       
probability1 he never intended to       
produce so fatal a result8 ,but the     
phrase he is his money has been adduced 
to show that ,hebrew servants  were     
regarded as mere things1 chattels       
personal2 if so1 why were so  many laws 
made to secure their rights as men1 and 
to ensure their  rising into equality   

and freedom8 ,if they were mere things1 
why were  they regarded as responsible  
beings1 and one law made for them as    
well  as for their masters8 ,but ,i pass
 on now to the consideration of how the 
female ,jewish servants were protected  
by law4    #a4 ,if she please not her   
master1 who hath betrothed her to       
himself1 then  shall he let her be      
redeemed3 to sell her unto another      
nation he shall  have no power1 seeing  
he hath dealt deceitfully with her4     
#b4 ,if he have betrothed her unto his  
son1 he shall deal with her after  the  
manner of daughters4    #c4 ,if he take 
him another wife1 her food1 her raiment1
 and her duty of  marriage1 shall he not
 diminish4    #d4 ,if he do not these   
three unto her1 then shall she go out   
free  without money4    ,on these laws  
,i will give you ,calmet's remarks2 ,a  
father could not sell  his daughter as a
 slave1 according to the ,rabbins1 until
 she was at the  age of puberty1 and    
unless he were reduced to the utmost    

indigence4  ,besides1 when a master     
bought an ,israelitish girl1 it was     
always with  the presumption that he    
would take her to wife4 ,hence ,moses   
adds1 if  she please not her master1 and
 he does not think fit to marry her1 he 
shall set her at liberty1 or according  
to the ,hebrew1 he shall let her  be    
redeemed4 ,to sell her to another nation
 he shall have no power1  seeing he hath
 dealt deceitfully with her2 as to the  
engagement  implied1 at least of taking 
her to wife4 ,if he have betrothed her  
unto  his son1 he shall deal with her   
after the manner of daughters1 i4e4 he  
shall take care that his son uses her as
 his wife1 that he does not  despise or 
maltreat her4 ,if he make his son marry 
another wife1 he shall  give her her    
dowry1 her clothes and compensation for 
her virginity2 if  he does none of these
 three1 she shall go out free without   
money4  ,thus were the rights of female 
servants carefully secured by law under 
the ,jewish ,dispensation2 and now ,i   

would ask1 are the rights of female     
slaves at the ,south thus secured8 ,are 
they sold only as wives and             
daughters-in-law1 and when not treated  
as such1 are they allowed to go  out    
free8 ,no6 ,they have all not only been 
illegally obtained as  servants         
according to ,hebrew law1 but they are  
also illegally held in  bondage4        
,masters at the ,south and ,west have   
all forfeited their claims1  7if they   
ever had any17 to their female slaves4  
,we come now to examine the case of     
those servants who were of the  heathen 
round about2 ,were they left entirely   
unprotected by law8  ,horne in speaking 
of the law1 ,thou shalt not rule over   
him with rigor1  but shalt fear thy     
,god1 remarks1 this law ,lev4 xxv1 #dc2 
it is true  speaks expressly of slaves  
who were of ,hebrew descent2 but as     
alien  born slaves were ingrafted into  
the ,hebrew ,church by circumcision1    
there is no doubt but that it applied to
 all slaves2 if so1 then we  may        

reasonably suppose that the other       
protective laws extended to them  also2 
and that the only difference between    
,hebrew and ,heathen servants  lay in   
this1 that the former served but six    
years unless they chose to  remain      
longer2 and were always freed at the    
death of their masters2  whereas the    
latter served until the year of         
,jubilee1 though that might  include a  
period of forty-nine years1--and were   
left from father to son4    ,there are  
however two other laws which ,i have not
 yet noticed4 ,the one  effectually     
prevented all involuntary servitude1 and
 the other  completely abolished ,jewish
 servitude every fifty years4 ,they were
  equally operative upon the ,heathen   
and the ,hebrew4    #a4 ,thou shall not 
deliver unto his master the servant that
 is escaped  from his master unto thee4 
,he shall dwell with thee1 even among   
you1 in  that place which he shall      
choose1 in one of thy gates where it    
liketh  him best3 thou shall not oppress

 him4 ,deut4 xxxiii2 #ae1 #af4    #b4   
,and ye shall hallow the fiftieth year1 
and proclaim ,liberty  throughout all   
the land1 unto all the inhabitants      
thereof3 it shall  be a jubilee unto    
you4 ,deut4 xxv1 #aj4    ,here1 then1 we
 see that by this first law1 the door of
 ,freedom was  opened wide to every     
servant who had any cause whatever for  
complaint2  if he was unhappy with his  
master1 all he had to do was to leave   
him1  and no man had a right to deliver 
him back to him again1 and not only  so1
 but the absconded servant was to choose
 where he should live1 and  no ,jew was 
permitted to oppress him4 ,he left his  
master just as our  ,northern servants  
leave us2 we have no power to compel    
them to remain  with us1 and no man has 
any right to oppress them2 they go and  
dwell in  that place where it chooseth  
them1 and live just where they like4 ,is
 it  so at the ,south8 ,is the poor     
runaway slave protected by law from the 
violence of that master whose oppression

 and cruelty has driven him from  his   
plantation or his house8 ,no6 no6 ,even 
the free states of the ,north  are      
compelled to deliver unto his master the
 servant that is escaped  from his      
master into them4 ,by human law1 under  
the ,christian  ,dispensation1 in the   
nineteenth century we are commanded to  
do1 what  ,god more than three thousand 
years ago1 under the ,mosaic            
,dispensation1 positively commanded the 
,jews not to do4 ,in the wide  domain   
even of our free states1 there is not   
one city of refuge for  the poor runaway
 fugitive2 not one spot upon which he   
can stand and say1  ,i am a free man--,i
 am protected in my rights as a man1 by 
the strong  arm of the law2 no6 not one4
 ,how long the ,north will thus shake   
hands  with the ,south in sin1 ,i know  
not4 ,how long she will stand by like   
the  persecutor ,saul1 consenting unto  
the death of ,stephen1 and keeping the  
raiment of them that slew him1 ,i know  
not2 but one thing ,i do know1 the      

guilt of the ,north is increasing in a  
tremendous ratio as light is  pouring in
 upon her on the subject and the sin of 
slavery4 ,as the sun of  righteousness  
climbs higher and higher in the moral   
heavens1 she will  stand still more and 
more abashed as the query is thundered  
down into  her ear1 ,who hath required  
this at thy hand8 ,it will be found no  
excuse then that the ,constitution of   
our country required that persons  bound
 to service escaping from their masters 
should be delivered up2 no  more excuse 
than was the reason which ,adam assigned
 for eating the  forbidden fruit4 ,he   
was condemned and punished because he   
hearkened to  the voice of his wife1    
rather than to the command of his       
,maker2 and  we will assuredly be       
condemned and punished for obeying ,man 
rather  than ,god1 if we do not speedily
 repent and bring forth fruits meet for 
repentance4 ,yea1 are we not receiving  
chastisement even now8    ,but by the   
second of these laws a still more       

astonishing fact is  disclosed4 ,if the 
first effectually prevented all         
involuntary  servitude1 the last        
absolutely forbade even voluntary       
servitude being  perpetual4 ,on the     
great day of atonement every fiftieth   
year the  ,jubilee trumpet was sounded  
throughout the land of ,judea1 and      
,liberty  was proclaimed to all the     
inhabitants thereof4 ,i will not say    
that the  servants' chains fell off and 
their manacles were burst1 for there  is
 no evidence that ,jewish servants ever 
felt the weight of iron  chains1 and    
collars1 and handcuffs2 but ,i do say   
that even the man who  had voluntarily  
sold himself and the heathen who had    
been sold to a  ,hebrew master1 were set
 free1 the one as well as the other4    
,this law was  evidently designed to    
prevent the oppression of the poor1 and 
the  possibility of such a thing as     
perpetual servitude existing among      
them4    ,where1 then1 ,i would ask1 is 
the warrant1 the justification1 or the  

palliation of ,american ,slavery from   
,hebrew servitude8 ,how many of the     
southern slaves would now be in bondage 
according to the laws of ,moses2  ,not  
one4 ,you may observe that ,i have      
carefully avoided using the term        
slavery when speaking of ,jewish        
servitude2 and simply for this reason1  
that no such thing existed among that   
people2 the word translated  servant    
does not mean slave1 it is the same that
 is applied to  ,abraham1 to ,moses1 to 
,elisha and the prophets generally4     
,slavery then  never existed under the  
,jewish ,dispensation at all1 and ,i    
cannot but  regard it as an aspersion on
 the character of ,him who is glorious  
in  ,holiness for any one to assert that
 ,god sanctioned1 yea commanded  slavery
 under the old dispensation4 ,i would   
fain lift my feeble voice  to vindicate 
,jehovah's character from so foul a     
slander4 ,if slaveholders  are          
determined to hold slaves as long as    
they can1 let them not dare to  say that

 the ,god of mercy and of truth ever    
sanctioned such a system  of cruelty and
 wrong4 ,it is blasphemy against ,him4  
,we have seen that the code of laws     
framed by ,moses with regard to         
servants was designed to protect them as
 men and women1 to secure to  them their
 rights as human beings1 to guard them  
from oppression and  defend them from   
violence of every kind4 ,let us now turn
 to the ,slave  laws of the ,south and  
,west and examine them too4 ,i will give
 you the  substance only1 because ,i    
fear ,i shall trespass too much on your 
time1  were ,i to quote them at length4 
#a4 ,slavery is hereditary and          
perpetual1 to the last moment of the    
slave's earthly existence1 and to all   
his descendants to the latest           
posterity4    #b4 ,the labor of the     
slave is compulsory and uncompensated2  
while the  kind of labor1 the amount of 
toil1 the time allowed for rest1 are    
dictated solely by the master4 ,no      
bargain is made1 no wages given4 ,a     

pure despotism governs the human brute2 
and even his covering and  provender1   
both as to quantity and quality1 depend 
entirely on the  master's discretion,a4 
,footnote ,a3 ,there are laws in some of
 the slave states1 limiting the  labor  
which the master may require of the     
slave to fourteen hours daily4  ,in some
 of the states there are laws requiring 
the masters to furnish a  certain amount
 of food and clothing1 as for instance1 
one quart of  corn per day1 or one peck 
per week1 or one bushel per month1 and  
one linen shirt and pantaloons for the  
summer1 and a linen shirt and  woolen   
great coat and pantaloons for the       
winter1 c4 ,but still1 to  use the      
language of ,judge ,stroud the slave is 
entirely under the  control of his      
master1--is unprovided with a           
protector1--and1 especially  as he      
cannot be a witness or make complaint in
 any known mode against  his master1 the
 apparent object of these laws may      
always be defeated4  ,,ed4    #c4 ,the  

slave being considered a personal       
chattel may be sold or pledged1  or     
leased at the will of his master4 ,he   
may be exchanged for marketable         
commodities1 or taken in execution for  
the debts or taxes either of a  living  
or dead master4 ,sold at auction1 either
 individually1 or in lots  to suit the  
purchaser1 he may remain with his       
family1 or be separated  from them for  
ever4    #d4 ,slaves can make no        
contracts and have no legal right to any
  property1 real or personal4 ,their own
 honest earnings and the legacies  of   
friends belong in point of law to their 
masters4    #e4 ,neither a slave nor a  
free colored person can be a witness    
against  any white1 or free person1 in a
 court of justice1 however atrocious    
may have been the crimes they have seen 
him commit1 if such testimony  would be 
for the benefit of a slave2 but they may
 give testimony  against a fellow slave1
 or free colored man1 even in cases     
affecting  life1 if the master is to    

reap the advantage of it4    #f4 ,the   
slave may be punished at his master's   
discretion--without  trial--without any 
means of legal redress2 whether his     
offence be real  or imaginary2 and the  
master can transfer the same despotic   
power to any  person or persons1 he may 
choose to appoint4    #g4 ,the slave is 
not allowed to resist any free man under
 any  circumstances1 his only safety    
consists in the fact that his owner  may
 bring suit and recover the price of his
 body1 in case his life is  taken1 or   
his limbs rendered unfit for labor4     
#h4 ,slaves cannot redeem themselves1 or
 obtain a change of masters1  though    
cruel treatment may have rendered such a
 change necessary for  their personal   
safety4    #i4 ,the slave is entirely   
unprotected in his domestic relations4  
#aj4 ,the laws greatly obstruct the     
manumission of slaves1 even where the   
master is willing to enfranchise them4  
#aa4 ,the operation of the laws tends to
 deprive slaves of religious            

instruction and consolation4    #ab4    
,the whole power of the laws is exerted 
to keep slaves in a state of  the lowest
 ignorance4    #ac4 ,there is in this   
country a monstrous inequality of law   
and right4  ,what is a trifling fault in
 the white man1 is considered highly    
criminal in the slave2 the same offences
 which cost a white man a few  dollars  
only1 are punished in the negro with    
death4    #ad4 ,the laws operate most   
oppressively upon free people of        
color,a4    ,footnote ,a3  ,see ,mrs4   
,child's ,appeal1 ,chap4 ,,ii4    ,shall
 ,i ask you now my friends1 to draw the 
parallel between ,jewish  servitude and 
,american slavery8 ,no6 ,for there is no
 likeness in  the two systems2 ,i ask   
you rather to mark the contrast4 ,the   
laws of  ,moses protected servants in   
their rights as men and women1 guarded  
them from oppression and defended them  
from wrong4 ,the ,code ,noir of the     
,south robs the slave of all his rights 
as a man1 reduces him to a  chattel     

personal1 and defends the master in the 
exercise of the most  unnatural and     
unwarrantable power over his slave4     
,they each bear the  impress of the hand
 which formed them4 ,the attributes of  
justice and  mercy are shadowed out in  
the ,hebrew code2 those of injustice and
  cruelty1 in the ,code ,noir of        
,america4 ,truly it was wise in the     
slaveholders of the ,south to declare   
their slaves to be chattels  personal2  
for before they could be robbed of      
wages1 wives1 children1  and friends1 it
 was absolutely necessary to deny they  
were human beings4  ,it is wise in them1
 to keep them in abject ignorance1 for  
the strong man  armed must be bound     
before we can spoil his house--the      
powerful  intellect of man must be bound
 down with the iron chains of nescience 
before we can rob him of his rights as a
 man2 we must reduce him to a  thing2   
before we can claim the right to set our
 feet upon his neck1  because it was    
only all things which were originally   

put under the  feet of man by the       
,almighty and ,beneficent ,father of    
all1 who has  declared himself to be no 
respecter of persons1 whether red1      
white1 or  black4    ,but some have even
 said that ,jesus ,christ did not       
condemn slavery4 ,to  this ,i reply1    
that our ,holy ,redeemer lived and      
preached among the ,jews  only4 ,the    
laws which ,moses had enacted fifteen   
hundred years previous to  his          
appearance among them1 had never been   
annulled1 and these laws  protected     
every servant in ,palestine4 ,that he   
saw nothing of  perpetual servitude is  
certain from the simple declaration made
 by  himself in ,john1 viii1 #ce4 ,the  
servant abideth not in the house for    
ever1 the son abideth ever4 ,if then ,he
 did not condemn ,jewish  temporary     
servitude1 this does not prove that he  
would not have  condemned such a        
monstrous system as that of ,,american  
slavery1 if that  had existed among     
them4 ,but did not ,jesus condemn       

slavery8 ,let us  examine some of his   
precepts4 ,whatsoever ye would that men 
should do  to you1 do ye even so to     
them4 ,let every slaveholder apply these
  queries to his own heart2 ,am ,i      
willing to be a slave--,am ,i willing   
to see my husband the slave of          
another--,am ,i willing to see my       
mother a slave1 or my father1 my white  
sister1 or my white brother8  ,if not1  
then in holding others as slaves1 ,i am 
doing what ,i would  not wish to be done
 to me or any relative ,i have2 and thus
 have ,i  broken this golden rule which 
was given me to walk by4    ,but some   
slaveholders have said1 we were never in
 bondage to any man1  and therefore the 
yoke of bondage would be insufferable to
 us1 but  slaves are accustomed to it1  
their backs are fitted to the burden4   
,well1  ,i am willing to admit that you 
who have lived in freedom would find    
slavery even more oppressive than the   
poor slave does1 but then you may  try  
this question in another form--,am ,i   

willing to reduce my little  child to   
slavery8 ,you know that if it is brought
 up a slave1 it will  never know any    
contrast between freedom and bondage2   
its back will  become fitted to the     
burden just as the negro child's        
does--not by  nature--but by daily1     
violent pressure1 in the same way that  
the head  of the ,indian child becomes  
flattened by the boards in which it is  
bound4 ,it has been justly remarked that
 ,god never made a slave1 he  made man  
upright2 his back was not made to carry 
burdens as the slave  of another1 nor   
his neck to wear a yoke1 and the man    
must be crushed  within him1 before his 
back can be fitted to the burden of     
perpetual  slavery2 and that his back is
 not fitted to it1 is manifest by the   
insurrections that so often disturb the 
peace and security of  slave-holding    
countries4 ,who ever heard of a         
rebellion of the beasts of  the field2  
and why not8 simply because they were   
all placed under the  feet of man1 into 

whose hand they were delivered2 it was  
originally  designed that they should   
serve him1 therefore their necks have   
been  formed for the yoke1 and their    
backs for the burden2 but not so with   
man1 intellectual1 immortal man6 ,i     
appeal to you1 my friends1 as  mothers2 
,are you willing to enslave your        
children8 ,you start back with  horror  
and indignation at such a question4 ,but
 why1 if slavery is no  wrong to those  
upon whom it is imposed8 why1 if1 as has
 often been  said1 slaves are happier   
than their masters1 freer from the cares
 and  perplexities of providing for     
themselves and their families8 why not  
place your children in the way of being 
supported without your having  the      
trouble to provide for them1 or they for
 themselves8 ,do you not  perceive that 
as soon as this golden rule of action is
 applied to  yourselves1 that you       
involuntarily shrink from the test2 as  
soon as  your actions are weighed in    
this balance of the sanctuary1 that you 

are found wanting8 ,try yourselves by   
another of the ,divine precepts1  ,thou 
shalt love thy neighbor as thyself4 ,can
 we love a man as we  love ourselves if 
we do1 and continue to do unto him1 what
 we would  not wish any one to do to us8
 ,look too1 at ,christ's example1 what  
does  he say of himself1 ,i came not to 
be ministered unto1 but to  minister4   
,can you for a moment imagine the meek1 
and lowly1 and  compassionate ,saviour1 
a slaveholder8 do you not shudder at    
this  thought as much as at that of his 
being a warrior8 ,but why1 if slavery   
is not sinful8    ,again1 it has been   
said1 the ,apostle ,paul did not condemn
 ,slavery1 for  he sent ,onesimus back  
to ,philemon4 ,i do not think it can be 
said he sent  him back1 for no coercion 
was made use of4 ,onesimus was not      
thrown into  prison and then sent back  
in chains to his master1 as your runaway
  slaves often are--this could not      
possibly have been the case1 because    
you know ,paul as a ,jew1 was bound to  

protect the runaway1 he had no  right to
 send any fugitive back to his master4  
,the state of the case  then seems to   
have been this4 ,onesimus had been an   
unprofitable servant  to ,philemon and  
left him--he afterwards became converted
 under the  ,apostle's preaching1 and   
seeing that he had been to blame in his 
conduct1 and desiring by future fidelity
 to atone for past error1 he  wished to 
return1 and the ,apostle gave him the   
letter we now have as a  recommendation 
to ,philemon1 informing him of the      
conversion of ,onesimus1  and entreating
 him as ,paul the aged to receive him1  
not now as a  servant1 but above a      
servant1 a brother beloved1 especially  
to me1  but how much more unto thee1    
both in the flesh and in the ,lord4 ,if 
thou  count me therefore as a partner1  
receive him as myself4 ,this then       
surely cannot be forced into a          
justification of the practice of        
returning runaway slaves back to their  
masters1 to be punished with  cruel     

beatings and scourgings as they often   
are4 ,besides the word  ,greek3 doulos  
here translated servant1 is the same    
that is made use of  in ,matt4 xviii1   
#bg4 ,now it appears that this servant  
owed his lord ten  thousand talents2 he 
possessed property to a vast amount4    
,onesimus could  not then have been a   
slave1 for slaves do not own their      
wives1 or  children2 no1 not even their 
own bodies1 much less property4 ,but    
again1  the servitude which the apostle 
was accustomed to1 must have been very  
different from ,american slavery1 for he
 says1 the heir 7or son71 as  long as he
 is a child1 differeth nothing from a   
servant1 though he be  lord of all4 ,but
 is under tutors and governors until the
 time  appointed of the father4 ,from   
this it appears1 that the means of      
instruction were provided for servants  
as well as children2 and  indeed we know
 it must have been so among the ,jews1  
because their  servants were not        
permitted to remain in perpetual        

bondage1 and  therefore it was          
absolutely necessary they should be     
prepared to occupy  higher stations in  
society than those of servants4 ,is it  
so at the  ,south1 my friends8 ,is the  
daily bread of instruction provided for 
your  slaves8 are their minds           
enlightened1 and they gradually prepared
 to  rise from the grade of menials into
 that of free1 independent members  of  
the state8 ,let your own statute book1  
and your own daily experience1  answer  
these questions4    ,if this apostle    
sanctioned slavery1 why did he exhort   
masters thus in  his epistle to the     
,ephesians1 and ye1 masters1 do the same
 things unto  them 7i4e4 perform your   
duties to your servants as unto ,christ1
 not unto  me7 forbearing threatening2  
knowing that your master also is in     
heaven1 neither is there respect of     
persons with him4 ,and in  ,colossians1 
,masters give unto your servants that   
which is just and  equal1 knowing that  
ye also have a master in heaven4 ,let   

slaveholders  only obey these           
injunctions of ,paul1 and ,i am         
satisfied slavery would  soon be        
abolished4 ,if he thought it sinful even
 to threaten servants1  surely he must  
have thought it sinful to flog and to   
beat them with  sticks and paddles2     
indeed1 when delineating the character  
of a bishop1  he expressly names this as
 one feature of it1 no striker4 ,let    
masters give unto their servants that   
which is just and equal1 and  all that  
vast system of unrequited labor would   
crumble into ruin4 ,yes1  and if they   
once felt they had no right to the labor
 of their servants  without pay1 surely 
they could not think they had a right to
 their  wives1 their children1 and their
 own bodies4 ,again1 how can it be said 
,paul sanctioned slavery1 when1 as      
though to put this matter beyond all    
doubt1 in that black catalogue of sins  
enumerated in his first epistle  to     
,timothy1 he mentions menstealers1 which
 word may be translated  slavedealers4  

,but you may say1 we all despise        
slavedealers as much  as any one can2   
they are never admitted into genteel or 
respectable  society4 ,and why not8 ,is 
it not because even you shrink back from
 the  idea of associating with those who
 make their fortunes by trading in the  
bodies and souls of men1 women1 and     
children8 whose daily work it is to     
break human hearts1 by tearing wives    
from their husbands1 and children  from 
their parents8 ,but why hold            
slavedealers as despicable1 if their    
trade is lawful and virtuous8 and why   
despise them more than the  gentlemen of
 fortune and standing who employ them as
 their agents8  ,why more than the      
professors of religion who barter their 
fellow-professors to them for gold and  
silver8 ,we do not despise the  land    
agent1 or the physician1 or the         
merchant1 and why8 ,simply because      
their professions are virtuous and      
honorable2 and if the trade of          
men-jobbers was honorable1 you would not

 despise them either4 ,there is  no     
difference in principle1 in ,christian  
ethics1 between the  despised           
slavedealer and the ,christian who buys 
slaves from1 or sells  slaves to him2   
indeed1 if slaves were not wanted by the
 respectable1 the  wealthy1 and the     
religious in a community1 there would be
 no slaves in  that community1 and of   
course no slavedealers4 ,it is then the 
,christians and the honorable men and   
women of the ,south1 who are  the main  
pillars of this grand temple built to   
,mammon and to ,moloch4  ,it is the most
 enlightened in every country who are   
most to blame  when any public sin is   
supported by public opinion1 hence      
,isaiah says1  ,when the ,lord hath     
performed his whole work upon mount     
,zion and on  ,jerusalem1 7then7 ,i will
 punish the fruit of the stout heart of 
the  king of ,assyria1 and the glory of 
his high looks4 ,and was it not so8     
,open the historical records of that    
age1 was not ,israel carried into       

captivity ,b4,c4 #fjf1 ,judah ,b4,c4    
#ehh1 and the stout heart of the heathen
  monarchy not punished until ,b4,c4    
#ecf1 fifty-two years after ,judah's1   
and seventy years after ,israel's       
captivity1 when it was overthrown by    
,cyrus1 king of ,persia8 ,hence1 too1   
the apostle ,peter says1 judgment  must 
begin at the house of ,god4 ,surely this
 would not be the case1 if  the         
professors of religion were not most    
worthy of blame4    ,but it may be      
asked1 why are they most culpable8 ,i   
will tell you1 my  friends4 ,it is      
because sin is imputed to us just in    
proportion to the  spiritual light we   
receive4 ,thus the prophet ,amos says1  
in the name of  ,jehovah1 ,you only have
 ,i known of all the families of the    
earth3  therefore ,i will punish you for
 all your iniquities4 ,hear too the     
doctrine of our ,lord on this important 
subject2 ,the servant who knew  his     
,lord's will and prepared not himself1  
neither did according to his  will1     

shall be beaten with many stripes3 and  
why8 ,for unto  whomsoever much is      
given1 of him shall much be required2   
and to  whom men have committed much1 of
 him they will ask the more4 ,oh6  then 
that the ,christians of the south would 
ponder these things in  their hearts1   
and awake to the vast responsibilities  
which rest upon  them at this important 
crisis4    ,i have thus1 ,i think1      
clearly proved to you seven             
propositions1 viz43  ,first1 that       
slavery is contrary to the declaration  
of our independence4  ,second1 that it  
is contrary to the first charter of     
human rights given  to ,adam1 and       
renewed to ,noah4 ,third1 that the fact 
of slavery having  been the subject of  
prophecy1 furnishes no excuse whatever  
to  slavedealers4 ,fourth1 that no such 
system existed under the patriarchal    
dispensation4 ,fifth1 that slavery never
 existed under the ,jewish              
dispensation2 but so far otherwise1 that
 every servant was placed under  the    

protection of law1 and care taken not   
only to prevent all  involuntary        
servitude1 but all voluntary perpetual  
bondage4 ,sixth1  that slavery in       
,america reduces a man to a thing1 a    
chattel  personal1 robs him of all his  
rights as a human being1 fetters  both  
his mind and body1 and protects the     
master in the most unnatural  and       
unreasonable power1 whilst it throws him
 out of the protection of  law4         
,seventh1 that slavery is contrary to   
the example and precepts of  our holy   
and merciful ,redeemer1 and of his      
apostles4    ,but perhaps you will be   
ready to query1 why appeal to women on  
this  subject8 ,we do not make the laws 
which perpetuate slavery4 ,no           
legislative power is vested in us2 we   
can do nothing to overthrow  the system1
 even if we wished to do so4 ,to this ,i
 reply1 ,i know you do  not make the    
laws1 but ,i also know that you are the 
wives and mothers1  the sisters and     
daughters of those who do2 and if you   

really suppose  you can do nothing to   
overthrow slavery1 you are greatly      
mistaken4 ,you  can do much in every    
way3 four things ,i will name4 #ast4    
,you can read on  this subject4 #b;d4   
,you can pray over this subject4 #c;d4  
,you can speak on  this subject4 #dth4  
,you can act on this subject4 ,i have   
not placed  reading before praying      
because ,i regard it more important1 but
 because1  in order to pray aright1 we  
must understand what we are praying for2
 it  is only then we can pray with the  
understanding and the spirit also4      
#a4 ,read then on the subject of        
slavery4 ,search the ,scriptures daily1 
whether the things ,i have told you are 
true4 ,other books and papers  might be 
a great help to you to this             
investigation1 but they are not         
necessary1 and it is hardly probable    
that your ,committees of ,vigilance     
will allow you to have any other4 ,the  
,bible then is the book ,i want  you to 
read in the spirit of inquiry1 and the  

spirit of prayer4 ,even the  enemies of 
,abolitionists1 acknowledge that their  
doctrines are drawn  from it4 ,in the   
great mob in ,boston1 last autumn1 when 
the books and  papers of the            
,anti-,slavery ,society1 were thrown out
 of the windows of  their office1 one   
individual laid hold of the ,bible and  
was about  tossing it out to the ground1
 when another reminded him that it was  
the  ,bible he had in his hand4 ,o6 'tis
 all one1 he replied1 and out went  the 
sacred volume1 along with the rest4 ,we 
thank him for the  acknowledgment4 ,yes1
 it is all one1 for our books and papers
 are  mostly commentaries on the ,bible1
 and the ,declaration4 ,read the ,bible 
then1 it contains the words of ,jesus1  
and they are spirit and life4  ,judge   
for yourselves whether he sanctioned    
such a system of oppression  and crime4 
#b4 ,pray over this subject4 ,when you  
have entered into your closets1 and     
shut to the doors1 then pray to your    
father1 who seeth in secret1 that  he   

would open your eyes to see whether     
slavery is sinful1 and if it  is1 that  
he would enable you to bear a faithful1 
open and un-shrinking  testimony against
 it1 and to do whatsoever your hands    
find to do1  leaving the consequences   
entirely to him1 who still says to us   
whenever  we try to reason away duty    
from the fear of consequences1 ,what is 
that  to thee1 follow thou me4 ,pray    
also for that poor slave1 that he may be
  kept patient and submissive under his 
hard lot1 until ,god is pleased to  open
 the door of freedom to him without     
violence or bloodshed4 ,pray too  for   
the master that his heart may be        
softened1 and he made willing to        
acknowledge1 as ,joseph's brethren did1 
,verily we are guilty concerning  our   
brother1 before he will be compelled to 
add in consequence of  ,divine judgment1
 therefore is all this evil come upon   
us4 ,pray also  for all your brethren   
and sisters who are laboring in the     
righteous  cause of ,emancipation in the

 ,northern ,states1 ,england and the    
world4  ,there is great encouragement   
for prayer in these words of our ,lord4 
,whatsoever ye shall ask the ,father in 
my name1 he will give it to  you--,pray 
then without ceasing1 in the closet and 
the social circle4    #c4 ,speak on this
 subject4 ,it is through the tongue1 the
 pen1 and the  press1 that truth is     
principally propagated4 ,speak then to  
your  relatives1 your friends1 your     
acquaintances on the subject of slavery2
  be not afraid if you are              
conscientiously convinced it is sinful1 
to  say so openly1 but calmly1 and to   
let your sentiments be known4 ,if you   
are served by the slaves of others1 try 
to ameliorate their condition as  much  
as possible2 never aggravate their      
faults1 and thus add fuel to the  fire  
of anger already kindled1 in a master   
and mistress's bosom2  remember their   
extreme ignorance1 and consider them as 
your ,heavenly  ,father does the less   
culpable on this account1 even when they

 do wrong  things4 ,discountenance all  
cruelty to them1 all starvation1 all    
corporal chastisement2 these may        
brutalize and  break their spirits1  but
 will never bend them to willing1       
cheerful obedience4 ,if possible1  see  
that they are comfortably and seasonably
 fed1 whether in the house  or the      
field2 it is unreasonable and cruel to  
expect slaves to wait for  their        
breakfast until eleven o'clock1 when    
they rise at five or six4 ,do  all you  
can1 to induce their owners to clothe   
them well1 and to allow  them many      
little indulgences which would          
contribute to their comfort4  ,above    
all1 try to persuade your husband1      
father1 brothers and sons1 that  slavery
 is a crime against ,god and man1 and   
that it is a great sin to  keep human   
beings in such abject ignorance2 to deny
 them the privilege  of learning to read
 and write4 ,the ,catholics are         
universally condemned1  for denying the 
,bible to the common people1 but1       

slaveholders must not  blame them1 for  
they are doing the very same thing1 and 
for the very  same reason1 neither of   
these systems can bear the light which  
bursts  from the pages of that ,holy    
,book4 ,and lastly1 endeavour to        
inculcate  submission on the part of the
 slaves1 but whilst doing this be       
faithful  in pleading the cause of the  
oppressed4        ,will you behold      
unheeding1    ,life's holiest feelings  
crushed1    ,where woman's heart is     
bleeding1    ,shall woman's voice be    
hushed8      #d4 ,act on this subject4  
,some of you own slaves yourselves4 ,if 
you  believe slavery is sinful1 set them
 at liberty1 undo the heavy  burdens and
 let the oppressed go free4 ,if they    
wish to remain with you1  pay them      
wages1 if not let them leave you4       
,should they remain teach  them1 and    
have them taught the common branches of 
an ,english education2  they have minds 
and those minds1 ought to be improved4  
,so precious a  talent as intellect1    

never was given to be wrapt in a napkin 
and buried  in the earth4 ,it is the    
duty of all1 as far as they can1 to     
improve  their own mental faculties1    
because we are commanded to love ,god   
with  all our minds1 as well as with all
 our hearts1 and we commit a great  sin1
 if we forbid or prevent that           
cultivation of the mind in others1      
which would enable them to perform this 
duty4 ,teach your servants then  to read
 c41 and encourage them to believe it is
 their duty to learn1  if it were only  
that they might read the ,bible4    ,but
 some of you will say1 we can neither   
free our slaves nor teach them  to read1
 for the laws of our state forbid it4   
,be not surprised when ,i  say such     
wicked laws ought to be no barrier in   
the way of your duty1  and ,i appeal to 
the ,bible to prove this position4 ,what
 was the conduct  of ,shiphrah and      
,puah1 when the king of ,egypt issued   
his cruel mandate1  with regard to the  
,hebrew children8 ,they feared ,god1 and

 did not  as the ,king of ,egypt        
commanded them1 but saved the men       
children alive4  ,did these women do    
right in disobeying that monarch8       
,therefore  7says the sacred text17 ,god
 dealt well with them1 and made them    
houses ,ex4 i4 ,what was the conduct of 
,shadrach1 ,meshach1 and ,abednego1     
when ,nebuchadnezzar set up a golden    
image in the plain of ,dura1 and        
commanded all people1 nations1 and      
languages1 to fall down and worship  it8
 ,be it known1 unto thee1 7said these   
faithful ,jews7 ,o king1 that  we will  
not serve thy gods1 nor worship the     
image which thou hast set  up4 ,did     
these men do right in disobeying the law
 of their sovereign8  ,let their        
miraculous deliverance from the burning 
fiery furnace1 answer2  ,dan4 iii4 ,what
 was the conduct of ,daniel1 when       
,darius made a firm decree  that no one 
should ask a petition of any man or ,god
 for thirty days8 ,did  the prophet     
cease to pray8 ,no6 ,when ,daniel knew  

that the writing was  signed1 he went   
into his house1 and his windows being   
open towards  ,jerusalem1 he kneeled    
upon his knees three times a day1 and   
prayed and  gave thanks before his ,god1
 as he did aforetime4 ,did ,daniel do   
right  thus to break the law of his     
king8 ,let his wonderful deliverance out
  of the mouths of the lions answer2    
,dan4 vii4 ,look1 too1 at the ,apostles 
,peter and ,john4 ,when the rulers of   
the ,jews1 commanded them not to  speak 
at all1 nor teach in the name of ,jesus1
 what did they say8  ,whether it be     
right in the sight of ,god1 to hearken  
unto you more than  unto ,god1 judge ye4
 ,and what did they do8 ,they spake the 
word of ,god  with boldness1 and with   
great power gave the ,apostles witness  
of the  resurrection of the ,lord       
,jesus2 although this was the very      
doctrine1 for the preaching of which1   
they had just been cast into  prison1   
and further threatened4 ,did these men  
do right8 ,i leave you to  answer1 who  

now enjoy the benefits of their labors  
and sufferings1 in  that ,gospel they   
dared to preach when positively         
commanded not to teach  any more in the 
name of ,jesus2 ,acts iv4    ,but some  
of you may say1 if we do free our       
slaves1 they will be taken up  and sold1
 therefore there will be no use in doing
 it4 ,peter and ,john  might just as    
well have said1 we will not preach the  
gospel1 for if we  do1 we shall be taken
 up and put in prison1 therefore there  
will be no  use in our preaching4       
,consequences1 my friends1 belong no    
more to  you1 than they did to these    
apostles4 ,duty is ours and events are  
,god's4 ,if you think slavery is sinful1
 all you have to do is to set  your     
slaves at liberty1 do all you can to    
protect them1 and in humble  faith and  
fervent prayer1 commend them to your    
common ,father4 ,he can  take care of   
them2 but if for wise purposes he sees  
fit to allow them to  be sold1 this will
 afford you an opportunity of testifying

 openly1  wherever you go1 against the  
crime of manstealing4 ,such an act will 
be  clear robbery1 and if exposed1      
might1 under the ,divine direction1 do  
the cause of ,emancipation more good1   
than any thing that could happen1  for1 
,he makes even the wrath of man to      
praise him1 and the remainder of  wrath 
he will restrain4    ,i know that this  
doctrine of obeying ,god1 rather than   
man1 will be  considered as dangerous1  
and heretical by many1 but ,i am not    
afraid  openly to avow it1 because it is
 the doctrine of the ,bible2 but ,i     
would  not be understood to advocate    
resistance to any law however           
oppressive1  if1 in obeying it1 ,i was  
not obliged to commit sin4 ,if for      
instance1  there was a law1 which       
imposed imprisonment or a fine upon me  
if ,i  manumitted a slave1 ,i would on  
no account resist that law1 ,i would set
  the slave free1 and then go to prison 
or pay the fine4 ,if a law commands  me 
to sin ,i will break it2 if it calls me 

to suffer1 ,i will let it  take its     
course unresistingly4 ,the doctrine of  
blind obedience and  unqualified        
submission to any human power1 whether  
civil or  ecclesiastical1 is the        
doctrine of despotism1 and ought to have
 no place  among ,republicans and       
,christians4    ,but you will perhaps   
say1 such a course of conduct would     
inevitably  expose us to great          
suffering4 ,yes6 my christian friends1  
,i believe it  would1 but this will not 
excuse you or any one else for the      
neglect of  duty4 ,if ,prophets and     
,apostles1 ,martyrs1 and ,reformers had 
not been  willing to suffer for the     
truth's sake1 where would the world have
 been  now8 ,if they had said1 we cannot
 speak the truth1 we cannot do what we  
believe is right1 because the laws of   
our country or public opinion are       
against us1 where would our holy        
religion have been now8 ,the ,prophets  
were stoned1 imprisoned1 and killed by  
the ,jews4 ,and why8 ,because they      

exposed and openly rebuked public sins2 
they opposed public opinion2 had  they  
held their peace1 they all might have   
lived in ease and died in  favor with a 
wicked generation4 ,why were the        
,apostles persecuted from  city to city1
 stoned1 incarcerated1 beaten1 and      
crucified8 ,because they  dared to speak
 the truth2 to tell the ,jews1 boldly   
and fearlessly1  that they were the     
murderers of the ,lord of ,glory1 and   
that1 however  great a stumbling-block  
the ,cross might be to them1 there was  
no other  name given under heaven by    
which men could be saved1 but the name  
of  ,jesus4 ,because they declared1 even
 at ,athens1 the seat of learning and   
refinement1 the self-evident truth1 that
 they be no gods that are made  with    
men's hands1 and exposed to the         
,grecians the foolishness of  worldly   
wisdom1 and the impossibility of        
salvation but through ,christ1  whom    
they despised on account of the         
ignominious death he died4 ,because  at 

,rome1 the proud mistress of the world1 
they thundered out the terrors  of the  
law upon that idolatrous1 war-making1   
and slave-holding  community4 ,why were 
the martyrs stretched upon the rack1    
gibbetted and  burnt1 the scorn and     
diversion of a ,nero1 whilst their      
tarred and  burning bodies sent up a    
light which illuminated the ,roman      
capital8 ,why  were the ,waldenses      
hunted like wild beasts upon the        
mountains of  ,piedmont1 and slain with 
the sword of the ,duke of ,savoy and the
 proud  monarch of ,france8 ,why were   
the ,presbyterians chased like the      
partridge  over the highlands of        
,scotland--the ,methodists pumped1 and  
stoned1 and  pelted with rotten         
eggs--the ,quakers incarcerated in      
filthy prisons1  beaten1 whipped at the 
cart's tail1 banished and hung8 ,because
 they  dared to speak the truth1 to     
break the unrighteous laws of their     
country1 and chose rather to suffer     
affliction with the people of ,god1  not

 accepting deliverance1 even under the  
gallows4 ,why were ,luther and  ,calvin 
persecuted and excommunicated1 ,cranmer1
 ,ridley1 and ,latimer  burnt8 ,because 
they fearlessly proclaimed the truth1   
though that truth  was contrary to      
public opinion1 and the authority of    
,ecclesiastical  councils and           
conventions4 ,now all this vast amount  
of human suffering  might have been     
saved4 ,all these ,prophets and         
,apostles1 ,martyrs1 and  ,reformers1   
might have lived and died in peace with 
all men1 but  following the example of  
their great pattern1 they despised the  
shame1  endured the cross1 and are now  
set down on the right hand of the throne
  of ,god1 having received the glorious 
welcome of well done good and  faithful 
servants1 enter ye into the joy of your 
,lord4    ,but you may say we are women1
 how can our hearts endure persecution8 
,and why not8 ,have not women stood up  
in all the dignity and strength  of     
moral courage to be the leaders of the  

people1 and to bear a faithful          
testimony for the truth whenever the    
providence of ,god has called them  to  
do so8 ,are there no women in that noble
 army of martyrs who are now  singing   
the song of ,moses and the ,lamb8 ,who  
led out the women of ,israel  from the  
house of bondage1 striking the timbrel1 
and singing the song of  deliverance on 
the banks of that sea whose waters stood
 up like walls of  crystal to open a    
passage for their escape8 ,it was a     
woman2 ,miriam1  the prophetess1 the    
sister of ,moses and ,aaron4 ,who went  
up with ,barak to  ,kadesh to fight     
against ,jabin1 ,king of ,canaan1 into  
whose hand ,israel  had been sold       
because of their iniquities8 ,it was a  
woman6 ,deborah the  wife of ,lapidoth1 
the judge1 as well as the prophetess of 
that  backsliding people2 ,judges iv1   
#i4 ,into whose hands was ,sisera1 the  
captain of ,jabin's host delivered8     
,into the hand of a woman4 ,jael the    
wife of ,heber6 ,judges vi1 #ba4 ,who   

dared to speak the truth concerning     
those judgments which were coming upon  
,judea1 when ,josiah1 alarmed at        
finding that his people had not kept the
 word of the ,lord to do after  all that
 was written in the book of the ,law1   
sent to enquire of the  ,lord concerning
 these things8 ,it was a woman4 ,huldah 
the prophetess1  the wife of ,shallum2  
#b1 ,chron4 xxxiv1 #bb4 ,who was chosen 
to deliver the  whole ,jewish nation    
from that murderous decree of ,persia's 
,king1 which  wicked ,haman had obtained
 by calumny and fraud8 ,it was a woman2 
,esther  the ,queen2 yes1 weak and      
trembling woman was the instrument      
appointed  by ,god1 to reverse the      
bloody mandate of the eastern monarch1  
and save  the whole visible church from 
destruction4 ,what human voice first    
proclaimed to ,mary that she should be  
the mother of our ,lord8 ,it was a      
woman6 ,elizabeth1 the wife of          
,zacharias2 ,luke i1 #db1 #dc4 ,who     
united  with the good old ,simeon in    

giving thanks publicly in the temple1   
when  the child1 ,jesus1 was presented  
there by his parents1 and spake of him  
to all them that looked for redemption  
in ,jerusalem8 ,it was a woman6  ,anna  
the prophetess4 ,who first proclaimed   
,christ as the true ,messiah in  the    
streets of ,samaria1 once the capital of
 the ten tribes8 ,it was a  woman6 ,who 
ministered to the ,son of ,god whilst on
 earth1 a despised  and persecuted      
,reformer1 in the humble garb of a      
carpenter8 ,they were  women6 ,who      
followed the rejected ,king of ,israel1 
as his fainting  footsteps trod the road
 to ,calvary8 ,a great company of people
 and of  women2 and it is remarkable    
that to them alone1 he turned and       
addressed the pathetic language1        
,daughters of ,jerusalem1 weep not for  
me1 but weep for yourselves and your    
children4 ,ah6 who sent unto the  ,roman
 ,governor when he was set down on the  
judgment seat1 saying unto  him1 ,have  
thou nothing to do with that just man1  

for ,i have suffered  many things this  
day in a dream because of him8 ,it was a
 woman6 the  wife of ,pilate4 ,although 
he knew that for envy the ,jews had     
delivered  ,christ1 yet he consented to 
surrender the ,son of ,god into the     
hands  of a brutal soldiery1 after      
having himself scourged his naked body4 
,had  the wife of ,pilate sat upon that 
judgment seat1 what would have been  the
 result of the trial of this just       
person8    ,and who last hung round the 
cross of ,jesus on the mountain of      
,golgotha8  ,who first visited the      
sepulchre early in the morning on the   
first day of  the week1 carrying sweet  
spices to embalm his precious body1 not 
knowing  that it was incorruptible and  
could not be holden by the bands of     
death8  ,these were women6 ,to whom did 
he first appear after his  resurrection8
 ,it was to a woman6 ,mary ,magdalene2  
,mark xvi1 #i4 ,who  gathered with the  
apostles to wait at ,jerusalem1 in      
prayer and  supplication1 for the       

promise of the ,father2 the spiritual   
blessing of  the ,great ,high ,priest of
 his ,church1 who had entered1 not into 
the  splendid temple of ,solomon1 there 
to offer the blood of bulls1 and of     
goats1 and the smoking censer upon the  
golden altar1 but into ,heaven  itself1 
there to present his intercessions1     
after having given himself  for us1 an  
offering and a sacrifice to ,god for a  
sweet smelling savor8  ,women were among
 that holy company2 ,acts i1 #ad4 ,and  
did women wait  in vain8 ,did those who 
had ministered to his necessities1      
followed in  his train1 and wept at his 
crucifixion1 wait in vain8 ,no6 ,no6    
,did the  cloven tongues of fire descend
 upon the heads of women as well as men8
  ,yes1 my friends1 it sat upon each one
 of them2 ,acts ii1 #c4 women  as well  
as men were to be living stones in the  
temple of grace1 and  therefore their   
heads were consecrated by the descent of
 the ,holy  ,ghost as well as those of  
men4 ,were women recognized as fellow   

laborers in the gospel field8 ,they     
were6 ,paul says in his epistle to the  
,philippians1 help those women who      
labored with me1 in the gospel2  ,phil4 
iv1 #c4    ,but this is not all4 ,roman 
women were burnt at the stake1 their    
delicate limbs were torn joint from     
joint by the ferocious beasts of the    
,amphitheatre1 and tossed by the wild   
bull in his fury1 for the diversion  of 
that idolatrous1 warlike1 and           
slaveholding people4 ,yes1 women        
suffered under the ten persecutions of  
heathen ,rome1 with the most            
unshrinking constancy and fortitude2 not
 all the entreaties of friends1  nor the
 claims of new born infancy1 nor the    
cruel threats of enemies  could make    
them sprinkle one grain of incense upon 
the altars of ,roman  idols4 ,come now  
with me to the beautiful valleys of     
,piedmont4 ,whose  blood stains the     
green sward1 and decks the wild flowers 
with colors not  their own1 and smokes  
on the sword of persecuting ,france8 ,it

 is  woman's1 as well as man's8 ,yes1   
women were accounted as sheep for  the  
slaughter1 and were cut down as the     
tender saplings of the wood4    ,but    
time would fail me1 to tell of all those
 hundreds and thousands of  women1 who  
perished in the ,low countries of       
,holland1 when ,alva's sword  of        
vengeance was unsheathed against the    
,protestants1 when the ,catholic        
,inquisitions of ,europe became the     
merciless executioners of vindictive    
wrath1 upon those who dared to worship  
,god1 instead of bowing down in  unholy 
adoration before my ,lord ,god the      
,pope1 and when ,england1 too1  burnt   
her ,ann ,ascoes at the stake of        
martyrdom4 ,suffice it to say1 that  the
 ,church1 after having been driven from 
,judea to ,rome1 and from ,rome  to     
,piedmont1 and from ,piedmont to        
,england1 and from ,england to ,holland1
  at last stretched her fainting wings  
over the dark bosom of the  ,atlantic1  
and found on the shores of a great      

wilderness1 a refuge from  tyranny and  
oppression--as she thought1 but even    
here1 7the warm blush  of shame mantles 
my cheek as ,i write it17 even here1    
woman was beaten  and banished1         
imprisoned1 and hung upon the gallows1 a
 trophy to the  ,cross4    ,and what1 ,i
 would ask in conclusion1 have women    
done for the great and  glorious cause  
of ,emancipation8 ,who wrote that       
pamphlet which moved the  heart of      
,wilberforce to pray over the wrongs1   
and his tongue to plead  the cause of   
the oppressed ,african8 ,it was a woman1
 ,elizabeth ,heyrick4  ,who labored     
assiduously to keep the sufferings of   
the slave continually  before the       
,british public8 ,they were women4 ,and 
how did they do it8 ,by  their needles1 
paint brushes and pens1 by speaking the 
truth1 and  petitioning ,parliament for 
the abolition of slavery4 ,and what was 
the  effect of their labors8 ,read it in
 the ,emancipation bill of ,great       
,britain4 ,read it1 in the present state

 of her ,west ,india ,colonies4 ,read   
it1 in the impulse which has been given 
to the cause of freedom1 in the  ,united
 ,states of ,america4 ,have ,english    
women then done so much for the  negro1 
and shall ,american women do nothing8   
,oh no6 ,already are there  sixty female
 ,anti-,slavery ,societies in operation4
 ,these are doing just  what the        
,english women did1 telling the story of
 the colored man's  wrongs1 praying for 
his deliverance1 and presenting his     
kneeling image  constantly before the   
public eye on bags and needle-books1    
card-racks1  pen-wipers1 pin-cushions1  
c4 ,even the children of the north are  
inscribing on their handy work1 ,may the
 points of our needles prick the        
slaveholder's conscience4 ,some of the  
reports of these ,societies  exhibit not
 only considerable talent1 but a deep   
sense of religious  duty1 and a         
determination to persevere through evil 
as well as good  report1 until every    
scourge1 and every shackle1 is buried   

under the feet  of the manumitted slave4
    ,the ,ladies' ,anti-,slavery        
,society of ,boston was called last     
fall1 to a  severe trial of their faith 
and constancy4 ,they were mobbed by the 
gentlemen of property and standing1 in  
that city at their anniversary  meeting1
 and their lives were jeoparded by an   
infuriated crowd2 but  their conduct on 
that occasion did credit to our sex1 and
 affords a full  assurance that they    
will never abandon the cause of the     
slave4 ,the  pamphlet1 ,right and ,wrong
 in ,boston1 issued by them in which a  
particular account is given of that mob 
of broad cloth in broad day1  does equal
 credit to the head and the heart of her
 who wrote it4 ,i wish  my ,southern    
sisters could read it2 they would then  
understand that the  women of the ,north
 have engaged in this work from a sense 
of religious  duty1 and that nothing    
will ever induce them to take their     
hands from  it until it is fully        
accomplished4 ,they feel no hostility to

 you1 no  bitterness or wrath2 they     
rather sympathize in your trials and    
difficulties2 but they well know that   
the first thing to be done to help  you1
 is to pour in the light of truth on    
your minds1 to urge you to  reflect on1 
and pray over the subject4 ,this is all 
they can do for  you1 you must work out 
your own deliverance with fear and      
trembling1  and with the direction and  
blessing of ,god1 you can do it4        
,northern  women may labor to produce a 
correct public opinion at the ,north1   
but if  ,southern women sit down in     
listless indifference and criminal      
idleness1  public opinion cannot be     
rectified and purified at the ,south4   
,it is  manifest to every reflecting    
mind1 that slavery must be abolished2   
the  era in which we live1 and the light
 which is overspreading the whole  world
 on this subject1 clearly show that the 
time cannot be distant when  it will be 
done4 ,now there are only two ways in   
which it can be  effected1 by moral     

power or physical force1 and it is for  
you to  choose which of these you       
prefer4 ,slavery always has1 and always 
will  produce insurrections wherever it 
exists1 because it is a violation of    
the natural order of things1 and no     
human power can much longer  perpetuate 
it4 ,the opposers of abolitionists fully
 believe this2 one of  them remarked to 
me not long since1 there is no doubt    
there will be a  most terrible          
overturning at the ,south in a few      
years1 such cruelty and  wrong1 must be 
visited with ,divine vengeance soon4    
,abolitionists  believe1 too1 that this 
must inevitably be the case1 if you do  
not  repent1 and they are not willing to
 leave you to perish without  entreating
 you1 to save yourselves from           
destruction2 well may they say  with the
 apostle1 am ,i then your enemy because 
,i tell you the truth1  and warn you to 
flee from impending judgments4    ,but  
why1 my dear friends1 have ,i thus been 
endeavoring to lead you  through the    

history of more than three thousand     
years1 and to point you  to that great  
cloud of witnesses who have gone before1
 from works to  rewards8 ,have ,i been  
seeking to magnify the sufferings1 and  
exalt the  character of woman1 that she 
might have praise of men8 ,no6 no6 my   
object has been to arouse you1 as the   
wives and mothers1 the daughters  and   
sisters1 of the ,south1 to a sense of   
your duty as women1 and as  ,christian  
women1 on that great subject1 which has 
already shaken our  country1 from the   
,st4 ,lawrence and the lakes1 to the    
,gulf of ,mexico1 and  from the         
,mississippi to the shores of the       
,atlantic2 and will continue  mightily  
to shake it1 until the polluted temple  
of slavery fall and  crumble into ruin4 
,i would say unto each one of you1 what 
meanest thou1  ,o sleeper6 arise and    
call upon thy ,god1 if so be that ,god  
will think  upon us that we perish not4 
,perceive you not that dark cloud of    
vengeance which hangs over our boasting 

,republic8 ,saw you not the  lightnings 
of ,heaven's wrath1 in the flame which  
leaped from the  ,indian's torch to the 
roof of yonder dwelling1 and lighted    
with its  horrid glare the darkness of  
midnight8 ,heard you not the thunders of
  ,divine anger1 as the distant roar of 
the cannon came rolling onward1  from   
the ,texian country1 where ,protestant  
,american ,rebels are fighting  with    
,mexican ,republicans--for what8 ,for   
the re-establishment of  slavery2 yes6  
of ,american slavery in the bosom of a  
,catholic ,republic1  where that system 
of robbery1 violence1 and wrong1 had    
been legally  abolished for twelve      
years4 ,yes6 citizens of the ,united    
,states1 after  plundering ,mexico of   
her land1 are now engaged in deadly     
conflict1 for  the privilege of         
fastening chains1 and collars1 and      
manacles--upon whom8  upon the subjects 
of some foreign prince8 ,no6 upon native
 born ,american  ,republican citizens1  
although the fathers of these very men  

declared to  the whole world1 while     
struggling to free themselves from the  
three  penny taxes of an ,english king1 
that they believed it to be a           
self-evident truth that all men were    
created equal1 and had an  unalienable  
right to liberty4    ,well may the poet 
exclaim in bitter sarcasm1        ,the  
fustian flag that proudly waves    ,in  
solemn mockery o'er a land of slaves4   
,can you not1 my friends1 understand the
 signs of the times2 do you not  see the
 sword of retributive justice hanging   
over the ,south1 or are you  still      
slumbering at your posts8--,are there no
 ,shiphrahs1 no ,puahs among  you1 who  
will dare in ,christian firmness and    
,christian meekness1 to  refuse to obey 
the wicked laws which require woman to  
enslave1 to  degrade and to brutalize   
woman8 ,are there no ,miriams1 who would
 rejoice  to lead out the captive       
daughters of the ,southern ,states to   
liberty and  light8 ,are there no       
,huldahs there who will dare to speak   

the truth  concerning the sins of the   
people and those judgments1 which it    
requires  no prophet's eye to see1 must 
follow if repentance is not speedily    
sought8 ,is there no ,esther among you  
who will plead for the poor devoted     
slave8 ,read the history of this        
,persian queen1 it is full of           
instruction2 she at first refused to    
plead for the ,jews2 but1 hear the      
words of ,mordecai1 ,think not within   
thyself1 that thou shalt escape  in the 
king's house more than all the ,jews1   
for if thou altogether  holdest thy     
peace at this time1 then shall there    
enlargement and  deliverance arise to   
the ,jews from another place3 but thou  
and thy  father's house shall be        
destroyed4 ,listen1 too1 to her         
magnanimous  reply to this powerful     
appeal2 ,i will go in unto the king1    
which is  not according to law1 and if  
,i perish4 ,i perish4 ,yes6 if there    
were but  one ,esther at the ,south1 she
 might save her country from ruin2 but  

let the ,christian women there arise1 as
 the ,christian women of ,great         
,britain did1 in the majesty of moral   
power1 and that salvation is  certain4  
,let them embody themselves in          
societies1 and send petitions up  to    
their different legislatures1 entreating
 their husbands1 fathers1  brothers and 
sons1 to abolish the institution of     
slavery2 no longer to  subject woman to 
the scourge and the chain1 to mental    
darkness and  moral degradation2 no     
longer to tear husbands from their      
wives1 and  children from their parents2
 no longer to make men1 women1 and      
children1  work without wages2 no longer
 to make their lives bitter in hard     
bondage2 no longer to reduce ,american  
citizens to the abject condition  of    
slaves1 of chattels personal2 no longer 
to barter the image of  ,god in human   
shambles for corruptible things such as 
silver and gold4    ,the women of the   
,south can overthrow this horrible      
system of  oppression and cruelty1      

licentiousness and wrong4 ,such appeals 
to your  legislatures would be          
irresistible1 for there is something in 
the heart  of man which will bend under 
moral suasion4 ,there is a swift witness
  for truth in his bosom1 which will    
respond to truth when it is uttered     
with calmness and dignity4 ,if you could
 obtain but six signatures to  such a   
petition in only one state1 ,i would    
say1 send up that petition1  and be not 
in the least discouraged by the scoffs  
and jeers of the  heartless1 or the     
resolution of the house to lay it on the
 table4 ,it  will be a great thing if   
the subject can be introduced into your 
legislatures in any way1 even by women1 
and they will be the most  likely to    
introduce it there in the best possible 
manner1 as a matter of  morals and      
religion1 not of expediency or politics4
 ,you may  petition1 too1 the different1
 ecclesiastical bodies of the slave     
states4  ,slavery must be attacked with 
the whole power of truth and the sword  

of  the spirit4 ,you must take it up on 
,christian ground1 and fight against  it
 with ,christian weapons1 whilst your   
feet are shod with the  preparation of  
the gospel of peace4 ,and you are now   
loudly called upon  by the cries of the 
widow and the orphan1 to arise and gird 
yourselves  for this great moral        
conflict1 with the whole armour of      
righteousness  upon the right hand and  
on the left4    ,there is every         
encouragement for you to labor and pray1
 my friends1  because the abolition of  
slavery as well as its existence1 has   
been the  theme of prophecy4 ,ethiopia  
7says the ,psalmist7 shall stretch forth
 her  hands unto ,god4 ,and is she not  
now doing so8 ,are not the ,christian   
negroes of the south lifting their hands
 in prayer for deliverance1 just  as the
 ,israelites did when their redemption  
was drawing nigh8 ,are they  not sighing
 and crying by reason of the hard       
bondage8 ,and think you1  that ,he1 of  
whom it was said1 and ,god heard their  

groaning1 and their  cry came up unto   
him by reason of the hard bondage1 think
 you that his  ear is heavy that he     
cannot now hear the cries of his        
suffering  children8 ,or that ,he who   
raised up a ,moses1 an ,aaron1 and a    
,miriam1 to  bring them up out of the   
land of ,egypt from the house of        
bondage1 cannot  now1 with a high hand  
and a stretched out arm1 rid the poor   
negroes out  of the hands of their      
masters8 ,surely you believe that his   
arm is not  shortened that he cannot    
save4 ,and would not such a work of     
mercy  redound to his glory8 ,but       
another string of the harp of prophecy  
vibrates to the song of deliverance3    
,but they shall sit every man under  his
 vine1 and under his fig-tree1 and none 
shall make them afraid2 for  the mouth  
of the ,lord of ,hosts hath spoken it4  
,the slave never can do  this as long as
 he is a slave2 whilst he is a chattel  
personal he  can own no property2 but   
the time is to come when every man is to

  sit under his own vine and his own    
fig-tree1 and no domineering  driver1 or
 irresponsible master1 or irascible     
mistress1 shall make him  afraid of the 
chain or the whip4 ,hear1 too1 the sweet
 tones of another  string3 ,many shall  
run to and fro1 and knowledge shall be  
increased4  ,slavery is an              
insurmountable barrier to the increase  
of knowledge in  every community where  
it exists2 slavery1 then1 must be       
abolished  before this prediction can be
 fulfiled4 ,the last chord ,i shall     
touch1  will be this1 ,they shall not   
hurt nor destroy in all my holy         
mountain4    ,slavery1 then1 must be    
overthrown before the prophecies can be 
accomplished1 but how are they to be    
fulfiled8 ,will the wheels of the       
millennial car be rolled onward by      
miraculous power8 ,no6 ,god designs to  
confer this holy privilege upon man2 it 
is through his  instrumentality that the
 great and glorious work of reforming   
the world  is to be done4 ,and see you  

not how the mighty engine of moral power
 is  dragging in its rear the ,bible and
 peace societies1 anti-slavery and      
temperance1 sabbath schools1 moral      
reform1 and missions8 or to adopt       
another figure1 do not these seven      
philanthropic associations compose  the 
beautiful tints in that bow of promise  
which spans the arch of our  moral      
heaven8 ,who does not believe1 that if  
these societies were broken  up1 their  
constitutions burnt1 and the vast       
machinery with which they  are laboring 
to regenerate mankind was stopped1 that 
the black clouds of  vengeance would    
soon burst over our world1 and every    
city would witness  the fate of the     
devoted cities of the plain8 ,each one  
of these societies  is walking abroad   
through the earth scattering the seeds  
of truth over  the wide field of our    
world1 not with the hundred hands of a  
,briareus1  but with a hundred thousand4
    ,another encouragement for you to   
labor1 my friends1 is1 that you will    

have the prayers and co-operation of    
,english and ,northern  philanthropists4
 ,you will never bend your knees in     
supplication at the  throne of grace for
 the overthrow of slavery1 without      
meeting there the  spirits of other     
,christians1 who will mingle their      
voices with yours1 as  the morning or   
evening sacrifice ascends to ,god4 ,yes1
 the spirit of  prayer and of           
supplication has been poured out upon   
many1 many hearts2  there are wrestling 
,jacobs who will not let go of the      
prophetic promises  of deliverance for  
the captive1 and the opening of prison  
doors to them  that are bound4 ,there   
are ,pauls who are saying1 in reference 
to this  subject1 ,lord1 what wilt thou 
have me to do8 ,there are ,marys sitting
  in the house now1 who are ready to    
arise and go forth is this work as  soon
 as the message is brought1 the master  
is come and calleth for  thee4 ,and     
there are ,marthas1 too1 who have       
already gone out to meet  ,jesus1 as he 

bends his footsteps to their brother's  
grave1 and weeps1  not over the lifeless
 body of ,lazarus bound hand and foot in
  grave-clothes1 but over the           
politically and intellectually lifeless 
slave1 bound hand and foot in the iron  
chains of oppression and  ignorance4    
,some may be ready to say1 as ,martha   
did1 who seemed to expect  nothing but  
sympathy from ,jesus1 ,lord1 by this    
time he stinketh1 for he  hath been dead
 four days4 ,she thought it useless to  
remove the stone  and expose the        
loathsome body of her brother2 she could
 not believe that  so great a miracle   
could be wrought1 as to raise that      
putrefied body  into life2 but ,jesus   
said1 take ye away the stone2 and when  
they  had taken away the stone where the
 dead was laid1 and uncovered the body  
of ,lazarus1 then it was that ,jesus    
lifted up his eyes and said1 ,father1   
,i thank thee that thou hast heard me1  
c4 ,and when he had thus spoken1  he    
cried with a loud voice1 ,lazarus1 come 

forth4 ,yes1 some may be ready  to say  
of the colored race1 how can they ever  
be raised politically  and              
intellectually1 they have been dead four
 hundred years8 ,but we  have nothing to
 do with how this is to be done2 our    
business is to  take away the stone     
which has covered up the dead body of   
our brother1  to expose the putrid      
carcass1 to show how that body has been 
bound  with the grave-clothes of heathen
 ignorance1 and his face with the       
napkin of prejudice1 and having done all
 it was our duty to do1 to stand  by the
 negro's grave1 in humble faith and holy
 hope1 waiting to hear the  life-giving 
command of ,lazarus1 come forth4 ,this  
is just what  ,anti-,slavery ,societies 
are doing2 they are taking away the     
stone from  the mouth of the tomb of    
slavery1 where lies the putrid carcass  
of our  brother4 ,they want the pure    
light of heaven to shine into that dark 
and  gloomy cave2 they want all men to  
see how that dead body has been  bound1 

how that face has been wrapped in the   
napkin of prejudice2  and shall they    
wait beside that grave in vain8 ,is not 
,jesus still the  resurrection and the  
life8 ,did ,he come to proclaim liberty 
to the  captive1 and the opening of     
prison doors to them that are bound1 in 
vain8 ,did ,he promise to give beauty   
for ashes1 the oil of joy for  mourning1
 and the garment of praise for the      
spirit of heaviness unto  them that     
mourn in ,zion1 and will ,he refuse to  
beautify the mind1 anoint  the head1 and
 throw around the captive negro the     
mantle of praise for  that spirit of    
heaviness which has so long bound him   
down to the ground8  ,or shall we not   
rather say with the prophet1 the zeal of
 the ,lord of  ,hosts will perform this8
 ,yes1 his promises are sure1 and amen  
in  ,christ ,jesus1 that he will        
assemble her that halteth1 and gather   
her  that is driven out1 and her that is
 afflicted4    ,but ,i will now say a   
few words on the subject of             

,abolitionism4 ,doubtless  you have all 
heard ,anti-,slavery ,societies         
denounced as insurrectionary  and       
mischievous1 fanatical and dangerous4   
,it has been said they publish  the most
 abominable untruths1 and that they are 
endeavoring to excite  rebellions at the
 ,south4 ,have you believed these       
reports1 my friends8  have you also been
 deceived by these false assertions8    
,listen to me1  then1 whilst ,i endeavor
 to wipe from the fair character of     
,abolitionism  such unfounded           
accusations4 ,you know that ,i am a     
,southerner2 you know  that my dearest  
relatives are now in a slave ,state4    
,can you for a moment  believe ,i would 
prove so recreant to the feelings of a  
daughter and a  sister1 as to join a    
society which was seeking to overthrow  
slavery by  falsehood1 bloodshed1 and   
murder8 ,i appeal to you who have known 
and  loved me in days that are passed1  
can you believe it8 ,no6 my friends4    
,as a ,carolinian1 ,i was peculiarly    

jealous of any movements on this        
subject2 and before ,i would join an    
,anti-,slavery ,society1 ,i took the    
precaution of becoming acquainted with  
some of the leading  ,abolitionists1 of 
reading their publications and attending
 their  meetings1 at which ,i heard     
addresses both from colored and white   
men2  and it was not until ,i was fully 
convinced that their principles were    
entirely pacific1 and their efforts only
 moral1 that ,i gave my name  as a      
member to the ,female ,anti-,slavery    
,society of ,philadelphia4 ,since  that 
time1 ,i have regularly taken the       
,liberator1 and read many               
,anti-,slavery pamphlets and papers and 
books1 and can assure you ,i  never have
 seen a single insurrectionary          
paragraph1 and never read any  account  
of cruelty which ,i could not believe4  
,southerners may deny the  truth of     
these accounts1 but why do they not     
prove them to be false4  ,their violent 
expressions of horror at such accounts  

being believed1  may deceive some1 but  
they cannot deceive me1 for ,i lived too
 long  in the midst of slavery1 not to  
know what slavery is4 ,when ,i speak of 
this system1 ,i speak that ,i do know1  
and ,i am not at all afraid to  assert1 
that ,anti-,slavery publications have   
not overdrawn the  monstrous features of
 slavery at all4 ,and many a ,southerner
 knows this  as well as ,i do4 ,a lady  
in ,north ,carolina remarked to a friend
 of mine1  about eighteen months since1 
,northerners know nothing at all about  
slavery2 they think it is perpetual     
bondage only2 but of the depth of       
degradation that word involves1 they    
have no conception2 if they had1  they  
would never cease their efforts until so
 horrible a system was  overthrown4 ,she
 did not know how faithfully some       
,northern men and  ,northern women had  
studied this subject2 how diligently    
they had  searched out the cause of him 
who had none to help him1 and how       
fearlessly they had told the story of   

the negro's wrongs4 ,yes1  ,northerners 
know every thing about slavery now4     
,this monster of  iniquity has been     
unveiled to the world1 her frightful    
features  unmasked1 and soon1 very soon 
will she be regarded with no more       
complacency by the ,american republic   
than is the idol of ,juggernaut1        
rolling its bloody wheels over the      
crushed bodies of its prostrate         
,victims4    ,but you will probably ask1
 if ,anti-,slavery societies are not    
insurrectionary1 why do ,northerners    
tell us they are8 ,why1 ,i would ask    
you in return1 did ,northern senators   
and ,northern representatives give      
their votes1 at the last sitting of     
congress1 to the admission of  ,arkansas
 ,territory as a state8 ,take those men1
 one by one1 and ask them  in their     
parlours1 do you approve of slavery8 ask
 them on ,northern  ground1 where they  
will speak the truth1 and ,i doubt not  
every man of  them will tell you1 no6   
,why then1 ,i ask1 did they give their  

votes  to enlarge the mouth of that     
grave which has already destroyed its   
tens  of thousands8 ,all our enemies    
tell us they are as much anti-slavery as
  we are4 ,yes1 my friends1 thousands   
who are helping you to bind the  fetters
 of slavery on the negro1 despise you in
 their hearts for doing  it2 they       
rejoice that such an institution has not
 been entailed upon  them4 ,why then1 ,i
 would ask1 do they lend you their help8
 ,i will tell  you1 they love the praise
 of men more than the praise of ,god4   
,the  ,abolition cause has not yet      
become so popular as to induce them to  
believe1 that by advocating it in       
congress1 they shall sit still more     
securely in their seats there1 and like 
the chief rulers in the days  of our    
,saviour1 though many believed on him1  
yet they did not confess  him1 lest they
 should be put out of the synagogue2    
,john xii1 #db1 #dc4  ,or perhaps like  
,pilate1 thinking they could prevail    
nothing1 and fearing  a tumult1 they    

determined to release ,barabbas and     
surrender the just  man1 the poor       
innocent slave to be stripped of his    
rights and scourged4  ,in vain will such
 men try to wash their hands1 and say1  
with the ,roman  governor1 ,i am        
innocent of the blood of this just      
person4 ,northern  ,american statesmen  
are no more innocent of the crime of    
slavery1 than  ,pilate was of the murder
 of ,jesus1 or ,saul of that of         
,stephen4 ,these are  high charges1 but 
,i appeal to their hearts2 ,i appeal to 
public opinion  ten years from now4     
,slavery then is a national sin4    ,but
 you will say1 a great many other       
,northerners tell us so1 who can  have  
no political motives4 ,the interests of 
the ,north1 you must know1 my  friends1 
are very closely combined with those of 
the ,south4 ,the ,northern  merchants   
and manufacturers are making their      
fortunes out of the  produce of slave   
labor2 the grocer is selling your rice  
and sugar2 how  then can these men bear 

a testimony against slavery without     
condemning  themselves8 ,but there is   
another reason1 the ,north is most      
dreadfully  afraid of ,amalgamation4    
,she is alarmed at the very idea of a   
thing so  monstrous1 as she thinks4 ,and
 lest this consequence might flow from  
emancipation1 she is determined to      
resist all efforts at emancipation      
without expatriation4 ,it is not because
 she approves of slavery1 or  believes  
it to be the corner stone of our        
republic1 for she is as much            
anti-slavery as we are2 but amalgamation
 is too horrible to think of4  ,now ,i  
would ask you1 is it right1 is it       
generous1 to refuse the  colored people 
in this country the advantages of       
education and the  privilege1 or rather 
the right1 to follow honest trades and  
callings  merely because they are       
colored8 ,the same prejudice exists here
 against  our colored brethren that     
existed against the ,gentiles in ,judea4
 ,great  numbers cannot bear the idea of

 equality1 and fearing lest1 if they had
  the same advantages we enjoy1 they    
would become as intelligent1 as  moral1 
as religious1 and as respectable and    
wealthy1 they are determined  to keep   
them as low as they possibly can4 ,is   
this doing as they would be  done by8   
,is this loving their neighbor as       
themselves8 ,oh6 that such  opposers of 
,abolitionism would put their souls in  
the stead of the free  colored man's and
 obey the apostolic injunction1 to      
remember them that  are in bonds as     
bound with them4 ,i will leave you to   
judge whether  the fear of amalgamation 
ought to induce men to oppose           
anti-slavery  efforts1 when they believe
 slavery to be sinful4 ,prejudice       
against  color1 is the most powerful    
enemy we have to fight with at the      
,north4    ,you need not be surprised1  
then1 at all1 at what is said against   
,abolitionists by the ,north1 for they  
are wielding a two-edged sword1  which  
even here1 cuts through the cords of    

caste1 on the one side1 and  the bonds  
of interest on the other4 ,they are only
 sharing the fate of  other reformers1  
abused and reviled whilst they are in   
the minority2 but  they are neither     
angry nor discouraged by the invective  
which has been  heaped upon them by     
slaveholders at the ,south and their    
apologists at  the ,north4 ,they know   
that when ,george ,fox and ,william     
,edmundson were  laboring in behalf of  
the negroes in the ,west ,indies in     
#afga that the  very same slanders were 
propogated against them1 which are now  
circulated against ,abolitionists4      
,although it was well known that ,fox   
was the founder of a religious sect     
which repudiated all war1 and  all      
violence1 yet even he was accused of    
endeavoring to excite the  slaves to    
insurrection and of teaching the negroes
 to cut their master's  throats4 ,and   
these two men who had their feet shod   
with the preparation  of the ,gospel of 
,peace1 were actually compelled to draw 

up a formal  declaration that they were 
not trying to raise a rebellion in      
,barbadoes4 ,it is also worthy of remark
 that these ,reformers did not at  this 
time see the necessity of emancipation  
under seven years1 and their  principal 
efforts were exerted to persuade the    
planters of the necessity  of           
instructing their slaves2 but the       
slaveholder saw then1 just what the     
slaveholder sees now1 that an           
enlightened population never can be a   
slave population1 and therefore they    
passed a law1 that negroes should  not  
even attend the meetings of ,friends4   
,abolitionists know that the  life of   
,clarkson was sought by slavetraders2   
and that even ,wilberforce  was         
denounced on the floor of ,parliament as
 a fanatic and a hypocrite by  the      
present ,king of ,england1 the very man 
who1 in #ahcd1 set his seal to  that    
instrument which burst the fetters of   
eight hundred thousand slaves  in his   
,west ,india colonies4 ,they know that  

the first ,quaker who bore a  faithful  
testimony against the sin of slavery was
 cut off from  religious fellowship with
 that society4 ,that ,quaker was a      
woman4 ,on  her deathbed she sent for   
the committee who dealt with her--she   
told  them1 the near approach of death  
had not altered her sentiments on the   
subject of slavery and waving her hand  
towards a very fertile and  beautiful   
portion of country which lay stretched  
before her window1 she  said with great 
solemnity1 ,friends1 the time will come 
when there will  not be friends enough  
in all this district to hold one meeting
 for  worship1 and this garden will be  
turned into a wilderness4    ,the aged  
friend1 who with tears in his eyes1     
related this interesting  circumstance  
to me1 remarked1 that at that time there
 were seven  meetings of friends in that
 part of ,virginia1 but that when he was
 there  ten years ago1 not a single     
meeting was held1 and the country was   
literally a desolation4 ,soon after her 

decease1 ,john ,woolman began his       
labors in our society1 and instead of   
disowning a member for testifying       
against slavery1 they have for fifty-two
 years positively forbidden  their      
members to hold slaves4                 
,abolitionists understand the           
slaveholding spirit too well to be      
surprised at any thing that has yet     
happened at the ,south or the ,north2   
they know that the greater the sin is1  
which is exposed1 the more  violent will
 be the efforts to blacken the character
 and impugn the  motives of those who   
are engaged in bringing to light the    
hidden things  of darkness4 ,they       
understand the work of ,reform too well 
to be driven  back by the furious waves 
of opposition1 which are only foaming   
out  their own shame4 ,they have stood  
the world's dread laugh1 when only      
twelve men formed the first             
,anti-,slavery ,society in ,boston in   
#ahca4 ,they  have faced and refuted the
 calumnies of their enemies1 and proved 

themselves to be emphatically peace men 
by never resisting the  violence of     
mobs1 even when driven by them from the 
temple of ,god1 and  dragged by an      
infuriated crowd through the streets of 
the emporium of  ,new-,england1 or      
subjected by slaveholders to the pain of
 corporal  punishment4 ,none of these   
things move them2 and1 by the grace of  
,god1  they are determined to persevere 
in this work of faith and labor of      
love3 they mean to pray1 and preach1 and
 write1 and print1 until slavery  is    
completely overthrown1 until ,babylon is
 taken up and cast into the  sea1 to be 
found no more at all4 ,they mean to     
petition ,congress year  after year1    
until the seat of our government is     
cleansed from the sinful  traffic of    
slaves and the souls of men4 ,although  
that august assembly  may be like the   
unjust judge who feared not ,god neither
 regarded man1  yet it must yield just  
as he did1 from the power of            
importunity4 ,like  the unjust judge1   

,congress must redress the wrongs of the
 widow1 lest  by the continual coming up
 of petitions1 it be wearied4 ,this will
 be  striking the dagger into the very  
heart of the monster1 and once 'tis     
done1 he must soon expire4              
,abolitionists have been accused of     
abusing their ,southern brethren4 ,did  
the prophet ,isaiah abuse the ,jews when
 he addressed to them the  cutting      
reproofs contained in the first chapter 
of his prophecies1 and  ended by telling
 them1 they would be ashamed of the oaks
 they had  desired1 and confounded for  
the garden they had chosen8 ,did ,john  
the  ,baptist abuse the ,jews when he   
called them a generation of vipers1  and
 warned them to bring forth fruits meet 
for repentance8 ,did ,peter  abuse the  
,jews when he told them they were the   
murderers of the ,lord  of ,glory8 ,did 
,paul abuse the ,roman ,governor when he
 reasoned before him  of righteousness1 
temperance1 and judgment1 so as to send 
conviction  home to his guilty heart1   

and cause him to tremble in view of the 
crimes  he was living in8 ,surely not4  
,no man will now accuse the prophets and
  apostles of abuse1 but what have      
,abolitionists done more than they8 ,no 
doubt the ,jews thought the prophets and
 apostles in their day1 just as  harsh  
and uncharitable as slaveholders now1   
think ,abolitionists2 if they  did not1 
why did they beat1 and stone1 and kill  
them8    ,great fault has been found    
with the prints which have been employed
 to  expose slavery at the ,north1 but  
my friends1 how could this be done so   
effectually in any other way8 ,until the
 pictures of the slave's  sufferings    
were drawn and held up to public gaze1  
no ,northerner had any  idea of the     
cruelty of the system1 it never entered 
their minds that  such abominations     
could exist in ,christian1 ,republican  
,america2 they  never suspected that    
many of the gentlemen and ladies who    
came from  the ,south to spend the      
summer months in travelling among them1 

were  petty tyrants at home4 ,and those 
who had lived at the ,south1 and came to
  reside at the ,north1 were too ashamed
 of slavery even to speak of it2  the   
language of their hearts was1 tell it   
not in ,gath1 publish it  not in the    
streets of ,askelon2 they saw no use in 
uncovering the  loathsome body to       
popular sight1 and in hopeless despair1 
wept in secret  places over the sins of 
oppression4 ,to such hidden mourners the
  formation of ,anti-,slavery ,societies
 was as life from the dead1 the first   
beams of hope which gleamed through the 
dark clouds of despondency and  grief4  
,prints were made use of to effect the  
abolition of the  ,inquisition in       
,spain1 and ,clarkson employed them when
 he was laboring to  break up the ,slave
 trade1 and ,english ,abolitionists used
 them just as we  are now doing4 ,they  
are powerful appeals and have invariably
 done the  work they were designed to   
do1 and we cannot consent to abandon the
 use  of these until the realities no   

longer exist4    ,with regard to those  
white men1 who1 it was said1 did try to 
raise an  insurrection in ,mississippi a
 year ago1 and who were stated to be    
,abolitionists1 none of them were proved
 to be members of ,anti-,slavery        
,societies1 and it must remain a matter 
of great doubt whether1 even they  were 
guilty of the crimes alledged against   
them1 because when any  community is    
thrown into such a panic as to inflict  
,lynch law upon  accused persons1 they  
cannot be supposed to be capable of     
judging with  calmness and impartiality4
 ,we know that the papers of which the  
,charleston mail was robbed1 were not   
insurrectionary1 and that they  were not
 sent to the colored people as was      
reported4 ,we know that  ,amos ,dresser 
was no insurrectionist though he was    
accused of being so1  and on this false 
accusation was publicly whipped in      
,nashville in the  midst of a crowd of  
infuriated slaveholders4 ,was that young
 man  disgraced by this infliction of   

corporal punishment8 ,no more than was  
the great apostle of the ,gentiles who  
five times received forty stripes1  save
 one4 ,like him1 he might have said1    
henceforth ,i bear in my body  the marks
 of the ,lord ,jesus1 for it was for the
 truth's sake1 he  suffered1 as much as 
did the ,apostle ,paul4 ,are ,nelson1   
and ,garrett1 and  ,williams1 and other 
,abolitionists who have recently been   
banished from  ,missouri1               
insurrectionists8 ,we know they are not1
 whatever  slaveholders may choose to   
call them4 ,the spirit which now        
asperses the  character of the          
,abolitionists1 is the very same which  
dressed up the  ,christians of ,spain in
 the skins of wild beasts and pictures  
of devils  when they were led to        
execution as heretics4 ,before we       
condemn  individuals1 it is necessary1  
even in a wicked community1 to accuse   
them  of some crime2 hence1 when        
,jezebel wished to compass the death of 
,naboth1 men of ,belial were suborned to

 bear false witness against him1  and so
 it was with ,stephen1 and so it ever   
has been1 and ever will be1  as long as 
there is any virtue to suffer on the    
rack1 or the gallows4  ,false witnesses 
must appear against ,abolitionists      
before they can be  condemned4    ,i    
will now say a few words on ,george     
,thompson's mission to this country4    
,this ,philanthropist was accused of    
being a foreign emissary4 ,were ,la     
,fayette1 and ,steuben1 and ,de ,kalb1  
foreign emissaries when they came  over 
to ,america to fight against the tories1
 who preferred submitting to  what was  
termed1 the yoke of servitude1 rather   
than bursting the  fetters which bound  
them to the mother country8 ,they came  
with carnal  weapons to engage in bloody
 conflict against ,american citizens1   
and  yet1 where do their names stand on 
the page of ,history4 ,among the        
honorable1 or the low8 ,thompson came   
here to war against the giant sin  of   
slavery1 not with the sword and the     

pistol1 but with the smooth  stones of  
oratory taken from the pure waters of   
the river of ,truth4 ,his  splendid     
talents and commanding eloquence        
rendered him a powerful  coadjutor in   
the ,anti-,slavery cause1 and in order  
to neutralize the  effects of these upon
 his auditors1 and rob the poor slave of
 the  benefits of his labors1 his       
character was defamed1 his life was     
sought1  and he at last driven from our 
,republic1 as a fugitive4 ,but was      
,thompson disgraced by all this mean and
 contemptible and wicked  chicanery and 
malice8 ,no more than was ,paul1 when in
 consequence of a  vision he had seen at
 ,troas1 he went over to ,macedonia to  
help the  ,christians there1 and was    
beaten and imprisoned1 because he cast  
out a  spirit of divination from a young
 damsel which had brought much gain to  
her masters4 ,paul was as much a foreign
 emissary in the ,roman colony  of      
,philippi1 as ,george ,thompson was in  
,america1 and it was because he  was a  

,jew1 and taught customs it was not     
lawful for them to receive or  observe1 
being ,romans1 that the ,apostle was    
thus treated4    ,it was said1 ,thompson
 was a felon1 who had fled to this      
country to  escape transportation to    
,new ,holland4 ,look at him now pouring 
the  thundering strains of his          
eloquence1 upon crowded audiences in    
,great  ,britain1 and see in this a     
triumphant vindication of his character4
 ,and  have the slaveholder1 and his    
obsequious apologist1 gained any thing  
by  all their violence and falsehood8   
,no6 for the stone which struck ,goliath
  of ,gath1 had already been thrown from
 the sling4 ,the giant of slavery  who  
had so proudly defied the armies of the 
living ,god1 had received his           
death-blow before he left our shores4   
,but what is ,george ,thompson doing    
there8 ,is he not now laboring there1 as
 effectually to abolish ,american       
slavery as though he trod our own soil1 
and lectured to ,new ,york or  ,boston  

assemblies8 ,what is he doing there1 but
 constructing a stupendous  dam1 which  
will turn the overwhelming tide of      
public opinion over the  wheels of that 
machinery which ,abolitionists are      
working here4 ,he is now  lecturing to  
,britons on ,american ,slavery1 to the  
subjects of a  ,king1 on the abject     
condition of the slaves of a ,republic4 
,he is  telling them of that mighty     
confederacy of petty tyrants which      
extends  ever thirteen ,states of our   
,union4 ,he is telling them of the      
munificent  rewards offered by          
slaveholders1 for the heads of the most 
distinguished  advocates for freedom in 
this country4 ,he is moving the ,british
 ,churches  to send out to the churches 
of ,america the most solemn appeals1    
reproving1 rebuking1 and exhorting them 
with all long suffering and  patience to
 abandon the sin of slavery immediately4
 ,where then ,i ask1  will the name of  
,george ,thompson stand on the page of  
,history8 ,among the  honorable1 or the 

base8    ,what can ,i say more1 my      
friends1 to induce you to set your      
hands1 and  heads1 and hearts1 to this  
great work of justice and mercy4        
,perhaps you  have feared the           
consequences of immediate ,emancipation1
 and been  frightened by all those      
dreadful prophecies of rebellion1       
bloodshed and  murder1 which have been  
uttered4 ,let no man deceive you2 they  
are the  predictions of that same lying 
spirit which spoke through the four     
thousand prophets of old1 to ,ahab king 
of ,israel1 urging him on to            
destruction4 ,slavery may produce these 
horrible scenes if it is  continued five
 years longer1 but ,emancipation never  
will4    ,i can prove the safety of     
immediate ,emancipation by history4 ,in 
,st4  ,domingo in #agic six hundred     
thousand slaves were set free in a white
  population of forty-two thousand4     
,that ,island marched as by enchantment 
towards its ancient splendor1           
cultivation prospered1 every day        

produced  perceptible proofs of its     
progress1 and the negroes all continued 
quietly to work on the different        
plantations1 until in #ahjb1 ,france    
determined to reduce these liberated    
slaves again to bondage4 ,it was at     
this time that all those dreadful scenes
 of cruelty occurred1 which we  so often
 unjustly hear spoken of1 as the effects
 of ,abolition4 ,they  were occasioned  
not by ,emancipation1 but by the base   
attempt to fasten  the chains of slavery
 on the limbs of liberated slaves4      
,in ,guadaloupe eighty-five thousand    
slaves were freed in a white  population
 of thirteen thousand4 ,the same        
prosperous effects followed  manumission
 here1 that had attended it in ,hayti1  
every thing was quiet  until ,buonaparte
 sent out a fleet to reduce these       
negroes again to  slavery1 and in #ahjb 
this institution was re-established in  
that ,island4  ,in #ahcd1 when ,great   
,britain determined to liberate the     
slaves in her  ,west ,india colonies1   

and proposed the apprenticeship system2 
the  planters of ,bermuda and ,antigua1 
after having joined the other planters  
in their representations of the bloody  
consequences of ,emancipation1 in  order
 if possible to hold back the hand which
 was offering the boon of  freedom to   
the poor negro2 as soon as they found   
such falsehoods were  utterly           
disregarded1 and ,abolition must take   
place1 came forward  voluntarily1 and   
asked for the compensation which was due
 to them1  saying1 they preferred       
immediate emancipation1 and were not    
afraid of  any insurrection4 ,and how is
 it with these islands now8 ,they are   
decidedly more prosperous than any of   
those in which the apprenticeship       
system was adopted1 and ,england is now 
trying to abolish that system1 so  fully
 convinced is she that immediate        
,emancipation is the safest and  the    
best plan4    ,and why not try it in the
 ,southern ,states1 if it never has     
occasioned  rebellion2 if not a drop of 

blood has ever been shed in consequence 
of  it1 though it has been so often     
tried1 why should we suppose it would   
produce such disastrous consequences    
now8 ,be not deceived then1 ,god is  not
 mocked1 by such false excuses for not  
doing justly and loving  mercy4 ,there  
is nothing to fear from immediate       
,emancipation1 but every  thing from the
 continuance of slavery4    ,sisters in 
,christ1 ,i have done4 ,as a            
,southerner1 ,i have felt it was my     
duty to address you4 ,i have endeavoured
 to set before you the exceeding        
sinfulness of slavery1 and to point you 
to the example of those noble  women who
 have been raised up in the church to   
effect great revolutions1  and to suffer
 for the truth's sake4 ,i have appealed 
to your sympathies  as women1 to your   
sense of duty as ,christian women4 ,i   
have attempted  to vindicate the        
,abolitionists1 to prove the entire     
safety of immediate  ,emancipation1 and 
to plead the cause of the poor and      

oppressed4 ,i have  done--,i have sowed 
the seeds of truth1 but ,i well know1   
that even if an  ,apollos were to follow
 in my steps to water them1 ,god only   
can give  the increase4 ,to ,him then   
who is able to prosper the work of his  
servant's hand1 ,i commend this ,appeal 
in fervent prayer1 that as he  hath     
chosen the weak things of the world1 to 
confound the things  which are mighty1  
so ,he may cause ,his blessing1 to      
descend and carry  conviction to the    
hearts of many ,lydias through these    
speaking pages4  ,farewell4--,count me  
not your enemy because ,i have told you 
the truth1  but believe me in unfeigned 
affection1    ,your sympathizing        
,friend1    ,,angelina ,e4 ,,grimk4     
,published by the ,american             
,anti-,slavery ,society1 corner of      
,spruce and  ,nassau ,streets4          
,,the ,,anti-,,slavery ,,examiner4      
99       99       99       99       99  
,,vol4 ,i4 ,,september1 #ahcf4    ,no4  
#b4                 99       99       99

       99       99            ,,appeal  
,,to ,,the    ,,christian ,,women ,,of  
,,the ,,south1      ,,by ,a4,e4 ,,grimk 
,,revised ,,and ,,corrected4            
,then ,mordecai commanded to answer     
,esther1 ,think not within      thyself 
that thou shalt escape in the king's    
house more than all      the ,jews4 ,for
 if thou altogether holdest thy peace at
 this time1      then shalt there       
enlargement and deliverance arise to the
 ,jews      from another place3 but thou
 and thy father's house shall be        
destroyed3 and who knoweth whether thou 
art come to the kingdom      for such a 
time as this4 ,and ,esther bade them    
return ,mordecai      this answer3--and 
so will ,i go in unto the king1 which is
 not      according to law1 and if ,i   
perish1 ,i perish4        ,esther ,,iv4 
#ac-af4      ,,respected ,,friends1     
,it is because ,i feel a deep and tender
 interest in your present and  eternal  
welfare that ,i am willing thus publicly
 to address you4 ,some of  you have     

loved me as a relative1 and some have   
felt bound to me in  ,christian         
sympathy1 and ,gospel fellowship2 and   
even when compelled by a  strong sense  
of duty1 to break those outward bonds of
 union which bound  us together as      
members of the same community1 and      
members of the same  religious          
denomination1 you were generous enough  
to give me credit1 for  sincerity as a  
,christian1 though you believed ,i had  
been most strangely  deceived4 ,i       
thanked you then for your kindness1 and 
,i ask you now1 for  the sake of former 
confidence1 and former friendship1 to   
read the  following pages in the spirit 
of calm investigation and fervent       
prayer4  ,it is because you have known  
me1 that ,i write thus unto you4    ,but
 there are other ,christian women       
scattered over the ,southern ,states1   
of whom a very large number have never  
seen me1 and never heard my name1  and  
feel no personal interest whatever in   
me4 ,but ,i feel an interest  in you1 as

 branches of the same vine from whose   
root ,i daily draw the  principle of    
spiritual vitality--,yes6 ,sisters in   
,christ ,i feel an  interest in you1 and
 often has the secret prayer arisen on  
your  behalf1 ,lord open thou their eyes
 that they may see wondrous things out  
of thy ,law--,it is then1 because ,i do 
feel and do pray for you1 that  ,i thus 
address you upon a subject about which  
of all others1 perhaps you  would rather
 not hear any thing2 but1 would to ,god 
ye could bear with  me a little in my   
folly1 and indeed bear with me1 for ,i  
am jealous over  you with godly         
jealousy4 ,be not afraid then to read my
 appeal2 it is  not written in the heat 
of passion or prejudice1 but in that    
solemn  calmness which is the result of 
conviction and duty4 ,it is true1 ,i am 
going to tell you unwelcome truths1 but 
,i mean to speak these truths in  love1 
and remember ,solomon says1 faithful are
 the wounds of a  friend4 ,i do not     
believe the time has yet come when      

,christian women  will not endure sound 
doctrine1 even on the subject of        
,slavery1 if it  is spoken to them in   
tenderness and love1 therefore ,i now   
address you4             99       99    
99       99       99                    
,,postage4--,this periodical contains   
four and a half sheets4 ,postage under  
#ajj miles1 #f #c-d cents2 over #ajj    
miles1 #aa #a-d cents4    ,,please      
,,read ,,and ,,circulate4             99
       99       99       99       99    
,to all of you then1 known or unknown1  
relatives or strangers1 7for you  are   
all one in ,christ17 ,i would speak4 ,i 
have felt for you at this  time1 when   
unwelcome light is pouring in upon the  
world on the subject  of slavery2 light 
which even ,christians would exclude1 if
 they could1  from our country1 or at   
any rate from the southern portion of   
it1  saying1 as its rays strike the rock
 bound coasts of ,new ,england and      
scatter their warmth and radiance over  
her hills and valleys1 and from  thence 

travel onward over the ,palisades of the
 ,hudson1 and down the soft  flowing    
waters of the ,delaware and gild the    
waves of the ,potomac1  hitherto shalt  
thou come and no further2 ,i know that  
even professors  of ,his name who has   
been emphatically called the ,light of  
the world  would1 if they could1 build a
 wall of adamant around the ,southern   
,states  whose top might reach unto     
heaven1 in order to shut out the light  
which  is bounding from mountain to     
mountain and from the hills to the      
plains  and valleys beneath1 through the
 vast extent of our ,northern ,states4  
,but  believe me1 when ,i tell you1     
their attempts will be as utterly       
fruitless  as were the efforts of the   
builders of ,babel2 and why8 ,because   
moral1  like natural light1 is so       
extremely subtle in its nature as to    
overleap  all human barriers1 and laugh 
at the puny efforts of man to control   
it4  ,all the excuses and palliations of
 this system must inevitably be swept   

away1 just as other refuges of lies have
 been1 by the irresistible  torrent of a
 rectified public opinion4 ,the         
supporters of the slave  system1 says   
,jonathan ,dymond in his admirable work 
on the ,principles of  ,morality1 will  
hereafter be regarded with the same     
public feeling1  as he who was an       
advocate for the slave trade now is4 ,it
 will be1 and  that very soon1 clearly  
perceived and fully acknowledged by all 
the  virtuous and the candid1 that in   
principle it is as sinful to hold a     
human being in bondage who has been born
 in ,carolina1 as one who has  been born
 in ,africa4 ,all that sophistry of     
argument which has been  employed to    
prove1 that although it is sinful to    
send to ,africa to  procure men and     
women as slaves1 who have never been in 
slavery1 that  still1 it is not sinful  
to keep those in bondage who have come  
down by  inheritance1 will be utterly   
overthrown4 ,we must come back to the   
good  old doctrine of our forefathers   

who declared to the world1 this self    
evident truth that all men are created  
equal1 and that they have  certain      
inalienable rights among which are life1
 liberty1 and the  pursuit of happiness4
 ,it is even a greater absurdity to     
suppose a man  can be legally born a    
slave under our free ,republican        
,government1 than  under the petty      
despotisms of barbarian ,africa4 ,if    
then1 we have no  right to enslave an   
,african1 surely we can have none to    
enslave an  ,american2 if it is a self  
evident truth that all men1 every where 
and  of every color are born equal1 and 
have an inalienable right to  liberty1  
then it is equally true that no man can 
be born a slave1 and  no man can ever   
rightfully be reduced to involuntary    
bondage and  held as a slave1 however   
fair may be the claim of his master or  
mistress  through wills and title-deeds4
    ,but after all1 it may be said1 our 
fathers were certainly mistaken1 for    
the ,bible sanctions ,slavery1 and that 

is the highest authority4 ,now the      
,bible is my ultimate appeal in all     
matters of faith and practice1 and it   
is to this test ,i am anxious to bring  
the subject at issue between us4  ,let  
us then begin with ,adam and examine the
 charter of privileges which  was given 
to him4 ,have dominion over the fish of 
the sea1 and over the  fowl of the air1 
and over every living thing that moveth 
upon the  earth4 ,in the eighth ,psalm  
we have a still fuller description of   
this  charter which through ,adam was   
given to all mankind4 ,thou madest him  
to  have dominion over the works of thy 
hands2 thou hast put all things  under  
his feet4 ,all sheep and oxen1 yea1 and 
the beasts of the field1  the fowl of   
the air1 the fish of the sea1 and       
whatsoever passeth through  the paths of
 the seas4 ,and after the flood when    
this charter of human  rights was       
renewed1 we find no additional power    
vested in man4 ,and  the fear of you and
 the dread of you shall be upon every   

beast of the  earth1 and every fowl of  
the air1 and upon all that moveth upon  
the  earth1 and upon all the fishes of  
the sea1 into your hand are they        
delivered4 ,in this charter1 although   
the different kinds of  irrational      
beings are so particularly enumerated1  
and supreme dominion  over all of them  
is granted1 yet man is never vested with
 this  dominion over his fellow man2 he 
was never told that any of the human    
species were put under his feet2 it was 
only all things1 and man1  who was      
created in the image of his ,maker1     
never can properly be  termed a thing1  
though the laws of ,slave ,states do    
call him a chattel  personal2 ,man then1
 ,i assert never was put under the feet 
of man1  by that first charter of human 
right1 which was given by ,god1 to the  
,fathers of the ,antediluvian and       
,postdiluvian worlds1 therefore this    
doctrine of equality is based on the    
,bible4    ,but it may be argued1 that  
in the very chapter of ,genesis from    

which ,i  have last quoted1 will be     
found the curse pronounced upon ,canaan1
 by  which his posterity was consigned  
to servitude under his brothers ,shem   
and ,japheth4 ,i know this prophecy was 
uttered1 and was most fearfully  and    
wonderfully fulfilled1 through the      
immediate descendants of ,canaan1  i4e4 
the ,canaanites1 and ,i do not know but 
it has been through all the  children of
 ,ham1 but ,i do know that prophecy does
 not tell us what  ought to be1 but what
 actually does take place1 ages after it
 has been  delivered1 and that if we    
justify ,america for enslaving the      
children of  ,africa1 we must also      
justify ,egypt for reducing the children
 of ,israel  to bondage1 for the latter 
was foretold as explicitly as the       
former4 ,i  am well aware that prophecy 
has often been urged as an excuse for   
,slavery1 but be not deceived1 the      
fulfilment of prophecy will not cover   
one sin in the awful day of account4    
,hear what our ,saviour says on this    

subject2 it must needs be that offences 
come1 but woe unto that man  through    
whom they come--,witness some fulfilment
 of this declaration in  the tremendous 
destruction of ,jerusalem1 occasioned by
 that most  nefarious of all crimes the 
crucifixion of the ,son of ,god4 ,did   
the fact  of that event having been     
foretold1 exculpate the ,jews from sin  
in  perpetrating it2 ,no--for hear what 
the ,apostle ,peter says to them on     
this subject1 ,him being delivered by   
the determinate counsel and             
foreknowledge of ,god1 ye have taken1   
and by wicked hands have  crucified and 
slain4 ,other striking instances might  
be adduced1 but  these will suffice4    
,but it has been urged that the         
patriarchs held slaves1 and therefore1  
slavery is right4 ,do you really believe
 that patriarchal servitude was  like   
,american slavery8 ,can you believe it8 
,if so1 read the history of  these      
primitive fathers of the church and be  
undeceived4 ,look at  ,abraham1 though  

so great a man1 going to the herd       
himself and fetching a  calf from thence
 and serving it up with his own hands1  
for the  entertainment of his guests4   
,look at ,sarah1 that princess as her   
name  signifies1 baking cakes upon the  
hearth4 ,if the servants they had were  
like ,southern slaves1 would they have  
performed such comparatively  menial    
offices for themselves8 ,hear too the   
plaintive lamentation of  ,abraham when 
he feared he should have no son to bear 
his name down to  posterity4 ,behold    
thou hast given me no seed1 c41 one born
 in my house  is mine heir4 ,from this  
it appears that one of his servants was 
to  inherit his immense estate4 ,is this
 like ,southern slavery8 ,i leave it to 
your own good sense and candor to       
decide4 ,besides1 such was the footing  
upon which ,abraham was with his        
servants1 that he trusted them with     
arms4 ,are slaveholders willing to put  
swords and pistols into the hands  of   
their slaves8 ,he was as a father among 

his servants2 what are  planters and    
masters generally among theirs8 ,when   
the institution of  circumcision was    
established1 ,abraham was commanded     
thus2 ,he that is  eight days old shall 
be circumcised among you1 every         
man-child in your  generations2 he that 
is born in the house1 or bought with    
money of any  stranger which is not of  
thy seed4 ,and to render this command   
with  regard to his servants still more 
impressive it is repeated in the  very  
next verse2 and herein we may perceive  
the great care which was  taken by ,god 
to guard the rights of servants even    
under this dark  dispensation4 ,what too
 was the testimony given to the         
faithfulness of  this eminent patriarch4
 ,for ,i know him that he will command  
his  children and his household after   
him1 and they shall keep the way of  the
 ,lord to do justice and judgment4 ,now 
my dear friends many of you  believe    
that circumcision has been superseded by
 baptism in the ,church2  ,are you      

careful to have all that are born in    
your house or bought  with money of any 
stranger1 baptized8 ,are you as faithful
 as ,abraham  to command your household 
to keep the way of the ,lord8 ,i leave  
it to  your own consciences to decide4  
,was patriarchal servitude then like    
,american ,slavery8    ,but ,i shall be 
told1 ,god sanctioned ,slavery1 yea     
commanded ,slavery under  the ,jewish   
,dispensation4 ,let us examine this     
subject calmly and  prayerfully4 ,i     
admit that a species of servitude was   
permitted to the  ,jews1 but in studying
 the subject ,i have been struck with   
wonder and  admiration at perceiving how
 carefully the servant was guarded from 
violence1 injustice1 and wrong4 ,i will 
first inform you how these  servants    
became servants1 for ,i think this a    
very important part of our  subject4    
,from consulting ,horne1 ,calmet1 and   
the ,bible1 ,i find there were  six     
different ways by which the ,hebrews    
became servants legally4    #a4 ,a      

,hebrew1 whose father was still alive1  
and who on that account had  not        
inherited his patrimonial estate1 might 
sell himself1 i4e41 his  services1 for  
six years1 in which case he received the
 purchase money  himself4 ,ex4 xxi1 #b4 
#b4 ,a father might sell his children as
 servants1 i4e41 his daughters1  in     
which circumstance it was understood the
 daughter was to be the wife  or        
daughter-in-law of the man who bought   
her1 and the father received  the price4
 ,in other words1 ,jewish women were    
sold as white women were  in the first  
settlement of ,virginia--as wives1 not  
as slaves4 ,ex4 xxi1  #g-aa4    #c4     
,thieves not able to make restitution   
for their thefts1 were sold for  the    
benefit of the injured person4 ,ex4     
xxii1 #c4    #d4 ,they might be born in 
servitude4 ,ex4 xxi1 #d4    #e4 ,if     
reduced to extreme poverty1 a ,hebrew   
might sell himself2 but in  such a case 
he was to serve1 not as a bondsman1     
whose term of service  was only six     

years1 nor was he to serve as a hired   
servant1 who received  his wages every  
evening1 nor yet as a sojourner or      
temporary resident in  the family1 but  
he was to serve his master until the    
year of ,jubilee,a4  ,lev4 xxv1 #ci1    
#dj4    ,footnote ,a3 ,if the reader    
will leave out the italicised           
words--,but and  ,and1 in the #djth     
verse--he will find that ,i am fully    
authorized in the  meaning ,i have      
attached to it4 ,but and ,and are not in
 the original  ,hebrew2 have been       
introduced by the translators1 and      
entirely destroy  the true sense of the 
passage4    #f4 ,if a ,hebrew had sold  
himself to a rich ,gentile1 he might be 
redeemed  by one of his brethren at any 
time the money was offered2 and he who  
redeemed him1 was not to take advantage 
of the favor thus conferred1  and rule  
over him with rigor4 ,lev4 xxv1 #dg-ee4 
,before going into an examination of the
 laws by which these servants  were     
protected1 ,i would just ask whether    

,american slaves have become  slaves in 
any of the ways in which the ,hebrews   
became servants4 ,did they  sell        
themselves into slavery and receive the 
purchase money into their  own hands8   
,no6 ,no6 ,did they steal the property  
of another1 and were they  sold to make 
restitution for their crimes8 ,no6 ,did 
their present  masters1 as an act of    
kindness1 redeem them from some heathen 
tyrant to  whom they had sold themselves
 in the dark hour of adversity8 ,no6    
,were  they born in slavery8 ,no6 ,no6  
,not according to ,jewish ,law1 for the 
servants who were born in servitude     
among them1 were born of parents who    
had sold themselves3 ,ex4 xxi1 #d2 ,lev4
 xxv1 #ci1 #dj4 ,were the female  slaves
 of the ,south sold by their fathers8   
,how shall ,i answer this  question8    
,thousands and tens of thousands never  
were1 their fathers  never have received
 the poor compensation of silver or gold
 for the  tears and toils1 the          
suffering1 and anguish1 and hopeless    

bondage of  their daughters4 ,they labor
 day by day1 and year by year1 side by  
side1 in the same field1 if haply their 
daughters are permitted to  remain on   
the same plantation with them1 instead  
of being1 as they often  are1 separated 
from their parents and sold into distant
 states1 never  again to meet on earth4 
,but do the fathers of the ,south ever  
sell their  daughters8 ,my heart beats1 
and my hand trembles1 as ,i write the   
awful  affirmative1 ,yes6 ,the fathers  
of this ,christian land often sell their
  daughters1 not as ,jewish parents did1
 to be the wives and  daughters-in-law  
of the men who buy them1 but to be the  
abject slaves of  petty tyrants and     
irresponsible masters4 ,is it not so1 my
 friends8 ,i  leave it to your own      
candor to corroborate my assertion4     
,southern slaves  then have not become  
slaves in any of the six different ways 
in which  ,hebrews became servants1 and 
,i hesitate not to say that ,american   
masters  cannot according to ,jewish law

 substantiate their claim to the men1   
women1 or children they now hold in     
bondage4    ,but there was one way in   
which a ,jew might illegally be reduced 
to  servitude2 it was this1 he might be 
stolen and afterwards sold as a  slave1 
as was ,joseph4 ,to guard most          
effectually against this dreadful  crime
 of manstealing1 ,god enacted this      
severe law4 ,he that stealeth a  man and
 selleth him1 or if he be found in his  
hand1 he shall surely be  put to death4 
,and again1 ,if a man be found stealing 
any of his  brethren of the children of 
,israel1 and maketh merchandise of him1 
or  selleth him2 then that thief shall  
die2 and thou shalt put away evil  from 
among you4 ,deut4 xxiv1 #g4 ,as ,i have 
tried ,american ,slavery by  legal      
,hebrew servitude1 and found1 7to your  
surprise1 perhaps17 that  ,jewish law   
cannot justify the slaveholder's claim1 
let us now try it by  illegal ,hebrew   
bondage4 ,have the ,southern slaves then
 been stolen8 ,if  they did not sell    

themselves into bondage2 if they were   
not sold as  thieves2 if they were not  
redeemed from a heathen master to whom  
they  had sold themselves2 if they were 
not born in servitude according to      
,hebrew law2 and if the females were not
 sold by their fathers as wives  and    
daughters-in-law to those who purchased 
them2 then what shall we say  of them8  
what can we say of them8 but that       
according to ,hebrew ,law they  have    
been stolen4    ,but ,i shall be told   
that the ,jews had other servants who   
were absolute  slaves4 ,let us look a   
little into this also4 ,they had other  
servants who  were procured from the    
heathen4    ,bondmen and bondmaids might
 be bought of the heathen round about   
them4  ,lev4 xxv1 #dd4    ,i will now   
try the right of the southern planter by
 the claims of ,hebrew  masters to their
 heathen servants4 ,were the southern   
slaves bought  from the heathen8 ,no6   
,for surely1 no one will now vindicate  
the  slave-trade so far as to assert    

that slaves were bought from the heathen
  who were obtained by that system of   
piracy4 ,the only excuse for holding    
southern slaves is that they were born  
in slavery1 but we have seen that  they 
were not born in servitude as ,jewish   
servants were1 and that the  children of
 heathen servants were not legally      
subjected to bondage1 even  under the   
,mosaic ,law4 ,how then have the slaves 
of the ,south been  obtained8    ,i will
 next proceed to an examination of those
 laws which were enacted  in order to   
protect the ,hebrew and the ,heathen    
servant2 for ,i wish you  to understand 
that both were protected by ,him1 of    
whom it is said his  mercies are over   
all his works4 ,i will first speak of   
those which  secured the rights of      
,hebrew servants4 ,this code was headed 
thus3    #a4 ,thou shalt not rule over  
him with rigor1 but shalt fear thy ,god4
    #b4 ,if thou buy a ,hebrew servant1 
six years shall he serve1 and in the    
seventh year he shall go out free for   

nothing4 ,ex4 xxi1 #b4 ,and when thou   
sendest him out free from thee1 thou    
shalt not let him go away empty3  ,thou 
shalt furnish him liberally out of thy  
flock and out of thy  floor1 and out of 
thy wine-press3 of that wherewith the   
,lord thy ,god  hath blessed thee1 shalt
 thou give unto him4 ,deut4 xv1 #ac1    
#ad4    #c4 ,if he come in by himself1  
he shall go out by himself2 if he were  
married1 then his wife shall go out with
 him4 ,ex4 xxi1 #c4    #d4 ,if his      
master have given him a wife1 and she   
have borne him sons and  daughters1 the 
wife and her children shall be his      
master's1 and he shall  go out by       
himself4 ,ex4 xxi1 #d4    #e4 ,if the   
servant shall plainly say1 ,i love my   
master1 my wife1 and my  children2 ,i   
will not go out free2 then his master   
shall bring him unto  the ,judges1 and  
he shall bring him to the door1 or unto 
the door-post1  and his master shall    
bore his ear through with an awl1 and he
 shall  serve him for ever4 ,ex4 xxi1   

#e1 #f4    #f4 ,if a man smite the eye  
of his servant1 or the eye of his maid1 
that  it perish1 he shall let him go    
free for his eye's sake4 ,and if he     
smite out his man servant's tooth or his
 maid servant's tooth1 he shall  let him
 go free for his tooth's sake4 ,ex4 xxi1
 #bf1 #bg4    #g4 ,on the ,sabbath1 rest
 was secured to servants by the fourth  
commandment4 ,ex4 xx1 #aj4    #h4       
,servants were permitted to unite with  
their masters three times in  every year
 in celebrating the ,passover1 the feast
 of ,weeks1 and the  feast of           
,tabernacles2 every male throughout the 
land was to appear  before the ,lord at 
,jerusalem with a gift2 here the bond   
and the free  stood on common ground4   
,deut4 xvi4    #i4 ,if a man smite his  
servant or his maid with a rod1 and he  
die under  his hand1 he shall be surely 
punished4 ,notwithstanding1 if he       
continue a  day or two1 he shall not be 
punished1 for he is his money4 ,ex4 xxi1
 #bj1  #ba4    ,from these laws we      

learn1 that one class of ,hebrew men    
servants were  bound to serve their     
masters only six years1 unless their    
attachment  to their employers1 their   
wives and children1 should induce them  
to wish  to remain in servitude1 in     
which case1 in order to prevent the     
possibility of deception on the part of 
the master1 the servant was  first taken
 before the magistrate1 where he openly 
declared his  intention of continuing in
 his master's service1 7probably a      
public  register was kept of such17 he  
was then conducted to the door of the   
house1 7in warm climates doors are      
thrown open47 and there his ear was     
publicly bored1 and by submitting to    
this operation1 he testified his        
willingness to serve him in subserviency
 to the law of ,god2 for let it  be     
remembered1 that the door-post was      
covered with the precepts of that  law4 
,deut4 vi1 #i4 xi1 #bj3 for ever1 i4e41 
during his life1 for ,jewish  ,rabbins1 
who must have understood ,jewish slavery

 7as it is called71  affirm that        
servants were set free at the death of  
their masters1 and  did not descend to  
their heirs2 or that he was to serve him
 until the  year of ,jubilee1 when all  
servants were set at liberty4 ,the other
  class1 when they first sold           
themselves1 agreed to remain until the  
year  of ,jubilee4 ,to protect servants 
from violence1 it was ordained1 that if 
a master struck out the tooth or        
destroyed the eye of a servant1 that    
servant immediately became free1 for    
such an act of violence evidently       
showed he was unfit to possess the power
 of a master1 and therefore that  power 
was taken from him4 ,all servants       
enjoyed the rest of the ,sabbath1  and  
partook of the privileges and           
festivities of the three great ,jewish  
,feasts2 and if a servant died under the
 infliction of chastisement1 his  master
 was surely to be punished4 ,as a tooth 
for a tooth and life for  life was the  
,jewish law1 of course he was punished  

with death4 ,i know  that great stress  
has been laid upon the following verse3 
,notwithstanding1 if he continue a day  
or two1 he shall not be punished1  for  
he is his money4    ,slaveholders1 and  
the apologists of slavery1 have eagerly 
seized upon  this little passage of     
,scripture1 and held it up as the       
masters' ,magna  ,charta1 by which they 
were licensed by ,god himself to commit 
the  greatest outrages upon the         
defenceless victims of their oppression4
 ,but1  my friends1 was it designed to  
be so8 ,if our ,heavenly ,father would  
protect by law the eye and the tooth of 
a ,hebrew servant1 can we for  a moment 
believe that he would abandon that same 
servant to the brutal  rage of a master 
who would destroy even life itself8 ,let
 us then examine  this passage with the 
help of the context4 ,in the #ahth and  
#aith verses  we have a law which was   
made for freemen who strove together4   
,here we  find1 that if one man smote   
another1 so that he died not1 but only  

kept  his bed from being disabled1 and  
he rose again and walked abroad upon    
his staff1 then he was to be paid for   
the loss of his time1 and all  the      
expenses of his sickness were to be     
borne by the man who smote him4  ,the   
freeman's time was his own1 and         
therefore he was to be remunerated  for 
the loss of it4 ,but not so with the    
servant1 whose time was1 as  it were1   
the money of his master1 because he had 
already paid for it3  ,if he continued a
 day or two after being struck1 to keep 
his bed in  consequence of any wound    
received1 then his lost time was not to 
be  paid for1 because it was not his    
own1 but his master's1 who had  already 
paid him for it4 ,the loss of his time  
was the master's loss1  and not the     
servant's4 ,this explanation is         
confirmed by the fact1 that  the ,hebrew
 word translated continue1 means to     
stand still2 i4e41 to  be unable to go  
out about his master's work4    ,here   
then we find this stronghold of slavery 

completely demolished4  ,instead of its 
being a license to inflict such         
chastisement upon a  servant as to cause
 even death itself1 it is in fact a law 
merely to  provide that a man should not
 be required to pay his servant twice   
over  for his time4 ,it is altogether an
 unfounded assumption on the part of    
the slaveholder1 that this servant died 
after a day or two2 the text  does not  
say so1 and ,i contend that he got well 
after a day or two1  just as the man    
mentioned in the #aith verse recovered  
from the effects  of the blows he       
received4 ,the cases are completely     
parallel1 and the  first law throws     
great light on the second4 ,this        
explanation is far more  consonant with 
the character of ,god1 and were it not  
that our vision has  been so completely 
darkened by the existence of slavery in 
our country1  we never could so far have
 dishonored ,him as to have supposed    
that ,he  sanctioned the murder of a    
servant2 although slaveholding          

legislators  might legalize the killing 
of a slave in four different            
ways4--7,stroud's ,sketch of ,slave     
,laws47    ,but ,i pass on now to the   
consideration of how the female ,jewish 
servants were protected by law4    #a4  
,if she please not her master1 who hath 
betrothed her to himself1 then  shall he
 let her be redeemed3 to sell her unto  
another nation he shall  have no power1 
seeing he hath dealt deceitfully with   
her4    #b4 ,if he have betrothed her   
unto his son1 he shall deal with her    
after  the manner of daughters4    #c4  
,if he take him another wife1 her food1 
her raiment1 and her duty of  marriage1 
shall he not diminish4    #d4 ,if he do 
not these three unto her1 then shall she
 go out free  without money4    ,on     
these laws ,i will give you ,calmet's   
remarks2 ,a father could not sell  his  
daughter as a slave1 according to the   
,rabbins1 until she was at the  age of  
puberty1 and unless he were reduced to  
the utmost indigence4  ,besides1 when a 

master bought an ,israelitish girl1 it  
was always with  the presumption that he
 would take her to wife4 ,hence ,moses  
adds1 'if  she please not her master1   
and he does not think fit to marry her1 
he  shall set her at liberty1' or       
according to the ,hebrew1 'he shall let 
her  be redeemed4' ',to sell her to     
another nation he shall have no power1  
seeing he hath dealt deceitfully with   
her2' as to the engagement  implied1 at 
least of taking her to wife4 ',if he    
have betrothed her unto  his son1 he    
shall deal with her after the manner of 
daughters2' i4e41 he  shall take care   
that his son uses her as his wife1 that 
he does not  despise or maltreat her4   
,if he make his son marry another wife1 
he shall  give her her dowry1 her       
clothes1 and compensation for her       
virginity2 if  he does none of these    
three1 she shall go out free without    
money4  ,thus were the rights of female 
servants carefully secured by law under 
the ,jewish ,dispensation2 and now ,i   

would ask1 are the rights of female     
slaves at the ,south thus secured8 ,are 
they sold only as wives and             
daughters-in-law1 and when not treated  
as such1 are they allowed to go  out    
free8 ,no6 ,they have all not only been 
illegally obtained as  servants         
according to ,hebrew law1 but they are  
also illegally held in  bondage4        
,masters at the ,south and ,west have   
all forfeited their claims1  7if they   
ever had any17 to their female slaves4  
,we come now to examine the case of     
those servants who were of the  heathen 
round about2 ,were they left entirely   
unprotected by law8  ,horne1 in speaking
 of the law1 ,thou shalt not rule over  
him with rigor1  but shalt fear thy     
,god1 remarks1 this law1 ,lev4 xxv1 #dc1
 it is true1  speaks expressly of slaves
 who were of ,hebrew descent2 but as    
alien  born slaves were ingrafted into  
the ,hebrew ,church by circumcision1    
there is no doubt but that it applied to
 all slaves3 if so1 then we  may        

reasonably suppose that the other       
protective laws extended to them  also2 
and that the only difference between    
,hebrew and ,heathen servants  lay in   
this1 that the former served but six    
years1 unless they chose to  remain     
longer1 and were always freed at the    
death of their masters2  whereas1 the   
latter served until the year of         
,jubilee1 though that might  include a  
period of forty-nine years1--and were   
left from father to son4    ,there are1 
however1 two other laws which ,i have   
not yet noticed4 ,the one  effectually  
prevented all involuntary servitude1 and
 the other  completely abolished ,jewish
 servitude every fifty years4 ,they were
  equally operative upon the ,heathen   
and the ,hebrew4    #a4 ,thou shalt not 
deliver unto his master the servant that
 is escaped  from his master unto thee4 
,he shall dwell with thee1 even among   
you1 in  that place which he shall      
choose1 in one of thy gates where it    
liketh  him best3 thou shalt not oppress

 him4 ,deut4 xxiii1 #ae1 #af4    #b4    
,and ye shall hallow the fiftieth year1 
and proclaim ,liberty  throughout all   
the land1 unto all the inhabitants      
thereof2 it shall  be a jubilee unto    
you4 ,lev4 xxv1 #aj4    ,here1 then1 we 
see that by this first law1 the door of 
,freedom was  opened wide to every      
servant who had any cause whatever for  
complaint2  if he was unhappy with his  
master1 all he had to do was to leave   
him1  and no man had a right to deliver 
him back to him again1 and not only  so1
 but the absconded servant was to choose
 where he should live1 and  no ,jew was 
permitted to oppress him4 ,he left his  
master just as our  ,northern servants  
leave us2 we have no power to compel    
them to remain  with us1 and no man has 
any right to oppress them2 they go and  
dwell in  that place where it chooseth  
them1 and live just where they like4 ,is
 it  so at the ,south8 ,is the poor     
runaway slave protected by law from the 
violence of that master whose oppression

 and cruelty has driven him from  his   
plantation or his house8 ,no6 no6 ,even 
the free states of the ,north  are      
compelled to deliver unto his master the
 servant that is escaped  from his      
master into them4 ,by human law1 under  
the ,christian  ,dispensation1 in the   
nineteenth century we are commanded to  
do1 what  ,god more than three thousand 
years ago1 under the ,mosaic            
,dispensation1 positively commanded the 
,jews not to do4 ,in the wide  domain   
even of our free states1 there is not   
one city of refuge for  the poor runaway
 fugitive2 not one spot upon which he   
can stand and say1  ,i am a free man--,i
 am protected in my rights as a man1 by 
the strong  arm of the law2 no6 not one4
 ,how long the ,north will thus shake   
hands  with the ,south in sin1 ,i know  
not4 ,how long she will stand by like   
the  persecutor ,saul1 consenting unto  
the death of ,stephen1 and keeping the  
raiment of them that slew him4 ,i know  
not2 but one thing ,i do know1 the      

guilt of the ,north is increasing in a  
tremendous ratio as light is  pouring in
 upon her on the subject and the sin of 
slavery4 ,as the sun of  righteousness  
climbs higher and higher in the moral   
heavens1 she will  stand still more and 
more abashed as the query is thundered  
down into  her ear1 ,who hath required  
this at thy hand8 ,it will be found no  
excuse then that the ,constitution of   
our country required that persons  bound
 to service escaping from their masters 
should be delivered up2 no  more excuse 
than was the reason which ,adam assigned
 for eating the  forbidden fruit4 ,he   
was condemned and punished because he   
hearkened to  the voice of his wife1    
rather than to the command of his       
,maker2 and  we shall assuredly be      
condemned and punished for obeying ,man 
rather  than ,god1 if we do not speedily
 repent and bring forth fruits meet for 
repentance4 ,yea1 are we not receiving  
chastisement even now8    ,but by the   
second of these laws a still more       

astonishing fact is  disclosed4 ,if the 
first effectually prevented all         
involuntary  servitude1 the last        
absolutely forbade even voluntary       
servitude being  perpetual4 ,on the     
great day of atonement every fiftieth   
year the  ,jubilee trumpet was sounded  
throughout the land of ,judea1 and      
,liberty  was proclaimed to all the     
inhabitants thereof4 ,i will not say    
that the  servants' chains fell off and 
their manacles were burst1 for there  is
 no evidence that ,jewish servants ever 
felt the weight of iron  chains1 and    
collars1 and handcuffs2 but ,i do say   
that even the man who  had voluntarily  
sold himself and the heathen who had    
been sold to a  ,hebrew master1 were set
 free1 the one as well as the other4    
,this law was  evidently designed to    
prevent the oppression of the poor1 and 
the  possibility of such a thing as     
perpetual servitude existing among      
them4    ,where1 then1 ,i would ask1 is 
the warrant1 the justification1 or the  

palliation of ,american ,slavery from   
,hebrew servitude8 ,how many of the     
southern slaves would now be in bondage 
according to the laws of ,moses2  ,not  
one4 ,you may observe that ,i have      
carefully avoided using the term        
slavery when speaking of ,jewish        
servitude2 and simply for this reason1  
that no such thing existed among that   
people2 the word translated  servant    
does not mean slave1 it is the same that
 is applied to  ,abraham1 to ,moses1 to 
,elisha and the prophets generally4     
,slavery then  never existed under the  
,jewish ,dispensation at all1 and ,i    
cannot but  regard it as an aspersion on
 the character of ,him who is glorious  
in  ,holiness for any one to assert that
 ,god sanctioned1 yea commanded  slavery
 under the old dispensation4 ,i would   
fain lift my feeble voice  to vindicate 
,jehovah's character from so foul a     
slander4 ,if slaveholders  are          
determined to hold slaves as long as    
they can1 let them not dare to  say that

 the ,god of mercy and of truth ever    
sanctioned such a system  of cruelty and
 wrong4 ,it is blasphemy against ,him4  
,we have seen that the code of laws     
framed by ,moses with regard to         
servants was designed to protect them as
 men and women1 to secure to  them their
 rights as human beings1 to guard them  
from oppression and  defend them from   
violence of every kind4 ,let us now turn
 to the ,slave  laws of the ,south and  
,west and examine them too4 ,i will give
 you the  substance only1 because ,i    
fear ,i shall trespass too much on your 
time1  were ,i to quote them at length4 
#a4 ,slavery is hereditary and          
perpetual1 to the last moment of the    
slave's earthly existence1 and to all   
his descendants to the latest           
posterity4    #b4 ,the labor of the     
slave is compulsory and uncompensated2  
while the  kind of labor1 the amount of 
toil1 the time allowed for rest1 are    
dictated solely by the master4 ,no      
bargain is made1 no wages given4 ,a     

pure despotism governs the human brute2 
and even his covering and  provender1   
both as to quantity and quality1 depend 
entirely on the  master's discretion,a4 
,footnote ,a3 ,there are laws in some of
 the slave states1 limiting the  labor  
which the master may require of the     
slave to fourteen hours daily4  ,in some
 of the states there are laws requiring 
the masters to furnish a  certain amount
 of food and clothing1 as for instance1 
one quart of  corn per day1 or one peck 
per week1 or one bushel per month1 and  
one linen shirt and pantaloons for the  
summer1 and a linen shirt and  woolen   
great coat and pantaloons for the       
winter1 c4 ,but still1 to  use the      
language of ,judge ,stroud the slave is 
entirely under the  control of his      
master4--is unprovided with a           
protector1--and1 especially  as he      
cannot be a witness or make complaint in
 any known mode against  his master1 the
 apparent object of these laws may      
always be  defeated4 ,,ed4    #c4 ,the  

slave being considered a personal       
chattel may be sold or pledged1  or     
leased at the will of his master4 ,he   
may be exchanged for marketable         
commodities1 or taken in execution for  
the debts or taxes either of a  living  
or dead master4 ,sold at auction1 either
 individually1 or in lots  to suit the  
purchaser1 he may remain with his       
family1 or be separated  from them for  
ever4    #d4 ,slaves can make no        
contracts and have no legal right to any
  property1 real or personal4 ,their own
 honest earnings and the legacies  of   
friends belong in point of law to their 
masters4    #e4 ,neither a slave nor a  
free colored person can be a witness    
against  any white1 or free person1 in a
 court of justice1 however atrocious    
may have been the crimes they have seen 
him commit1 if such testimony  would be 
for the benefit of a slave2 but they may
 give testimony  against a fellow slave1
 or free colored man1 even in cases     
affecting  life1 if the master is to    

reap the advantage of it4    #f4 ,the   
slave may be punished at his master's   
discretion--without  trial--without any 
means of legal redress2 whether his     
offence be real  or imaginary2 and the  
master can transfer the same despotic   
power to any  person or persons1 he may 
choose to appoint4    #g4 ,the slave is 
not allowed to resist any free man under
 any  circumstances1 his only safety    
consists in the fact that his owner  may
 bring suit and recover the price of his
 body1 in case his life is  taken1 or   
his limbs rendered unfit for labor4     
#h4 ,slaves cannot redeem themselves1 or
 obtain a change of masters1  though    
cruel treatment may have rendered such a
 change necessary for  their personal   
safety4    #i4 ,the slave is entirely   
unprotected in his domestic relations4  
#aj4 ,the laws greatly obstruct the     
manumission of slaves1 even where the   
master is willing to enfranchise them4  
#aa4 ,the operation of the laws tends to
 deprive slaves of religious            

instruction and consolation4    #ab4    
,the whole power of the laws is exerted 
to keep slaves in a state of  the lowest
 ignorance4    #ac4 ,there is in this   
country a monstrous inequality of law   
and right4  ,what is a trifling fault in
 the white man1 is considered highly    
criminal in the slave2 the same offences
 which cost a white man a few  dollars  
only1 are punished in the negro with    
death4    #ad4 ,the laws operate most   
oppressively upon free people of        
color,a4    ,footnote ,a3 ,see ,mrs4    
,child's ,appeal1 ,chap4 ,,ii4    ,shall
 ,i ask you now my friends1 to draw the 
parallel between ,jewish  servitude and 
,american slavery8 ,no6 ,for there is no
 likeness in  the two systems2 ,i ask   
you rather to mark the contrast4 ,the   
laws of  ,moses protected servants in   
their rights as men and women1 guarded  
them from oppression and defended them  
from wrong4 ,the ,code ,noir of the     
,south robs the slave of all his rights 
as a man1 reduces him to a  chattel     

personal1 and defends the master in the 
exercise of the most  unnatural and     
unwarrantable power over his slave4     
,they each bear the  impress of the hand
 which formed them4 ,the attributes of  
justice and  mercy are shadowed out in  
the ,hebrew code2 those of injustice and
  cruelty1 in the ,code ,noir of        
,america4 ,truly it was wise in the     
slaveholders of the ,south to declare   
their slaves to be chattels  personal2  
for before they could be robbed of      
wages1 wives1 children1  and friends1 it
 was absolutely necessary to deny they  
were human beings4  ,it is wise in them1
 to keep them in abject ignorance1 for  
the strong man  armed must be bound     
before we can spoil his house--the      
powerful  intellect of man must be bound
 down with the iron chains of nescience 
before we can rob him of his rights as a
 man2 we must reduce him to a  thing    
before we can claim the right to set our
 feet upon his neck1  because it was    
only all things which were originally   

put under the  feet of man by the       
,almighty and ,beneficent ,father of    
all1 who has  declared himself to be no 
respecter of persons1 whether red1 white
 or  black4    ,but some have even said 
that ,jesus ,christ did not condemn     
slavery4 ,to  this ,i reply that our    
,holy ,redeemer lived and preached among
 the ,jews  only4 ,the laws which ,moses
 had enacted fifteen hundred years      
previous to  his appearance among them1 
had never been annulled1 and these laws 
protected every servant in ,palestine4  
,if then ,he did not condemn ,jewish    
servitude this does not prove that he   
would not have condemned such a         
monstrous system as that of ,american   
slavery1 if that had existed  among     
them4 ,but did not ,jesus condemn       
slavery8 ,let us examine some of  his   
precepts4 ,whatsoever ye would that men 
should do to you1 do ye  even so to     
them4 ,let every slaveholder apply these
 queries to his own  heart2 ,am ,i      
willing to be a slave--,am ,i willing to

 see my wife the  slave of another--,am 
,i willing to see my mother a slave1 or 
my father1  my sister or my brother8 ,if
 not1 then in holding others as slaves1 
,i am  doing what ,i would not wish to  
be done to me or any relative ,i have2  
and thus have ,i broken this golden rule
 which was given me to walk by4    ,but 
some slaveholders have said1 we were    
never in bondage to any man1  and       
therefore the yoke of bondage would be  
insufferable to us1 but  slaves are     
accustomed to it1 their backs are fitted
 to the burden4 ,well1  ,i am willing to
 admit that you who have lived in       
freedom would find  slavery even more   
oppressive than the poor slave does1 but
 then you may  try this question in     
another form--,am ,i willing to reduce  
my little  child to slavery8 ,you know  
that if it is brought up a slave it will
  never know any contrast1 between      
freedom and bondage1 its back will      
become fitted to the burden just as the 
negro child's does--not by  nature--but 

by daily1 violent pressure1 in the same 
way that the head  of the ,indian child 
becomes flattened by the boards in which
 it is  bound4 ,it has been justly      
remarked that ,god never made a slave1  
he  made man upright2 his back was not  
made to carry burdens1 nor his neck  to 
wear a yoke1 and the man must be crushed
 within him1 before his  back can be    
fitted to the burden of perpetual       
slavery2 and that his  back is not      
fitted to it1 is manifest by the        
insurrections that so  often disturb the
 peace and security of slaveholding     
countries4 ,who ever  heard of a        
rebellion of the beasts of the field2   
and why not8 simply  because they were  
all placed under the feet of man1 into  
whose hand  they were delivered2 it was 
originally designed that they should    
serve  him1 therefore their necks have  
been formed for the yoke1 and their     
backs for the burden2 but not so with   
man1 intellectual1 immortal man6  ,i    
appeal to you1 my friends1 as mothers2  

,are you willing to enslave  your       
children8 ,you start back with horror   
and indignation at such a  question4    
,but why1 if slavery is no wrong to     
those upon whom it is  imposed8 why1 if 
as has often been said1 slaves are      
happier than their  masters1 free from  
the cares and perplexities of providing 
for  themselves and their wanting8 ,try 
yourselves by another of the ,divine    
precepts1 ,thou shalt love thy neighbor 
as thyself4 ,can we love a man  as we   
love ourselves if we do1 and continue to
 do unto him1 what we  would not wish   
any one to do to us8 ,look1 too1 at     
,christ's example1 what  does he say of 
himself1 ,i came not to be ministered   
unto1 but to  minister4 ,can you for a  
moment imagine the meek and lowly1 and  
compassionate ,saviour1 a slaveholder8  
,do you not shudder at this  thought as 
much as at that of his being a warrior8 
,but why1 if slavery  is not sinful8    
,again1 it has been said1 the ,apostle  
,paul did not condemn slavery1 for  he  

sent ,onesimus back to ,philemon4 ,i do 
not think it can be said he sent  him   
back1 for no coercion was made use of4  
,onesimus was not thrown into  prison   
and then sent back in chains to his     
master1 as your runaway  slaves often   
are--this could not possibly have been  
the case1 because  you know ,paul as a  
,jew1 was bound to protect the runaway2 
he had no  right to send any fugitive   
back to his master4 ,the state of the   
case  then seems to have been this4     
,onesimus had been an unprofitable      
servant  to ,philemon and left him--he  
afterwards became converted under the   
,apostle's preaching1 and seeing that he
 had been to blame in his  conduct1 and 
desiring by future fidelity to atone for
 past error1 he  wished to return1 and  
the ,apostle gave him the letter we now 
have as a  recommendation to ,philemon1 
informing him of the conversion of      
,onesimus1  and entreating him as ,paul 
the aged to receive him1 not now as a   
servant1 but above a servant1 a brother 

beloved1 especially to me1  but how much
 more unto thee1 both in the flesh and  
in the ,lord4 ,if thou  count me        
therefore as a partner1 receive him as  
myself4 ,this1 then1  surely cannot be  
forced into a justification of the      
practice of  returning runaway slaves   
back to their masters1 to be punished   
with  cruel beatings and scourgings as  
they often are4 ,besides the word       
doulos here translated servant1 is the  
same that is made use of in  ,matt4     
xviii1 #bg4 ,now it appears that this   
servant owed his lord ten  thousand     
talents2 he possessed property to a vast
 amount4 ,and what is  still more       
surprising1 if he was a slave1 is1 that 
forasmuch as he  had not to pay1 his    
lord commanded him to be sold1 and his  
wife and  children1 and all that he had1
 and payment to be made4 ,whoever heard 
of  a slaveholder selling a slave and   
his family to pay himself a debt due  to
 him from a slave8 ,what would he gain  
by it when the slave is  himself his    

property1 and his wife and children     
also8 ,onesimus could  not1 then1 have  
been a slave1 for slaves do not own     
their wives or  children2 no1 not even  
their own bodies1 much less property4   
,but again1  the servitude which the    
apostle was accustomed to1 must have    
been very  different from ,american     
slavery1 for he says1 the heir 7or son71
 as  long as he is a child1 differeth   
nothing from a servant1 though he be    
lord of all4 ,but is under tutors and   
governors until the time  appointed of  
the father4 ,from this it appears1 that 
the means of  instruction were provided 
for servants as well as children2 and   
indeed we know it must have been so     
among the ,jews1 because their  servants
 were not permitted to remain in        
perpetual bondage1 and  therefore it was
 absolutely necessary they should be    
prepared to occupy  higher stations in  
society than those of servants4 ,is it  
so at the  ,south1 my friends8 ,is the  
daily bread of instruction provided for 

your  slaves8 are their minds           
enlightened1 and they gradually prepared
 to  rise from the grade of menials into
 that of free1 independent members  of  
the state8 ,let your own statute book1  
and your own daily experience1  answer  
these questions4    ,if this apostle    
sanctioned slavery1 why did he exhort   
masters thus in  his epistle to the     
,ephesians1 and ye1 masters1 do the same
 things unto  them 7i4e4 perform your   
duties to your servants as unto ,christ1
 not unto  men7 forbearing threatening2 
knowing that your master also is in     
heaven1 neither is there respect of     
persons with him4 ,and in  ,colossians1 
,masters give unto your servants that   
which is just and  equal1 knowing that  
ye also have a master in heaven4 ,let   
slaveholders  only obey these           
injunctions of ,paul1 and ,i am         
satisfied slavery would  soon be        
abolished4 ,if he thought it sinful even
 to threaten servants1  surely he must  
have thought it sinful to flog and to   

beat them with  sticks and paddles2     
indeed1 when delineating the character  
of a bishop1  he expressly names this as
 one feature of it1 no striker4 ,let    
masters give unto their servants that   
which is just and equal1 and  all that  
vast system of unrequited labor would   
crumble into ruin4 ,yes1  and if they   
once felt they had no right to the labor
 of their servants  without pay1 surely 
they could not think they had a right to
 their  wives1 their children1 and their
 own bodies4 ,again1 how can it be said 
,paul sanctioned slavery1 when1 as      
though to put this matter beyond all    
doubt1 in that black catalogue of sins  
enumerated in his first epistle  to     
,timothy1 he mentions menstealers1 which
 word may be translated  slavedealers4  
,but you may say1 we all despise        
slavedealers as much  as any one can2   
they are never admitted into genteel or 
respectable  society4 ,and why not8 ,is 
it not because even you shrink back from
 the  idea of associating with those who

 make their fortunes by trading in the  
bodies and souls of men1 women1 and     
children8 whose daily work it is to     
break human hearts1 by tearing wives    
from their husbands1 and children  from 
their parents8 ,but why hold            
slavedealers as despicable1 if their    
trade is lawful and virtuous8 and why   
despise them more than the  gentlemen of
 fortune and standing who employ them as
 their agents8  ,why more than the      
professors of religion who barter their 
fellow-professors to them for gold and  
silver8 ,we do not despise the  land    
agent1 or the physician1 or the         
merchant1 and why8 ,simply because      
their processions are virtuous and      
honorable2 and if the trade of          
men-jobbers was honorable1 you would not
 despise them either4 ,there is  no     
difference in principle1 in ,christian  
ethics1 between the  despised           
slavedealer and the ,christian who buys 
slaves from1 or sells  slaves to him2   
indeed1 if slaves were not wanted by the

 respectable1 the  wealthy1 and the     
religious in a community1 there would be
 no slaves in  that community1 and of   
course no slavedealers4 ,it is then the 
,christians and the honorable men and   
women of the ,south1 who are  the main  
pillars of this grand temple built to   
,mammon and to ,moloch4  ,it is the most
 enlightened1 in every country who are  
most to blame  when any public sin is   
supported by public opinion1 hence      
,isaiah says1  ,when the ,lord hath     
performed his whole work upon mount     
,zion and on  ,jerusalem1 7then7 ,i will
 punish the fruit of the stout heart of 
the  king of ,assyria1 and the glory of 
his high looks4 ,and was it not so8     
,open the historical records of that    
age1 was not ,israel carried into       
captivity ,b4,c4 #gba1 ,judah ,b4,c4    
#ehh1 and the stout heart of the heathen
  monarchy not punished until ,b4,c4    
#ecf1 fifty-two years after ,judah's1   
and #ahe years1 after ,israel's         
captivity1 when it was overthrown by    

,cyrus1 king of ,persia8 ,hence1 too1   
the apostle ,peter says1 judgment  must 
begin at the house of ,god4 ,surely this
 would not be the case1 if  the         
professors of religion were not most    
worthy of blame4    ,but it may be      
asked1 why are they most culpable8 ,i   
will tell you1 my  friends4 ,it is      
because sin is imputed to us just in    
proportion to the  spiritual light we   
receive4 ,thus the prophet ,amos says1  
in the name of  ,jehovah1 ,you only have
 ,i known of all the families of the    
earth3  therefore ,i will punish you for
 all your iniquities4 ,hear too the     
doctrine of our ,lord on this important 
subject3 ,the servant who knew  his     
,lord's will and prepared not himself1  
neither did according to his  will1     
shall be beaten with many stripes3 and  
why8 ,for unto  whomsoever much is      
given1 of him shall much be required2   
and to  whom men have committed much1 of
 him they will ask the more4 ,oh6  then 
that the ,christians of the south would 

ponder these things in  their hearts1   
and awake to the vast responsibilities  
which rest upon  them at this important 
crisis4    ,i have thus1 ,i think1      
clearly proved to you seven             
propositions1 viz43  ,first1 that       
slavery is contrary to the declaration  
of our independence4  ,second1 that it  
is contrary to the first charter of     
human rights given  to ,adam1 and       
renewed to ,noah4 ,third1 that the fact 
of slavery having  been the subject of  
prophecy1 furnishes no excuse whatever  
to  slaveholders4 ,fourth1 that no such 
system existed under the patriarchal    
dispensation4 ,fifth1 that slavery never
 existed under the ,jewish              
dispensation2 but so far otherwise1 that
 every servant was placed under  the    
protection of law1 and care taken not   
only to prevent all  involuntary        
servitude1 but all voluntary perpetual  
bondage4 ,sixth1  that slavery in       
,america reduces a man to a thing1 a    
chattel  personal1 robs him of all his  

rights as a human being1 fetters  both  
his mind and body1 and protects the     
master in the most unnatural  and       
unreasonable power1 whilst it throws him
 out of the protection of  law4         
,seventh1 that slavery is contrary to   
the example and precepts of  our holy   
and merciful ,redeemer1 and of his      
apostles4    ,but perhaps you will be   
ready to query1 why appeal to women on  
this  subject8 ,we do not make the laws 
which perpetuate slavery4 ,no           
legislative power is vested in us2 we   
can do nothing to overthrow the  system1
 even if we wished to do so4 ,to this ,i
 reply1 ,i know you do not  make the    
laws1 but ,i also know that you are the 
wives and mothers1 the  sisters and     
daughters of those who do2 and if you   
really suppose you  can do nothing to   
overthrow slavery1 you are greatly      
mistaken4 ,you can  do much in every    
way3 four things ,i will name4 #ast4    
,you can read on this  subject4 #b;d4   
,you can pray over this subject4 #c;d4  

,you can speak on this  subject4 #dth4  
,you can act on this subject4 ,i have   
not placed reading  before praying      
because ,i regard it more important1 but
 because1 in order  to pray right1 we   
must understand what we are praying for2
 it is only  then we can pray with the  
understanding and the spirit also4      
#a4 ,read then on the subject of        
slavery4 ,search the ,scriptures daily1 
whether the things ,i have told you are 
true4 ,other books and papers  might be 
a great help to you in this             
investigation1 but they are not         
necessary1 and it is hardly probable    
that your ,committees of ,vigilance     
will allow you to have any other4 ,the  
,bible then is the book ,i want  you to 
read in the spirit of inquiry1 and the  
spirit of prayer4 ,even the  enemies of 
,abolitionists1 acknowledge that their  
doctrines are drawn  from it4 ,in the   
great mob in ,boston1 last autumn1 when 
the books and  papers of the            
,anti-,slavery ,society1 were thrown out

 of the windows of  their office1 one   
individual laid hold of the ,bible and  
was about  tossing it out to the crowd1 
when another reminded him that it was   
the  ,bible he had in his hand4 ,oh6    
'tis all one1 he replied1 and out went  
the sacred volume1 along with the rest4 
,we thank him for the  acknowledgment4  
,yes1 it is all one1 for our books and  
papers are  mostly commentaries on the  
,bible1 and the ,declaration4 ,read the 
,bible  then2 it contains the words of  
,jesus1 and they are spirit and life4   
,judge for yourselves whether he        
sanctioned such a system of oppression  
and crime4    #b4 ,pray over this       
subject4 ,when you have entered into    
your closets1 and  shut to the doors1   
then pray to your father1 who seeth in  
secret1 that  he would open your eyes to
 see whether slavery is sinful1 and if  
it  is1 that he would enable you to bear
 a faithful1 open and unshrinking       
testimony against it1 and to do         
whatsoever your hands find to do1       

leaving the consequences entirely to    
him1 who still says to us whenever  we  
try to reason away duty from the fear of
 consequences1 ,what is that  to thee1  
follow thou me4 ,pray also for the poor 
slave1 that he may be  kept patient and 
submissive under his hard lot1 until    
,god is pleased to  open the door of    
freedom to him without violence or      
bloodshed4 ,pray too  for the master    
that his heart may be softened1 and he  
made willing to  acknowledge1 as        
,joseph's brethren did1 ,verily we are  
guilty concerning  our brother1 before  
he will be compelled to add in          
consequence of  ,divine judgment1       
therefore is all this evil come upon us4
 ,pray also  for all your brethren and  
sisters who are laboring in the         
righteous  cause of ,emancipation in the
 ,northern ,states1 ,england and the    
world4  ,there is great encouragement   
for prayer in these words of our ,lord4 
,whatsoever ye shall ask the ,father in 
any name1 he will give it to  you--,pray

 then without ceasing1 in the closet and
 the social circle4    #c4 ,speak on    
this subject4 ,it is through the tongue1
 the pen1 and the  press1 that truth is 
principally propagated4 ,speak then to  
your  relatives1 your friends1 your     
acquaintances on the subject of slavery2
  be not afraid if you are              
conscientiously convinced it is sinful1 
to  say so openly1 but calmly1 and to   
let your sentiments be known4 ,if you   
are served by the slaves of others1 try 
to ameliorate their condition as  much  
as possible2 never aggravate their      
faults1 and thus add fuel to the  fire  
of anger already kindled1 in a master   
and mistress's bosom2  remember their   
extreme ignorance1 and consider them as 
your ,heavenly  ,father does the less   
culpable on this account1 even when they
 do wrong  things4 ,discountenance all  
cruelty to them1 all starvation1 all    
corporal chastisement2 these may        
brutalize and break their spirits1  but 
will never bend them to willing1        

cheerful obedience4 ,if possible1  see  
that they are comfortably and seasonably
 fed1 whether in the house  or the      
field2 it is unreasonable and cruel to  
expect slaves to wait for  their        
breakfast until eleven o'clock1 when    
they rise at five or six4 ,do  all you  
can1 to induce their owners to clothe   
them well1 and to allow  them many      
little indulgences which would          
contribute to their comfort4  ,above    
all1 try to persuade your husband1      
father1 brothers and sons1 that  slavery
 is a crime against ,god and man1 and   
that it is a great sin to  keep human   
beings in such abject ignorance2 to deny
 them the privilege  of learning to read
 and write4 ,the ,catholics are         
universally condemned1  for denying the 
,bible to the common people1 but1       
slaveholders must not  blame them1 for  
they are doing the very same thing1 and 
for the very  same reason1 neither of   
these systems can bear the light which  
bursts  from the pages of that ,holy    

,book4 ,and lastly1 endeavour to        
inculcate  submission on the part of the
 slaves1 but whilst doing this be       
faithful  in pleading the cause of the  
oppressed4        ,will you behold      
unheeding1      ,life's holiest feelings
 crushed1    ,where woman's heart is    
bleeding1      ,shall woman's voice be  
hushed8      #d4 ,act on this subject4  
,some of you own slaves yourselves4 ,if 
you  believe slavery is sinful1 set them
 at liberty1 undo the heavy  burdens and
 let the oppressed go free4 ,if they    
wish to remain with you1  pay them      
wages1 if not1 let them leave you4      
,should they remain1 teach  them1 and   
have them taught the common branches of 
an ,english education2  they have minds1
 and those minds ought to be improved4  
,so precious a  talent as intellect1    
never was given to be wrapt in a napkin 
and buried  in the earth4 ,it is the    
duty of all1 as far as they can1 to     
improve  their own mental faculties1    
because we are commanded to love ,god   

with  all our minds1 as well as with all
 our hearts1 and we commit a great  sin1
 if we forbid or prevent that           
cultivation of the mind in others1      
which would enable them to perform this 
duty4 ,teach your servants1 then1  to   
read1 c41 and encourage them to believe 
it is their duty to learn1  if it were  
only that they might read the ,bible4   
,but some of you will say1 we can       
neither free our slaves nor teach them  
to read1 for the laws of our state      
forbid it4 ,be not surprised when ,i    
say such wicked laws ought to be no     
barrier in the way of your duty1  and ,i
 appeal to the ,bible to prove this     
position4 ,what was the conduct  of     
,shiprah and ,puah1 when the king of    
,egypt issued his cruel mandate1  with  
regard to the ,hebrew children8 ,they   
feared ,god1 and did not  as the ,king  
of ,egypt commanded them1 but saved the 
men children alive4  ,and be it         
remembered1 that it was through their   
faithfulness that  ,moses was preserved4

 ,this great and immediate emancipator  
was indebted  to a woman for his spared 
life1 and he became a blessing to the   
whole  ,jewish nation4 ,did these women 
do right in disobeying that monarch8    
,therefore 7says the sacred text17 ,god 
dealt well with them1 and  made them    
houses ,ex4 i4 ,what was the conduct of 
,shadrach1 ,meshach1 and  ,abednego1    
when ,nebuchadnezzar set up a golden    
image in the plain of  ,dura1 and       
commanded all people1 nations1 and      
languages1 to fall down and  worship it8
 ,be it known1 unto thee1 7said these   
faithful ,jews7 ,o  king1 that we will  
not serve thy gods1 nor worship the     
image which  thou hast set up4 ,did     
these men do right in disobeying the law
 of  their sovereign8 ,let their        
miraculous deliverance from the burning 
fiery  furnace1 answer2 ,dan4 iii4 ,what
 was the conduct of ,daniel1 when       
,darius  made a firm decree that no one 
should ask a petition of any man or ,god
  for thirty days8 ,did the prophet     

cease to pray8 ,no6 ,when ,daniel knew  
that the writing was signed1 he went    
into his house1 and his windows  being  
open towards ,jerusalem1 he kneeled upon
 his knees three times a  day1 and      
prayed and gave thanks before his ,god1 
as he did aforetime4  ,did ,daniel do   
right thus to break the law of his king8
 ,let his  wonderful deliverance out of 
the mouths of the lions answer2 ,dan4   
vii4  ,look1 too1 at the ,apostles      
,peter and ,john4 ,when the rulers of   
the ,jews1  commanded them not to speak 
at all1 nor teach in the name of ,jesus1
  what did they say8 ,whether it be     
right in the sight of ,god1 to hearken  
unto you more than unto ,god1 judge ye4 
,and what did they do8 ,they  spake the 
word of ,god with boldness1 and with    
great power gave the  ,apostles witness 
of the resurrection of the ,lord ,jesus2
 although  this was the very doctrine1  
for the preaching of which1 they had    
just  been cast into prison1 and further
 threatened4 ,did these men do right8 ,i

  leave you to answer1 who now enjoy the
 benefits of their labors and           
sufferings1 in that ,gospel they dared  
to preach when positively  commanded not
 to teach any more in the name of       
,jesus2 ,acts iv4    ,but some of you   
may say1 if we do free our slaves1 they 
will be taken up  and sold1 therefore   
there will be no use in doing it4 ,peter
 and ,john  might just as well have     
said1 we will not preach the gospel1 for
 if we  do1 we shall be taken up and put
 in prison1 therefore there will be no  
use in our preaching4 ,consequences1 my 
friends1 belong no more to  you1 than   
they did to these apostles4 ,duty is    
ours and events are  ,god's4 ,if you    
think slavery is sinful1 all you have to
 do is to set  your slaves at liberty1  
do all you can to protect them1 and in  
humble  faith and fervent prayer1       
commend them to your common ,father4 ,he
 can  take care of them2 but if for wise
 purposes he sees fit to allow them to  
be sold1 this will afford you an        

opportunity of testifying openly1       
wherever you go1 against the crime of   
manstealing4 ,such an act will be  clear
 robbery1 and if exposed1 might1 under  
the ,divine direction1 do  the cause of 
,emancipation more good1 than any thing 
that could happen1  for1 ,he makes even 
the wrath of man to praise him1 and the 
remainder of  wrath he will restrain4   
,i know that this doctrine of obeying   
,god1 rather than man1 will be          
considered as dangerous1 and heretical  
by many1 but ,i am not afraid  openly to
 avow it1 because it is the doctrine of 
the ,bible2 but ,i would  not be        
understood to advocate resistance to any
 law however oppressive1  if1 in obeying
 it1 ,i was not obliged to commit sin4  
,if for instance1  there was a law1     
which imposed imprisonment or a fine    
upon me if ,i  manumitted a slave1 ,i   
would on no account resist that law1 ,i 
would set  the slave free1 and then go  
to prison or suffer the penalty4 ,if a  
law  commands me to sin ,i will break   

it2 if it calls me to suffer1 ,i will   
let it take its course unresistingly4   
,the doctrine of blind obedience  and   
unqualified submission to any human     
power1 whether civil or  ecclesiastical1
 is the doctrine of despotism1 and ought
 to have no place  among ,republicans   
and ,christians4    ,but you will       
perhaps say1 such a course of conduct   
would inevitably  expose us to great    
suffering4 ,yes6 my christian friends1  
,i believe it  would1 but this will not 
excuse you or any one else for the      
neglect of  duty4 ,if ,prophets and     
,apostles1 ,martyrs1 and ,reformers had 
not been  willing to suffer for the     
truth's sake1 where would the world have
 been  now8 ,if they had said1 we cannot
 speak the truth1 we cannot do what we  
believe is right1 because the laws of   
our country or public opinion are       
against us1 where would our holy        
religion have been now8 ,the ,prophets  
were stoned1 imprisoned1 and killed by  
the ,jews4 ,and why8 ,because they      

exposed and openly rebuked public sins2 
they opposed public opinion2 had  they  
held their peace1 they all might have   
lived in ease and died in  favor with a 
wicked generation4 ,why were the        
,apostles persecuted from  city to city1
 stoned1 incarcerated1 beaten1 and      
crucified8 ,because they  dared to speak
 the truth2 to tell the ,jews1 boldly   
and fearlessly1  that they were the     
murderers of the ,lord of ,glory1 and   
that1 however  great a stumbling-block  
the ,cross might be to them1 there was  
no other  name given under heaven by    
which men could be saved1 but the name  
of  ,jesus4 ,because they declared1 even
 at ,athens1 the seat of learning and   
refinement1 the self-evident truth1 that
 they be no gods that are made  with    
men's hands1 and exposed to the         
,grecians the foolishness of  worldly   
wisdom1 and the impossibility of        
salvation but through ,christ1  whom    
they despised on account of the         
ignominious death he died4 ,because  at 

,rome1 the proud mistress of the world1 
they thundered out the terrors  of the  
law upon that idolatrous1 war-making1   
and slave-holding  community4 ,why were 
the martyrs stretched upon the rack1    
gibbetted and  burnt1 the scorn and     
diversion of a ,nero1 whilst their      
tarred and  burning bodies sent up a    
light which illuminated the ,roman      
capital8 ,why  were the ,waldenses      
hunted like wild beasts upon the        
mountains of  ,piedmont1 and slain with 
the sword of the ,duke of ,savoy and the
 proud  monarch of ,france8 ,why were   
the ,presbyterians chased like the      
partridge  over the highlands of        
,scotland--the ,methodists pumped1 and  
stoned1 and  pelted with rotten         
eggs--the ,quakers incarcerated in      
filthy prisons1  beaten1 whipped at the 
cart's tail1 banished and hung8 ,because
 they  dared to speak the truth1 to     
break the unrighteous laws of their     
country1 and chose rather to suffer     
affliction with the people of ,god1  not

 accepting deliverance1 even under the  
gallows4 ,why were ,luther and  ,calvin 
persecuted and excommunicated1 ,cranmer1
 ,ridley1 and ,latimer  burnt8 ,because 
they fearlessly proclaimed the truth1   
though that truth  was contrary to      
public opinion1 and the authority of    
,ecclesiastical  councils and           
conventions4 ,now all this vast amount  
of human suffering  might have been     
saved4 ,all these ,prophets and         
,apostles1 ,martyrs1 and  ,reformers1   
might have lived and died in peace with 
all men1 but  following the example of  
their great pattern1 they despised the  
shame1  endured the cross1 and are now  
set down on the right hand of the throne
  of ,god1 having received the glorious 
welcome of well done good and  faithful 
servants1 enter ye into the joy of your 
,lord4    ,but you may say we are women1
 how can our hearts endure persecution8 
,and why not8 ,have not women arisen in 
all the dignity and strength of  moral  
courage to be the leaders of the people1

 and to bear a faithful  testimony for  
the truth whenever the providence of    
,god has called them  to do so8 ,are    
there no women in that noble army of    
martyrs who are now  singing the song of
 ,moses and the ,lamb8 ,who led out the 
women of ,israel  from the house of     
bondage1 striking the timbrel1 and      
singing the song of  deliverance on the 
banks of that sea whose waters stood up 
like walls of  crystal to open a passage
 for their escape8 ,it was a woman2     
,miriam1  the prophetess1 the sister of 
,moses and ,aaron4 ,who went up with    
,barak to  ,kadesh to fight against     
,jabin1 ,king of ,canaan1 into whose    
hand ,israel  had been sold because of  
their iniquities8 ,it was a woman6      
,deborah the  wife of ,lapidoth1 the    
judge1 as well as the prophetess of that
  backsliding people2 ,judges iv1 #i4   
,into whose hands was ,sisera1 the      
captain of ,jabin's host delivered8     
,into the hand of a woman4 ,jael the    
wife of ,heber6 ,judges vi1 #ba4 ,who   

dared to speak the truth concerning     
those judgments which were coming upon  
,judea1 when ,josiah1 alarmed at        
finding that his people had not kept the
 word of the ,lord to do after  all that
 was written in the book of the ,law1   
sent to enquire of the  ,lord concerning
 these things8 ,it was a woman4 ,huldah 
the prophetess1  the wife of ,shallum2  
#b1 ,chron4 xxxiv1 #bb4 ,who was chosen 
to deliver the  whole ,jewish nation    
from that murderous decree of ,persia's 
,king1 which  wicked ,haman had obtained
 by calumny and fraud8 ,it was a woman2 
,esther  the ,queen2 yes1 weak and      
trembling woman was the instrument      
appointed  by ,god1 to reverse the      
bloody mandate of the eastern monarch1  
and save  the whole visible church from 
destruction4 ,what human voice first    
proclaimed to ,mary that she should be  
the mother of our ,lord8 ,it was a      
woman6 ,elizabeth1 the wife of          
,zacharias2 ,luke i1 #db1 #dc4 ,who     
united  with the good old ,simeon in    

giving thanks publicly in the temple1   
when  the child1 ,jesus1 was presented  
there by his parents1 and spake of him  
to all them that looked for redemption  
in ,jerusalem8 ,it was a woman6  ,anna  
the prophetess4 ,who first proclaimed   
,christ as the true ,messiah in  the    
streets of ,samaria1 once the capital of
 the ten tribes8 ,it was a  woman6 ,who 
ministered to the ,son of ,god whilst on
 earth1 a despised  and persecuted      
,reformer1 in the humble garb of a      
carpenter8 ,they were  women6 ,who      
followed the rejected ,king of ,israel1 
as his fainting  footsteps trod the road
 to ,calvary8 ,a great company of people
 and of  women2 and it is remarkable    
that to them alone1 he turned and       
addressed the pathetic language1        
,daughters of ,jerusalem weep not for   
me1 but weep for yourselves and your    
children4 ,ah6 who sent unto the  ,roman
 ,governor when he was set down on the  
judgment seat1 saying unto  him1 ,have  
thou nothing to do with that just man1  

for ,i have suffered  many things this  
day in a dream because of him8 ,it was a
 woman6 the  wife of ,pilate4 ,although 
he knew that for envy the ,jews had     
delivered  ,christ1 yet he consented to 
surrender the ,son of ,god into the     
hands  of a brutal soldiery1 after      
having himself scourged his naked body4 
,had  the wife of ,pilate sat upon that 
judgment seat1 what would have been  the
 result of the trial of this just       
person8    ,and who last hung round the 
cross of ,jesus on the mountain of      
,golgotha8  ,who first visited the      
sepulchre early in the morning on the   
first day of  the week1 carrying sweet  
spices to embalm his precious body1 not 
knowing  that it was incorruptible and  
could not be holden by the bands of     
death8  ,these were women6 ,to whom did 
he first appear after his  resurrection8
 ,it was to a woman6 ,mary ,magdalene2  
,mark xvi1 #i4 ,who  gathered with the  
apostles to wait at ,jerusalem1 in      
prayer and  supplication1 for the       

promise of the ,father2 the spiritual   
blessing of  the ,great ,high ,priest of
 his ,church1 who had entered1 not into 
the  splendid temple of ,solomon1 there 
to offer the blood of bulls1 and of     
goats1 and the smoking censer upon the  
golden altar1 but into ,heaven  itself1 
there to present his intercessions1     
after having given himself  for us1 an  
offering and a sacrifice to ,god for a  
sweet smelling savor8  ,women were among
 that holy company2 ,acts i1 #ad4 ,and  
did women wait  in vain8 ,did those who 
had ministered to his necessities1      
followed in  his train1 and wept at his 
crucifixion1 wait in vain8 ,no6 ,no6    
,did the  cloven tongues of fire descend
 upon the heads of women as well as men8
  ,yes1 my friends1 it sat upon each one
 of them2 ,acts ii1 #c4 ,women  as well 
as men were to be living stones in the  
temple of grace1 and  therefore their   
heads were consecrated by the descent of
 the ,holy  ,ghost as well as those of  
men4 ,were women recognized as fellow   

laborers in the gospel field8 ,they     
were6 ,paul says in his epistle to the  
,philippians1 help those women who      
labored with me1 in the gospel2  ,phil4 
iv1 #c4    ,but this is not all4 ,roman 
women were burnt at the stake1 their    
delicate limbs were torn joint from     
joint by the ferocious beasts of the    
,ampitheatre1 and tossed by the wild    
bull in his fury1 for the diversion  of 
that idolatrous1 warlike1 and           
slaveholding people4 ,yes1 women        
suffered under the ten persecutions of  
heathen ,rome1 with the most            
unshrinking constancy and fortitude2 not
 all the entreaties of friends1  nor the
 claims of new born infancy1 nor the    
cruel threats of enemies  could make    
them sprinkle one grain of incense upon 
the altars of ,roman  idols4 ,come now  
with me to the beautiful valleys of     
,piedmont4 ,whose  blood stains the     
green sward1 and decks the wild flowers 
with colors not  their own1 and smokes  
on the sword of persecuting ,france8 ,it

 is  woman's1 as well as man's8 ,yes1   
women were accounted as sheep for  the  
slaughter1 and were cut down as the     
tender saplings of the wood4    ,but    
time would fail me1 to tell of all those
 hundreds and thousands of  women1 who  
perished in the ,low countries of       
,holland1 when ,alva's sword  of        
vengeance was unsheathed against the    
,protestants1 when the ,catholic        
,inquisitions of ,europe became the     
merciless executioners of vindictive    
wrath1 upon those who dared to worship  
,god1 instead of bowing down in  unholy 
adoration before my ,lord ,god the      
,pope1 and when ,england1 too1  burnt   
her ,ann ,ascoes at the stake of        
martyrdom4 ,suffice it to say1 that  the
 ,church1 after having been driven from 
,judea to ,rome1 and from ,rome  to     
,piedmont1 and from ,piedmont to        
,england1 and from ,england to ,holland1
  at last stretched her fainting wings  
over the dark bosom of the  ,atlantic1  
and found on the shores of a great      

wilderness1 a refuge from  tyranny and  
oppression--as she thought1 but even    
here1 7the warm blush  of shame mantles 
my cheek as ,i write it17 even here1    
woman was beaten  and banished1         
imprisoned1 and hung upon the gallows1 a
 trophy to the  ,cross4 ,and what1 ,i   
would ask in conclusion1 have women done
 for the  great and glorious cause of   
,emancipation8 ,who wrote that pamphlet 
which  moved the heart of ,wilberforce  
to pray over the wrongs1 and his tongue 
to plead the cause of the oppressed     
,african8 ,it was a woman1 ,elizabeth   
,heyrick4 ,who labored assiduously to   
keep the sufferings of the slave        
continually before the ,british public8 
,they were women4 ,and how did  they do 
it8 ,by their needles1 paint brushes and
 pens1 by speaking the  truth1 and      
petitioning ,parliament for the         
abolition of slavery4 ,and what  was the
 effect of their labors8 ,read it in the
 ,emancipation bill of  ,great ,britain4
 ,read it1 in the present state of her  

,west ,india ,colonies4  ,read it1 in   
the impulse which has been given to the 
cause of freedom1 in  the ,united       
,states of ,america4 ,have ,english     
women then done so much for  the negro1 
and shall ,american women do nothing8   
,oh no6 ,already are there  sixty female
 ,anti-,slavery ,societies in operation4
 ,these are doing just  what the        
,english women did1 telling the story of
 the colored man's  wrongs1 praying for 
his deliverance1 and presenting his     
kneeling image  constantly before the   
public eye on bags and needle-books1    
card-racks1  pen-wipers1 pin-cushions1  
c4 ,even the children of the north are  
inscribing on their handy work1 ,may the
 points of our needles prick the        
slaveholder's conscience4 ,some of the  
reports of these ,societies  exhibit not
 only considerable talent1 but a deep   
sense of religious  duty1 and a         
determination to persevere through evil 
as well as good  report1 until every    
scourge1 and every shackle1 is buried   

under the feet  of the manumitted slave4
    ,the ,ladies' ,anti-,slavery        
,society of ,boston was called last     
fall1 to a  severe trial of their faith 
and constancy4 ,they were mobbed by the 
gentlemen of property and standing1 in  
that city at their anniversary  meeting1
 and their lives were jeoparded by an   
infuriated crowd2 but  their conduct on 
that occasion did credit to our sex1 and
 affords a full  assurance that they    
will never abandon the cause of the     
slave4 ,the  pamphlet1 ,right and ,wrong
 in ,boston1 issued by them in which a  
particular account is given of that mob 
of broad cloth in broad day1  does equal
 credit to the head and the heart of her
 who wrote it4 ,i wish  my ,southern    
sisters could read it2 they would then  
understand that the  women of the ,north
 have engaged in this work from a sense 
of religious  duty1 and that nothing    
will ever induce them to take their     
hands from  it until it is fully        
accomplished4 ,they feel no hostility to

 you1 no  bitterness or wrath2 they     
rather sympathize in your trials and    
difficulties2 but they well know that   
the first thing to be done to help  you1
 is to pour in the light of truth on    
your minds1 to urge you to  reflect on1 
and pray over the subject4 ,this is all 
they can do for  you1 you must work out 
your own deliverance with fear and      
trembling1  and with the direction and  
blessing of ,god1 you can do it4        
,northern  women may labor to produce a 
correct public opinion at the ,north1   
but if  ,southern women sit down in     
listless indifference and criminal      
idleness1  public opinion cannot be     
rectified and purified at the ,south4   
,it is  manifest to every reflecting    
mind1 that slavery must be abolished2   
the  era in which we live1 and the light
 which is overspreading the whole  world
 on this subject1 clearly show that the 
time cannot be distant when  it will be 
done4 ,now there are only two ways in   
which it can be  effected1 by moral     

power or physical force1 and it is for  
you to  choose which of these you       
prefer4 ,slavery always has1 and always 
will  produce insurrections wherever it 
exists1 because it is a violation of    
the natural order of things1 and no     
human power can much longer  perpetuate 
it4 ,the opposers of abolitionists fully
 believe this2 one of  them remarked to 
me not long since1 there is no doubt    
there will be a  most terrible          
overturning at the ,south in a few      
years1 such cruelty and  wrong1 must be 
visited with ,divine vengeance soon4    
,abolitionists  believe1 too1 that this 
must inevitably be the case if you do   
not  repent1 and they are not willing to
 leave you to perish without  entreating
 you1 to save yourselves from           
destruction2 well may they say  with the
 apostle1 am ,i then your enemy because 
,i tell you the truth1  and warn you to 
flee from impending judgments4    ,but  
why1 my dear friends1 have ,i thus been 
endeavoring to lead you  through the    

history of more than three thousand     
years1 and to point you  to that great  
cloud of witnesses who have gone before1
 from works to  rewards8 ,have ,i been  
seeking to magnify the sufferings1 and  
exalt the  character of woman1 that she 
might have praise of men8 ,no6 no6 my   
object has been to arouse you1 as the   
wives and mothers1 the daughters  and   
sisters1 of the ,south1 to a sense of   
your duty as women1 and as  ,christian  
women1 on that great subject1 which has 
already shaken our  country1 from the   
,st4 ,lawrence and the lakes1 to the    
,gulf of ,mexico1 and  from the         
,mississippi to the shores of the       
,atlantic2 and will continue  mightily  
to shake it1 until the polluted temple  
of slavery fall and  crumble into ruin4 
,i would say unto each one of you1 what 
meanest thou1  ,o sleeper6 arise and    
call upon thy ,god1 if so be that ,god  
will think  upon us that we perish not4 
,perceive you not that dark cloud of    
vengeance which hangs over our boasting 

,republic8 ,saw you not the  lightnings 
of ,heaven's wrath1 in the flame which  
leaped from the  ,indian's torch to the 
roof of yonder dwelling1 and lighted    
with its  horrid glare the darkness of  
midnight8 ,heard you not the thunders of
  ,divine anger1 as the distant roar of 
the cannon came rolling onward1  from   
the ,texian country1 where ,protestant  
,american ,rebels are fighting  with    
,mexican ,republicans--for what8 ,for   
the re-establishment of  slavery2 yes6  
of ,american slavery in the bosom of a  
,catholic ,republic1  where that system 
of robbery1 violence1 and wrong1 had    
been legally  abolished for twelve      
years4 ,yes6 citizens of the ,united    
,states1 after  plundering ,mexico of   
her land1 are now engaged in deadly     
conflict1 for  the privilege of         
fastening chains1 and collars1 and      
manacles--upon whom8  upon the subjects 
of some foreign prince8 ,no6 upon native
 born ,american  ,republican citizens1  
although the fathers of these very men  

declared to  the whole world1 while     
struggling to free themselves from the  
three  penny taxes of an ,english king1 
that they believed it to be a           
self-evident truth that all men were    
created equal1 and had an  unalienable  
right to liberty4    ,well may the poet 
exclaim in bitter sarcasm1        ,the  
fustian flag that proudly waves    ,in  
solemn mockery o'er a land of slaves4   
,can you not1 my friends1 understand the
 signs of the times2 do you not  see the
 sword of retributive justice hanging   
over the ,south1 or are you  still      
slumbering at your posts8--,are there no
 ,shiphrahs1 no ,puahs among  you1 who  
will dare in ,christian firmness and    
,christian meekness1 to  refuse to obey 
the wicked laws which require woman to  
enslave1 to  degrade and to brutalize   
woman8 ,are there no ,miriams1 who would
 rejoice  to lead out the captive       
daughters of the ,southern ,states to   
liberty and  light8 ,are there no       
,huldahs there who will dare to speak   

the truth  concerning the sins of the   
people and those judgments1 which it    
requires  no prophet's eye to see1 must 
follow if repentance is not speedily    
sought8 ,is there no ,esther among you  
who will plead for the poor devoted     
slave8 ,read the history of this        
,persian queen1 it is full of           
instruction2 she at first refused to    
plead for the ,jews2 but1 hear the      
words of ,mordecai1 ,think not within   
thyself1 that thou shalt escape  in the 
king's house more than all the ,jews1   
for if thou altogether  holdest thy     
peace at this time1 then shall there    
enlargement and  deliverance arise to   
the ,jews from another place3 but thou  
and thy  father's house shall be        
destroyed4 ,listen1 too1 to her         
magnanimous  reply to this powerful     
appeal2 ,i will go in unto the king1    
which is  not according to law1 and if  
,i perish1 ,i perish4 ,yes6 if there    
were  but one ,esther at the ,south1 she
 might save her country from ruin2  but 

let the ,christian women there arise1 as
 the ,christian women of ,great         
,britain did1 in the majesty of moral   
power1 and that salvation is  certain4  
,let them embody themselves in          
societies1 and send petitions up  to    
their different legislatures1 entreating
 their husbands1 fathers1  brothers and 
sons1 to abolish the institution of     
slavery2 no longer to  subject woman to 
the scourge and the chain1 to mental    
darkness and  moral degradation2 no     
longer to tear husbands from their      
wives1 and  children from their parents2
 no longer to make men1 women1 and      
children1  work without wages2 no longer
 to make their lives bitter in hard     
bondage2 no longer to reduce ,american  
citizens to the abject condition  of    
slaves1 of chattels personal2 no longer 
to barter the image of  ,god in human   
shambles for corruptible things such as 
silver and gold4    ,the women of the   
,south can overthrow this horrible      
system of  oppression and cruelty1      

licentiousness and wrong4 ,such appeals 
to your  legislatures would be          
irresistible1 for there is something in 
the heart  of man which will bend under 
moral suasion4 ,there is a swift witness
  for truth in his bosom1 which will    
respond to truth when it is uttered     
with calmness and dignity4 ,if you could
 obtain but six signatures to  such a   
petition in only one state1 ,i would    
say1 send up that petition1  and be not 
in the least discouraged by the scoffs  
and jeers of the  heartless1 or the     
resolution of the house to lay it on the
 table4 ,it  will be a great thing if   
the subject can be introduced into your 
legislatures in any way1 even by women1 
and they will be the most  likely to    
introduce it there in the best possible 
manner1 as a matter of  morals and      
religion1 not of expediency or politics4
 ,you may  petition1 too1 the different 
ecclesiastical bodies of the slave      
states4  ,slavery must be attacked with 
the whole power of truth and the sword  

of  the spirit4 ,you must take it up on 
,christian ground1 and fight against  it
 with ,christian weapons1 whilst your   
feet are shod with the  preparation of  
the gospel of peace4 ,and you are now   
loudly called upon  by the cries of the 
widow and the orphan1 to arise and gird 
yourselves  for this great moral        
conflict with the whole armour of       
righteousness on  the right hand and on 
the left4    ,there is every            
encouragement for you to labor and pray1
 my friends1  because the abolition of  
slavery as well as its existence1 has   
been the  theme of prophecy4 ,ethiopia  
7says the ,psalmist7 shall stretch forth
 her  hands unto ,god4 ,and is she not  
now doing so8 ,are not the ,christian   
negroes of the south lifting their hands
 in prayer for deliverance1 just  as the
 ,israelites did when their redemption  
was drawing nigh8 ,are they  not sighing
 and crying by reason of the hard       
bondage8 ,and think you1  that ,he1 of  
whom it was said1 and ,god heard their  

groaning1 and their  cry came up unto   
him by reason of the hard bondage1 think
 you that his  ear is heavy that he     
cannot now hear the cries of his        
suffering  children8 ,or that ,he who   
raised up a ,moses1 an ,aaron1 and a    
,miriam1 to  bring them up out of the   
land of ,egypt from the house of        
bondage1 cannot  now1 with a high hand  
and a stretched out arm1 rid the poor   
negroes out  of the hands of their      
masters8 ,surely you believe that his   
arm is not  shortened that he cannot    
save4 ,and would not such a work of     
mercy  redound to his glory8 ,but       
another string of the harp of prophecy  
vibrates to the song of deliverance3    
,but they shall sit every man under  his
 vine1 and under his fig-tree1 and none 
shall make them afraid2 for  the mouth  
of the ,lord of ,hosts hath spoken it4  
,the slave never can do  this as long as
 he is a slave2 whilst he is a chattel  
personal he  can own no property2 but   
the time is to come when every man is to

  sit under his own vine and his own    
fig-tree1 and no domineering  driver1 or
 irresponsible master1 or irascible     
mistress1 shall make him  afraid of the 
chain or the whip4 ,hear1 too1 the sweet
 tones of another  string3 ,many shall  
run to and fro1 and knowledge shall be  
increased4  ,slavery is an              
insurmountable barrier to the increase  
of knowledge in  every community where  
it exists2 slavery1 then1 must be       
abolished  before this prediction can be
 fulfilled4 ,the last chord ,i shall    
touch1  will be this1 ,they shall not   
hurt nor destroy in all my holy         
mountain4    ,slavery1 then1 must be    
overthrown before the prophecies can be 
accomplished1 but how are they to be    
fulfilled8 ,will the wheels of the      
millennial car be rolled onward by      
miraculous power8 ,no6 ,god designs to  
confer this holy privilege upon woman2  
it is through their  instrumentality    
that the great and glorious work of     
reforming the world  is to be done4 ,and

 see you not how the mighty engine of   
moral power is  dragging in its rear the
 ,bible and peace societies1            
anti-slavery and  temperance1 sabbath   
schools1 moral reform1 and missions8 or 
to adopt  another figure1 do not these  
seven philanthropic associations compose
  the beautiful tints in that bow of    
promise which spans the arch of our     
moral heaven8 ,who does not believe1    
that if these societies were broken  up1
 their constitutions burnt1 and the vast
 machinery with which they  are laboring
 to regenerate mankind was stopped1 that
 the black clouds of  vengeance would   
soon1 burst over our world1 and every   
city would witness  the fate of the     
devoted cities of the plain8 ,each one  
of these societies  is walking abroad   
through the earth scattering the seeds  
of truth over  the wide field of our    
world1 not with the hundred hands of a  
,briareus1  but with a hundred thousand4
    ,another encouragement for you to   
labor1 my friends1 is1 that you will    

have the prayers and co-operation of    
,english and ,northern  philanthropists4
 ,you will never bend your knees in     
supplication at the  throne of grace for
 the overthrow of slavery1 without      
meeting there the  spirits of other     
,christians1 who will mingle their      
voices with yours1 as  the morning or   
evening sacrifice ascends to ,god4 ,yes1
 the spirit of  prayer and of           
supplication has been poured out upon   
many1 many hearts2  there are wrestling 
,jacobs who will not let go of the      
prophetic promises  of deliverance for  
the captive1 and the opening1 of prison 
doors to them  that are bound4 ,there   
are ,pauls who are saying1 in reference 
to this  subject1 ,lord1 what wilt thou 
have me to do8 ,there are ,marys sitting
  in the house now1 who are ready to    
arise and go forth in this work as  soon
 as the message is brought1 the master  
is come and calleth for  thee4 ,and     
there are ,marthas1 too1 who have       
already gone out to meet  ,jesus1 as he 

bends his footsteps to their brother's  
grave1 and weeps1  not over the lifeless
 body of ,lazarus bound hand and foot in
  grave-clothes1 but over the           
politically and intellectually lifeless 
slave1 bound hand and foot in the iron  
chains of oppression and  ignorance4    
,some may be ready to say1 as ,martha   
did1 who seemed to expect  nothing but  
sympathy from ,jesus1 ,lord1 by this    
time he stinketh1 for he  hath been dead
 four days4 ,she thought it useless to  
remove the stone  and expose the        
loathsome body of her brother2 she could
 not believe that  so great a miracle   
could be wrought1 as to raise that      
putrified body  into life2 but ,jesus   
said1 take ye away the stone2 and when  
they  had taken away the stone where the
 dead was laid1 and uncovered the body  
of ,lazarus1 then it was that ,jesus    
lifted up his eyes and said1 ,father1   
,i thank thee that thou hast heard me1  
c4 ,and when he had thus spoken1  he    
cried with a loud voice1 ,lazarus1 come 

forth4 ,yes1 some may be ready  to say  
of the colored race1 how can they ever  
be raised politically  and              
intellectually1 they have been dead four
 hundred years8 ,but we  have nothing to
 do with how this is to be done2 our    
business is to  take away the stone     
which has covered up the dead body of   
our brother1  to expose the putrid      
carcass1 to show how that body has been 
bound  with the grave-clothes of heathen
 ignorance1 and his face with the       
napkin of prejudice1 and having done all
 it was our duty to do1 to stand  by the
 negro's grave1 in humble faith and holy
 hope1 waiting to hear the  life-giving 
command of ,lazarus1 come forth4 ,this  
is just what  ,anti-,slavery ,societies 
are doing2 they are taking away the     
stone from  the mouth of the tomb of    
slavery1 where lies the putrid carcass  
of our  brother4 ,they want the pure    
light of heaven to shine into that dark 
and  gloomy cave2 they want all men to  
see how that dead body has been  bound1 

how that face has been wrapped in the   
napkin of prejudice2  and shall they    
wait beside that grave in vain8 ,is not 
,jesus still the  resurrection and the  
life8 ,did ,he come to proclaim liberty 
to the  captive1 and the opening of     
prison doors to them that are bound1 in 
vain8 ,did ,he promise to give beauty   
for ashes1 the oil of joy for  mourning1
 and the garment of praise for the      
spirit of heaviness unto  them that     
mourn in ,zion1 and will ,he refuse to  
beautify the mind1 anoint  the head1 and
 throw around the captive negro the     
mantle of praise for  that spirit of    
heaviness which has so long bowed him   
down to the ground8  ,or shall we not   
rather say with the prophet1 the zeal of
 the ,lord of  ,hosts will perform this8
 ,yes1 his promises are sure1 and amen  
in  ,christ ,jesus1 that he will        
assemble her that halteth1 and gather   
her  that is driven out1 and her that is
 afflicted4    ,but ,i will now say a   
few words on the subject of             

,abolitionism4 ,doubtless  you have all 
heard ,anti-,slavery ,societies         
denounced as insurrectionary  and       
mischievous1 fanatical and dangerous4   
,it has been said they publish  the most
 abominable untruths1 and that they are 
endeavoring to excite  rebellions at the
 ,south4 ,have you believed these       
reports1 my friends8  have you also been
 deceived by these false assertions8    
,listen to me1  then1 whilst ,i endeavor
 to wipe from the fair character of     
,abolitionism  such unfounded           
accusations4 ,you know that ,i am a     
,southerner3 your know  that my dearest 
relatives are now in a slave ,state4    
,can you for a moment  believe ,i would 
prove so recreant to the feelings of a  
daughter and a  sister1 as to join a    
society which seeking to overthrow      
slavery by  falsehood1 bloodshed and    
murder8 ,i appeal to you who have known 
and  loved me in days that are passed1  
can you believe it8 ,no6 my friends4    
,as a ,carolinian1 ,i was peculiarly    

jealous of any movements on this        
subject2 and before ,i would join an    
,anti-,slavery ,society1 ,i took the    
precaution of becoming acquainted with  
some of the leading  ,abolitionists1 of 
reading their publications and attending
 their  meetings1 at which ,i heard     
addresses both from colored and white   
men2  and it was not until ,i was fully 
convinced that their principles were    
entirely pacific1 and their efforts only
 moral1 that ,i gave my name  as a      
member to the ,female ,anti-,slavery    
,society of ,philadelphia4 ,since  that 
time1 ,i have regularly taken the       
,liberator1 and read many               
,anti-,slavery pamphlets and papers and 
books1 and can assure you ,i  never have
 seen a single insurrectionary          
paragraph1 and never read any  account  
of cruelty which ,i could not believe4  
,southerners may deny the  truth of     
these accounts1 but why do they not     
prove them to be false4  ,their violent 
expressions of horror at such accounts  

being believed1  may deceive some1 but  
they cannot deceive me1 for ,i lived too
 long  in the midst of slavery1 not to  
know what slavery is4 ,such declarations
  remind me of an assertion made by a   
,catholic priest1 who said that his     
,church had never persecuted            
,protestants for their religion1 when it
 is  well known that the pages of       
history are black with the crimes of the
  ,inquisition4 ,oh6 if the slaves of   
the ,south could only write a book1 it  
would vie1 ,i have no doubt1 with the   
horrible details of ,catholic  cruelty4 
,when ,i speak of this system1 ,i speak 
that ,i do know1 and ,i  am not afraid  
to assert1 that ,anti-,slavery          
publications have not  overdrawn the    
monstrous features of slavery at all4   
,and many a  ,southerner knows this as  
well as ,i do4 ,a lady in ,north        
,carolina  remarked to a friend of mine1
 about eighteen months since1           
,northerners  know nothing at all about 
slavery2 they think it is perpetual     

bondage  only2 but of the depth of      
degradation that word involves1 they    
have no  conception2 if they had1 they  
would never cease their efforts until so
  horrible a system was overthrown4 ,she
 did not1 know how faithfully  some     
,northern men and ,northern women had   
studied this subject2 how  diligently   
they had searched out the cause of him  
who had none to help  him1 and how      
fearlessly they had told the story of   
the negro's wrongs4  ,yes1 ,northerners 
know every thing about slavery now4     
,this monster of  iniquity has been     
unveiled to the world1 his frightful    
features  unmasked1 and soon1 very soon1
 will he be regarded with no more       
complacency by the ,american republic   
than is the idol of ,juggernaut1        
rolling its bloody wheels over the      
crushed bodies of its prostrate         
victims4    ,but you will probably ask1 
if ,anti-,slavery societies are not     
insurrectionary1 why do ,northerners    
tell us they are6 ,why1 ,i would ask    

you in return1 did ,northern senators   
and ,northern representatives give      
their votes1 at the last sitting of     
congress1 to the admission of  ,arkansas
 ,territory as a slave state8 ,take     
those men1 one by one1 and ask  them in 
their parlours1 do you approve of       
slavery8 ask them on  ,northern ground1 
where they will speak the truth1 and ,i 
doubt not  every man of them will tell  
you1 no6 ,why then1 ,i ask1 did they    
give their votes to enlarge the mouth of
 that grave which has already  destroyed
 its tens of thousands6 ,all our enemies
 tell us they are as  much anti slavery 
as we are4 ,yes1 my friends1 thousands  
who are helping  you to bind the fetters
 of slavery on the negro1 despise you in
 their  hearts for doing it2 they       
rejoice that such an institution has not
 been  entailed upon them4 ,why then1 ,i
 would ask1 do they lend you their      
help8 ,i will tell you1 they love the   
praise of men more than the  praise of  
,god4 ,the ,abolition cause has not yet 

become so popular as to  induce them to 
believe1 that by advocating it in       
congress1 they shall  sit still more    
securely in their seats there1 and like 
the chief  rulers in the days of our    
,saviour1 though many believed on him1  
yet  they did not confess him1 lest they
 should be put out of the  synagogue2   
,john xii1 #db1 #dc4 ,or perhaps like   
,pilate1 thinking they  could prevail   
nothing1 and fearing a tumult1 they     
determined to release  ,barabbas and    
surrender the just man1 the poor        
innocent slave to be  stripped of his   
rights and scourged4 ,in vain will such 
men try to wash  their hands1 and say1  
with the ,roman governor1 ,i am innocent
 of the  blood of this just person4     
,northern ,american statesmen are no    
more  innocent of the crime of slavery1 
than ,pilate was of the murder of       
,jesus1 or ,saul of that of ,stephen4   
,these are high charges1 but ,i appeal  
to their hearts2 ,i appeal to public    
opinion ten years from now4  ,slavery   

then is a national sin4    ,but you will
 say1 a great many other ,northerners   
tell us so1 who can  have no political  
motives4 ,the interests of the ,north1  
you must know1 my  friends1 are very    
closely combined with those of the      
,south4 ,the ,northern  merchants and   
manufacturers are making their fortunes 
out of the  produce of slave labor2 the 
grocer is selling your rice and sugar2  
how  then can these men bear a testimony
 against slavery without condemning     
themselves8 ,but there is another       
reason1 the ,north is most dreadfully   
afraid of ,amalgamation4 ,she is alarmed
 at the very idea of a thing so         
monstrous1 as she thinks4 ,and lest this
 consequence might flow from            
emancipation1 she is determined to      
resist all efforts at emancipation      
without expatriation4 ,it is not because
 she approves of slavery1 or  believes  
it to be the corner stone of our        
republic1 for she is as much            
anti-slavery as we are2 but amalgamation

 is too horrible to think of4  ,now ,i  
would ask you1 is it right1 is it       
generous1 to refuse the  colored people 
in this country the advantages of       
education and the  privilege1 or rather 
the right1 to follow honest trades and  
callings  merely because they are       
colored8 ,the same prejudice exists here
 against  our colored brethren that     
existed against the ,gentiles in ,judea4
 ,great  numbers cannot bear the idea of
 equality1 and fearing lest1 if they had
  the same advantages we enjoy1 they    
would become as intelligent1 as  moral1 
as religious1 and as respectable and    
wealthy1 they are determined  to keep   
them as low as they possibly can4 ,is   
this doing as they would be  done by8   
,is this loving their neighbor as       
themselves8 ,oh6 that such  opposers of 
,abolitionism would put their souls in  
the stead of the free  colored man's and
 obey the apostolic injunction1 to      
remember them that  are in bonds as     
bound with them4 ,i will leave you to   

judge whether  the fear of amalgamation 
ought to induce men to oppose           
anti-slavery  efforts1 when they believe
 slavery to be sinful4 ,prejudice       
against  color1 is the most powerful    
enemy we have to fight with at the      
,north4    ,you need not be surprised1  
then1 at all1 at what is said against   
,abolitionists by the ,north1 for they  
are wielding a two-edged sword1  which  
even here1 cuts through the cords of    
caste1 on the one side1 and  the bonds  
of interest on the other4 ,they are only
 sharing the fate of  other reformers1  
abused and reviled whilst they are in   
the minority2 but  they are neither     
angry nor discouraged by the invective  
which has been  heaped upon them by     
slaveholders at the ,south and their    
apologists at  the ,north4 ,they know   
that when ,george ,fox and ,william     
,edmundson were  laboring in behalf of  
the negroes in the ,west ,indies in     
#afga that the  very same slanders were 
propogated against them1 which are now  

circulated against ,abolitionists4      
,although it was well known that ,fox   
was the founder of a religious sect     
which repudiated all war1 and  all      
violence1 yet even he was accused of    
endeavoring to excite the  slaves to    
insurrection and of teaching the negroes
 to cut their master's  throats4 ,and   
these two men who had their feet shod   
with the preparation  of the ,gospel of 
,peace1 were actually compelled to draw 
up a formal  declaration that they were 
not trying to raise a rebellion in      
,barbadoes4 ,it is also worthy of remark
 that these ,reformers did not at  this 
time see the necessity of emancipation  
under seven years1 and their  principal 
efforts were exerted to persuade the    
planters of the necessity  of           
instructing their slaves2 but the       
slaveholder saw then1 just what the     
slaveholder sees now1 that an           
enlightened population never can be a   
slave population1 and therefore they    
passed a law that negroes should  not   

even attend the meetings of ,friends4   
,abolitionists know that the  life of   
,clarkson was sought by slavetraders1   
and that even ,wilberforce  was         
denounced on the floor of ,parliament as
 a fanatic and a hypocrite by  the      
present ,king of ,england1 the very man 
who1 in #ahcd set his seal to  that     
instrument which burst the fetters of   
eight hundred thousand slaves  in his   
,west ,india colonies4 ,they know that  
the first ,quaker who bore a  faithful  
testimony against the sin of slavery was
 cut off from  religious fellowship with
 that society4 ,that ,quaker was a      
woman4 ,on  her deathbed she sent for   
the committee who dealt with her--she   
told  them1 the near approach of death  
had not altered her sentiments on the   
subject of slavery and waving her hand  
towards a very fertile and  beautiful   
portion of country which lay stretched  
before her window1 she  said with great 
solemnity1 ,friends1 the time will come 
when there will  not be friends enough  

in all this district to hold one meeting
 for  worship1 and this garden will be  
turned into a wilderness4    ,the aged  
friend1 who with tears in his eyes1     
related this interesting  circumstance  
to me1 remarked1 that at that time there
 were seven  meetings of friends in that
 part of ,virginia1 but that when he was
 there  ten years ago1 not a single     
meeting was held1 and the country was   
literally a desolation4 ,soon after her 
decease1 ,john ,woolman began his       
labors in our society1 and instead of   
disowning a member for testifying       
against slavery1 they have for sixty-two
 years positively forbidden  their      
members to hold slaves4                 
,abolitionists understand the           
slaveholding spirit too well to be      
surprised at any thing that has yet     
happened at the ,south or the ,north2   
they know that the greater the sin is1  
which is exposed1 the more  violent will
 be the efforts to blacken the character
 and impugn the  motives of those who   

are engaged in bringing to light the    
hidden things  of darkness4 ,they       
understand the work of ,reform too well 
to be driven  back by the furious waves 
of opposition1 which are only foaming   
out  their own shame4 ,they have stood  
the world's dread laugh1 when only      
twelve men formed the first             
,anti-,slavery ,society in ,boston in   
#ahca4 ,they  have faced and refuted the
 calumnies of their enemies1 and proved 
themselves to be emphatically peace men 
by never resisting the  violence of     
mobs1 even when driven by them from the 
temple of ,god1 and  dragged by an      
infuriated crowd through the streets of 
the emporium of  ,new-,england1 or      
subjected by slaveholders to the pain of
 corporal  punishment4 ,none of these   
things move them2 and1 by the grace of  
,god1  they are determined to persevere 
in this work of faith and labor of      
love3 they mean to pray1 and preach1 and
 write1 and print1 until slavery  is    
completely overthrown1 until ,babylon is

 taken up and cast into the  sea1 to be 
found no more at all4 ,they mean to     
petition ,congress year  after year1    
until the seat of our government is     
cleansed from the sinful  traffic of    
slaves and the souls of men4 ,although  
that august assembly  may be like the   
unjust judge who feared not ,god neither
 regarded man1  yet it must yield just  
as he did1 from the power of            
importunity4 ,like  the unjust judge1   
,congress must redress the wrongs of the
 widow1 lest  by the continual coming up
 of petitions1 it be wearied4 ,this will
 be  striking the dagger into the very  
heart of the monster1 and once this     
done1 he must soon expire4              
,abolitionists have been accused of     
abusing their ,southern brethren4 ,did  
the prophet ,isaiah abuse the ,jews when
 he addressed to them the  cutting      
reproof contained in the first chapter  
of his prophecies1 and  ended by telling
 them1 they would be ashamed of the oaks
 they had  desired1 and confounded for  

the garden they had chosen8 ,did ,john  
the  ,baptist abuse the ,jews when he   
called them a generation of vipers1  and
 warned them to bring forth fruits meet 
for repentance6 ,did ,peter  abuse the  
,jews when he told them they were the   
murderers of the ,lord of  ,glory8 ,did 
,paul abuse the ,roman ,governor when he
 reasoned before him of  righteousness1 
temperance1 and judgment1 so as to send 
conviction home  to his guilty heart1   
and cause him to tremble in view of the 
crimes he  was living in8 ,surely not4  
,no man will now accuse the prophets and
  apostles of abuse1 but what have      
,abolitionists done more than they8 ,no 
doubt the ,jews thought the prophets and
 apostles in their day1 just as  harsh  
and uncharitable as slaveholders now1   
think ,abolitionists2 if they  did not1 
why did they beat1 and stone1 and kill  
them8    ,great fault has been found    
with the prints which have been employed
 to  expose slavery at the ,north1 but  
my friends1 how could this be done so   

effectively in any other way8 ,until the
 pictures of the slave's  sufferings    
were drawn and held up to public gaze1  
no ,northerner had any  idea of the     
cruelty of the system1 it never entered 
their minds that  such abominations     
could exist in ,christian1 ,republican  
,america2 they  never suspected that    
many of the gentlemen and ladies who    
came from  the ,south to spend the      
summer months in traveling among them1  
were petty  tyrants at home4 ,and those 
who had lived at the ,south1 and came to
  reside at the ,north1 were too ashamed
 of slavery even to speak of it2  the   
language of their hearts was1 tell it   
not in ,gath1 publish it  not in the    
streets of ,askelon2 they saw no use in 
uncovering the  loathsome body to       
popular sight1 and in hopeless despair1 
wept in secret  places over the sins of 
oppression4 ,to such hidden mourners the
  formation of ,anti-,slavery ,societies
 was as life from the dead1 the first   
beams of hope which gleamed through the 

dark clouds of despondency and  grief4  
,prints were made use of to effect the  
abolition of the  ,inquisition in       
,spain1 and ,clarkson employed them when
 he was laboring to  break up the ,slave
 trade1 and ,english ,abolitionists used
 them just as we  are now doing4 ,they  
are powerful appeals and have invariably
 done the  work they were designed to   
do1 and we cannot consent to abandon the
 use  of these until the realities no   
longer exist4    ,with regard to those  
white men1 who1 it was said1 did try to 
raise an  insurrection in ,mississippi a
 year ago1 and who were stated to be    
,abolitionists1 none of them were proved
 to be members of ,anti-,slavery        
,societies1 and it must remain a matter 
of great doubt whether1 even they  were 
guilty of the crimes alledged against   
them1 because when any  community is    
thrown into such a panic as to inflict  
,lynch law upon  accused persons1 they  
cannot be supposed to be capable of     
judging with  calmness and impartiality4

 ,we know that the papers of which the  
,charleston mail was robbed1 were not   
insurrectionary1 and that they  were not
 sent to the colored people as was      
reported4 ,we know that  ,amos ,dresser 
was no insurrectionist though he was    
accused of being so1  and on this false 
accusation was publicly whipped in      
,nashville in the  midst of a crowd of  
infuriated slaveholders4 ,was that young
 man  disgraced by this infliction of   
corporal punishment8 ,no more than was  
the great apostle of the ,gentile2 who  
five times received forty stripes1  save
 one4 ,like him1 he might have said1    
henceforth ,i bear in my body  the marks
 of the ,lord ,jesus1 for it was for the
 truth's sake1 he  suffered1 as much as 
did the ,apostle ,paul4 ,are ,nelson1   
and ,garrett1 and  ,williams1 and other 
,abolitionists who have recently been   
banished from  ,missouri1               
insurrectionists8 ,we know they are not1
 whatever  slaveholders may choose to   
call them4 ,the spirit which now        

asperses the  character of the          
,abolitionists1 is the very same which  
dressed up the  ,christians of ,spain in
 the skins of wild beasts and pictures  
of devils  when they were led to        
execution as heretics4 ,before we       
condemn  individuals1 it is necessary1  
even in a wicked community1 to accuse   
them  of some crime2 hence1 when        
,jezebel wished to compass the death of 
,naboth1 men of ,belial were suborned to
 bear false witness against him1  and so
 it was with ,stephen1 and so it ever   
has been1 and ever will be1  as long as 
there is any virtue to suffer on the    
rack1 or the gallows4  ,false witnesses 
must appear against ,abolitionists      
before they can be  condemned4    ,i    
will now say a few words on ,george     
,thompson's mission to this country4    
,this ,philanthropist was accused of    
being a foreign emissary4 ,were         
,lafayette1 and ,steuben1 and ,de ,kalb1
 and ,pulawski1 foreign emissaries  when
 they came over to ,america to fight    

against the tories1 who  preferred      
submitting to what was termed1 the yoke 
of servitude1 rather  than bursting the 
fetters which bound them to the mother  
country8 ,they  came with carnal weapons
 to engage in bloody conflict against   
,american citizens1 and yet1 where do   
their names stand on the page of        
,history4 ,among the honorable1 or the  
base8 ,thompson came here to war        
against the giant sin of slavery1 not   
with the sword and the pistol1  but with
 the smooth stones of oratory taken from
 the pure waters of the  river of       
,truth4 ,his splendid talents and       
commanding eloquence rendered  him a    
powerful coadjutor in the ,anti-,slavery
 cause1 and in order to  neutralize the 
effects of these upon his auditors1 and 
rob the poor  slave of the benefits of  
his labors1 his character was defamed1  
his life  was sought1 and he at last    
driven from our ,republic1 as a         
fugitive4 ,but  was ,thompson disgraced 
by all this mean and contemptible and   

wicked  chicanery and malice8 ,no more  
than was ,paul1 when in consequence of a
  vision he had seen at ,treas1 he went 
over the ,macedonia to help the         
,christians there1 and was beaten and   
imprisoned1 because he cast out a       
spirit of divination from a young damsel
 which had brought much gain to  her    
masters4 ,paul was as much a foreign    
emissary in the ,roman colony  of       
,philippi1 as ,george ,thompson was in  
,america1 and it was because he  was a  
,jew1 and taught customs it was not     
lawful for them to receive or  observe  
being ,romans1 that the ,apostle was    
thus treated4    ,it was said1 ,thompson
 was a felon1 who had fled to this      
country to  escape transportation to    
,new ,holland4 ,look at him now pouring 
the  thundering strains of his          
eloquence1 upon crowded audiences in    
,great  ,britain1 and see in this a     
triumphant vindication of his character4
 ,and  have the slaveholder1 and his    
obsequious apologist1 gained anything by

  all their violence and falsehood8 ,no6
 for the stone which struck ,goliath  of
 ,gath1 had already been thrown from the
 sling4 ,the giant of slavery  who had  
so proudly defied the armies of the     
living ,god1 had received his           
death-blow before he left our shores4   
,but what is ,george ,thompson doing    
there8 ,is he not now laboring there1 as
 effectually to abolish ,american       
slavery as though he trod our own soil1 
and lectured to ,new ,york or  ,boston  
assemblies8 ,what is he doing there1 but
 constructing a stupendous  dam1 which  
will turn the overwhelming tide of      
public opinion over the  wheels of that 
machinery which ,abolitionists are      
working here4 ,he is now  lecturing to  
,britons on ,american ,slavery1 to the  
subjects of a  ,king1 on the abject     
condition of the slaves of a ,republic4 
,he is  telling them of that mighty     
,confederacy of petty tyrants which     
extends  over thirteen ,states of our   
,union4 ,he is telling them of the      

munificent  rewards offered by          
slaveholders1 for the heads of the most 
distinguished  advocates for freedom in 
this country4 ,he is moving the ,british
 ,churches  to send out to the churches 
of ,america the most solemn appeals1    
reproving1 rebuking1 and exhorting1 them
 with all long suffering and  patience  
to abandon the sin of slavery           
immediately4 ,where then ,i ask1  will  
the name of ,george ,thompson stand on  
the page of ,history8 ,among the        
honorable1 or the base8    ,what can ,i 
say more1 my friends1 to induce you to  
set your hands1 and  heads1 and hearts1 
to the great work of justice and mercy4 
,perhaps you  have feared the           
consequences of immediate emancipation1 
and been  frightened by all those       
dreadful prophecies of rebellion1       
bloodshed and  murder1 which have been  
uttered4 ,let no man deceive you2 they  
are the  predictions of that same lying 
spirit which spoke through the four     
hundred prophets of old1 to ,ahab king  

of ,israel1 urging him on to            
destruction4 ,slavery may produce these 
horrible scenes if it is  continued five
 years longer1 but ,emancipation never  
will4    ,i can prove the safety of     
immediate ,emancipation by history4 ,in 
,st4  ,domingo in #agic six hundred     
thousand slaves were set free in a white
  population of forty-two thousand4     
,that ,island marched as by enchantment 
towards its ancient splendor1           
cultivation prospered1 every day        
produced  perceptible proofs of its     
progress1 and the negroes all continued 
quietly to work on the different        
plantations1 until in #ahjb1 ,france    
determined to reduce these liberated    
slaves again to bondage4 ,it was at     
this time that all those dreadful scenes
 of cruelty occurred1 which we  so often
 unjustly hear spoken of1 as the effects
 of ,abolition4 ,they  were occasioned  
not by ,emancipation1 but by the base   
attempt to fasten  the chains of slavery
 on the limbs of liberated slaves4      

,in ,guadaloupe eighty-five thousand    
slaves were freed in a white  population
 of thirteen thousand4 ,the same        
prosperous effects followed  manumission
 here1 that had attended it in ,hayti1  
every thing was quiet  until ,buonaparte
 sent out a fleet to reduce these       
negroes again to  slavery1 and in #ahjb 
this institution was re-established in  
that ,island4  ,in #ahcd1 when ,great   
,britain determined to liberate the     
slaves in her  ,west ,india colonies1   
and proposed the apprenticeship system2 
the  planters of ,bermuda and ,antigua1 
after having joined the other planters  
in their representations of the bloody  
consequences of ,emancipation1 in  order
 if possible to hold back the hand which
 was offering the boon of  freedom to   
the poor negro2 as soon as they found   
such falsehoods were  utterly           
disregarded1 and ,abolition must take   
place1 came forward  voluntarily1 and   
asked for the compensation which was due
 to them1  saying1 they preferred       

immediate emancipation1 and were not    
afraid of  any insurrection4 ,and how is
 it with these islands now8 ,they are   
decidedly more prosperous than any of   
those on which the apprenticeship       
system was adopted1 and ,england is now 
trying to abolish that system1 so  fully
 convinced is she that immediate        
,emancipation is the safest and  the    
best plan4    ,and why not try it in the
 ,southern ,states1 if it never has     
occasioned  rebellion2 if not a drop of 
blood has ever been shed in consequence 
of  it1 though it has been so often     
tried1 why should we suppose it would   
produce such disastrous consequences    
now8 ,be not deceived then1 ,god is  not
 mocked1 by such false excuses for not  
doing justly and loving  mercy4 ,there  
is nothing to fear from immediate       
,emancipation1 but every  thing from the
 continuance of slavery4    ,sisters in 
,christ1 ,i have done4 ,as a            
,southerner1 ,i have felt it was my     
duty to address you4 ,i have endeavoured

 to set before you the exceeding        
sinfulness of slavery1 and to point you 
to the example of those noble  women who
 have been raised up in the church to   
effect great revolutions1  and to suffer
 for the truth's sake4 ,i have appealed 
to your sympathies  as women1 to your   
sense of duty as ,christian women4 ,i   
have attempted  to vindicate the        
,abolitionists1 to prove the entire     
safety of immediate  ,emancipation1 and 
to plead the cause of the poor and      
oppressed4 ,i have  done--,i have sowed 
the seeds of truth1 but ,i well know1   
that even if an  ,apollos were to follow
 in my steps to water them1 ,god only   
can give  the increase4 ,to ,him then   
who is able to prosper the work of his  
servant's hand1 ,i commend this ,appeal 
in fervent prayer1 that as he  hath     
chosen the weak things of the world1 to 
confound the things  which are mighty1  
so ,he may guise ,his blessing1 to      
descend and carry  conviction to the    
hearts of many ,lydias through these    

speaking pages4  ,farewell--,count me   
not your enemy because ,i have told you 
the truth1  but believe me in unfeigned 
affection1        ,your sympathizing    
,friend1    ,,angelina ,e4 ,,grimk4     
,shrewsbury1 ,n4,j41 #ahcf4             
99       99       99       99       99  
,,third ,,edition4    ,price #f #a-d    
cents single1 #fb #a-b cents per dozen1 
#d per hundred4      ,no4 #c4      ,,the
 ,,anti-,,slavery ,,examiner4           
99       99       99       99       99  
,,letter ,,of ,,gerrit ,,smith    ,,to  
,,rev4 ,,james ,,smylie1    ,,of ,,the  
,,state ,,of ,,mississippi4      #ahcg4 
,,letter1 ,,etc4    ,,peterboro'1       
,october #bh1 #ahcf4      ,rev4 ,,james 
,,smylie1    ,late ,stated ,clerk of the
 ,presbytery of ,mississippi3           
,,sir1--,accept my thanks for your      
politeness in sending me a copy of your 
book on slavery4 ,this book proves1 that
 the often repeated assertion1  that the
 whole ,south is opposed to the         
discussion of the question of  slavery1 

is not true3--and so far1 ,i rejoice in 
its appearance4 ,i  presume--,i know1   
indeed1 that you are not the only man in
 the ,south1 who  is in favor of this   
discussion4 ,there are1 doubtless1 many 
persons in  the ,south1 who believe1    
that all attempts to suppress it1 are   
vain1 as  well as wicked4 ,besides1 you 
virtually admit1 that the ,south is     
compelled to discuss the question of    
slavery2 or1 at least1 to give her  own 
views of it1 in order to prevent the    
conscience of ,southern                 
,christians--that conscience1 which does
 make cowards of us all--from  turning  
traitor to the cause of slavery4 ,i     
rejoice1 too1 that you  accompanied the 
copy sent to me1 with the request1 that 
,i should review  it1 and make candid   
remarks upon it2 and1 that you have thus
 put it in  my power to send to the     
,south some of my views on slavery1     
without  laying myself open to the      
charge of being discourteous and        
obtrusive4    ,you undertake to show    

that slavery existed1 and1 with the     
,divine  approbation1 amongst the ,old  
,testament ,jews2 and that it also      
existed1  whilst our ,saviour and his   
,apostles were on the earth1 and was    
approved  by them4 ,you thence argue1   
that it is not only an innocent         
institution1  but one which it is a     
religious duty to maintain4    ,i admit1
 for the sake of argument1 that there   
was a servitude in the  patriarchal     
families which was approved by ,god4    
,but what does this avail  in your      
defence of slavery1 unless you show1    
that that servitude and  slavery are    
essentially alike8 ,the literal terms of
 the relation of  master and servant1   
under that servitude1 are not made known
 to us2 but  we can1 nevertheless1      
confidently infer their spirit from     
facts1 which  illustrate their practical
 character2 and1 if this character be   
found to  be opposite to that of        
slavery1 then it is manifest1 that what 
you say  of patriarchal servitude is    

impertinent1 and tends to mislead1      
rather  than enlighten your readers4 ,to
 a few of these facts and a few of the  
considerations arising from them1 ,i now
 call your attention4    #ast4 ,read the
 first eight verses of the eighteenth   
chapter of ,genesis1  and tell me1 if   
you ever saw ,gov4 ,mc,duffie or any    
other ,southern  patriarch 7for the     
governor desires to have all            
slaveholders looked upon  in the        
character of patriarchs7 putting himself
 on a level with his  servants1 and     
working with his hands1 after the manner
 of ,abraham and  ,sarah8    #b;d4      
,there was such a community of          
interest--so much of mutual             
confidence--between ,abraham and his    
servants1 that they fought his  battles4
 ,indeed1 the terms of this patriarchal 
servitude were such1 that  in the event 
of the master's dying without issue1 one
 of his servants  inherited his property
 7,gen4 #ae3 #c74 ,but1 according to the
 code of  ,southern slavery1 the slave  

can no more own property1 than he can   
own  himself4 ,all that a slave         
possesses belongs to his master--,slaves
 are  incapable of inheriting or        
transmitting property4 ,these1 and many 
similar phrases1 are found in that code4
 ,severe as was the system of  ,roman   
slavery1 yet in this respect1 it was far
 milder than yours2 for  its subjects   
could acquire property 7their peculium72
 and frequently did  they purchase their
 liberty with it4 ,so far from ,southern
 slaves being1  as ,abraham's servants  
were1 a dependence in war1 it is        
historically  true1 that they are       
accustomed to improve this occasion to  
effect their  escape1 and strengthen the
 hands of the enemy4 ,as a further proof
 that  ,southern slavery begets none of 
that confidence between master and      
slave1 which characterized the mutual   
intercourse of ,abraham and his         
servants--the slave is prohibited1 under
 severe penalties1 from having  any     
weapons in his possession1 even in time 

of peace2 and the nightly  patrol1 which
 the terror-stricken whites of ,southern
 towns keep up1 in  peace1 as well as in
 war1 argues any thing1 rather than the 
existence of  such confidence4 ,for     
keeping or carrying a gun1 or powder or 
shot1 or a  club1 or other weapon       
whatsoever1 offensive or defensive1 a   
slave  incurs1 says ,southern statute   
book1 for each offence1 thirty-nine     
lashes4    #c;d4 ,when ,i read your     
quotation from the twenty-fourth chapter
 of  ,genesis1 made for the purpose of  
showing that ,god allowed ,abraham to   
have slaves1 ,i could not but wonder at 
your imprudence1 in meddling with  this 
chapter1 which is of itself1 enough to  
convince any unbiased mind1  that       
,abraham's servants held a relation to  
their master and to society1  totally   
different from that held by ,southern   
slaves4 ,have you ever known  a great   
man in your state send his slave into   
another to choose a wife  for his       
son8--,and if so1 did the lily white    

damsel he selected call the  sable      
servant my lord8--,and did her family   
spare no pains to manifest  respect for 
their distinguished guest1 and promote  
his comfort8 ,but this  chapter1 which  
you call to your aid1 informs us1 that  
,abraham's servant  was honored with    
such tokens of confidence and esteem4   
,if a ,southern  slave shall ever be    
employed in such a mission1 he may count
 himself  highly favored1 if he be not  
taken up by the way1 imprisoned1 and    
sold  for his jail fees4    #dth4 ,did  
you ever know ,southern slaves contend  
for their rights with  their masters8   
,when a ,southern master reads the      
thirteenth verse of the  thirty-first   
chapter of ,job1 he must think that ,job
 was in the habit of  letting down his  
dignity very low4    #eth4 ,do ,southern
 masters accord religious privileges and
 impart  religious instruction equally  
to their slaves and their children8     
,your  laws1 which visit with stripes1  
imprisonment1 and death1 the attempt to 

teach slaves to read the ,bible1 show   
but too certainly1 that the  ,southern  
master1 who should undertake to place   
his children and his  household on the  
same level1 in respect to their         
religious advantages1  as it is probable
 that ,abraham did 7,gen4 #ah3ai71 would
 soon find himself  in the midst of     
enemies1 not to his reputation only1 but
 to his life  also4    ,and now1 sir1   
admitting that the phrase1 on which you 
lay so much  stress--bought with his    
money--was used in connexion with a form
 of  servitude which ,god approved--,i  
put it to your candor1 whether this     
phrase should be allowed to weigh at all
 against the facts ,i have  adduced and 
the reasonings ,i have employed to show 
the true nature of  that servitude1 and 
how totally unlike it is to slavery8    
,are you not  bound by the principles of
 sound reasoning1 to attach to it a     
meaning  far short of what1 ,i grant1 is
 its natural import in this age1 and1   
especially1 amongst a people who1 like  

ourselves1 are accustomed to  associate 
such an expression with slavery8 ,can   
you deny1 that you are  bound to adopt  
such a meaning of it1 as shall harmonize
 with the facts1  which illustrate the  
nature of the servitude in question1 and
 with the  laws and character of ,him1  
whose sanction you claim for that       
servitude8  ,an opposite course would   
give a preference to words over things1 
which  common sense could not tolerate4 
,many instances might be cited to show  
the absurdity of the assumption that    
whatever is spoken of in the            
,scriptures as being bought1 is         
property4 ,boaz purchased his wife4     
,hosea bought her 7his wife7 for fifteen
 pieces of silver4 ,jacob1 to  use a    
common expression1 took his wages in    
wives4 ,joseph bought the  ,egyptians1  
after they had said to him buy us4 ,but1
 so far from their  having become the   
property of ,joseph or of his king1 it  
was a part of  the bargain1 that they   
were to have as much land as they       

wanted--seed to  sow it--and four-fifths
 of the crops4 ,the possessors of such  
independence and such means of wealth   
are not the property of their           
fellow-men4    ,i need say no more1 to  
prove that slavery is entirely unlike   
the  servitude in the patriarchal       
families4 ,i pass on1 now1 to the period
  between the promulgation of the       
,divine law by ,moses1 and the birth of 
,christ4    ,you argue from the fifth   
and sixth verses of the twenty-first    
chapter of  ,exodus1 that ,god          
authorized the enslavement of the ,jews3
 but1 on the  same page1 on which you do
 so1 you also show the contrary4 ,it    
may1  nevertheless1 be well for me to   
request you to read and read again      
,leviticus #be3ci-db1 until your        
remaining doubts1 on this point1 shall  
all be put to flight4 ,i am free to     
admit the probability1 that under  some 
of the forms of servitude1 in which     
,jews were held1 the servant was        
subjected to a control so extensive as  

to expose him to suffer great           
cruelties4 ,these forms corresponded    
with the spirit and usages of the  age1 
in which they existed2 entirely         
unsuited1 as they are1 to a period  and 
portion of the world1 blessed with the  
refining and softening  influences of   
civilization and the gospel4 ,numerous  
as were the  statutory regulations for  
the treatment of the servant1 they could
 not  preclude the large discretion of  
the master4 ,the apprentice1 in our     
country1 is subjected to an authority1  
equaling a parent's authority1  but not 
always tempered in its exercise1 with a 
parent's love4 ,his  condition is1      
therefore1 not unfrequently marked with 
severity and  suffering4 ,now1 imagine  
what this condition would be1 under the 
harsh  features of a more barbarous age1
 and you will have in it1 as ,i         
conjecture1 no distant resemblance to   
that of some of the ,jewish  servants4  
,but how different is this condition    
from that of the slave6    ,i am        

reminded in this connexion1 of the      
polished1 but pernicious1  article on   
slavery in a late number of the         
,biblical ,repertory4 ,in that  article 
,professor ,hodge says1 that the claim  
of the slaveholder is  found to be      
nothing more than a transferable claim  
of service either for  life1 or for a   
term of years4 ,will he allow me to ask 
him1 where he  discovered that the      
pretensions of the slaveholder are all  
resolvable  into this modest claim8 ,he 
certainly did not discover it in any    
slave  code2 nor in any practical       
slavery4 ,where then8 ,no where1 but in 
that  undisclosed system of servitude1  
which is the creation of his own fancy4 
,to this system ,i raise no objection   
whatever4 ,on the contrary1 ,i am       
willing to admit its beauty and its     
worthiness of the mint in which it  was 
coined4 ,but ,i protest against his     
right to bestow upon it the name  of    
another and totally different thing4 ,he
 must not call it slavery4    ,suppose a

 poor ,german to be so desirous of      
emigrating with his family to  ,america1
 as to agree to give his services for   
ten years1 as a  compensation for the   
passage4 ,suppose further1 that the     
services are to  be rendered to the     
captain of the ship in which they sail1 
or to any  other person1 to whom he may 
assign his claim4 ,such a bargain is not
  uncommon4 ,now1 according to          
,professor ,hodge1 this ,german may as  
rightly  as any of your ,southern       
servants1 be called a slave4 ,he may as 
rightly  be called property1 as they may
 be1 who1 in the language of the ,south 
,carolina laws1 shall be deemed1 held1  
taken1 reputed1 and adjudged in  law1 to
 be chattels personal1 in the hands of  
their owners and  possessors1 and their 
executors1 administrators1 and assigns1 
to all  intents1 constructions1 and     
purposes whatsoever4    ,we will glance 
at a few points of difference in their  
condition4 #ast4  ,the ,german is       
capable of making a contract1 and in the

 case supposed1  does make a contract2  
but your slave is incapable of making   
any  contract4 #b;d4 ,the ,german       
receives wages2 the price of carrying   
himself  and family being the stipulated
 price for his services1 during the ten 
years2 but your slave receives no wages4
 #c;d4 ,the ,german1 like any other     
hireling1 and1 like any apprentice in   
our country1 is under the  protection of
 law4 ,but1 there is no law to shield   
the slave from wrongs4  ,being a mere   
chattel or thing1 he has no rights2 and1
 therefore1 he can  have no wrongs to be
 redressed4 ,does ,professor ,hodge say1
 that there are  statutes limiting and  
regulating the power of the slaveholder8
 ,i grant  there are2 though it must be 
remembered1 that there is one way of    
even  murdering a slave1 which some of  
the slave ,states do not only not       
forbid1 but impliedly and practically   
admit,a4 ,the ,professor should  know1  
however1 that all these statutes are1   
practically1 a mere nullity4            

,nevertheless1 they show the            
absoluteness of the power which they    
nominally qualify4 ,this absoluteness is
 as distinctly implied by them1  as the 
like was by the law of the ,emperor     
,claudius1 which imposed  limitations   
upon the jus vitae et necis 7the right  
of life and death7  which ,roman slavery
 put into the hand of the master4 ,but  
if the  ,professor should be so         
imprudent as to cite us to the slave    
code for  evidence of its merciful      
provisions1 he will1 in so doing1       
authorize us  to cite him to that code  
for evidence of the nature of slavery4  
,this  authority1 however1 he would not 
like to give us2 for he is unwilling to 
have slavery judged of by its own code4 
,he insists1 that it shall be  judged of
 by that ideal system of slavery1 which 
is lodged in his own  brain1 and which  
he can bring forth by parcels1 to suit  
present  occasions1 as ,mahomet produced
 the leaves of the ,koran4    ,footnote 
,a3 ,the licensed murder referred to1 is

 that where the slave  dies under       
moderate correction4 ,but is not the    
murder of a slave by a  white man1 in   
any way1 practically licensed in all the
 slave ,states8  ,who ever heard of a   
white man's being put to death1 under   
,southern laws1  for the murder of a    
slave8 ,american slavery provides       
impunity for the  white murderer of the 
slave1 by its allowing none but         
whites--none but  those who construct   
and uphold the system of                
abominations--to testify  against the   
murderer4 ,but why particularize causes 
of this impunity8 ,the  whole policy of 
the ,southern slave system goes to      
provide it4 ,how  unreasonable is it to 
suppose1 that they1 who have conspired  
against a  portion of their             
fellow-beings1 and mutually pledged     
themselves to treat  them as mere       
things--how unreasonable1 ,i say1 is it 
to suppose1 that  they would consent to 
put a man to death1 on account of his   
treatment1  in whatever way1 of a mere  

thing8 ,not long ago1 ,i was informed by
 a  highly respectable lawyer of the    
,state of ,georgia1 that he had known a 
number of attempts 7attempts most       
probably but in form and name7 to       
effect the conviction of whites for     
their undoubted murder of slaves4  ,but 
in every instance1 the jurors perjured  
themselves1 rather than  consent that a 
man should be put to death1 for the     
liberty he had  taken in disposing of a 
thing4 ,they had rather perjure         
themselves1  than by avenging the blood 
of a slave with that of a man1 make a   
breach upon the policy of keeping the   
slave ignorant1 that he has the  nature1
 and consequently the rights1 of a man4 
,professor ,hodge tells his readers1 in 
substance1 that the selling of  men1 as 
they are sold under the system of       
slavery1 is to be classed with  the     
cessions of territory1 occasionally made
 by one sovereign to  another2 and he   
would have the slave1 who is sold from  
hand to hand1 and  from ,state to       

,state1 at the expense to his bleeding  
heart1 of the  disruption of its dearest
 ties1 think his lot no harder than that
 of the  inhabitant of ,louisiana1 who  
was passed without his will1 from the   
jurisdiction of the ,french government  
to that of the ,united ,states4    ,when
 a good man lends himself to the        
advocacy of slavery1 he must1 at  least 
for a time1 feel himself to be anywhere 
but at home1 amongst his  new thoughts1 
doctrines1 and modes of reasoning4 ,this
 is very evident in  the case before    
us--especially1 when now and then1 old  
habits of thought  and feeling break    
out1 in spite of every effort to repress
 them1 and the  ,professor is himself   
again1 and discourses as manfully1 as   
fearlessly1  and as eloquently1 as he   
ever had done before the slaveholders   
got their  hands upon him4 ,it is not a 
little amusing to notice1 that1 although
 the  burden of his article is to show  
that slavery is one of ,god's           
institutions1 7what an undertaking for a

 ,professor of ,theology in the  year   
#ahcf67 he so far forgets the interests 
of his new friends and their            
expectations from him1 as to admit on   
one page1 that the general  principles  
of the gospel have destroyed domestic   
slavery throughout the  greater part of 
,christendom2 and on another1 that the  
,south has to  choose between           
emancipation1 by the silent and holy    
influence of the  gospel1 or to abide   
the issue of a long continued conflict  
against the  laws of ,god4 ,whoever     
heard1 until these strange times on     
which we have  fallen1 of any thing1    
which1 to use the ,professor's language 
about  slavery1 it is in vain1 to       
contend is sin1 and yet profess         
reverence  for the ,scriptures1 being at
 war with and destroyed by the          
principles  of the gospel4 ,what sad    
confusion of thought the pro-slavery    
influences1  to which some great divines
 have yielded1 have wrought in them6    
,i will proceed to argue1 that the      

institution in the ,southern ,states    
called slavery1 is radically unlike any 
form of servitude under which  ,jews    
were held1 agreeably to the ,divine     
will2 and also radically unlike  any    
form of servitude approved of ,god in   
the patriarchal families4    #ast4 ,god 
does not contradict ,himself4 ,he is    
without variableness or  shadow of      
turning4 ,he loves his word and has     
magnified it above all  his name4 ,he   
commands his rational creatures to      
search the  ,scriptures4 ,he cannot1    
therefore1 approve of a system which    
forbids the  searching of them1 and     
shuts out their light from the soul2 and
 which1  by the confession of your own  
selves1 turns men in this gospel land   
into  heathen4 ,he has written his      
commandment against adultery1 and ,he   
cannot1  therefore1 approve of a system1
 which induces this crime1 by forbidding
  marriage4 ,the following extract from 
an opinion of the ,attorney ,general  of
 ,maryland1 shows some of the           

consequences of this forbidding to      
marry4 ,a slave has never maintained an 
action against the violator of  his bed4
 ,a slave is not admonished for         
incontinence1 or punished for           
fornication or adultery2 never          
prosecuted for bigamy4 ,again1 ,god has 
written his commandment1 that children  
should honor their parents4 ,how1  then1
 can ,he approve of a system1 which     
pours contempt on the relation  of      
parent and child8 ,which subjects them  
to be forcibly separated from  each     
other1 and that too1 beyond the hope of 
reunion8--under which  parents are      
exposed and sold in the market-place    
along with horses and  cattle8--under   
which they are stripped and lashed1 and 
made to suffer  those innumerable1 and  
some of them1 nameless indignities1 that
 tend to  generate in their children1   
who witness them1 any feelings1 rather  
than  those of respect and honor1 for   
parents thus degraded8 ,some of these   
nameless indignities are alluded to in a

 letter written to me from a  slave     
state1 in ,march1 #ahcc4 ,in this place1
 says the writer1 ,i find a  regular and
 a much frequented slave market1 where  
thousands are yearly  sold like cattle  
to the highest bidder4 ,it is the       
opinion of gentlemen  here1 that not far
 from five hundred thousand dollars are 
yearly paid in  this place for negroes2 
and at this moment1 ,i can look from the
 window  of my room and count six droves
 of from twenty to forty each1 sitting  
in  the market place for sale4 ,this    
morning ,i witnessed the sale of twelve 
slaves1 and ,i could but shudder at the 
language used and the liberties  taken  
with the females6    #b;d4 ,as a proof1 
that in the kinds of servitude referred 
to1 ,god did not  invest ,abraham1 or   
any other person with that absolute     
ownership of his  fellow-men1 which is  
claimed by ,southern slaveholders--,i   
would remark1  that ,he has made man    
accountable to ,himself2 but slavery    
makes him  accountable to1 and a mere   

appendage to his fellow-man4 ,slavery   
substitutes the will of a fallible      
fellow-man for that infallible rule  of 
action--the will of ,god4 ,the slave1   
instead of being allowed to make  it the
 great end of his existence to glorify  
,god and enjoy ,him for ever1  is       
degraded from his exalted nature1 which 
borders upon angelic dignity1  to be1 to
 do1 and to suffer what a mere man bids 
him be1 do1 and suffer4    ,the         
,southern slave would obey ,god in      
respect to marriage1 and also to  the   
reading and studying of ,his word4 ,but 
this1 as we have seen1 is  forbidden    
him4 ,he may not marry2 nor may he read 
the ,bible4 ,again1 he  would obey ,god 
in the duties of secret and social      
prayer4 ,but he may not  attend the     
prayer-meeting--certainly not that of   
his choice2 and  instances are known1   
where the master has intruded upon the  
slave's  secret audience with heaven1 to
 teach him by the lash1 or some other   
instrument of torture1 that he would    

allow no other ,god before  himself4    
,said ,joseph ,mason1 an intelligent    
colored man1 who was born and bred  near
 ,richmond1 in ,virginia1 in reply to my
 question whether he and his            
fellow-slaves cared about their         
souls--,we did not trouble ourselves    
about our souls2 we were our masters'   
property and not our own2 under  their  
and not our own control2 and we believed
 that our masters were  responsible for 
our souls4 ,this unconcern for their    
spiritual interests  grew very naturally
 out of their relation to their masters2
 and were the  relation ordained of     
,god1 the unconcern would1 surely1 be   
both  philosophical and sinless4    ,god
 cannot approve of a system of          
servitude1 in which the master is       
guilty of assuming absolute power--of   
assuming ,god's place and relation      
towards his fellow-men4 ,were the       
master1 in every case1 a wise and good  
man--as wise and good as is consistent  
with this wicked and  heaven-daring     

assumption on his part--the condition of
 the slave would  it is true1 be far    
more tolerable1 than it now is4 ,but    
even then1 we  should protest as        
strongly as ever against slavery2 for it
 would still  be guilty of its essential
 wickedness of robbing a man of his     
right to  himself1 and of robbing ,god  
of ,his right to him1 and of putting    
these  stolen rights into the hand of an
 erring mortal4 ,nay1 if angels were    
constituted slaveholders1 our objection 
to the relation would remain            
undiminished2 since there would still be
 the same robbery of which we  now      
complain4    ,but you will say1 that ,i 
have overlooked the servitude in which  
the ,jews  held strangers and           
foreigners2 and that it is on this1 more
 than any  other1 that you rely for your
 justification of slavery4 ,i will say  
nothing now of this servitude2 but      
before ,i close this communication1 ,i  
will give my reasons for believing1 that
 whatever was its nature1 even  if it   

were compulsory1 it cannot be fairly    
pleaded in justification of  slavery4   
,after you shall have allowed1 as you   
will allow1 that slavery1 as it  exists1
 is at war with ,god1 you will be likely
 to say1 that the fault is  not in the  
theory of it2 but in the practical      
departure from that  theory2 that it is 
not the system1 but the practice under  
it1 which is  at war with ,god4 ,our    
concern1 however1 is with slavery as it 
is1 and not  with any theory of it4 ,but
 to indulge you1 we will look at the    
system of  slavery1 as it is presented  
to us1 in the laws of the slave ,states2
 and  what do we find here8 ,why1 that  
the system is as bad as the practice    
under it4 ,here we find the most        
diabolical devices to keep millions of  
human beings in a state of              
heathenism--in the deepest ignorance and
 most  loathsome pollution4 ,but you    
will tell me1 that ,i do not look far   
enough  to find the true theory of      
slavery2 and that the cruelties and     

abominations1 which the laws of the     
slave ,states have ingrafted on this    
theory1 are not acknowledged by the good
 men in those ,states to be a  part of  
the theory4 ,well1 you shall have the   
benefit of this plea2 and ,i  admit1 for
 the sake of argument1 that this theory 
of slavery1 which lies  far back1 and   
out of sight of every thing visible and 
known about  slavery1 is right4 ,and    
what does this admission avail you8 ,it 
is slavery  as it is--as it is seen and 
known1 that the abolitionists are       
contending  against4 ,but1 say you1 to  
induce our forbearance1 ,we good men at 
the  ,south are restoring slavery1 as   
fast as we can1 to what it should be2   
and we will soon make its erring        
practice quadrate with its perfect and  
sinless theory4 ,success to your        
endeavors6 ,but let me ask these good   
men1 whether similar representations    
would avail to make them forbearing     
towards any other class of offenders2   
and whether they would allow these      

offenders to justify the wickedness of  
their hands1 by pleading the  purity of 
their hearts4 ,suppose that ,i stand in 
court confessedly guilty  of the crime  
of passing counterfeit money2 and that  
,i ask for my  acquittal on the ground1 
that1 notwithstanding ,i am practically 
wrong1 ,i  am1 nevertheless1            
theoretically right4 ,believe me1 ,i    
say1 in tones of  deep and unfeigned    
pathos1 and with a corresponding        
pressure of my hand  upon my heart1 that
 the principles within are those of the 
purest  morality2 and that it is my     
faithful endeavor to bring my           
deportment1  which1 as you this day     
witness1 is occasionally devious1 into  
perfect  conformity with my inward      
rectitude4 ,my theory of honest and holy
 living  is all that you could wish it  
to be4 ,be but patient1 and you shall   
witness its beautiful exhibitions in my 
whole conduct4 ,now1 you  certainly     
would not have this plea turn to my     
advantage2--why then  expect that your  

similar plea should be allowed8    ,we  
must continue to judge of slavery by    
what it is1 and not by what you  tell us
 it will1 or may be4 ,until its         
character be righteous1 we shall        
continue to condemn it2 but when you    
shall have brought it back to your      
sinless and beautiful theory of it1 it  
will have nothing to fear from  the     
abolitionists4 ,there are two prominent 
reasons1 however1 for  believing that   
you will never present ,southern slavery
 to us in this  lovely character1 the   
mere imagination of which is so dear to 
you4 ,the  first is1 that you are doing 
nothing to this end4 ,it is an          
indisputable  fact that ,southern       
slavery is continually getting wider and
 wider from  ,god1 and from an innocent 
theory of servitude2 and the good men at
 the  ,south1 of whom we have spoken1   
are not only doing nothing to arrest    
this increasing divergency1 but they are
 actually favoring it4 ,the  writings of
 your ,dews1 and ,baxters1 and          

,plummers1 and ,postells1 and           
,andersons1 and the proceedings of your 
ecclesiastical bodies1 abundantly  show 
this4 ,never1 and the assertion is borne
 out by your statute books1  as well as 
other evidences1 has ,southern slavery  
multiplied its  abominations so rapidly1
 as within the last ten years2 and never
 before  had the ,southern ,church been 
so much engaged to defend and perpetuate
  these abominations4 ,the other of     
these reasons for believing that        
,southern slavery will never be         
conformed to your beau ideal of         
slavery1 in which it is presupposed     
there are none but principles of        
righteousness1 is1 that on its first    
contact with these principles1 it  would
 vanish into thin air1 leaving not a    
wreck behind4 ,in proof of  this1 and ,i
 need not cite any other case1 it would 
be immediate death to  ,southern slavery
 to concede to its subjects1 ,god's     
institution of  marriage2 and hence it  
is1 that its code forbids marriage4 ,the

 rights of  the husband in the wife1 and
 of the wife in the husband1 and of     
parents  in their children1 would stand 
directly in the way of that traffic in  
human flesh1 which is the very          
life-blood of slavery2 and the          
assumptions of the master would1 at     
every turn and corner1 be met and       
nullified by these rights2 since all his
 commands to the children of  those     
servants 7for now they should no longer 
be called slaves7 would be  in          
submission to the paramount authority of
 the parents,a4 ,and here1  sir1 you and
 ,i might bring our discussion to a     
close1 by my putting the  following     
questions to you1 both of which your    
conscience would compel  you to answer  
in the affirmative4    ,footnote ,a3 ,i 
am aware that ,professor ,hodge asserts1
 that slavery may  exist without those  
laws which interfere with their 7the    
slaves7 marital  or parental right ,now1
 this is a point of immense importance  
in the  discussion of the question1     

whether slavery is sinful2 and ,i1      
therefore1  respectfully ask him either 
to retract the assertion1 or to prove   
its  correctness4 ,ten thousands of his 
fellow-citizens1 to whom the assertion  
is utterly incredible1 unite with me in 
this request4 ,if he can show1  that    
slavery does not interfere with marital 
or parental rights1 they  will cease to 
oppose it4 ,their confident belief is1  
that slavery and  marriage1 whether     
considered in the light of a civil      
contract1 or a  scriptural institution1 
are entirely incompatible with each     
other4    #ast4 ,is not ,southern       
slavery guilty of a most heaven-daring  
crime1 in  substituting concubinage for 
,god's institution of marriage8    #b;d4
 ,would not that slavery1 and also every
 theory and modification of  slavery1   
for which you may contend1 come speedily
 to nought1 if their  subjects were     
allowed to marry8 ,slavery1 being an    
abuse1 is incapable of  reformation4 ,it
 dies1 not only when you aim a fatal    

blow at its life  principle--its        
foundation doctrine of man's right to   
property in  man,b--but it dies as      
surely1 when you prune it of its        
manifold  incidents of pollution and    
irreligion4    ,footnote ,b3 ,i mean by 
this phrase1 right to property in man1 a
 right  to hold man as property2 and ,i 
do not see with what propriety certain  
writers construe it to mean1 a property 
in the mere services of a man4    ,but  
it would be treating you indecorously to
 stop you at this stage of  the         
discussion1 before we are a third of the
 way through your book1 and  thus deny a
 hearing to the remainder of it4 ,we    
will proceed to what you  say of the    
slavery which existed in the time of the
 ,new ,testament  writers4 ,before we do
 so1 however1 let me call your attention
 to a few  of the specimens of very     
careless reasoning in that part of your 
book1  which we have now gone over4     
,they may serve to inspire you with a   
modest  distrust of the soundness of    

other parts of your argument4    ,after 
concluding that ,abraham was a          
slaveholder1 you quote the following    
language from the ,bible2 ,abraham      
obeyed my voice and kept my charge1 my  
commandments1 my statutes1 and my laws4 
,you then inquire1 ,how could  this be  
true of ,abraham1 holding as he did1    
until he was an old man1  more slaves   
than any man in ,mississippi or         
,louisiana8 ,to be consistent  with your
 design in quoting this passage1 you    
must argue from it1 that  ,abraham was  
perfect4 ,but this he was not2 and1     
therefore1 your quotation  is vain4     
,again1 if the slaveholder would quiet  
his conscience with the  supposition1   
that ,abraham held more slaves than any 
man in ,mississippi  or ,louisiana1 let 
him remember1 that he had also more     
concubines 7,gen4  #be3 #f71 than any   
man in ,mississippi or ,louisiana2 and1 
if ,abraham's  authority be in the one  
case conclusive for slaveholding1       
equally so  must it be in the other1 for

 concubinage4    ,perhaps1 in saying    
that ,abraham had more concubines than  
any man in  ,mississippi or ,louisiana1 
,i have done injustice to the spirit of 
propagation prevailing amongst the      
gentlemen of those ,states4 ,it may be1 
that some of your planters quite        
distance the old patriarch in obedience 
to the command to multiply and replenish
 the earth4 ,i am correctly  informed1  
that a planter in ,virginia1 who        
counted1 ,i know not how many  slaves   
upon his plantation1 confessed on his   
death-bed1 that his  licentiousness had 
extended to every adult female amongst  
them4 ,this  planter was a near relative
 of the celebrated ,patrick ,henry4 ,it 
may be1  that you have planters in      
,mississippi and ,louisiana1 who avail  
themselves to the extent that he did1 of
 the power which slaveholding  gives to 
pollute and destroy4 ,the hundreds of   
thousands of mulattoes1  who constitute 
the ,southern commentary on the charge1 
that the  abolitionists design          

amalgamation1 bear witness that this    
planter was  not singular in his        
propensities4 ,i do not know what you   
can do with  this species of your       
population4 ,besides1 that it is a      
standing and deep  reproach on ,southern
 chastity1 it is not a little           
embarrassing and  puzzling to those who 
have received the doctrine1 that the    
descendants  of ,africa amongst us must 
be returned to the land of their        
ancestors4  ,how the poor mulatto shall 
be disposed of1 under this doctrine1    
between  the call which ,africa makes   
for him1 on the one hand1 and that which
  some state of ,europe sends out for   
him on the other1 is a problem more     
difficult of solution than that which   
the contending mothers brought  before  
the matchless wisdom of ,solomon4    ,in
 the paragraph1 which relates to the    
fourth and tenth commandments1  there is
 another specimen of your loose         
reasoning4 ,you say1 that the  language1
 ,in it 7the ,sabbath7 thou shalt do no 

work1 thou1 nor thy son1  nor thy       
daughter1 nor thy man servant1 nor thy  
maid servant1  recognises the authority 
of the master over the servant4 ,i      
grant1 that  it does3 but does it at all
 show1 that these servants were slaves8 
,does  it recognise any more authority  
than the master should exercise over his
  voluntary servants8 ,should not the   
head of a family restrain all his       
servants1 as well the voluntary as the  
involuntary1 from unnecessary  labor on 
the ,sabbath8 ,you also say1 that the   
tenth commandment  recognizes servants  
as the property of their masters4 ,but  
how does  it appear from the language of
 this commandment1 that the man servant 
and maid servant are property any more  
than the wife is8 ,we will  proceed1    
however1 to the third section of your   
book4    ,your acquaintance with history
 has enabled you to show some of the    
characteristics and fruits of ,greek and
 ,roman slavery4 ,you state the  facts1 
that the subjects of this slavery were  

absolutely the property  of their       
masters--that they were used like       
dogs--that they were  forbidden to learn
 any liberal art or perform any act     
worthy of their  masters--that once a   
day they received a certain number of   
stripes for  fear they should forget    
they were slaves--that1 at one time1    
sixty  thousand of them in ,sicily and  
,italy were chained and confined to work
  in dungeons--that in ,rome there was a
 continual market for slaves1  and that 
the slaves were commonly exposed for    
sale naked--that1 when  old1 they were  
turned away1 and that too by a master1  
highly esteemed  for his superior       
virtues1 to starve to death--that they  
were thrown  into ponds to be food for  
fish--that they were in the city of     
,athens  near twenty times as numerous  
as free persons--that there were in the 
,roman ,empire sixty millions of slaves 
to twenty millions of freemen mind  that
 many of the ,romans had five thousand1 
some ten thousand1 and others  twenty   

thousand4    ,and now1 for what purpose 
is your recital of these facts8--not1   
for its  natural effect of awakening1 in
 your readers1 the utmost abhorrence of 
slavery3--no--but for the strange       
purpose 7the more strange for being in  
the breast of a minister of the gospel7 
of showing your readers1 that  even     
,greek and ,roman slavery was innocent1 
and agreeable to ,god's will2  and that1
 horrid as are the fruits you describe1 
the tree1 which bore  them1 needed but  
to be dug about and pruned--not to be   
cut down4 ,this  slavery is innocent1   
you insist1 because the ,new ,testament 
does not  show1 that it was specifically
 condemned by the ,apostles4 ,by the    
same  logic1 the races1 the games1 the  
dramatic entertainments1 and the shows  
of gladiators1 which abounded in ,greece
 and ,rome1 were1 likewise1  innocent1  
because the ,new ,testament does not    
show a specific  condemnation of them by
 the apostles,a4 ,but1 although the ,new
 ,testament  does not show such         

condemnation1 does it necessarily       
follow1 that they  were silent1 in      
relation to these sins8 ,or1 because the
 ,new ,testament  does not specifically 
condemn ,greek and ,roman slavery1 may  
we1  therefore1 infer1 that the         
,apostles did not specifically condemn  
it8  ,look through the published        
writings of many of the eminent divines1
 who  have lived in modern times1 and   
have written and published much for the 
instruction of the churches1 and you    
will not find a line in them  against   
gambling or theatres or the             
slave-trade2--in some of them1 not a    
line against the very common sin of     
drunkenness4 ,think you1 therefore1     
that they never spoke or wrote against  
these things8 ,it would be  unreasonable
 to expect to find1 in print1 their     
sentiments against all1  even of the    
crying sins of their times4 ,but how    
much more unreasonable  is it to expect 
to find in the few pages of the         
,apostles' published  letters1 the whole

 of which can be read in a few hours1   
their sentiments  in relation to all the
 prominent sins of the age in which they
 lived6  ,and far greater still is the  
unreasonableness of setting them down1  
as  favorable to all practices which    
these letters do not specifically       
condemn4    ,footnote ,a3 ,prof4 ,hodge 
says1 if the apostles did abstain from  
declaring slavery to be sinful1 it must 
have been1 because they did not         
consider it as1 in itself1 a crime4 ,no 
other solution of their conduct  is     
consistent with their truth or fidelity4
 ,but he believes that they  did abstain
 from so doing2 and he believes this1 on
 the same evidence1  on which he        
believes1 that they abstained from      
declaring the races1  games1 c41 above  
enumerated1 to be sinful4 ,his own mode 
of reasoning1  therefore1 brings him    
unavoidably to the conclusion1 that     
these races1  games1 c41 were not       
sinful4    ,it may be1 that the ,saviour
 and the ,apostles1 in the course of    

their  teachings1 both oral and written1
 did specify sins to a far greater      
extent1 than they are supposed to have  
done4 ,it may be1 that their  followers 
had much instruction1 in respect to the 
great sin of slavery4  ,we must bear in 
mind1 that but a very small part of that
 ,divine  instruction1 which1 on the    
testimony of an ,apostle1 the world     
itself  could not contain if written1   
has come down to us4 ,of the writings of
  our ,saviour we have nothing4 ,of     
those of his ,apostles a very small     
part4  ,it is probable1 that1 during his
 protracted ministry1 the learned       
apostle to the ,gentiles wrote many     
letters on religious subjects to        
individuals and to churches4 ,so also of
 the immense amount of  instruction1    
which fell from the lips of the         
,apostles1 but very little  is          
preserved4 ,it was ,infinite ,wisdom1   
however1 which determined the size  of  
the ,new1 as well as of the ,old        
,testament1 and of what kinds and       

portions of the ,saviour's and the      
,apostles' instructions it should       
consist4 ,for obvious considerations1 it
 is made up1 in a great measure1  of    
general truths and propositions4 ,its   
limited size1 if no other  reason1      
accounts for this4 ,but1 these general  
truths and propositions  are as         
comprehensive as the necessity of the   
case requires2 and1 carried  out into   
all their suitable applications they    
leave no sin unforbidden4  ,small as is 
the ,new ,testament1 it is as large as  
we need4 ,it instructs  us in relation  
to all our duties4 ,it is as full on the
 subject of  slavery1 as is necessary2  
and1 if we will but obey its directions1
 that  bear on this subject1 and love   
one another1 and love our neighbors as  
ourselves1 and1 as we would that men    
should do to us1 do also to them        
likewise1 and remember them1 that are in
 bonds as bound with them1  and give    
unto servants1 that which is just and   
equal--not a vestige of  this           

abomination will remain4    ,for the    
sake of the argument1 ,i will admit1    
that the ,apostles made no  specific    
attack on slavery,a2 and that they left 
it to be reached and  overthrown1       
provided it be sinful1 by the general   
principles and  instructions which they 
had inculcated4 ,but you will say1 that 
it was  their practice1 in addition to  
inculcating such principles and         
instructions1 to point out sins and     
reprove them3--and you will ask1  with  
great pertinence and force1 why they did
 not also point out and  reprove        
slavery1 which1 in the judgment of      
abolitionists1 is to be  classed with   
the most heinous sins4 ,i admit1 that   
there is no question  addressed to      
abolitionists1 which1 after the         
admission ,i have made for  them1 it is 
less easy to answer2 and ,i admit       
further1 that they are  bound to answer 
it4 ,i will proceed to assign what to me
 appear to be  some of the probable     
reasons1 why the ,apostles specified the

 sins of  lying1 covetousness1 stealing1
 c41 and1 agreeably to the admission1   
which lays me under great disadvantage1 
did not specify slavery4    ,footnote   
,a3 ,this is no small admission in the  
face of the passage1 in  the first      
chapter of ,timothy1 which              
particularizes manstealing1 as a        
violation of the law of ,god4 ,i believe
 all scholars will admit1 that one  of  
the crimes referred to by the ,apostle1 
is kidnapping4 ,but is not  kidnapping  
an integral and most vital part of the  
system of slavery8 ,and  is not the     
slaveholder guilty of this crime8 ,does 
he not1 indeed1 belong  to a class of   
kidnappers stamped with peculiar        
meanness8 ,the pirate1 on  the coast of 
,africa1 has to cope with the strength  
and adroitness of  mature years4 ,to get
 his victim into his clutches is a deed 
of daring  and of peril demanding no    
little praise1 upon the principles of   
the  world's code of honor4 ,but the    
proud chivalry of the ,south is securely

  employed in kidnapping newborn        
infants4 ,the pirate1 in the one case1  
soothes his conscience with the thought1
 that the bloody savages merit  no      
better treatment1 than they are         
receiving at his hands3--but the        
pirate1 in the other1 can have no such  
plea--for they1 whom he kidnaps1  are   
untainted with crime4    ,and what      
better does it make the case for you1 if
 we adopt the  translation of men       
stealers8 ,far better1 you will say1    
for1 on the  authority of ,othello      
himself1      ,he that is robb'd------  
,let him not know it1 and he's not      
robbed at all4      ,but1 your authority
 is not conclusive4 ,the crime of the   
depredation is  none the less1 because  
the subject is ignorant or unconscious  
of it4 ,it  is true1 the slave1 who     
never possessed liberty--who was        
kidnapped at  his birth--may not grieve1
 under the absence of it1 as he does1   
from  whose actual and conscious        
possession it had been violently taken3 

but  the robbery is alike plain1 and is 
coupled with a meanness1 in the one     
case1 which does not disgrace it in the 
other4     #ast4 ,the book of ,acts sets
 forth the fundamental doctrines and    
requirements of ,christianity4 ,it is to
 the letters of the ,apostles we  are to
 look for extended specifications of    
right and wrong affections1  and right  
and wrong practices4 ,why do these      
letters omit to specify the  sin of     
slaveholding8 ,because they were        
addressed to professing  ,christians    
exclusively2 who1 far more emphatically 
then than now1 were  the base things of 
the world1 and were in circumstances to 
be slaves1  rather than slaveholders4   
,doubtless1 there were many slaves      
amongst  them--but ,i cannot admit1 that
 there were slaveholders4 ,there is not 
the  least probability1 that            
slaveholding was a prevalent sin amongst
  primitive ,christians,b4 ,instructions
 to them on that sin might have  been   
almost as superfluous1 as would be      

lectures on the sin of luxury1          
addressed to the poor ,greenland        
disciples1 whose poverty compels them to
  subsist on filthy oil4 ,no one1       
acquainted with the history of their    
lives1 believes that the ,apostles were 
slave-holders4 ,they labored1  working  
with 7their7 own hands4 ,the            
supposition1 that they were             
slaveholders1 is inconsistent with their
 practice1 and with the tenor of  their 
instructions to others on the duty of   
manual labor4 ,but if the  ,apostles    
were not slaveholders1 why may we       
suppose1 that their disciples  were8 ,at
 the ,south1 it is1 like people1 like   
priest1 in this matter4  ,there1 the    
minister of the gospel thinks1 that he  
has as good right to  hold slaves1 as   
has his parishioner3 and your           
,methodists go so far1 as  to say1 that 
even a bishop has as good right1 as any 
other person1 to  have slaves           
,footnote ,b3 ,how strongly does the    
following extract from the writings  of 

the great and good ,augustine1 who lived
 in the fourth century1 argue1  that    
slaveholding was not a prevalent sin    
amongst primitive ,christians6  ,non    
opurtet ,christianum possidere servum   
quomodo equum aut argentum4  ,quis      
dicere audeat ut vestimentum cum debere 
contemni8 ,hominem namque  homo tamquam 
seipsum diligere debet cui ab omnium    
,domino1 ut inimicos  diligat1          
imperatur4 ,a ,christian ought not to   
hold his servant as he  does his horse  
or his money4 ,who dares say that he    
should be thought as  lightly of as a   
garment8 ,for man1 whom the ,lord of all
 has commanded to  love his enemies1    
should love his fellow-man as himself4  
------to fan him while he sleeps1       
,and tremble when he wakes4             
,indeed1 they already threaten to       
separate from their ,northern brethren1 
unless this right be conceded4 ,but have
 we not other and conclusive  evidence1 
that primitive ,christians were not     
slaveholders8 ,we will cite  a few      

passages from the ,bible to show1 that  
it was not the will of the  ,apostles to
 have their disciples hold manual labor 
in disrepute1 as it  is held1 in all    
slaveholding communities4 ,do your own  
business1 and  work with your own hands1
 as we commanded you4 ,for this we      
commanded  you1 that1 if any would not  
work1 neither should he eat4 ,let him   
that  stole1 steal no more2 but rather  
let him labor1 working with his hands   
the thing which is good1 that he may    
have to give to him that needeth4  ,in  
bringing the whole verse into this last 
quotation1 ,i may have  displeased you4 
,i am aware1 that you slaveholders      
proudly and  indignantly reject the     
applicableness to yourselves of the     
first phrase  in this verse1 and also of
 the maxim1 that the partaker of stolen 
goods  is as bad as the thief4 ,i am    
aware1 that you insist1 that the        
kidnapping of a man1 or getting         
possession of him1 after he has been    
kidnapped1 is not to be compared1 if    

indeed it can be properly called  theft 
at all1 with the crime of stealing a    
thing4 ,it occurs to me1  that if a     
shrewd lawyer had you on trial for      
theft1 he would say1 that  you were     
estopped from going into this           
distinction between a man and  a thing1 
inasmuch as1 by your own laws1 the slave
 is expressly  declared to be a         
chattel--is expressly elevated into a   
thing4 ,he  would say1 however competent
 it may be for others to justify        
themselves  on the ground1 that it was  
but a man1 and not a thing1 they had    
stolen2 your own statutes1 which1 with  
magic celerity1 convert stolen  men into
 things1 make such a plea1 on your part1
 utterly inadmissible4  ,he would have  
you as fast1 as though the stolen goods1
 in your hands1  were a bushel of wheat1
 or some other important thing1 instead 
of a  mere man4    ,but1 if you are not 
yet convinced that primitive ,christians
 were not  slaveholders1 let me cite    
another passage to show you1 how very   

improbable it is1 that they stood in    
this capacity3--all1 that  believed1 had
 all things common1 and sold their      
possessions and goods1  and parted them 
to all men1 as every man had need4 ,now 
,i do not say1  that all the primitive  
believers did so4 ,but if a portion of  
them did1  and met with the ,apostles'  
approbation in it1 is it at all         
probable1  that a course1 so diverse    
from it1 as that of slaveholding in the 
,church1 met likewise with their        
approbation8    #b;d4 ,i go on to       
account for the ,apostles' omission to  
specify slavery4    ,criminality is not 
always obvious1 in proportion to its    
extent4 ,the sin  of the traffic in     
intoxicating liquors1 was1 until the    
last few years1  almost universally     
unfelt and unperceived4 ,but now1 we    
meet with men1  who1 though it was in   
all good conscience1 that they were once
 engaged  in it1 would not resume it for
 worlds2 and who see more criminality1  
in  taking money from a fellow man1 in  

exchange for the liquor which           
intoxicates him1 than in simple theft4  
,however it may be with others1 in  this
 employment1 they now see1 that1 for    
them to traffic in intoxicating         
liquors1 would be to stain themselves   
with the twofold crime of robbery  and  
murder4 ,how is it1 that good men ever  
get into this  employment8--and1 under  
what influences and by what process of  
thought1  do they come to the           
determination to abandon it8 ,the former
 is accounted  for1 by the fact1 that   
they grow up--have their                
education--their moral  and intellectual
 training--in the midst of a public     
opinion1 and even of  laws also1 which  
favor and sanction the employment4 ,the 
latter is  accounted for1 by the fact1  
that they are brought1 in the merciful  
providence of ,god1 to observe and study
 and understand the consequences  of    
their employment--especially on those   
who drink their liquor--the  liquor     
which they sell or make1 or1 with no    

less criminality1 furnish  the materials
 for making4 ,these consequences they   
find to be evil1 only  evil1 and that   
continually4 ,they find1 that this      
liquor imparts no  benefit to them who  
drink it1 but tends to destroy1 and1    
oftentimes1  does destroy1 their healths
 and lives4 ,to continue1 therefore1 in 
an  employment in which they receive    
their neighbor's money1 without         
returning him an equivalent1 or any     
portion of an equivalent1 and1 in  which
 they expose both his body and soul to  
destruction1 is to make  themselves1 in 
their own judgments1 virtually guilty of
 theft and  murder4    ,thus it is in   
the case of a national war1 waged for   
conquest4 ,christians  have taken part  
in it2 and1 because they were blinded by
 a wrong  education1 and were acting in 
the name of their country and under the 
impulses of patriotism1 they never      
suspected that they were doing the      
devil1 instead of ,god1 service4 ,but   
when1 in the kind providence of  ,god1  

one of these butchers of their fellow   
beings is brought to pause  and consider
 his ways1 and to resolve his enormous  
and compound sin into  its elements of  
wickedness1--into the lies1 theft1      
covetousness1  adultery1 murder1 and    
what not of crime1 which enter into     
it1--he is  amazed that he has been so  
slow of heart to believe1 and abandon   
the  iniquity of his deeds4    ,what ,i 
have said to show that ,christians1 even
 in enlightened and  gospelized lands1  
may be blind to the great wickedness of 
certain  customs and institutions1      
serves to introduce the remark2 that    
there  were probably some customs and   
institutions1 in the time of the        
,apostles1 on which it would have been  
even worse than lost labor for  them to 
make direct attacks4 ,take1 for example1
 the kind of war of which  we have been 
speaking4 ,if there are reasons why the 
modern ,christian can  be insensible to 
the sin of it1 there are far stronger   
reasons why the  primitive ,christian   

could be4 ,if the light and instruction 
which have  been accumulating for       
eighteen centuries1 are scarcely        
sufficient to  convince ,christians of  
its wickedness1 is it reasonable to     
suppose that1  at the commencement of   
this long period1 they could have been  
successfully taught it8 ,consider1 that 
at that time the literature and         
sentiment of the world were wholly on   
the side of war2 and especially1        
consider how emphatically the authority 
of civil government and of human  law   
was in favor of its rightfulness4 ,now1 
to how great an extent such  authority  
covers over and sanctifies sin1 may be  
inferred from the fact1  that there are 
many1 who1 notwithstanding they believe 
slavery to be a  most ,heaven-daring    
sin1 yet1 because it is legalized and   
under the wing  of civil government1    
would not have it spoken against4 ,even 
,rev4 ,dr4  ,miller1 in certain         
resolutions which he submitted to the   
last ,general  ,assembly1 indicated his 

similar reverence for human laws2 and   
the  lamented ,dr4 ,rice distinctly     
recognises1 in his letter to ,mr4       
,maxwell1  the doctrine that the ,church
 is bound to be quiet about every sin   
which  the civil government adopts and  
whitewashes4 ,that the ,christian       
,spectator should indorse the ,doctor's 
sentiments on this point is still  more 
worthy of remark than that he should    
utter them4 ,indeed1 ,i judge  from what
 you say on the #fhth and #fith pages of
 your book1 that you are  yourself      
opposed to calling in question the      
morality of that which civil  government
 approves4 ,but1 to doubt the           
infallibility of civil  government1--to 
speak against ,caesar1--was manifestly  
held to be quite  as presumptuous in the
 time of the ,apostles as it is now4    
,another reason why an ,apostle would   
probably have deemed it hopeless to     
attempt to persuade his disciples1      
immediately and directly1 of the sin  of
 war1 is to be found in the fact of     

their feeble and distorted  perception  
of truth and duty4 ,we1 whose advantage 
it is to have lived  all our days in the
 light of the gospel1 and whose         
ancestors1 from time  immemorial1 had   
the like precious advantage1 can hardly 
conceive how  very feeble and distorted 
was that perception4 ,but1 consider for 
a  moment who those disciples were4     
,they had1 most of them1 but just been  
taken out of the gross darkness and     
filth of heathenism4 ,in reading        
accounts which missionaries give of     
converted heathen--of such1 even1 as    
have for ten1 fifteen1 or twenty years1 
been reputed to be pious--you  are1     
doubtless1 often surprised to find how  
grossly erroneous are their  moral      
perceptions4 ,their false education     
still cleaves to them4 ,they are  yet1  
to a great extent1 in the mould of a    
corrupted public opinion2 and1  as far  
from having a clear discernment of moral
 truth1 as were the  partially unsealed 
eyes which saw men1 as trees1 walking4  

,the first  letter to the ,church at    
,corinth1 proves that the new principles
  implanted in its members had not yet  
purged out the leaven of their old      
wickedness2 and that their conceptions  
of ,christian purity and conduct  were  
sadly defective4 ,as it was with the    
,corinthian ,christians1 so was  it to a
 great extent with the other ,christians
 of that age4 ,now1 if the  ,apostles   
did not directly teach the primitive    
believers that wars1 and  theatres1 and 
games1 and slavery1 are sinful1 it is   
because they thought  it more fit to    
exercise their ignorant pupils chiefly  
in the mere  alphabet and syllables of  
,christianity4 7,acts xv1 #bh1 #bi47    
,the  construction of words and         
sentences would naturally follow4 ,the  
rudiments of the gospel1 if once        
possessed by them1 would be apt to lead 
them on to greater attainments4 ,indeed1
 the love1 peace1 truth1 and  other     
elements of holy living inculcated by   
the ,apostles1 would1 if  turned to all 

proper account1 be fatal to every1 even 
the most gigantic1  system of           
wickedness4 ,having these elements in   
their minds and hearts1  they would not 
fail of condemning the great and        
compound sin of war  whenever they      
should be led to take it up1 examine it1
 resolve it into  its constituent parts1
 and lay these parts for comparison1 by 
the side  of those elements4 ,but1 such 
an advance was hardly to be expected    
from  many of these heathen converts    
during the brief period in which they   
enjoyed ,apostolic instruction2 and it  
is but too probable1 that most of  them 
died in great ignorance of the sin of   
national wars4 ,converts from  the      
heathen1 in the present age1 when       
conviction of the sinfulness of  war is 
spreading in different parts of         
,christendom1 would be more likely  to  
imbibe correct views of it4    ,the     
,apostles fed with milk before they fed 
with meat1 as did our  ,saviour1 who    
declared1 ,i have yet many things to say

 unto you1 but ye  cannot bear them now4
 ,in every community1 the foundation    
principles of  righteousness must be    
laid1 before there can be fulcrums for  
the levers  to be employed in           
overthrowing the sins which prevail in  
it4 ,you will  doubtless1 then1 agree   
with me1 that it is not probable that   
the  ,apostles taught their heathen     
converts1 directly and specifically1 the
  sinfulness of war4 ,but slaves1 in    
that age1 with the exception of the     
comparative few who were reduced to     
slavery on account of the crimes of     
which they had been judicially          
convicted1 were the spoils of war4 ,how 
often in that age1 as was most awfully  
the fact1 on the final  destruction of  
,jerusalem1 were the slave-markets of   
the world glutted by  the captives of   
war6 ,until1 therefore1 they should be  
brought to see the  sinfulness of war1  
how could they see the sinfulness of so 
direct and  legitimate a fruit of it as 
slavery8--and1 if the ,apostles thought 

their  heathen converts too weak to be  
instructed in the sinfulness of war1 how
  much more would they abstain from     
instructing them1 directly and          
specifically1 in the sin of slavery6    
#c;d4 ,in proceeding with my reasons why
 the ,apostles did not extend their     
specification of sins to slavery1 ,i    
remark1 that it is apparent from the    
views we have taken1 and from others    
which might have been taken1 that       
nothing would have been gained by their 
making direct and specific  attacks on  
the institutions of the civil           
governments under which they  lived4    
,indeed1 much might have been lost by   
their doing so4 ,weak  converts1 with   
still many remains of heathenism about  
them1 might in  this wise have been     
incurably prejudiced against truths1    
which1 by other  modes of teaching1--by 
general and indirect                    
instructions1--would  probably have been
 lodged in their minds4 ,and there is   
another point of  view in which vastly  

more1 even their lives1 might have been 
lost1 by  the ,apostles making the      
direct and specific attacks referred to4
 ,i know  that you ridicule the idea of 
their consulting their personal safety4 
,but what right have you to do so8 ,they
 did1 on many occasions1 consult  the   
security of their lives4 ,they never    
perilled them needlessly1 and  through a
 presumptuous reliance on ,god4 ,it is  
the devil1 who1 in a  garbled quotation 
from the ,scriptures1 lays down1 in     
unlimited terms1  the proposition1 that 
,god will keep his children4 ,but1 ,god 
promises them  protection only when they
 are in their own proper ways4 ,the     
,saviour  himself consulted the safety  
of his life1 until his time had full    
come2 and his command to his ,apostles  
was1 when they persecute you in  this   
city1 flee ye into another4 ,if you     
suppose me to admit for a  moment1 that 
regard for the safety of their lives    
ever kept them from  the way of their   
duty1 you are entirely mistaken2 and1 if

 you continue  to assert1 in the face of
 my reasoning to the contrary1 that on  
the  supposition of the sinfulness of   
slavery1 their omission to make direct  
and specific attacks on it would have   
been a failure of their duty1 then  ,i  
can only regret that this reasoning has 
had no more influence upon  you4    ,i  
observe that ,professor ,hodge agrees   
with you1 that if slavery is sin1  it   
would have been specifically attacked by
 the ,apostles at any hazard  to their  
lives4 ,this is his conclusion1 because 
they did not hesitate to  specify and   
rebuke idolatry4 ,here is another of the
 ,professor's  sophisms4 ,the fact1 that
 the ,apostles preached against         
idolatry1 is no  reason at all why1 if  
slavery is sin1 they would have preached
 against  that also4 ,on the one hand1  
it is not conceivable that the gospel   
can be  preached where there is         
idolatry1 without attacking it3 for1 in 
setting  forth the true ,god to         
idolaters1 the preacher must denounce   

their false  gods4 ,on the other hand1  
gospel sermons can be preached without  
number1  and the true ,god presented1   
not only in a nation of idolaters1 but  
elsewhere1 without one allusion being   
made to such crying sins as  slavery1   
lewdness1 and intemperance4    ,in the  
same connexion1 ,professor ,hodge makes 
the remark ,we do not  expect them 7our 
missionaries7 to refrain from denouncing
 the  institutions of the heathen as    
sinful1 because they are popular1 or    
intimately interwoven with society4 ,if 
he means by this language1 that  it is  
the duty of missionaries on going into a
 heathen nation1 to array  themselves   
against the civil government1 and to    
make direct and specific  attacks on its
 wicked nature and wicked               
administration1 then is he at  issue1 on
 this point1 with the whole ,christian  
public2 and1 if he does  not mean this1 
or what amounts to this1 ,i do not see  
how his remark will  avail any thing1 in
 his attempt to show that the ,apostles 

made such  attacks on whatever sinful   
institutions came under their           
observation4    ,what ,i have said on a 
former page shows sufficiently how fit  
it is for  missionaries to the heathen1 
more especially in the first years of   
their  efforts among them1 to labor to  
instruct their ignorant pupils in the   
elementary principles of ,christianity1 
rather than to call their  attention to 
the institutions of civil government1   
the sinfulness of  which they would not 
be able to perceive until they had been 
grounded in  those elementary           
principles2 and the sinfulness of which1
 more than of  any thing else1 their    
prejudices would forbid them to suspect4
 ,another  reason why the missionary to 
the heathen should not directly1 and    
certainly not immediately1 assail their 
civil governments1 is that he  would    
thereby arouse their jealousies to a    
pitch fatal to his influence1  his      
usefulness1 and most probably his life2 
and another reason is1 that  this       

imprudence would effectually close the  
door1 for a long time1  against all     
efforts1 even the most judicious1 to    
spread the gospel  amongst a people so  
needlessly and greatly prejudiced       
against it by an  unwise and abrupt     
application of its principles4 ,for     
instance1 what  folly and madness it    
would be for our missionaries to        
,burmah1 to make a  direct assault on   
the political institutions of that      
country6 ,how fatal  would it be to     
their lives1 and how incalculably       
injurious to the cause  entrusted to    
their hands6 ,and1 if this can be said  
of them1 after they  have spent ten1    
fifteen1 and twenty years1 in efforts to
 bring that  portion of the heathen     
world to a knowledge and love of the    
truth1 how  much more emphatically could
 it be said if they had been in the     
field of  their labors but three or four
 years6 ,and yet1 even this short space 
of  time exceeds the average period of  
the ,apostles' labor among those        

different portions of the heathen world 
which they visited2--labor1 too1  it    
must be remembered1 not of the whole1   
nor even of half of the  twelve4        
,that the ,apostles could not have made 
direct attacks on the institutions  of  
the ,roman government1 but at the       
expense of their lives1 is not to be    
doubted4 ,our ,saviour well knew how    
fatal was the jealousy of that          
government to the man who was so unhappy
 as to have excited it2 and he          
accordingly avoided the excitement of   
it1 as far as practicable and           
consistent4 ,his ingenious and beautiful
 disposition of the question1 ,is  it   
lawful to give tribute to ,caesar or    
not1 is among the instances1 in  which  
,he studied to shun the displeasure of  
the civil government4 ,pilate  gave     
striking evidence of his unwillingness  
to excite the jealousy of  his          
government1 when1 every other expedient 
to induce him to consent to  the        
,saviour's death having failed1 the bare

 charge1 utterly unproven and           
groundless1 that1 the ,divine prisoner  
had put forth pretensions1  interfering 
with ,caesar's rights1 availed to       
procure ,his death-warrant  from the    
hands of that truth-convicted1 but      
man-fearing governor4 ,had it  not      
availed1 ,pilate would have been exposed
 to the suspicion of  disloyalty to his 
government2 and so perilous was this    
suspicion1 that  he was ready1 at any   
expense to his conscience and sense of  
justice1 to  avoid incurring it4    ,a  
direct attack on ,roman slavery1 as it  
would have called in question  the      
rightfulness of war--the leading policy 
of the ,roman  government--would1 of    
course1 have been peculiarly perilous to
 its  presumptuous author4 ,no person   
could have made this attack1 and lived2 
or1 if possibly he might have escaped   
the vengeance of the government1  do we 
not know too much of the deadly wrath of
 slaveholders1 to believe  that he could
 have also escaped the summary process  

of ,lynch law8 ,if it  be at the peril  
of his life that a ,northern man travels
 in the ,southern  ,states1--and that1  
too1 whether he do or do not say a word 
about  slavery1 or even whether he be or
 be not an abolitionist2--if your       
leading men publicly declare1 that it is
 your religious duty to put to  an      
immediate death1 whenever they come     
within your power1 those who  presume to
 say that slavery is sin 7and such a    
declaration did a ,south  ,carolina     
gentleman make on the floor of congress1
 respecting the  inconsiderable person  
who is addressing you72--and1 if your   
professing  ,christians1 not excepting  
ministers of the gospel1 thirst for the 
blood  of abolitionists,a1 as ,i will   
abundantly show1 if you require         
proof2--if1 in a gospel land1 all this  
be so1 then ,i put it to your  candor1  
whether it can reasonably be supposed   
that the ,apostles would  have been     
allowed to attack slavery in the midst  
of heathen  slaveholders4 ,why it is    

that slaveholders will not allow a word 
to be  breathed against slavery1 ,i     
cannot1 perhaps1 correctly judge4       
,abolitionists think that this          
unwillingness denotes that man is unfit 
for absolute power over his fellow men4 
,they think as unfavorably of the       
influence of this power on the          
slaveholder1 as your own ,jefferson did4
  ,they think that it tends to make him 
impatient of contradiction1             
self-willed1 supercilious1 cruel1       
murderous1 devilish2 and they think     
that they can establish this opinion1   
not by the soundest philosophy  only1   
but by the pages of many of your own    
writers1 and by those daily  scenes of  
horrid brutality which make the         
,southern ,states1 in the sight  both of
 ,god and man1 one of the most frightful
 and loathsome portions of  the         
world--of the whole world--barbarous as 
well as civilized4    ,footnote ,a3 ,i  
will relate an incident1 to show what a 
fiend even woman1  gentle1 lovely woman1

 may become1 after she has fallen under 
the sway of  the demon of slavery4 ,said
 a lady of ,savannah1 on a visit in the 
city of  ,new ,york1 ,i wish he 7,rev4  
,dr4 ,samuel ,h4 ,cox7 would come to    
,savannah4 ,i  should love to see him   
tarred and feathered1 and his head cut  
off and  carried on a pole around       
,savannah4 ,this lady is a professing   
,christian4  ,her language stirs me up  
to retaliate upon her1 and to express   
the wish  that she would come to the    
town1 and even to the dwelling1 in which
 ,dr4  ,cox resides4 ,she would find    
that man of ,god--that man of sanctified
  genius--as glad to get his enemies    
into his hands1 as she would be to  get 
him into the hands of his enemies3--not1
 however1 for the purpose of  disgracing
 and decapitating them1 but1 that he    
might pour out upon them  the           
forgiveness and love of his generous and
 abolitionized heart4 ,in  the city of  
,new ,york there are thousands of       
whole-souled abolitionists4  ,what a    

striking testimony is it1 in behalf of  
their meekness and  forbearance1 when a 
southern fury is perfectly secure1 in   
belching out  such words of wrath in the
 midst of them6 ,we abolitionists never 
love  our principles better1 than when  
we see the slaveholder feeling safe     
amongst us4 ,no man has been more       
abusive of us than ,governor ,mc,duffie2
  and yet1 were he to travel in the     
,northern ,states1 he would meet with no
  unkindness at the hands of any        
abolitionist4 ,on the other hand1 let it
  be known to the governor1 that he has 
within his jurisdiction a  prominent    
abolitionist--one1 whose heart of       
burning love has made him  specially    
anxious to persuade the unfortunate     
slaveholder to be just to  himself1 to  
his fellow men1 and to his ,god1--and   
the governor1 true to  the horrid       
sentiments of his famous message1 would 
advise that he be  put to death without 
benefit of clergy4 ,let slaveholders say
 what they  will about our              

blood-thirstiness1 there is not one of  
them who fears to  put himself in our   
power4 ,the many of them1 who have been 
beneath my  roof1 and the roofs of other
 abolitionists1 have manifested their   
confidence in our kindness4 ,were a     
stranger to the institution of  slavery 
to learn1 in answer to his inquiries1   
that an abolitionist is  an outlaw      
amongst slaveholders1 and that a        
slaveholder is the  kindly entertained  
guest of abolitionists1--here would be a
 puzzle  indeed4 ,but the solution of it
 would not fail to be as honorable to   
the  persecuted man of peace1 as it     
would be disgraceful to the bloody      
advocate and executioner of ,lynch law4 
,i need not render any more reasons why 
the ,apostles did not specifically      
attack slavery2 but ,i will reply to a  
question1 which ,i am sure will be  upon
 your lips all the time you are reading 
those ,i have rendered4 ,this  question 
is1 ,if the ,apostles did not make such 
an attack on slavery1  why may the      

,american abolitionists8 ,i answer1 that
 the difference  between the course of  
the abolitionists and of the ,apostles1 
in this  matter1 is justified by the    
difference in their circumstances4      
,professor  ,hodge properly says1 that  
our course should be like theirs1 unless
 it  can be shown that their            
circumstances were so different from    
ours1 as to  make the rule of duty      
different in the two cases4 ,and he as  
properly  adds1 the obligation to point 
out and establish this difference rests 
upon the abolitionists4    ,the reasons 
,i have given1 why the ,apostles did not
 directly attack  slavery1 do not apply 
to the abolitionists4 ,the arm of civil 
power does  not restrain us from        
attacking it4 ,to open our lips against 
the policy  and institutions of civil   
government is not certain death4 ,a     
despotic  government restricted the     
efforts of the ,apostles to do good4    
,but we  live under governments which   
afford the widest scope for exertions to

  bless our fellow men and honor ,god4  
,now1 if we may not avail ourselves  of 
this advantage1 simply because the      
,apostles did not have it to avail      
themselves of1 then whatever other      
interests may prosper under a           
republican government1 certain it is1   
that the cause of truth and             
righteousness is not to be benefited by 
it4 ,far better never to have had  our  
boasted form of government1 if1 whilst  
it extends the freedom and  multiplies  
the facilities of the wicked1 it        
relieves the righteous of  none of the  
restrictions of a despotic government4  
,again1 there is a  religious conscience
 all over this land1 and an enlightened 
and gospel  sense of right and wrong2 on
 which we can and do 7as in your        
,introduction you concede is the fact7  
bring our arguments against  slavery to 
bear with mighty power4 ,but1 on the    
other hand1 the creating  of such a     
conscience and such a sense1 in the     
heathen and semi-heathen  amongst whom  

they lived and labored1 was the first1  
and appropriate1 and  principal work of 
the ,apostles4 ,to employ1 therefore1 no
 other methods  for the moral and       
religious improvement of the people of  
the ,united  ,states1 than were employed
 by the ,apostles for that of the people
 of the  ,roman empire1 is as absurd as 
it would be to put the highest and      
lowest  classes in a school to the same 
lessons2 or a raw apprentice to those   
higher branches of his trade which      
demand the skill of an experienced      
workman4    ,i am here reminded of what 
,professor ,hodge says were the means   
relied on  by the ,saviour and ,apostles
 for abolishing slavery4 ,it was1 says  
he1  by teaching the true nature1       
dignity1 equality1 and destiny of men2  
by  inculcating the principles of       
justice and love2 and by leaving these  
principles to produce their legitimate  
effects in ameliorating the  condition  
of all classes of society4 ,i would not 
speak disparagingly of  such a course of

 instruction2 so far from it1 ,i am     
ready to admit that  it is indispensable
 for the removal of evils1 in every age 
and among  every people4 ,when general  
instructions of this character shall    
have  ceased to be given1 then will all 
wholesome reforms have ceased also4     
,but1 ,i cannot approve of the          
,professor's object in this remark4     
,this  object is to induce his readers  
to believe1 that these abstract and     
general instructions are all that is    
needed to effect the termination of     
slavery4 ,now1 ,i maintain that one     
thing more is wanting2 and that is1  the
 application of these instructions--of  
the principles contained in  them--to   
the evil in hand4 ,as well may it be    
supposed1 that the mechanic  can        
accomplish his work without the         
application1 and by the mere            
possession1 of his tools1 as that a     
given reformation can be effected by    
unapplied general principles4 ,of these 
principles1 ,american  philanthropists  

have been possessed from time           
immemorial2 and yet all  the while      
,american slavery has been flourishing  
and growing strong4 ,of  late1 however1 
these principles have been brought to   
bear upon the  system1 and it manifestly
 is already giving way4 ,the groans of  
the  monster prove that those rays of   
truth1 which did not disturb him whilst 
they continued to move in the parallel  
lines of abstractions and  generalities1
 make it quite too hot for him since    
they are converged to  a burning focus  
upon his devoted head4 ,why is it1 for  
example1 that the  influence of the     
,boston ,recorder and ,new-,york        
,observer--why is it1 that  the         
influence of most of our titled         
divines--is decidedly hostile to the    
abolition of slavery8 ,it is not because
 they are deficient in just  general    
sentiments and principles respecting    
man's duties to ,god and his  fellow    
man4 ,it is simply because they stand   
opposed to the application  of these    

sentiments and principles to the evil in
 question2 or1 in other  words1 stand   
opposed to the ,anti-,slavery ,society1 
which is the chosen  lens of ,divine    
,providence for turning these sentiments
 and principles1  with all the burning1 
irresistible power of their             
concentration1 against  a giant         
wickedness4 ,what is the work of the    
,temperance ,societies1 but to  make a  
specific application of general truths  
and principles to the vice  of          
intemperance8 ,and the fact1 that from  
the time of ,noah's  intoxication1 until
 the organization of the ,american      
,temperance ,society1  the desolating   
tide of intemperance had been           
continually swelling1  proves that this 
reliance on unapplied principles1       
however sound--this  faith without      
works--is utterly vain4 ,nathan found   
that nothing1 short  of a specific      
application of the principles of        
righteousness1 would  answer in the case
 of the sin of adultery4 ,he had to     

abandon all  generalities and           
circuitousness1 and come plump upon the 
royal sinner  with his ,thou art the    
man4 ,those divines1 whose policy it is 
to handle  slaveholders with gloves1 if 
they must handle them at all1 doubtless 
regard ,nathan as an exceedingly        
impolite preacher4    ,but1 not only is 
it far less difficult to instruct the   
people of the  ,united ,states than it  
was the people of the ,roman ,empire1 in
 the sin of  slavery2 it is also--for   
the reason that the sin is ours1 to a   
far  greater extent1 than it was        
theirs--much more important for us than 
for  them to be instructed in it4 ,they 
had no share in the government which    
upheld it4 ,they could not abolish it by
 law4 ,but1 on the other hand1 the      
people of the ,united ,states are       
themselves the government of their      
country4 ,they are the co-sovereigns of 
their nation4 ,they uphold slavery  by  
law1 and they can put it down by law4   
,in this point of view1  therefore1     

slavery is an incomparably greater sin  
in us1 than it was in  them4    ,only   
one other reason will be given why it is
 more needful to overthrow  ,american1  
than it was to overthrow ,roman slavery4
 ,the ,church was then  but a handful of
 strangers scattered throughout the     
heathen world4 ,it  was made up of those
 who had little influence1 and who were 
esteemed  the filth of the world1 and   
the offscouring of all things4 ,it had1 
probably1 little1 if any thing1 to do   
with slavery1 except to suffer its      
rigors in the persons of many of its    
members4 ,but here1 the ,church1        
comprising no very small proportion of  
the whole population1 and  exerting a   
mighty influence for good or ill on the 
residue1 is tainted1  yes1 rotten with  
slavery4 ,in this contrast1 we not only 
see another  reason why the destruction 
of ,american slavery is more important  
than  was that of ,roman slavery2 but we
 also see1 that the ,apostles could have
  been little1 if at all1 actuated by   

that motive1 which is more urgent  than 
any other in the breasts of the         
,american abolitionists--the motive  of 
purging the ,church of slavery4    ,to  
return to what you say of the           
abominations and horrors of ,greek and  
,roman slavery3--,i should be doing you 
great injustice1 were ,i to convey  the 
idea that you approve of them4 ,it is   
admitted that you disapprove of  them2  
and1 it is also admitted1 that no       
responsibility for them rests on  the   
relation of slaveholder and slave1 if   
that relation have1 as you  labor to    
show1 the stamp of ,divine approbation4 
,you say1 that slavery1  like marriage1 
is an institution sanctioned by the ,new
 ,testament2 and  that1 therefore1      
neither for the evils which attend it1  
nor for any  other cause1 is it to be   
argued against4 ,this is sound          
reasoning1 on  your part2 and1 if your  
premises are correct1 there is no       
resisting your  deduction4 ,we are1 in  
that case1 not only not to complain of  

the  institution of slavery1 but we are 
to be thankful for it4 ,considering1    
however1 that the whole fabric of your  
argument1 in the principal or ,new      
,testament division of your book1 is    
based on the alleged fact that the  ,new
 ,testament approves of slavery1 it     
seems to me that you have  contented    
yourself1 and sought to make your       
readers contented1 with very  slender   
evidences of the truth of this          
proposition4 ,these evidences are1      
mainly--that the ,new ,testament does   
not declare slavery to be a sin3  and1  
that the ,apostles enjoin upon masters  
and servants their respective  duties2  
and this1 too1 in the same connexion in 
which they make similar  injunctions    
upon those who stand in the confessedly 
proper relations of  life--the husband  
and wife1 the parent and child4 ,your   
other evidences1  that the ,new         
,testament approves of slavery1         
unimportant as they are1  will not be   
left unnoticed4    ,i have attempted to 

show1 that the omission of the ,new     
,testament to  declare slavery to be a  
sin1 is not proof that it is not a sin4 
,i pass  on to show1 that the ,apostolic
 injunction of duties upon masters and  
servants does not prove that slavery is 
sinless4    ,i have now reached another 
grand fallacy in your book4 ,it is also 
found  in ,professor ,hodge's article4  
,you1 gentlemen1 take the liberty to    
depart  from our standard ,english      
translation of the ,bible1 and to       
substitute  slaveholder for             
master--slave for servant--and1 in      
substance1  emperor for ruler--and      
subject of an imperial government for   
subject of civil government generally4  
,i know that this substitution  well    
suits your purposes3 but1 ,i know not by
 what right you make it4  ,professor    
,hodge tells the abolitionists1         
certainly without much respect  for     
either their intelligence or piety1 that
 it will do no good 7for  them7 to      
attempt to tear the ,bible to pieces4   

,there is but too much  evidence1 that  
he himself has not entirely refrained   
from the folly and  crime1 which he is  
so ready to impute to others4    ,i will
 proceed to offer some reasons for the  
belief1 that when the  ,apostles        
enjoined on masters and servants their  
respective duties1 they  had reference  
to servitude in general1 and not to any 
modification of  it4    #ast4 ,you find 
passages in the ,new ,testament1 where  
you think despotes  refers to a person  
who is a slaveholder1 and doulos to a   
person who is  a slave4 ,admit that you 
are right3 but this 7which seems to be  
your only  ground for it7 does not      
justify you in translating these words  
slaveholder and slave1 whenever it may  
be advantageous to your side  of the    
question to have them thus translated4  
,these words1 have a great  variety of  
meanings4 ,for instance1 there are      
passages in the ,new  ,testament where  
despotes means ,god--,jesus             
,christ--,head of a  family3 and where  

doulos means a minister or agent--a     
subject of a  king--a disciple or       
follower of ,christ4 ,despotes and      
doulos are  the words used in the       
original of the expression3 ,lord1 now  
lettest  thou thy servant depart in     
peace3 doulos in that of the            
expressions1  servant of ,christ1 and   
let him be servant of all4 ,profane     
writers  also use these words in various
 senses4 ,my full belief is1 that these 
words were used in both a generic and   
special sense1 as is the word  corn1    
which denotes bread-stuffs in general1  
and also a particular kind  of them2 as 
is the word meat1 the meaning of which  
is1 sometimes1  confined to flesh that  
is eaten1 and1 at other times1 as is    
frequently  the case in the ,scriptures1
 extends to food in general2 and1 as is 
the  word servant1 which is suitable1   
either in reference to a particular     
form of servitude1 or to servitude in   
general4 ,there is a passage in the     
second chapter of ,acts1 which is1 of   

itself1 perhaps1 sufficient to  convince
 an unbiased mind1 that the ,apostles   
used the word doulos in  a1 generic1 as 
well as in a special sense4 ,doulos and 
doule are the  words in the phrase3 ,and
 on my servants and on my handmaidens4  
,a  reference to the prophecy as it     
stands2 in ,joel #b3 #bh1 #bi1 makes it 
more  obvious1 that persons in servitude
 are referred to under the words  doulos
 and doule2 and1 that the predicted     
blessing was to be shed  upon persons of
 all ages1 classes1 and conditions--upon
 old men and  young men--upon sons and  
daughters--and upon man-servants and    
maid-servants4 ,but1 under the          
interpretation of those1 who1 like      
,professor ,hodge and yourself1 confine 
the meaning of doulos and  doule to a   
species of servants1 the prophecy would 
have reference to  persons of all ages1 
classes1 and conditions--excepting      
certain  descriptions of servants4      
,under this interpretation1 we are      
brought to  the absurd conclusion1 that 

the spirit is to be poured out upon the 
master and his slaves--but not upon his 
hired servants4    ,i trust that enough 
has been said1 under this my first head1
 to show  that the various senses in    
which the words despotes and doulos are 
employed1 justify me in taking the      
position1 that whenever we meet with    
them1 we are to determine1 from the     
nature of the case1 and from the        
connexion in which they are used1       
whether they refer to servitude in      
general1 or to a species of it4    #b;d4
 ,the confinement of the meaning of the 
words in question supposes1  what       
neither religion nor common sense allows
 us to suppose1 that  slaveholders and  
slaves1 despots and those in subjection 
to them1 were  such especial favorites  
of the ,apostles1 as to obtain from them
 specific  instructions in respect to   
their relative duties1 whilst all other 
masters and servants1 and all other     
rulers and subjects1 throughout all     
future time1 were left unprovided with  

such instructions4 ,according to  this  
supposition1 when slavery and despotism 
shall1 agreeably to  ,professor ,hodge's
 expectations1 have entirely ceased1    
there will be not  one master nor       
servant1 not one ruler nor subject in   
the whole earth1 to  fall1 as such1     
under the ,apostolic injunctions4       
#c;d4 ,you admit that there were        
hirelings1 in a community of primitive  
believers2 and ,i admit1 for the moment1
 that there were slaves in it4  ,now1   
under my interpretation of the          
,apostolic injunction1 all husbands1    
all wives1 all parents1 all children1   
and all servants1 in this  community1   
are told their respective duties3 but1  
under yours1 these  duties are enjoined 
on all husbands1 all wives1 all parents1
 all  children1 and a part of the       
servants4 ,may we not reasonably        
complain  of your interpretation1 that  
it violates analogy8    ,imagine the    
scene1 in which a father1 in the        
,apostolic age1 assembles  his family to

 listen to a letter from the glowing    
,peter1 or such an one  as ,paul the    
aged4 ,the letter contains instructions 
respecting the  relative duties of life4
 ,the venerable pair1 who stand in the  
conjugal  and parental relations1       
receive1 with calm thankfulness1 what is
  addressed to themselves2--the         
bright-eyed little ones are eager to    
know  what the ,apostle says to         
children--a poor slave blesses ,god for 
his  portion of the ,apostolic          
counsel2--and the scene would be one of 
unmingled joy1 if the writer had but    
addressed hired servants1 as well  as   
slaves4 ,one of the group goes away to  
weep1 because the ,apostle had          
remembered the necessities of all other 
classes of men1 and forgotten  those of 
the hireling4 ,sir1 do you believe that 
the ,apostle was guilty  of such an     
omission8 ,i rejoice that my side of the
 question between us1  does not call for
 the belief of what is so improbable and
  unnatural--and1 withal1 so dishonoring

 to the memory of the ,apostle4    #dth4
 ,another reason for believing1 that the
 ,apostles intended no such  limitation 
as that which you impose upon their     
words1 is1 that their  injunctions are  
as applicable to the other classes of   
persons occupying  these relations1 as  
they are to the particular class to     
which you  confine them4 ,the hired     
servant1 as well as the slave1 needs to 
be  admonished of the sins of eye       
service and purloining2 and the master  
of voluntary1 as well as involuntary    
servants1 needs to be admonished to     
give that which is just and equal4 ,the 
ruler in a republic1 or1 in a  limited  
monarchy1 as well as the despot1        
requires to be reminded1 that  he is to 
be a minister of ,god for good4 ,so the 
subject of one kind of  civil           
government1 as well as that of another1 
needs to be told to be  subject unto the
 higher powers4    ,i need not extend my
 remarks to prove1 that despotes and    
doulos are1  in the case before us1 to  

be taken in their comprehensive sense of
  master and servant3 and1 clearly1     
therefore1 the abolitionist is not      
guilty of violating your rule1 not to   
interfere with a civil relation  7in    
another place1 you say1 'any of the     
existing relations of life'7 for  which1
 and to regulate which1 either ,christ  
or his ,apostles have  prescribed       
regulations4 ,he believes1 as fully as  
yourself1 that the  relation of master  
and servant is approved of ,god4 ,it is 
the slavery  modification of it--the    
slaveholder's abuse and perversion of   
the  relation1 in reducing the servant  
to a chattel--which1 he believes1 is    
not approved of ,god4    ,for the sake  
of the argument1 ,i will admit1 that the
 slave alone1 of all  classes of        
servants1 was favored with specific     
instructions from the  ,apostles3 and   
then1 how should we account for the     
selection8 ,in no other  way1 can ,i    
conceive1 than1 on the ground1 that his 
lot is so peculiarly  hard--so much     

harder than that of persons under other 
forms of  servitude--that he needs1     
whilst they do not1 ,apostolic counsel  
and  advice to keep him just1 and       
patient1 and submissive4 ,let me be     
spared  from the sin of reducing a      
brother man to such a lot4 ,your        
doctrine1  therefore1 that the ,apostles
 addressed slaves only1 and not servants
 in  general1 would not1 were its       
correctness admitted1 lift you out of   
all  the difficulties in your argument4 
,again1 does it necessarily follow from 
this admission1 that the relation  of   
slaveholder and slave is sinless8 ,was  
the despotism of the ,roman  government 
sinless8 ,i do not ask whether the      
abuses of civil  government1 in that    
instance1 were sinless4 ,but1 ,i ask1   
was a  government1 despotic in its      
constitution1 depriving all its subjects
 of  political power1 and extending     
absolute control over their property and
  persons--was such a government1       
independently of the consideration of   

its abuses1 7if indeed we may speak of  
the abuses of what is in itself  an     
abuse17 sinless8 ,i am aware1 that      
,prof4 ,hodge says1 that it was so3     
and1 when he classes despotism and      
slavery with adiaphora1 things          
indifferent2 and allows no more moral   
character to them than to a table  or a 
broomstick1 ,i trust no good man envies 
his optics4 ,may ,i not hope  that you1 
,mr4 ,smylie1 perceive a difference     
between despotism and an  indifferent   
thing4 ,may ,i not hope1 that you will1 
both as a ,republican  and a ,christian1
 take the ground1 that despotism has a  
moral character1  and a bad one8 ,when  
our fathers prayed1 and toiled1 and     
bled1 to obtain  for themselves and     
their children the right of             
self-government1 and to  effect their   
liberation from a power1 which1 in the  
extent and rigor of  its despotism1 is  
no more to be compared to the ,roman    
government1 than  the little finger to  
the loins1 ,i doubt not1 that they felt 

that  despotism had a moral1 and a very 
bad moral character4 ,and so would      
,prof4 ,hodge have felt1 had he stood by
 their side1 instead of being one  of   
their ungrateful sons4 ,i say           
ungrateful--for1 who more so1 than he   
who publishes doctrines that disparage  
the holy cause in which they were       
embarked1 and exhibits them1 as         
contending for straws1 rather than for  
principles8 ,tell me1 how long will this
 ,republic endure after our people      
shall have imbibed the doctrine1 that   
the nature of civil government  is an   
indifferent thing3 and that the poet was
 right when he said1      ,for forms of 
government let fools contest8           
,this1 however1 is but one of many      
doctrines of ruinous tendency to the    
cause of civil liberty1 advanced by     
pro-slavery writers to sustain their    
system of oppression4    ,it would      
surely be superfluous to go into proofs1
 that the ,roman  government was vicious
 and wicked in its constitution and     

nature4  ,nevertheless1 the ,apostle    
enjoined submission to it1 and taught   
its  subjects how to demean themselves  
under it4 ,here1 then1 we have an       
instance1 in which we cannot argue the  
sinlessness of a relation1 from  the    
fact of ,apostolic injunctions on those 
standing in it4 ,take another  instance4
 ,the ,chaldeans went to a foreign land1
 and enslaved its  people--as members of
 your guilty partnership have done for  
some of the  slaves you now own1 and for
 the ancestors of others4 ,and ,god     
destroyed  the ,chaldeans expressly for 
all their evil that they had done in    
,zion4  ,but1 wicked as they were1 for  
having instituted this relation between 
themselves and the ,jews1 ,god1         
nevertheless1 tells the ,jews to submit 
to  it4 ,he tells them1 ,serve the ,king
 of ,babylon4 ,he even says1 seek the   
peace of the city1 whither ,i have      
caused you to be carried away  captives1
 and pray unto the ,lord for it2 for1 in
 the peace thereof1  shall ye have      

peace4 ,here then1 we have another      
instance1 in addition  to that of the   
,roman despot and his subjects1 in which
 the ,holy ,spirit  prescribed          
regulations for wicked relations4 ,you  
will1 at least1 allow1  that the        
relation established by the ,chaldeans  
between themselves and  the captive     
,jews1 was wicked4 ,but1 you will       
perhaps say1 that this is  not a        
relation coming within the contemplation
 of your rule4 ,your rule  speaks of a  
civil relation1 and also of the existing
 relations of life4  ,but1 the relation 
in question1 being substantially that of
 slaveholder  and slave1 is1 according  
to your own showing1 a civil relation4  
,perhaps  you will say1 it is not an    
existing relation of life4 ,but what do 
you  mean by an existing relation of    
life8 ,do you mean1 that it is a        
relation approved of ,god8 ,if you do1  
and insist that the relation of         
slaveholder and slave is an existing    
relation of life1 then you are  guilty  

of begging the great question between   
us4 ,your rule1 therefore1  can mean    
nothing more than this--that any        
relation is rightful1 for  which the    
,bible prescribes regulations4 ,but the 
relation referred to  between the       
,chaldeans and ,jews1 proves the falsity
 of the rule4 ,again1  when a man       
compels me to go with him1 is not the   
compelled relation  between him and me a
 sinful one8 ,and the relation of robber
 and robbed1  which a man institutes    
between himself and me1 is not this also
 sinful8  ,but1 the ,bible has          
prescribed regulations for the relations
 in both  these cases4 ,in the one1 it  
requires me to go with him twain2 and1  
in  the other1 to endure patiently even 
farther spoliation and1 let him  have   
7my7 cloak also4 ,in these cases1 also1 
do we see the falsity of  your rule--and
 none the less clearly1 because the     
relations in question  are of brief     
duration4    ,before concluding my      
remarks on this topic1 let me say1 that 

your  doctrine1 that ,god has prescribed
 no rules for the behaviour of persons  
in any other than the just relations of 
life1 reflects no honor on ,his         
compassion4 ,why1 even we cut-throat    
abolitionists are not so  hard-hearted  
as to overlook the subjects of a        
relation1 because it is  wicked4        
,pitying1 as we do1 our poor colored    
brethren1 who are forced  into a wicked 
relation1 which1 by its very nature and 
terms1 and not by  its abuses1 as you   
would say1 has robbed them of their     
all--even we  would1 nevertheless1 tell 
them to resist not evil--to be obedient 
unto  their own masters--not purloining1
 but showing all good fidelity4 ,we     
would tell them1 as ,god told the       
captive ,jews1 to seek the peace of     
those1 whither they are carried away    
captives1 and to pray unto the  ,lord   
for them3 and our hope of their         
emancipation is not1 as it is most      
slanderously and wickedly reported to   
be1 in their deluging the ,south  with  

blood3 but1 it is1 to use again those   
sweet words of inspiration1  that in the
 peace thereof they shall have peace4   
,we do not communicate  with the slave2 
but1 if we did1 we would teach him1 that
 our hope of his  liberation is grounded
 largely in his patience1 and that1 if  
he would  have us drop his cause from   
our hands1 he has but to take it into   
his  own1 and attempt to accomplish by  
violence1 that which we seek to effect  
through the power of truth and love on  
the understanding and heart of  his     
master4    ,having disposed of your     
reasons in favor of the rightfulness of 
the  relation of slaveholder and slave1 
,i will offer a few reasons for         
believing that it is not rightful4      
#ast4 ,my strongest reason is1 that the 
great and comprehensive  principles1 and
 the whole genius and spirit of         
,christianity1 are opposed  to slavery4 
#b;d4 ,in the case of ,pharoah and his  
,jewish slaves1 ,god manifested his     
abhorrence of the relation of slavery4  

,the fact that the slavery in this  case
 was political1 instead of domestic1    
and1 therefore1 of a milder  type than  
that of ,southern slavery1 does not     
forbid my reasoning from  the one form  
to the other4 ,indeed1 if ,i may receive
 your declaration on  this point1 for   
the truth1 ,i need not admit that the   
type of the slavery  in question is     
milder than that of ,southern           
slavery2--for you say1 that  their 7the 
,jews7 condition was that of the most   
abject bondage or  slavery4 ,but the    
supposition that it is milder1 being    
allowed to be  correct1 would only      
prove1 that ,god's abhorrence of        
,southern bondage as  much exceeds that 
which he expressed of ,egyptian bondage1
 as the one  system is more full than   
the other of oppression and cruelty4    
,we learn from the ,bible1 that it was  
not because of the abuses of the        
,egyptian system of bondage1 but1       
because of its sinful nature1 that ,god 
required its abolition4 ,he did not     

command ,pharaoh to cease from the      
abuses of the system1 and to correct his
 administration of it1 but to  cease    
from the system itself4 ,i have heard1  
says ,god1 the groaning of  the children
 of ,israel1 whom the ,egyptians keep in
 bondage2--not whom  the ,egyptians1    
availing themselves of their absolute   
power1 compel to  make brick without    
straw1 and seek to waste and exterminate
 by the  murder of their infant         
children2--but simply whom the          
,egyptians keep in  bondage4 ,these     
hardships and outrages were but the     
leaves and branches4  ,the root of the  
abomination was the bondage itself1 the 
assertion of  absolute and slaveholding 
power by a new king over ,egypt1 which  
knew  not ,joseph4 ,in the next verse   
,god says3 ,i will rid you--not only    
from  the burdens and abuses1 as you    
would say1 of bondage1--but out of their
  7the ,egyptians7 bondage itself--out  
of the relation in which the  ,egyptians
 oppressively and wickedly hold you4    

,god sends many messages to ,pharaoh4   
,in no one of them does ,he reprove  him
 for the abuses of the relation into    
which he had forced the ,jews4 ,in  no  
one of them is he called on to correct  
the evils which had grown out  of that  
relation4 ,but1 in every one1 does ,god 
go to the root of the  evil1 and command
 ,pharaoh1 let my people go--let my     
people go1 that  they may serve me4 ,the
 abolitionist is reproachfully called an
  ultraist and an immediatist4 ,it seems
 that ,god was both1 when  dealing with 
this royal slaveholder3--for ,he        
commanded ,pharaoh1 not to  mitigate the
 bondage of the ,israelites1 but to     
deliver them from it--and  that1 too1   
immediately4 ,the system of slavery is  
wicked in ,god's sight1  and1 therefore1
 did ,he require of ,pharaoh its        
immediate abandonment4 ,the  phrase1 let
 my people go1 that they may serve me1  
shows most  strikingly one feature of   
resemblance between ,egyptian and       
,american  slavery4 ,egyptian slavery   

did not allow its subjects to serve     
,god1  neither does ,american4 ,the     
,egyptian master stood between his slave
 and  their ,god3 and how strikingly and
 awfully true is it1 that the ,american 
master occupies the like position6 ,not 
only is the theory of slavery1  the     
world over1 in the face of ,god's       
declaration2 all souls are mine3  but   
,american slaveholders have brought its 
practical character to  respond so fully
 to its theory--they have succeeded1 so 
well1 in  excluding the light and       
knowledge of ,god from the minds of     
their  slaves--that they laugh at ,his  
claim to all souls4    #c;d4 ,paul1 in  
one of his letters to the ,corinthian   
,church1 tells  servants--say slaves1 to
 suit your views--if they may be free1  
to prefer  freedom to bondage4 ,but if  
it be the duty of slaves to prefer      
freedom to  bondage1 how clearly is it  
the correlative duty of the master to   
grant  it to him6 ,you interpret the    
,apostle's language1 in this case1 as ,i

 do2  and it is not a little surprising1
 that1 with your interpretation of it1  
you can still advocate slavery4 ,you    
admit1 that ,paul says--,i use your  own
 words--a state of freedom1 on the      
whole1 is the best4 ,now1 it  seems to  
me1 that this admission leaves you      
without excuse1 for  defending slavery4 
,you have virtually yielded the ground4 
,and this  admission is especially fatal
 to your strenuous endeavors to class   
the  relation of master and slave with  
the confessedly proper relations of     
life1 and to show that1 like these1 it  
is approved of ,god4 ,would ,paul  say  
to the child1 a state of freedom from   
parental government on the  whole is the
 best8 ,would he say to the wife1 a     
state of freedom from  your conjugal    
bonds on the whole is the best8 ,would  
he say to the child  and wife1 in       
respect to this freedom1 use it rather8 
,would he be thus  guilty of attempting 
to annihilate the family relation8      
,does any one wonder1 that the ,apostle 

did not use stronger language1 in       
advising to a choice and enjoyment of   
freedom8 ,it is similar to that  which a
 pious1 intelligent1 and prudent        
abolitionist would now use under  the   
like circumstances4 ,paul was           
endeavoring to make the slave contented 
with his hard lot1 and to show him how  
unimportant is personal liberty1        
compared with liberation from spiritual 
bondage3 and this explains why  it is1  
that he spoke so briefly and moderately 
of the advantages of  liberty4 ,his     
advice to the slave to accept the boon  
of freedom1 was a  purely incidental    
remark3 and we cannot infer from it1 how
 great stress  he would have laid on the
 evils of slavery1 and on the blessings 
of  liberty1 in a discourse treating    
directly and mainly of those subjects4  
,what ,i have previously said1 however1 
shows that it would1 probably1  have    
been in vain1 and worse than in vain1   
for him to have come out1 on  any       
occasion whatever1 with an exposition of

 the evils of slavery4    ,on the       
thirty-second page of your book1 you    
say1 ,masters cannot1  according to the 
command of ,christ1 render to their     
slaves that which is  just and equal1 if
 you abolish the relation2 for1 then    
they will cease  to be masters4 ,abolish
 any of the relations for which         
regulations are  provided in the ,new   
,testament1 and1 in effect1 you abolish 
some of the  laws of ,christ4 ,but1 we  
have just seen that ,paul was in favor  
of  abolishing the relation of master   
and slave2 which1 as you insist1 is a   
relation for which regulations are      
provided in the ,new ,testament4 ,it is1
  therefore1 irresistibly deduced from  
your own premises1 that he was in  favor
 of abolishing the laws of ,christ4 ,it 
would require but little1  if any1      
extension of your doctrine1 to make it  
wrong to remove all the  graven images  
out of a nation4 ,for1 in that event1   
the law of ,god  against bowing down to 
them would have nothing left to act     

upon4 ,it  would thenceforth be         
inoperative4    #dth4 ,another reason   
for believing1 that the ,apostles did   
not approve of  the slavery modification
 of servitude1 is found in ,paul's      
injunction2  ,remember them that are in 
bonds as bound with them4 ,i admit1 that
 it  is probable that others as well as 
slaves1 are referred to in this         
injunction3 but it certainly is not     
probable1 that others1 to the  exclusion
 of slaves1 are referred to4 ,but1 even 
on the supposition that  slaves are not 
referred to1 but those only who are     
tenants of prisons1  let me ask you     
which you would rather be--a slave or a 
prisoner1 as ,paul  probably was when he
 wrote this injunction8--and whether    
your own  description of the wretched   
condition of the ,roman slave1 does not 
prepare you to agree with me1 that if   
the ,apostle could ask sympathy for  the
 prisoner1 who1 with all his            
deprivations1 has still the protection  
of law1 it is not much more due to the  

poor slave1 who has no protection       
whatever against lawless tyranny and    
caprice6    ,but to proceed1 if slaves  
are the only1 or even a part of the     
persons  referred to in the injunction1 
then you will observe1 that the ,apostle
  does not call for the exercise of     
sympathy towards those who are said to  
be suffering what you call the abuses of
 slavery2 but towards those  who are so 
unhappy as to be but the subjects of    
it--towards those who  are in bonds4    
,the bare relation of a slave is itself 
so grievous1 as  to call for compassion 
towards those who bear it4 ,now1 if this
 relation  were to be classed with the  
approved relations of life1 why should  
the  ,apostle have undertaken to awaken 
compassion for persons1 simply because  
they were the subject1 of it8 ,he never 
asked for sympathy for persons1  simply 
because they were parties to the        
relations of husband and wife1  parent  
and child4 ,it may be worthy of notice1 
that the injunction under  consideration

 is found in ,paul's letter to the      
,jewish ,christians4 ,this  attempt to  
awaken pity in behalf of the slave1 and 
to produce abhorrence  of slavery1 was  
made upon these1 and not upon the       
,gentile ,christians2  because1 perhaps1
 that they1 who had always possessed the
 ,oracles of  ,god1 could bear it2 and  
they who had just come up out of the    
mire of  heathenism1 could not4 ,if this
 explanation be just1 it enforces my    
argument for ascribing to causes1 other 
than the alleged sinfulness of  the     
institution1 the ,apostle's omission to 
utter specific rebukes of  slavery4     
#eth4 ,another reason for believing that
 the slavery modification of  servitude 
should not be classed with the          
confessedly proper relations  with which
 you class it1 is the conclusive one1   
that it interferes with1  and tends to  
subvert1 and does actually subvert1     
these relations4 ,the  ,apostles        
prescribe duties1 which are necessary to
 sustain these  relations1 and make them

 fruitful sources of happiness to the   
parties to  them4 ,among these duties   
are the following3 ,wives1 submit       
yourselves to  your own husbands1 as it 
is fit in the ,lord--,children1 obey    
your  parents--,husbands1 dwell with    
them 7your wives74 ,but slavery1 where  
it does not make obedience to these     
commands utterly impossible1  conditions
 it on the permission of usurpers1 who  
have presumed to step  between the laws 
of ,god and those on whom they are      
intended to bear4  ,slavery1 not the law
 of ,god1 practically determines whether
 husbands  shall dwell with their wives3
 and an amount of anguish1 which ,god   
alone  can compute1 testifies that      
slavery has thus determined1 times      
without  number1 that husbands shall not
 dwell with their wives4 ,a             
distinguished  gentleman1 who has been  
much at the ,south1 is spending a little
 time in  my family4 ,he told me but    
this day1 that he had frequently known  
the air  filled with shrieks of anguish 

for a whole mile around the spot1 where1
  under the hammer of the auctioneer1   
the members of a family were  undergoing
 an endless separation from each other4 
,it was but last week1  that a poor     
fugitive reached a family1 in which     
,god's commands1 ,hide  the outcasts1   
betray not him that wandereth--,hide not
 thyself from thy  own flesh--are not a 
dead letter4 ,the heaviest burden of his
 heart is1  that he has not seen his    
wife for five years1 and does not expect
 to see  her again3 his master1 in      
,virginia1 having sold him to a         
,georgian1 and  his wife to an          
inhabitant of the ,district of          
,columbia4 ,whilst the law of  ,god     
requires wives to submit themselves to  
their husbands1 as it is fit  in the    
,lord2 the law of slavery commands them1
 under the most terrific  penalties1 to 
submit to every conceivable form of     
violence1 and the most  loathsome       
pollution1 as it is fit in the eyes of  
slaveholders--no  small proportion of   

whom are1 as a most natural fruit of    
slavery1  abandoned to brutality and    
lust4 ,the laws of ,south ,carolina and 
,georgia  make it an offence punishable 
with death1 if any slave shall presume  
to  strike a white person4 ,by the laws 
of ,maryland and ,kentucky1 it is       
enacted if any negro1 mulatto1 or       
,indian1 bond or free1 shall1 at any    
time1 lift his or her hand in opposition
 to any person1 not being a  negro or   
,indian1 he or she shall1 in the        
first-mentioned ,state1 suffer  the     
penalty of cropped ears2 and1 in the    
other1 thirty-nine lashes on  his or her
 bare back1 well laid on1 by order of   
the justice4 ,in  ,louisiana there is a 
law--for the enactment of which1 slavery
 is1 of  course1 responsible--in these  
words3 ,free people of color ought never
  to insult or strike white people1 nor 
presume to conceive themselves  equal to
 the whites3 but1 on the contrary1 they 
ought to yield to them  on every        
occasion1 and never speak or answer them

 but with respect1  under the penalty of
 imprisonment1 according to the nature  
of the  offence4 ,the following extract 
of a letter1 written to me from the     
,south1 by a gentleman who still resides
 there1 serves to show how true  it is1 
that on every occasion1 the colored     
person must yield to the  white1 and1   
especially1 if the white be clothed with
 the authority of an  ambassador of     
,christ4 ,a negro was executed in       
,autauga ,co41 not long  since1 for the 
murder of his master4 ,the latter1 it   
seems1 attempted to  violate the wife of
 his slave in his presence1 when the    
negro enraged1  smote the wretch to the 
ground4 ,and this master--this          
brute--this  fiend--was a preacher of   
the gospel1 in regular standing6 ,in a  
former  part of this communication1 ,i  
said enough to show1 that slavery       
prevents  children from complying with  
the command to obey their parents4 ,but1
 in  reply to what ,i have said of these
 outrages on the rights of husbands  and

 wives1 parents and children1 you       
maintain1 that they are no part of  the 
system of slavery4 ,slaveholders1       
however1 being themselves judges1  they 
are a part of it1 or1 at least1 are     
necessary to uphold it2 else  they would
 not by deliberate1 solemn legislation1 
authorize them4 ,but1  be this as it    
may1 it is abundantly proven1 that      
slavery is1 essentially  and inevitably1
 at war with the sacred rights of the   
family state4 ,let  me say1 then1 in    
conclusion under this head1 that in     
whatever other  company you put slavery1
 place it not in that of the just       
relations of  husband and wife1 parent  
and child4 ,they can no more company    
with each  other1 than can fire with    
water4 ,their natures are not only      
totally  opposite to1 but destructive   
of1 each other4    #fth4 ,the laws1 to  
which you refer on the sixty-eighth page
 of your book1  tend to prove1 and1 so  
far as your admission of the necessity  
of them  goes1 do prove1 that the       

relation of slaveholder and slave does  
not  deserve a place1 in the class of   
innocent and proper relations4 ,you     
there say1 that the writings of such    
great and good men as ,wesley1          
,edwards1 ,porteus1 ,paley1 ,horsley1   
,scott1 ,clark1 ,wilberforce1 ,sharp1   
,clarkson1 ,fox1 ,johnson1 and a host of
 as good if not equally great1 men  of  
later date1 have made it necessary for  
the safety of the institution  of       
slavery1 to pass laws1 forbidding       
millions of our countrymen to read4     
,you should have1 also1 mentioned the   
horrid sanctions of these               
laws--stripes1 imprisonment1 and death4 
,now1 these laws disable the  persons on
 whom they bear1 from fulfilling ,god's 
commandments1 and1  especially1 ,his    
commandment to search the ,scriptures4  
,they are1  therefore1 wicked4 ,what    
then1 in its moral character1 must be a 
relation1 which1 to sustain it1 requires
 the aid of wicked laws8--and1  how     
entirely out of place must it be1 when  

you class it with those just  relations 
of life1 that1 certainly1 require none  
of the support1 which1  you admit1 is   
indispensable to the preservation of the
 relation of  slaveholder and slave6 ,it
 is true1 that you attempt to justify   
the  enactment of the laws in question1 
by the occasions which you say led to   
it4 ,but1 every law forbidding what ,god
 requires1 is a wicked law--under       
whatever pretexts1 or for whatever      
purposes1 it may have been enacted4     
,let the occasions which lead to a      
wicked measure be what they may1 the    
wickedness of the measure is still      
sufficient to condemn it4    ,in the    
case before us1 we see how differently  
different persons are  affected by the  
same fact4 ,whilst the stand taken      
against slavery by  ,wesley1 ,edwards1  
and the other choice spirits you        
enumerate1 serves but  to inspire you   
with concern for its safety1 it would1  
of itself1 and  without knowing their   
reasons for it1 be well nigh enough to  

destroy my  confidence in the           
institution4 ,let me ask you1 ,sir1     
whether it would not  be more reasonable
 for those1 who are so industriously    
engaged in  insulating the system of    
,american slavery1 and shrouding it with
  darkness1 to find less fault with the 
bright and burning light which the      
writings of the wisest and best men pour
 upon it1 and more with the  system     
which hateth the light1 neither cometh  
to the light4    ,you would have your   
readers believe1 that the blessings of  
education are  to be withheld from your 
slaves--only until the storm shall be   
overblown1 and that you hope that       
,satan's being let loose will be but    
for a little season4 ,i say nothing more
 about the last expression1 than  that  
,i most sincerely desire you may        
penitently regret having attributed  the
 present holy excitement against slavery
 to the influences of ,satan4  ,by the  
storm you1 doubtless1 mean the          
excitement produced by the  publications

 and efforts of the ,american           
,anti-,slavery ,society4 ,now1 ,i  will 
not suppose that you meant to deceive   
your readers on this point4  ,you are1  
nevertheless1 inexcusable for using     
language so strikingly  calculated to   
lead them into error4 ,it is not yet    
three years since that  ,society was    
organized3 but the statute books of some
 of the slave ,states  contain laws1    
forbidding the instruction of slaves in 
reading1 which  were enacted long before
 you and ,i were born4 ,as long ago as  
the year  #agdj1 ,south ,carolina passed
 a law1 forbidding to teach slaves to   
write4  ,georgia did so in #aggj4 ,in   
the year #ahjj1 thirty-three years      
before the  storm of the ,anti-,slavery 
,society began to blow1 ,south ,carolina
 passed  a law1 forbidding assemblies of
 slaves1 free negroes1 c41 for the      
purpose of mental instruction4 ,in the  
,revised ,code of ,virginia of #ahai1   
is a law similar to that last mentioned4
 ,in the year #ahah1 the city of        

,savannah forbade by an ordinance1 the  
instruction of all persons of  color1   
either free or bond1 in reading and     
writing4 ,i need not specify  any more  
of these man-crushing1 soul-killing1    
,god-defying laws2--nor  need ,i refer  
again to the shocking penalties annexed 
to the violation of  most of them4 ,i   
conclude my remarks under this head1    
with the advice1  that1 in the next     
edition of your book1 you do not assign 
the  anti-slavery excitement1 which is  
now spreading over our land1 as the     
occasion of the passage of the laws in  
question4    #gth4 ,the only other      
reason ,i will mention for believing1   
that the  slavery modification of       
servitude is not approved of ,god1 is1  
that it  has never been known to work   
well--never been known to promote man's 
happiness or ,god's glory4 ,wickedness  
and wretchedness are1 so uniformly1  the
 product of slavery1 that they must be  
looked upon1 not as its  abuses1 but as 
its legitimate fruits4 ,whilst all      

admit1 that the  relations of the family
 state are1 notwithstanding their       
frequent  perversions1 full of blessings
 to the world2 and that1 but for them1  
the  world would be nothing better than 
one scene of pollution and wo2--to  what
 history of slavery will you refer me1  
for proof of its beneficent  operation8 
,will it be to the ,bible history of    
,egyptian slavery8 ,no--for  that       
informs us of the exceeding wickedness  
and wretchedness of ,egyptian  slavery4 
,will it be to the history of ,greek and
 ,roman slavery8 ,no--for  your own book
 acknowledges its unutterable horrors   
and abominations4  ,will you refer me to
 the history of the ,west ,indies for   
proofs of the  happy fruits of slavery8 
,not until the earth is no more1 will   
its  polluted and bloody pages cease to 
testify against slavery4 ,and1 when we  
have come down to ,american slavery1 you
 will not even open the book  which     
records such facts1 as that its subjects
 are forbidden to be  joined in wedlock1

 and to read the ,bible4 ,no--you will  
not presume to  look for a single       
evidence of the benign influences of a  
system1 where1  by the admission of your
 own ecclesiastical bodies1 it has      
turned  millions of men into heathen4 ,i
 say nothing now of your beautiful and  
harmless theories of slavery3--but this 
,i say1 that when you look upon  slavery
 as it has existed1 or now exists1      
either amidst the darkness of           
,mahommedanism or the light of          
,christianity1 you dare not1 as you hope
  for the ,divine favor1 say that it is 
a ,heaven-descended institution2 and    
that1 notwithstanding it is like        
,ezekiel's roll1 written within and     
without with lamentations and mourning  
and wo1 it1 nevertheless1 bears  the    
mark of being a boon from ,god to man4  
,having disposed of your strong reasons 
for the position1 that the ,new         
,testament authorizes slavery1 ,i       
proceed to consider your remaining      
reasons for it4    ,because it does not 

appear1 that our ,saviour and the       
,apostle ,peter told  certain           
centurions1 who1 for the sake of the    
argument1 ,i will admit were            
slaveholders1 that slaveholding is      
sinful1 you argue1 and most  confidently
 too1 that it is not sinful4 ,but1 it   
does not appear1 that  the ,saviour and 
the ,apostle charged any sinful         
practices upon them4  ,then1 by your    
logic1 all their other practices1 as    
well as their  slaveholding1 were       
innocent1 and these ,roman soldiers were
 literally  perfect4--,again2 how do you
 know that the ,saviour and the ,apostle
 did  not tell them1 on the occasion you
 refer to1 that they were sinners for   
being slaveholders8 ,the fact1 that the 
,bible does not inform us that  they    
told them so1 does not prove that they  
did not2 much less does it  prove1 that 
they did not tell them so subsequently  
to their first  interview with them4    
,and again1 the admission that they did 
not  specifically attack slavery1 at any

 of their interviews with the           
centurions1 or on any other occasions   
whatever1 would not justify the         
inference1 that it is sinless4 ,i need  
not repeat the reasoning which  makes   
the truth of this remark apparent4      
,you refer to the ,saviour's declaration
 of the unequaled faith of one of  these
 centurions1 with the view of making it 
appear that a person of so  great faith 
could not be a great sinner4 ,but1 how  
long had he exercised  this1 or1 indeed1
 any ,christian faith8 ,that he was on  
good terms with  the ,jews1 and had     
built them a synagogue1 is quite as     
strong evidence1  that he had not1 as   
that he had1 previously to that time1   
believed in  ,jesus3--and1 if he had    
not1 then his faith1 however strong1 and
 his  conversion1 however decided1 are  
nothing towards proving that slavery is 
sinless4    ,it is evident1 that the    
,apostle was sent to ,cornelius for the 
single  purpose of inculcating the      
doctrine of the remission of sin1       

through  faith in ,christ4    ,i proceed
 to examine another of your arguments4  
,from ,paul's declaration  to the       
,elders at ,miletus1 ,i have not shunned
 to declare unto you all  the counsel of
 ,god1 taken in connexion with the fact1
 that the ,bible  does not inform us    
that he spoke to them of slaveholding1  
you  confidently and exultingly infer   
that it is innocent4 ,here1 again1 you  
prove too much1 and therefore1 prove    
nothing4 ,it does not appear that he    
specified a hundredth part of their     
duties4 ,if he did not tell them to     
abstain from slaveholding1 neither did  
he tell them to abstain from  games and 
theatres4 ,but1 his silence about       
slaveholding proves to your  mind its   
sinlessness3 equally then should his    
silence about games and  theatres       
satisfy you of their innocence4 ,two    
radical errors run through  a great part
 of your book4 ,they are1 that the      
,apostle gave specific  instructions    
concerning all duties1 and that the     

,bible contains these  instructions4    
,but1 for these errors1 your book would 
be far less  objectionable than it is4  
,i might1 perhaps1 rather say1 that but 
for  these1 you could not have made up  
your book4    ,and now1 since ,paul's   
address to the ,elders has been employed
 by you in  behalf of slavery1 allow me 
to try its virtue against slavery3 and1 
if  it should turn out that you are     
slain with your own weapon1 it will not 
be the first time that temerity has met 
with such a fate4 ,i admit1 that  the   
,apostle does not tell the ,elders of   
any wrong thing which they had  done2   
but there are some wrong things from    
which he had himself  abstained1 and    
some right things which he had himself  
done1 of which he  does tell them4 ,he  
tells them1 for instance1 that he had   
not been guilty  of coveting what was   
another's1 and also1 that with his own  
hands he had  ministered to his own     
necessities and those of others3 and he 
further  tells them1 that they ought to 

copy his example1 and labor1 as he had  
done1 to support the weak4 ,think you1  
sir1 from this language that  ,paul was 
a slaveholder--and1 that his example was
 such1 as to keep lazy1  luxurious      
slaveholders in countenance8 ,the       
slaveholder is guilty of  coveting1 not 
only all a man has1 but even the man    
himself4 ,the  slaveholder will not only
 not labor with his hands to supply the 
wants  of others1 and to support the    
weak2 but he makes others labor to      
supply his wants3--yes1 makes them labor
 unpaid--night and day--in  storm1 as   
well as in sunshine--under the          
lash--bleeding--groaning--dying--and all
 this1 not to minister to his  actual   
needs1 but to his luxuriousness and     
sensuality4    ,you ridicule the idea of
 the abolition of slavery1 because it   
would make  the slaveholder so poor1 as 
to oblige him to take hold of the maul  
and  wedge himself--he must catch1      
curry1 and saddle his own horse--he must
  black his own brogans 7for he will not

 be able to buy boots7--his wife  must  
go herself to the wash-tub--take hold of
 the scrubbing broom1 wash  the pots1   
and cook all that she and her           
rail-mauler will eat4 ,if ,paul  were1  
as you judge he was1 opposed to the     
abolition of slavery1 it is at  least   
certain1 from what he says of the       
character of his life in his  address to
 the ,elders1 that his opposition did   
not spring from such  considerations as 
array you against it4 ,in his           
estimation1 manual labor  was honorable4
 ,in a slaveholding community1 it is    
degrading4 ,it is so in  your own       
judgment1 or you would not hold up to   
ridicule those humble  employments1     
which reflect disgrace1 only where the  
moral atmosphere is  tainted by slavery4
 ,that the pernicious influences of     
slavery in this  respect are felt more  
or less1 in every part of this guilty   
nation1 is  but too true4 ,i put it to  
your candor1 sir1 whether the obvious   
fact1  that slavery makes the honest    

labor of the hands disreputable1 is not 
a  weighty argument against the         
supposition that ,god approves it8 ,i   
put it  to your candor1 sir1 whether the
 fact1 which you1 at least1 cannot      
gain-say1 that slavery makes even       
ministers of the gospel despise the     
employments of seven-eighths of the     
human family1 and1 consequently1 the    
humble classes1 who labor in them--,i   
put it to your candor1 whether the      
institution1 which breeds such contempt 
of your fellow-men and fellow           
,christians1 must not be offensive to   
,him1 who commands us to ,honor all     
men1 and love the brotherhood8    ,in   
another argument1 you attempt to show1  
that ,paul's letter to ,philemon        
justifies slaveholding1 and also the    
apprehension and return of fugitive     
slaves4 ,after having recited the       
,resolution of the ,chilicothe          
,presbytery--that to apprehend a slave  
who is endeavoring to escape from       
slavery1 with a view to restore him to  

his master1 is a direct violation  of   
the ,divine law1 and1 when committed by 
a member of the church1 ought  to       
subject him to censure--you undertake to
 make your readers believe1  that       
,paul's sending ,onesimus to ,philemon1 
is a case coming fairly within  the     
purview of the resolution4 ,let us see  
if it does4 ,a man by the name  of      
,onesimus was converted to              
,christianity1 under ,paul's ministry at
  ,rome4 ,paul learnt that he had       
formerly been a servant--say a slave--of
  ,philemon1 who was a dearly beloved   
,christian3 and believing that his      
return to his old master would promote  
the cause of ,christ1 and  beautifully  
exemplify its power1 he advised him to  
return to him4 ,he  followed the        
,apostle's advice and returned4 ,now1   
from this example1 you  attempt to      
derive a justification for a member of a
 ,church to be  engaged in forcibly     
apprehending and restoring fugitive     
slaves4 ,i say  forcibly--as the        

apprehension and return1 referred to in 
the ,resolution1  are clearly forcible4 
,i cannot refrain1 sir1 from saying1    
that you  greatly wrong the memory of   
that blessed ,apostle of the ,lord      
,jesus1 in  construing his writings to  
authorize such violence upon the persons
 and  rights of men4 ,and greatly1 also1
 do you wrong the ,resolution in        
question1 by your endeavor to array the 
,bible against it4 ,the ,resolution  is 
right2 it is noble--it denotes in the   
source whence it emanated1 a  proper    
sense of the rights and dignity of man4 
,it is all the better for  being marked 
with an honorable contempt of wicked and
 heaven-daring  laws4 ,may ,i1 having   
the suspicion1 or even the certain      
knowledge1 that  my fellow man was once 
held in slavery1 and is still legally a 
slave1  seize upon him and reduce him   
again to slavery8 ,may ,i thus deal with
 a  guiltless and unaccused brother8    
,human laws may1 it is true1 bear me out
  in this man-stealing1 which is not    

less flagrant than that committed on    
the coast of ,africa3--but1 says the    
,great ,law-giver1 ,the word that ,i    
have spoken1 the same shall judge him in
 the last day3--and1 it is a  part of   
this word1 that he that stealeth a man  
shall surely be put to  death4 ,in that 
last day1 the mayors1 recorders1        
sheriffs1 and others1  who have been    
engaged1 whether in their official or   
individual capacity1  in slave-catching 
and man-stealing1 will find human laws  
but a flimsy  protection against the    
wrath of ,him1 who judges his creatures 
by his own  and not by human laws4 ,in  
that last day1 all who have had a part1 
and  have not repented of it1 in the sin
 of treating man as property2 all1 ,i   
say1 whether slaveholders or their      
official or unofficial assistants1  the 
drivers upon their plantations1 or their
 drivers in the free  ,states--all1 who 
have been guilty of throwing ,god's     
image into the  same class with the     
brutes of the field--will find1 that ,he

 is the  avenger of his poorest1 meanest
 ones--and that the crime of transmuting
  ,his image into property1 is but      
aggravated by the fact and the plea that
  it was committed under the sanction of
 human laws4    ,but1 to return--wherein
 does the letter of ,paul to ,philemon  
justify  slaveholding8 ,what evidence   
does it contain1 that ,philemon was a   
slaveholder at the time it was written8 
,he1 who had been his slave in  time    
past1 had1 very probably1 escaped before
 ,philemon's conversion to  ,christ4    
,this time past1 may have been a long   
time past4 ,the word  in the original1  
which is translated in time past1 does  
not forbid the  supposition4 ,indeed1 it
 is the same word1 which the ,apostle   
uses in the  thirteenth verse of the    
first chapter of ,galatians2 and there  
it denotes  a long time past--as much as
 from fifteen to eighteen years4        
,besides1 ,onesimus' escape and return  
both favor the supposition1 that it  was
 between the two events that ,philemon's

 conversion took place4 ,on the  one    
hand1 he fled to escape from the        
cruelties of an unconverted master2  on 
the other1 he was encouraged to follow  
the ,apostle's advice1 by the           
consideration1 that on his return to    
,philemon he should not have to         
encounter again the unreasonableness and
 rage of a heathen1 but that he  should 
meet with the justice and tenderness of 
a ,christian--qualities1  with the      
existence and value of which1 he had now
 come to an  experimental acquaintance4 
,again1 to show that the letter in      
question  does not justify              
slaveholding--in what character was it1 
that ,paul sent  ,onesimus to ,philemon8
 ,was it in that of a slave8 ,far from  
it4 ,it was1 in  that of a brother      
beloved1 as is evident from his         
injunction to  ,philemon to receive him 
forever--not now as a slave1 but above a
  slave--a brother beloved4    ,it is   
worthy of remark1 that ,paul's message  
to ,philemon1 shows1 not only  that he  

himself was not in favor of             
slaveholding1 but1 that he believed  the
 gospel had wrought such an entire      
change on this subject1 in the  heart of
 ,philemon1 that ,onesimus would find on
 his return to him1 the  tyrant and the 
slaveholder sunk in the brother and the 
,christian4    ,paul's course in        
relation to ,onesimus was such1 as an   
abolitionist would  deem it proper to   
adopt1 under the like circumstances4 ,if
 a fugitive  slave1 who had become a    
dear child of ,god1 were near me1 and1  
if ,i knew  that his once cruel master  
had also become a dearly beloved        
,christian2  and if1 therefore1 ,i had  
reason to believe1 as ,paul had1 in the 
case of  ,philemon1 that he would       
receive him forever--not now as a slave1
 but  above a slave1 a brother beloved1 
,i would advise him to revisit his  old 
master1 provided he could do so1 without
 interference and violence  from others4
 ,such interference and violence did not
 threaten ,onesimus in  his return to   

,philemon4 ,he was not in danger of     
being taken up1  imprisoned1 and sold   
for his jail fees1 as a returning       
,onesimus would be  in parts of this    
nation4    ,on the #gb;d page of your   
book1 you utter sentiments1 which1 ,i   
trust1 all  your readers will agree1 are
 unworthy of a man1 a republican1 and a 
,christian4 ,you there endeavor again to
 make it appear1 that it is not  the    
relation of master and slave1 but only  
the abuse of it1 which is  to be        
objected to4--,you say3 ,independence is
 a charming idea1  especially to        
,americans3 but what gives it the charm8
 ,is it the thing in  itself8 or is it  
because it is a release from the control
 of a bad  master8 ,had ,great ,britain 
been a kind master1 our ancestors were  
willing  to remain her slaves4 ,in reply
 to this ,i would say1 that it must be a
  base spirit which does not prize      
independence for its own sake1  whatever
 privation and suffering may attend it2 
and much more base must  be that spirit1

 which can exchange that independence   
for a state of  slavish subjection--even
 though that state abound in all sensual
  gratifications4 ,to talk of a kind    
master is to talk of a blessing for  a  
dog1 but not for a man1 who is made to  
call no man master4 ,were the  people of
 this nation like yourself1 they would  
soon exchange their  blood-bought       
liberties for subjection to any despot  
who would promise  them enough to eat1  
drink1 and wear4 ,but1 ,i trust1 that we
 at the ,north  are made of sterner     
stuff4 ,they1 who make slaves of others1
 can more  easily become slaves         
themselves3 for1 in their aggressions   
upon others1  they have despised and    
trampled under foot those great1 eternal
  principles of right1 which not only   
constitute the bulwark of the  general  
freedom2 but his respect for which is   
indispensable to every  man's valuation 
and protection of his individual        
liberties4 ,this train  of thought      
associates with itself in my mind1 the  

following passage in  an admirable      
speech delivered by the celebrated      
,william ,pinckney1 in the  ,maryland   
,house of ,delegates in #aghi4 ,such a  
speech1 made at the present  time in a  
slave ,state1 would probably cost the   
life of him who should  make it2 nor    
could it be delivered in a free ,states 
at any less  sacrifice1 certainly1 than 
that of the reputation of the orator4   
,what a  retrograde movement has liberty
 made in this country in the last fifty 
years6    ,whilst a majority of your    
citizens are accustomed to rule with the
  authority of despots1 within          
particular limits--while your youths are
  reared in the habit of thinking that  
the great rights of human nature  are   
not so sacred1 but they may with        
innocence be trampled on1 can it be     
expected1 that the public mind should   
glow with that generous ardor in  the   
cause of freedom1 which can alone save a
 government1 like ours1 from  the       
lurking demon of usurpation8 ,do you not

 dread the contamination of  principle8 
,have you no alarms for the continuance 
of that spirit1 which  once conducted us
 to victory and independence1 when the  
talons of power  were unclasped for our 
destruction8 ,have you no apprehension  
left1 that  when the votaries of freedom
 sacrifice also at the gloomy altars of 
slavery1 they will1 at length1 become   
apostates from them for ever8 ,for  my  
own part1 ,i have no hope1 that the     
stream of general liberty will  flow for
 ever1 unpolluted1 through the foul mire
 of partial bondage1 or  that they1 who 
have been habituated to lord it over    
others1 will not be  base enough1 in    
time1 to let others lord it over them4  
,if they resist1  it will be the        
struggle of pride and selfishness1 not  
of  principle4    ,had ,edmund ,burke   
known slaveholders as well as ,mr4      
,pinckney knew them1  he would not have 
pronounced his celebrated eulogium on   
their love of  liberty2--he would not   
have ascribed to them any love of       

liberty1 but  the spurious kind which   
the other orator1 impliedly1 ascribes to
  them--that which pride and selfishness
 beget and foster4 ,genuine love  of    
liberty1 as ,mr4 ,pinckney clearly saw1 
springs from principle1 and  is found no
 where but in the hearts of those who   
respect the liberties  and the rights of
 others4    ,i had reason1 in a former  
part of this communication1 to charge   
some of  the sentiments of ,professor   
,hodge with being alike reproachful to  
the  memory of our fathers1 and         
pernicious to the cause of civil        
liberty4  ,there are sentiments on the  
#gb;d page of your book1 obnoxious to   
the like  charge4 ,if political         
independence--if a free government--be  
the poor  thing--the illusive image of  
an ,american brain--which you sneeringly
  represent it1 we owe little thanks to 
those who purchased it for us1  even    
though they purchased it with their     
blood2 and little pains need we  take in
 that case to preserve it4 ,when will   

the people of the ,northern  ,states    
see1 that the doctrines now put forth so
 industriously to  maintain slavery1 are
 rapidly undermining liberty8    ,on the
 #dc;d page of your book you also evince
 your low estimate of man's  rights and 
dues4 ,you there say1 the fact that the 
planters of  ,mississippi and           
,louisiana1 even while they have to pay 
from twenty to  twenty-five dollars per 
barrel for pork the present season1     
afford to  their slaves from three to   
four and a half pounds per week1 does   
not  show1 that they are neglectful in  
rendering to their slaves that which  is
 just and equal4 ,if men had only an    
animal1 and not a spiritual and         
immortal nature also1 it might do for   
you to represent them as well  provided 
for1 if but pork enough were flung to   
them4 ,how preposterous to  tell us1    
that ,god approves a system which brings
 a man1 as slavery seems  to have       
brought you1 to regard his fellow man as
 a mere animal6    ,i am happy to find  

that you are not all wrong4 ,you are no 
gradualist4  ,you are not inconsistent1 
like those who admit that slavery is    
sinful1  and yet refuse to treat it as  
sinful4 ,i hope our ,northern           
gradualists  will profit by the         
following passage in your book3 ,if ,i  
were convinced  by that word 7the       
,bible7 that slavery is itself a sin1 ,i
 trust that1 let  it cost what it would1
 ,i should be an abolitionist1 because  
there is no  truth1 more clear to my    
mind1 than that the gospel requires an  
immediate abandonment of sin4    ,you   
have no doubt of your right to hold your
 fellow men1 as slaves4 ,i  wish you had
 given your readers more fully your     
views of the origin of  this right4 ,i  
judge from what you say1 that you trace 
it back to the  curse pronounced by     
,noah upon ,canaan4 ,but was that curse 
to know no end8  ,were ,canaan's        
posterity to endure the entailment of   
its disabilities and  woes1 until the   
end of time8 ,was ,divine mercy never to

 stay the  desolating waves of this     
curse8 ,was their harsh and angry roar  
to reach1  even into the gospel         
dispensation1 and to mingle discordantly
 with the  songs of peace on earth and  
good will to men8 ,was the captivity of 
,canaan's race to be even stronger than 
,he1 who came to bind up the            
broken-hearted1 and proclaim liberty to 
the captives8 ,but who were  ,canaan and
 his descendants8 ,you speak of them1   
and with singular  unfairness1 ,i think1
 as the posterity of ,ham1 from whom1 it
 is  supposed1 sprang the ,africans4    
,they were1 it is true1 a part of ,ham's
  posterity2 but to call them the       
posterity of ,ham1 is to speak as       
though he had no other child than       
,canaan4 ,the fifteenth to nineteenth   
verses of the tenth chapter of ,genesis 
teach us1 beyond all question1  that    
,canaan's descendants inhabited the land
 of ,canaan and adjacent  territory1 and
 that this land is identical with the   
country afterwards  occupied by the     

,jews1 and known1 in modern times1 by   
the name of  ,palestine1 or the ,holy   
,land4 ,therefore1 however true it may  
be1 that a  portion of ,ham's posterity 
settled in ,africa1 we not only have no 
evidence that it was the portion cursed1
 but we have conclusive evidence  that  
it was not4    ,but1 was it a state of  
slavery to which ,canaanites were       
doomed8 ,i will  suppose1 for a moment1 
that it was3 and1 then1 how does it     
appear right  to enslave them8 ,the     
curse in question is prophecy4 ,now     
prophecy does  not say what ought to    
come to pass3 nor does it say1 that they
 who have  an agency in the production  
of the foretold event1 will be innocent 
in  that agency4 ,if the prediction of  
an event justifies those who are        
instrumental in producing it1 then was  
,judas innocent in betraying our        
,saviour4 ,it must needs be that        
offences come1 but wo to that man by    
whom the offence cometh4 ,prophecy      
simply tells what will come to pass4    

,the question1 whether it was proper to 
enslave ,canaanites1 depends for  its   
solution not on the curse or prophecy in
 question4 ,if the measure  were in     
conformity with the general morality of 
the ,bible1 then it was  proper4 ,was it
 in conformity with it8 ,it was not4    
,the justice1 equity  and mercy which   
were1 agreeable to the ,divine command1 
to characterize  the dealings of the    
,jews with each other1 are in such      
conformity1 and  these are all violated 
by slavery4 ,if those dealings were all 
based on  the general morality of the   
,bible1 as they certainly were1 then    
slavery1  which1 in its moral character1
 is completely opposite to them1 cannot 
rest on that morality4 ,if that morality
 did not permit the ,jews to  enslave   
,canaanites1 how came they to enslave   
them8 ,you will say1 that  they had     
special authority from ,god to do so1 in
 the words1 ,both thy  bondmen and thy  
bondmaids1 which thou shalt have1 shall 
be of the  heathen that are around about

 you2 of them shall ye buy bondmen and  
bondmaids4 ,well1 ,i will admit that    
,god did in one instance1 and that ,he  
may have done so in others1 give special
 authority to the ,jews to do  that1    
which1 without such authority1 would    
have been palpably and  grossly immoral4
 ,he required them to exterminate some  
of the tribes of  the ,canaanites4 ,he  
may have required them to bring other   
,heathens under  a form of servitude    
violative of the general morality of his
 word4--,of  course1 no blame attaches  
to the execution of such commands4 ,when
 ,he  specially deputes us to kill for  
,him1 we are as innocent in the agency1 
notwithstanding the general law1 thou   
shalt not kill1 as is the  earthquake or
 thunderbolt1 when commissioned to      
destroy4 ,samuel was as  innocent in    
hewing ,agag in pieces1 as is the tree  
that falls upon the  traveler4 ,it may  
be remarked1 in this connexion1 that the
 fact that ,god  gave a special statute 
to destroy some of the tribes of the    

,canaanites1  argues the contrariety of 
the thing required to the morality of   
the  ,bible4 ,it argues1 that this      
morality would not have secured the     
accomplishment of what was required by  
the statute4 ,indeed1 it is  probable   
that it was1 sometimes1 under the       
influence of the tenderness  and mercy  
inculcated by this morality1 that the   
,jews were guilty of  going counter to  
the special statute in question1 and    
sparing the  devoted ,canaanites1 as in 
the instance when they spared ,agag4 ,we
 might  reason1 similarly to show that a
 special statute1 if indeed there were  
such a one1 authorizing the ,jews to    
compel the ,heathen to serve them1      
argues that compulsory service is       
contrary to fundamental morality4 ,we   
will suppose that ,god did2 in the      
special statute referred to1 clothe  the
 ,jews with power to enslave ,heathens1 
and now let me ask you1 whether  it is  
by this same statute to enslave1 that   
you justify your neighbors  and yourself

 for enslaving your fellow men8 ,but    
this is a special  statute1 conferring a
 power on the ,jews only--a power too1  
not to  enslave whomsoever they could2  
but only a specified portion of the     
human  family1 and this portion1 as we  
have seen1 of a stock1 other than that  
from which you have obtained your       
slaves4 ,if the special statutes1 by    
which ,god clothed the ,jews with       
peculiar powers1 may be construed to    
clothe you with similar powers1 then1   
inasmuch as they were authorized  and   
required to kill ,canaanites1 you may   
hunt up for destruction the  straggling 
descendants of such of the devoted ones1
 as escaped the sword  of the ,jews4    
,or1 to make a different interpretation 
of your rights1  under this supposition2
 since the statute in question          
authorized and  required the ,jews to   
kill the heathen1 within the borders of 
what was  properly the ,jews' country1  
then you are also authorized and        
required to  kill the heathens within   

the limits of your country3--and these  
are not  wanting1 if the testimony of   
your ecclesiastical bodies1 before      
referred  to1 can be relied on2 and1 if 
it be as they say1 that the millions of 
the poor colored brethren in the midst  
of you are made heathens by the         
operation of the system1 to which1 with 
unparalleled wickedness1 they  are      
subjected4    ,if then1 neither ,noah's 
curse1 nor the special statute in       
question1  authorize you to enslave your
 fellow men1 there is1 probably1 but one
  ground on which you will contend for  
authority to do so--and this is the     
ground of the general morality of the   
,christian religion--of the general     
principles of right and duty1 in the    
word of ,god4 ,do you find your         
authority on this ground8 ,if you do1   
then1 manifestly1 you have a right  to  
enslave me1 and ,i a right to enslave   
you1 and every man has a right  to      
enslave whomsoever he can2--a right as  
perfect1 as is the right to do  good to 

one another4 ,indeed1 the enslavement of
 each other would1 under  this          
construction of duty1 be the doing of   
good to one another4 ,think  you1 sir1  
that the universal exercise of this     
right would promote the  fulfilment of  
the new commandment that ye love one    
another8 ,think you1  it would be the   
harbinger of millenial peace and        
blessedness8 ,or1 think  you not1       
rather1 that it would fully and         
frightfully realize the  prophet's      
declaration3 ,they all lie in wait for  
blood3 they hunt every  man his neighbor
 with a net4    ,if any people have a   
right to enslave their fellow men1 it   
must be the  ,jews1 if they once had it4
 ,but if they ever had it1 it ceased1   
when all  their peculiar rights ceased4 
,in respect to rights from the ,most    
,high1  they are now on the same footing
 with other races of men4 ,when the vail
  of the temple was rent in twain from  
the top to the bottom1 then that        
distinction from the ,gentile1 in which 

the ,jew had gloried1 ceased1 and  the  
partition wall between them was         
prostrate for ever4 ,the ,jew1 as well  
as the ,gentile1 was never more to      
depart from the general morality of  the
 ,bible4 ,he was never again to be under
 any special statutes1 whose            
requirements should bring him into      
collision with that morality3 ,he was   
no more to confine his sympathies and   
friendships within the narrow  range of 
the twelve tribes3 but every son and    
daughter of ,adam were  thenceforth     
entitled to claim from him the heart and
 hand of a brother4  ,under the glorious
 dispensation of the gospel1 says the   
immortal  ,granville ,sharp1 we are     
absolutely bound to consider ourselves  
as  citizens of the world2 every man    
whatever1 without any partial           
distinction of nation1 distance1 or     
complexion1 must necessarily be         
esteemed our neighbor and our brother2  
and we are absolutely bound1 in         
,christian duty1 to entertain a         

disposition towards all mankind1 as     
charitable and benevolent1 at least1 as 
that which was required of the  ,jews   
under the law towards their brethren2   
and1 consequently1 it is  absolutely    
unlawful for those who call themselves  
,christians1 to exact  of their brethren
 7,i mean their brethren of the         
universe7 a more  burthensome service1  
than that to which the ,jews were       
limited with  respect to their brethren 
of the house of ,israel2 and the slavery
 or  involuntary bondage of a brother   
,israelite was absolutely forbid4    ,it
 occurs to me1 that after all which has 
been said to satisfy you1 that          
compulsory servitude1 if such there were
 among the ,jews1 cannot properly  be   
pleaded in justification of yours2 a    
question may still be floating  in your 
mind whether1 if ,god directed his      
chosen people to enslave the  ,heathen1 
slavery should not be regarded as a good
 system of servitude8  ,just as         
pertinently may you ask1 whether that is

 not a good system of  servitude1 which 
is found in some of our state prisons4  
,punishment  probably--certainly not    
labor--is the leading object in the one 
case as  well as the other3 and the     
labor of the bondman in the one1 as well
 as  of the convict in the other1       
constitutes but a subordinate           
consideration4 ,to suppose that ,god    
would1 with every consideration out  of 
view1 but that of having the best       
relation of employer and laborer1  make 
choice of slavery--to suppose that ,he  
believes that this state of  servitude  
operates most beneficially1 both for the
 master and the  servant--is a high     
impeachment of the ,divine wisdom and   
goodness4 ,but  thus guilty are you1 if 
you are unwilling to believe1 that1 if  
,he chose  the severe servitude in      
question1 ,he chose it for the          
punishment of his  enemies1 or from some
 consideration1 other than its          
suitableness for the  ordinary purposes 
of the relation of master and servant4  

,but it has been for the sake of        
argument only1 that ,i have admitted    
that  ,god authorized the ,jews to      
enslave the heathen4 ,i now totally deny
 that  ,he did so4 ,you will1 of course1
 consent that if ,he did so1 it was in a
  special statute1 as was the case when 
,he authorized them to exterminate      
other heathen3 and you will as readily  
consent that ,he enacted the  statutes1 
in both instances1 with the view of     
punishing his enemies4  ,now1 in killing
 the ,canaanites1 the ,jew was          
constituted1 not the owner  of his      
devoted fellow man1 but simply the      
executioner of ,god's  vengeance3 and   
evidently1 such and no other was his    
character when he  was reducing the     
,canaanite to involuntary               
servitude--that he did so  reduce him1  
and was commissioned by ,god to do so1  
is the supposition we  make for the sake
 of argument4 ,had the ,jews been       
authorized by ,god to  shut up in       
dungeons for life those of the heathen1 

whom they were  directed to have for    
bondmen and bondmaids1 you would not    
claim1 that  they1 any more than        
sheriffs and jailers in our day1 are to 
be  considered in the light of owners of
 the persons in their charge4 ,much     
less then1 can the ,jews be considered  
as the owners of any person whom  they  
held in servitude3 for1 however severe  
the type of that servitude1  the liberty
 of its subject was not restricted1 as  
was that of the  prisoners in           
question3--most certainly1 the power    
asserted over him is  not to be compared
 in extent with that asserted by the    
,jew over the  ,canaanite1 whom he      
slew2--a case in which he was1          
indisputably1 but the  executioner of   
the ,divine wrath4 ,the ,canaanite1     
whether devoted to a  violent death or  
to an involuntary servitude1 still      
remained the  property of ,god3 and ,god
 no more gave him up to be the property 
of the  executioner of his wrath1 than  
the people of the ,state of ,new ,york  

give  up the offender against public    
justice to be the property of the       
ministers of that justice4 ,god never   
suspends the accountability of his      
rational creatures to himself3 and his  
rights to them1 ,he never  transfers to 
others4 ,he could not do so consistently
 with his  attributes1 and his          
indissoluble relations to man4 ,but     
slavery claims1  that its subjects are  
the property of man4 ,it claims to turn 
them into  mere chattels1 and to make   
them as void of responsibility to ,god1 
as  other chattels4 ,slavery1 in a word1
 claims to push from his throne the     
,supreme ,being1 who declares1 all souls
 are mine4 ,that it does not  succeed in
 getting its victim out of ,god's hand1 
and in unmanning and  chattelizing      
him--that ,god's hold upon him remains  
unbroken1 and that  those upward        
tendencies of the soul1 which           
distinguish man from the  brute1 are not
 yet entirely crushed in him--is no     
evidence in favor of  its nature3--it   

simply proves1 that its power is not    
equal to its  purposes4 ,we see1 then1  
that the ,jews--if it be true that they 
reduced  their fellow men to involuntary
 servitude1 and did so as the           
,heaven-appointed ministers of ,god's   
justice1--are not to be charged with    
slaveholding for it4 ,there may be      
involuntary servitude where there is  no
 slavery4 ,the essential and            
distinguishing feature of slavery is its
  reduction of man to property--to a    
thing4 ,a tenant of one of our state    
prisons is under a sentence of hard     
labor for life4 ,but he is not a  slave4
 ,that is1 he is not the thing which    
slavery would mark its  subject4 ,he is 
still a man4 ,offended justice has      
placed him in his  present              
circumstances1 because he is a man3 and1
 it is because he is a  man and not a   
thing--a responsible1 and not an        
irresponsible being1  that he must      
continue in his present trials and      
sufferings4    ,god's commandments to   

the ,jews1 respecting servants and      
strangers1 show  that ,he not only did  
not authorize them to set up the claim  
of property  in their fellow men1 but   
that ,he most carefully guarded against 
such  exercises of power1 as might lead 
to the assumption of a claim so         
wrongful to ,himself4 ,some of these    
commandments ,i will bring to your      
notice4 ,they show that whatever was the
 form of servitude under which  ,god    
allowed the ,jews to hold the heathen1  
it was not slavery4 ,indeed1 if  all of 
the ,word of ,god which bears on this   
point were cited and duly  explained1 it
 would1 perhaps1 appear that ,he allowed
 no involuntary  servitude whatever     
amongst the ,jews4 ,i give no opinion   
whether he  allowed it or not4 ,there   
are strong arguments which go to show1  
that ,he  did not allow it2 and with    
these arguments the public will soon be 
made  more extensively acquainted4 ,it  
is understood1 that the next number of  
the ,anti-,slavery ,examiner will be    

filled with them4    #ast4 ,so galling  
are the bonds of ,southern slavery1 that
 it could not  live a year under the    
operation of a law forbidding the       
restoration of  fugitive servants to    
their masters4 ,how few of the          
discontented subjects  of this          
oppressive servitude would agree with   
,hamlet1 that it is better  to          
--bear those ills we have1    ,than fly 
to others that we know not of4          
,what a running there would be from the 
slave ,states to the free6--from  one   
slave ,state to another6--from one      
plantation to another6 ,now1 such a     
law--a solemn commandment of ,god--many 
writers on slavery are of the  opinion1 
perhaps too confident opinion1 was in   
force in the ,jewish  nation 7,deut4    
xxiii1 #ae72 and yet the system of      
servitude on which it  bore1 and which  
you cite as the pattern and authority   
for your own1  lived in spite of it4    
,how could it8 ,manifestly1 because its 
genius was  wholly unlike that of       

,southern slavery2 and because its      
rigors and  wrongs1 if rigors and wrongs
 there were in it1 bear no comparison to
  those which characterize ,southern    
slavery2 and which would impel          
nine-tenths of its adult subjects to fly
 from their homes1 did they but  know   
that they would not be obliged to return
 to them4 ,when ,southern  slaveholders 
shall cease to scour the land for       
fugitive servants1 and to  hunt them    
with guns and dogs1 and to imprison1 and
 scourge1 and kill  them2--when1 in a   
word1 they shall subject to the bearing 
of such a law  as that referred to their
 system of servitude1 then we shall     
begin to  think that they are sincere in
 likening it to the systems which       
existed  among the ,jews4 ,the law1     
enacted in ,virginia in #agje1          
authorizing any  two justices of the    
peace by proclamation to outlaw         
runaways1 who  might thereafter be      
killed and destroyed by any person      
whatsoever1 by  such ways and means as  

he might think fit1 without accusation  
or  impeachment of any crime for so     
doing1 besides that it justifies what ,i
  have just said about hunting fugitive 
servants1 shows1 #ast4 ,that the        
,american ,anti-,slavery ,society is of 
too recent an origin to be the          
occasion1 as slaveholders and their     
apologists would have us believe1 of    
all the cruel laws enacted at the       
,south4 #b;d4 ,that ,southern           
slaveholders  would be very unwilling to
 have their system come under the       
operation of  such a law as that which  
allowed the ,jewish servant to change   
his  master4 #c;d4 ,that they are       
monsters1 indeed1 into which men may be 
turned  by their possession of absolute 
power4    ,you1 perhaps1 suppose1 7and  
,i frankly admit to you1 that there is  
some  room for the supposition17 that   
the servants referred to in the #aeth   
and  #afth verses of the #bc;d chapter  
of ,deuteronomy1 were such as had       
escaped  from foreign countries to the  

country of the ,jews4 ,but1 would this  
view  of the matter help you8 ,by taking
 it1 would you not expose yourself to   
be most pertinently and embarrassingly  
asked1 for what purpose these  servants 
fled to a strange and most odious       
people8--and would not your  candid     
reply necessarily be1 that it was to    
escape from the galling  chains of      
slavery1 to a far-famed milder type of  
servitude8--from  ,gentile oppression1  
to a land in which human rights were    
protected by  ,divine laws8 ,but1 as ,i 
have previously intimated1 ,i have not  
the  strongest confidence in the        
anti-slavery argument1 so frequently    
drawn  from this passage of the ,bible4 
,i am not sure that a ,jewish servant is
  referred to3 nor that on the          
supposition of his being a foreigner1   
the  servant came under any form of     
servitude when entering the land of the 
,jews4 ,before leaving the topic1       
however1 let me remark1 that the        
passage1 under any construction of it1  

makes against ,southern slavery4  ,admit
 that the fugitive servant was a        
foreigner1 and that he was not  reduced 
to servitude on coming among the ,jews1 
let me ask you whether  the law in      
question1 under this view of it1 would  
be tolerated by the  spirit of ,southern
 slavery8--and whether1 before obedience
 would be  rendered to it1 you would not
 need to have a different type of       
servitude1 in the place of slavery8 ,you
 would--,i know you would--for you  have
 been put to the trial4 ,when1 by a     
happy providence1 a vessel was  driven1 
the last year1 to a ,west ,india island1
 and the chains of the  poor slaves with
 which it was filled fell from around   
them1 under  freedom's magic power1 the 
exasperated ,south was ready to go to   
war with  ,great ,britain4 ,then1 the   
law against delivering up foreign       
servants to  their masters was not      
relished by you4 ,the given case comes  
most  strikingly within the supposed    
policy of this law4 ,the ,gentile was to

 be  permitted to remain in the land to 
which he had fled1 and where he would   
have advantages for becoming acquainted 
with the ,god of the ,bible4 ,such      
advantages are they enjoying who escaped
 from the confessed heathenism  of      
,southern slavery to the island in      
question4 ,they are now taught to  read 
that ,book of life1 which before1 they  
were forbidden to read4 ,but  again1    
suppose a slave were to escape from a   
,west ,india island into the  ,southern 
,states--would you1 with your domestic  
institutions1 of which  you are so      
jealous1 render obedience to this       
,divine law8 ,no2 you would  subject him
 for ever to a servitude more severe    
than that1 from which  he had escaped4  
,indeed1 if a freeman come within a     
certain portion of  our ,southern       
country1 and be so unhappy as to bear a 
physical  resemblance to the slave1 he  
will be punished for that resemblance1  
by  imprisonment1 and even by a         
reduction to slavery4    #b;d4 ,southern

 slaveholders1 who1 by their laws1 own  
men as absolutely as  they own cattle1  
would have it believed1 that ,jewish    
masters thus owned  their fellow-men4   
,if they did1 why was there so wide a   
difference  between the commandment     
respecting the stray man1 and that      
respecting  the stray ox or ass8 ,the   
man was not1 but the beasts were1 to be 
returned2 and that too1 even though     
their owner was the enemy of him who    
met them4 7,ex4 #bc4 #d47 ,i repeat the 
question2--why this difference8 ,the    
only answer is1 because ,god made the   
brute to be the property of man2  but   
,he never gave us our noble nature for  
such degradation4 ,man's title  deed1 in
 the eighth ,psalm1 extends his right of
 property to the  inanimate and brute   
creation only--not to the flesh and     
bones and spirit  of his fellow-man4    
#c;d4 ,the very different penalties     
annexed to the crime of stealing a man1 
and to that of stealing a thing1 shows  
the eternal and infinite  difference    

which ,god has established between a man
 and property4 ,the  stealing of a man  
was surely to be punished with death2   
whilst mere  property was allowed to    
atone for the offence of stealing       
property4    #dth4 ,who1 if not the     
slave1 can be said to be vexed and      
oppressed6 ,but  ,god's command to his  
people was1 that they should neither vex
 a  stranger1 nor oppress him4    #eth4 
,such is the nature of ,american        
slavery1 that not even its warmest      
friends would claim that it could       
recover itself after such a year of     
jubilee as ,god appointed4 ,one such    
general delivery of its victims  would  
be for ever fatal to it4 ,i am aware    
that you deny that all the  servants of 
the ,jews shared in the blessings of the
 year of jubilee4  ,but let me ask you1 
whether if one third or one half of your
 servants  were discharged from         
servitude every fiftieth year--and still
 more1  whether if a considerable       
proportion of them were thus discharged 

every  sixth year--the remainder would  
not be fearfully discontented8 ,southern
  masters believe1 that their only      
safety consists in keeping down the     
discontent of their servants4 ,hence    
their anxious care to withhold from     
them the knowledge of human rights4     
,hence the abolitionist who is caught   
in a slave state1 must be whipped or put
 to death4 ,if there were a class  of   
servants amongst the ,jews1 who could   
bear to see all their fellow  servants  
go free1 whilst they themselves were    
retained in bondage1 then  that bondage 
was of a kind very different from what  
you suppose it to  have been4 ,had its  
subjects worn the galling chains of     
,american slavery1  they would have     
struggled with bloody desperation for   
the deliverance  which they saw accorded
 to others4    ,i scarcely need say1    
that the ,hebrew words rendered bondmen 
and  bondmaids1 do not1 in themselves   
considered1 and independently of the    
connexion in which they are used1 any   

more than the ,greek words doulos  and  
doule1 denote a particular kind of      
servant4 ,if the servant was a  slave1  
because he was called by the ,hebrew    
word rendered bondman1 then  was ,jacob 
a slave also3--and even still greater   
absurdities could be  deduced from the  
position4    ,i promised1 in a former   
part of this communication1 to give you 
my  reasons for denying that you are at 
liberty to plead in behalf of  slavery1 
the example of any compulsory servitude 
in which ,jews may have  held           
foreigners4 ,my promise is now          
fulfilled1 and ,i trust that the        
reasons are such as not to admit of an  
answer4    ,driven1 as you now are1 from
 every other conceivable defence of     
slaveholding it may be 7though ,i must  
hope better things of you71 that  you   
will fly to the ground taken by the     
wicked multitude--that there is         
authority in the laws of man for being a
 slaveholder4 ,but1 not only is  the sin
 of your holding slaves undiminished by 

the consideration1 that  they are held  
under human laws2 but1 your claiming to 
hold them under  such laws1 makes you   
guilty of an additional sin1 which1 if  
measured by  its pernicious consequences
 to others1 is by no means              
inconsiderable4  ,the truth of these two
 positions is apparent from the         
following  considerations4    #ast4     
,there is no valid excuse to be found1  
either in man's laws or any  where else1
 for transgressing ,god's laws4         
,whatever may be thought1 or  said to   
the contrary1 it still remains1 and for 
ever will remain true1  that under all  
circumstances1 sin is the transgression 
of the 7,divine7  law4    #b;d4 ,in     
every instance in which a commandment of
 ,god is transgressed1  under the cover 
and plea of a human law1 purporting to  
permit what that  commandment forbids1  
there is1 in proportion to the authority
 and  influence of the transgressor1 a  
fresh sanction imparted to that law2    
and consequently1 in the same proportion

 the public habit of setting up  a false
 standard of right and wrong is         
promoted4 ,it is this habit--this  habit
 of graduating our morality by the laws 
of the land in which we  live--that     
makes the mischief framed by a law so   
much more pernicious  than that which   
has no law to countenance it1 and to    
commend it to the  conscience4 ,who is  
unaware1 that nothing tends so          
powerfully to keep the  traffic in      
strong drink from becoming universally  
odious1 as the fact1  that this body and
 soul destroying business finds a       
sanction in human  laws8 ,who has not   
seen the man1 authorized by these laws  
to distribute  the poison amongst his   
tippling neighbors1 proof against all   
the shafts  of truth1 under the         
self-pleasing and self-satisfying       
consideration1  that his is a lawful    
business4    ,this habit of setting up  
man's law1 instead of ,god's law1 as the
  standard of conduct1 is strikingly    
manifested in the fact1 that on the     

ground1 that the ,federal ,constitution 
binds the citizens of the ,united       
,states to perpetuate slavery1 or at    
least1 not to meddle with it1 we  are1  
both at the ,north and the ,south1      
called on to forbear from all  efforts  
to abolish it4 ,the exertions made to   
discover in that  instrument1 authority 
for slavery1 and authority against      
endeavors to  abolish it1 are as great1 
anxious1 and unwearied1 as if they who  
made  them1 thought that the fortunate  
discovery would settle for ever the     
great question which agitates our       
country--would nullify all the laws of  
,god against slavery--and make the      
oppression of our colored brethren1 as  
long as time shall last1 justifiable and
 praiseworthy4 ,but this  discovery will
 never be made2 for the ,constitution is
 not on the side of  the slaveholder4   
,if it were1 however1 it would clothe   
him with no moral  right to act in      
opposition to the paramount law of ,god4
 ,it is not at all  necessary to the    

support of my views1 in this            
communication1 to show  that the        
,constitution was not designed to favor 
slavery2 and yet1 a few  words to this  
end may not be out of place4    ,a      
treaty between ,great ,britain and      
,turkey1 by the terms of which the      
latter should be prohibited from        
allowing slaves to be brought within    
her dominions1 after twenty years from  
its date1 would1 all will admit1        
redound greatly to the credit of ,great 
,britain4 ,to be sure1 she would  not   
have done as much for the cause of      
humanity1 as if she had succeeded  in   
bringing the further indulgence of the  
sin within the limits of a  briefer     
period1 and incomparably less than if   
she had succeeded in  reconciling the   
,sublime ,porte to her glorious and     
emphatically ,english  doctrines of     
immediate emancipation4 ,but still she  
would deserve some  praise--much more   
than if she had done nothing in this    
respect4 ,now1 for  my present purpose1 

and many of our statesmen say1 for      
nearly all  purposes1 the ,federal      
,constitution is to be regarded as a    
treaty between  sovereign ,states4 ,but 
how much more does this treaty do for   
the  abolition of slavery1 than that on 
which we were1 a moment since1          
bestowing our praise6 ,it imposes a     
prohibition similar to that in the      
supposed treaty between ,great ,britain 
and ,turkey1 so that no slaves have     
been allowed to be introduced into the  
,united ,states since the year  #ahjh4  
,it goes further1 and makes ample       
provision for the abolition and         
prevention of slavery in every part of  
the nation1 save these ,states2 so  that
 the ,district of ,columbia and the     
national territories can be  cleared    
forever of slavery1 whenever a majority 
of the parties1 bound by  the treaty1   
shall desire it4 ,and it goes still     
farther1 and clothes this  majority with
 the power of regulating commerce       
between the ,states1 and  consequently1 

of prohibiting their mutual traffic in  
the bodies and  souls of men4 ,had this 
treaty gone but one step farther1 and   
made an  exception1 as it should have   
done1 in behalf of slaves1 in the clause
  making necessary provision for the    
return of fugitives held to service  in 
the ,states from which they flee1 none  
but those who think it is  fairly held  
responsible for the twenty years        
indulgence of the unholy  traffic1 would
 have claimed any thing more from it in 
relation to  slavery4 ,now1 this        
instrument1 which contains nothing more1
 bearing on  the subject of slavery1    
than what ,i have referred to1 and whose
 pages  are not once polluted with the  
words slave and slavery1 is  abundantly 
and triumphantly cited1 as conclusive   
authority in favor of  slavery1 and     
against endeavors to abolish it4 ,whilst
 we regret1 that the  true-hearted sons 
of freedom in the ,convention which     
formed it1 could  obtain no more        
concessions from the advocates of       

slavery1 let us honor  their sacred     
memory1 and thank ,god for those they   
did obtain4    ,i have supposed it      
possible1 that you might number yourself
 with those1  who defend slavery on the 
ground of its alleged conformity with   
human  laws4 ,it occurs to me1 that you 
may1 also1 take hope1 that slavery is   
defensible in the supposed fact1 that a 
considerable share of the  professing   
,christians1 in the free ,states1 are in
 favor of it4 ,let ,god  be true1 but   
every man a liar4 ,if all professing    
,christians were for  slavery1 yet1 if  
,god is against it1 that is reason      
enough why you also  should be against  
it4 ,it is not true1 however1 that a    
considerable share  of our professing   
,christians are on the side of slavery4 
,indeed1 until ,i  read ,professor      
,hodge's article1 ,i had not supposed   
that any of them  denied its sinfulness4
 ,it is true1 that a large proportion of
 them  refuse to take a stand against   
it4 ,let them justify to their          

consciences1 and to their ,god1 as they 
can1 the equivocal silence and  still   
more equivocal action on this subject1  
by which they have left  their ,southern
 brethren to infer1 that ,northern piety
 sanctions slavery4  ,it is the doctrine
 of expediency1 so prevalent and        
corrupting in the  ,american ,church1   
which has deceived you into the belief1 
that a large  share of the professing   
,christians in the free ,states1 think  
slavery to  be sinless4 ,this share1    
which you have in your eye1 is1 as well 
as the  remainder1 convinced that       
slavery is sinful--only they think it   
inexpedient to say so4 ,in relation to  
other sins1 they are satisfied  with    
,god's way of immediate abandonment4    
,but1 in relation to slavery1  they     
flatter themselves that they have       
discovered a more excellent  way--that  
of leaving the sin untouched1 and simply
 hoping for its  cessation1 at some     
indefinite period in the distant future4
 ,i say  hoping1 instead of praying1 as 

prayer for an object is found to be     
accompanied by corresponding efforts4   
,but for this vile doctrine of          
expediency1 which gives to our          
ecclesiastical bodies1 whenever the     
subject of such a giant and popular sin 
as slavery is broached in them1  the    
complexion of a political caucus steeped
 in unprincipled policy1  rather than   
that of a company of the ,saviour's     
disciples1 inquiring in  simplicity and 
godly sincerity1 not with fleshly       
wisdom1 the way of the  ,lord2--but for 
this doctrine1 ,i say1 you would1 long  
ago1 have heard the  testimony of       
,northern ,christians against ,southern 
slavery2--and not only  so1 but you     
would long ago have seen this ,dagon    
fall before the power of  that          
testimony4 ,i trust1 however1 that this 
testimony will not long be  withheld2   
and that ,northern ,christians will soon
 perceive1 that1 in  relation to        
slavery1 as well as every other sin1 it 
is the safest and  wisest1 as well as   

the holiest course1 to drop all carnal  
policy--to  trust in the ,lord with all 
thine heart1 and lean not unto thine own
  understanding4    ,not only are       
,northern ,christians1 with very rare   
exceptions1 convinced  of the sin of    
slavery2 but even your slaveholders were
 formerly  accustomed1 with nearly as   
great unanimity1 to admit1 that they    
themselves thought it to be sinful4 ,it 
is only recently1 and since they  have  
found that their system must be tested  
by the ,bible1 thoroughly and  in       
earnest--not merely for the purpose1 as 
formerly1 of determining  without any   
practical consequences of the           
determination1 what is the  moral       
character of slavery--but1 for the      
purpose of settling the point1  whether 
the institution shall stand or fall1--it
 is only1 ,i say1 since  the civilized  
world has been fast coming to claim that
 it shall be  decided by the ,bible1 and
 by no lower standard1 whether slavery  
shall or  shall not exist--that your    

slaveholders have found it expedient to 
take  the ground1 that slavery is not   
sin4    ,it probably has not occurred to
 you1 how fairly and fully you might    
have  been stopped1 upon the very       
threshold of your defence of slavery4   
,the  only witness you have called to   
the stand to sustain your sinking cause1
  is the ,bible4 ,but this is a witness1
 which slavery has itself impeached1    
and of which1 therefore1 it is not      
entitled to avail itself4 ,it is a  good
 rule in our civil courts1 that a party 
is not permitted to impeach  his own    
witness2 and it is but an inconsiderable
 variation of the letter  of this rule1 
and obviously no violation of its spirit
 and policy to  say1 that no party is   
permitted to attempt to benefit his     
cause by a  witness whom he has himself 
impeached4 ,now1 the slaveholder        
palpably  violates this rule1 when he   
presumes to offer the ,bible as a       
witness for  his cause3--for he has     
previously impeached it1 by declaring1  

in his  slave system1 that it is not to 
be believed--that its requirements are  
not to be obeyed--that they are not even
 to be read 7though the ,bible          
expressly directs that they shall       
be7--that concubinage shall be          
substituted for the marriage it         
enjoins--and that its other provisions  
for the happiness1 and even the         
existence1 of the social relations1     
shall be trampled under foot4 ,the      
scene1 in which a lawyer should ask  the
 jury to believe what his witness is    
saying at one moment1 and to  reject    
what he is saying at another1 would be  
ludicrous enough4 ,but what  more       
absurdity is there in it than that which
 the pro-slavery party are  guilty of1  
when they would have us deaf1 whilst    
their witness is  testifying in favor of
 marriage and searching the ,scriptures2
 and1 all  ears1 whilst that same       
witness is testifying1 as they construe 
it1 in  favor of slavery6 ,no--before it
 will be competent for the ,american    

slaveholder to appeal to the ,bible for 
justification of his system1 that       
system must be so modified1 as no longer
 to make open1 shameless war  upon the  
,bible4 ,i would recommend to           
slaveholders1 that1 rather than  make so
 unhallowed a use of the ,bible as to   
attempt to bolster up their  hard beset 
cause with it1 they should take the     
ground1 which a very  distinguished     
slaveholding gentleman of the city of   
,washington took1 in  a conversation    
with myself on the subject of slavery4  
,feeling himself  uncomfortably plied by
 quotations from the word of ,god1 he   
said with  much emphasis1 ,stop1 ,sir1  
with that1 if you please--,,slavery ,,is
 ,a  ,,subject1 ,,which ,,has ,,nothing 
,,to ,,do ,,with ,,the ,,bible4    ,this
 practice of attempting to put the      
boldest and most flagrant sins  under   
the wing and sanction of the ,bible1 is 
chargeable on others as  well as on the 
advocates of slavery4 ,not to speak of  
other instances of  it--it is sought to 

justify by this blessed book the most   
despotic forms  of civil government1 and
 the drinking of intoxicating liquors4  
,there are  two evils so great1 which   
arise from this perversion of the word  
of ,god1  that ,i cannot forbear to     
notice them4 ,one is1 that the          
consciences of  men are quieted1 when   
they imagine that they have found a     
justification  in the ,bible for the    
sins of which they are guilty4 ,the     
other is1 that  infidels are multiplied 
by this perversion4 ,a respectable      
gentleman1 who  edits a newspaper in    
this neighborhood1 and who1 unhappily1  
is not  established in the ,christian   
faith1 was asked1 a few months since1 to
  attend a meeting of a ,bible ,society4
 ,i am not willing1 said he1 in  reply1 
to favor the circulation of a volume1   
which many of its friends  claim to be  
on the side of slavery4 ,rely on it1    
,sir1 that wherever your  book produces 
the conviction that the ,bible justifies
 slavery1 it there  weakens whatever of 

respect for that blessed volume         
previously existed4  ,whoever is brought
 to associate slavery with the ,bible1  
may1 it is true1  think better of       
slavery2 but he will surely think worse 
of the ,bible4 ,i  hope1 therefore1 in  
mercy to yourself and the world1 that   
the success of  your undertaking will be
 small4    ,but oftentimes the same     
providence has a bright1 as well as a   
gloomy1  aspect4 ,it is so in the case  
before us4 ,the common attempt1 in our  
day1  to intrench great sins in the     
authority of the ,bible1 is a consoling 
and  cheering evidence1 that this volume
 is recognised as the public standard   
of right and wrong2 and that1 whatever  
may be their private opinions of  it who
 are guilty of these sins1 they cannot  
hope to justify themselves  before the  
world1 unless their lives are1          
apparently1 at least1  conformed1 in    
some good degree1 to this standard4 ,we 
may add1 too1 that1  as surely as the   
,bible is against slavery1 every        

pro-slavery writer1 who  like yourself  
appeals to it as the infallible and only
 admissible  standard of right and      
wrong1 will contribute to the overthrow 
of the  iniquitous system4 ,his writings
 may not1 uniformly1 tend to this happy 
result4 ,in some instances1 he may      
strengthen confidence in the system of  
slavery by producing conviction1 that   
the ,bible sanctions it2--and then  his 
success will be1 as before remarked1 at 
the expense of the claims  and authority
 of the ,bible3--but these instances of 
the pernicious  effects of his writings 
will be very rare1 quite too rare we may
 hope1  to counterbalance the more      
generally useful tendency of writings on
 the  subject of slavery1 which         
recognise the paramount authority of    
,god's  law4    ,having completed the   
examination of your book1 ,i wish to    
hold up to you1  in a single view1 the  
substance of what you have done4 ,you   
have come  forth1 the unblushing        
advocate of ,american slavery2--a system

 which1  whether we study its nature in 
the deliberate and horrid enactments of 
its code1 or in the heathenism and      
pollution and sweat and tears and       
blood1 which prove1 but too well1 the   
agreement of its practical  character   
with its theory--is1 beyond all doubt1  
more oppressive and  wicked than any    
other1 which the avaricious1 sensual1   
cruel heart of man  ever devised4 ,you  
have come forth1 the unblushing advocate
 of a system  under which parents are   
daily selling their children2 brothers  
and  sisters1 their brothers and        
sisters2 members of the ,church of      
,christ1  their fellow-members--under   
which1 in a word1 immortal man1 made in 
the  image of ,god1 is more unfeelingly 
and cruelly dealt with1 than the  brute4
 ,i know that you intimate that this    
system would work well1 were  it in the 
hands of none but good men4 ,but with   
equal propriety might you  say1 that the
 gaming-house or the brothel would work 
well in such hands4  ,you have attempted

 to sustain this system by the testimony
 of the ,bible4  ,the system1 a part    
only of the crimes of which1 most of the
 nations of  ,christendom have declared 
to be piracy2--against which1 the common
  sense1 the philosophy1 the humanity1  
the conscience of the world1 are        
arrayed2--this system1 so execrable and 
infamous1 you have had the  presumption 
to attempt to vindicate by that blessed 
book1 whose ,author  is of purer eyes   
than to behold evil1 and 7who7 cannot   
look upon  iniquity--and who has        
magnified his word above all his name4  
,and now1 ,sir1 let me solemnly inquire 
of you1 whether it is right to do  what 
you have done8--whether it is befitting 
a man1 a ,christian1 and a  minister of 
the gospel8--and let me1 further1 ask   
you1 whether you have  any cheering     
testimony in your heart that it is      
,god's work you have been  doing8 ,that 
you and ,i may1 in every future work of 
our hands1 have the  happiness to know1 
that the approbation of our employer    

comes from the  upper1 and not from the 
under world1 is the sincere desire of   
,your friend1    ,,gerrit ,,smith4      
,no4 #d        ,,the    ,,anti-,,slavery
 ,,examiner4        ,,the    ,,bible    
,,against ,,slavery4        ,,an        
,,inquiry    ,,into ,,the               
,,patriarchal ,,and ,,mosaic ,,systems  
,,on ,,the ,,subject ,,of ,,human       
,,rights4      ,,new-,,york3            
,,published ,,by ,,the ,,american       
,,anti-,,slavery ,,society1    ,,no4    
#adc ,,nassau ,,street4      #ahcg4     
,,postage--,this periodical contains    
five and a half sheets4 ,postage under  
#ajj miles1 #h-a_/b cts over #ajj miles1
 #ad cents4    ,please read and         
circulate4    ,,piercy  ,,reed4         
,,printers1    #g ,theatre ,alley4      
,,contents4        ,definition of       
,slavery                                
,man-stealing--,examination of ,ex4 xxi4
 #af        ,import of ,bought with     
money1 etc4        ,rights and          
privileges of servants        ,no       

involuntary servitude under the ,mosaic 
system        ,servants were paid wages 
,masters1 not owners        ,servants   
distinguished from property             
,social equality of servants with their 
masters        ,condition of the        
,gibeonites1 as subjects of the ,hebrew 
,commonwealth        ,egyptian bondage  
analyzed        ,,objections            
,,considered4        ,cursed be ,canaan1
 a servant of servants shall he be1 etc4
 ,gen4      ix4 #be        ,for he is   
his money1 ,examination of1 ,ex4 xxi4   
#bj1 #ba        ,bondmen and bondmaids  
bought of the heathen4 ,lev4 xxv4 #dd-df
        ,they shall be your bondmen     
forever4 ,lev4 xxv4 #df        ,ye shall
 take them as an inheritance1 etc4 ,lev4
 xxv4 #df        ,the ,israelite to     
serve as a hired servant4 ,lev4 xxv4    
#ci1 #dj        ,difference between     
bought and hired servants        ,bought
 servants the most privileged class     
,summary of the different classes of    
servants        ,disabilities of the    

servants from the heathen               
,examination of ,exodus xxi4 #b-f       
,the ,canaanites not sentenced to       
unconditional extermination             
,,inquiry1 c4             99       99   
99       99       99      ,the spirit of
 slavery never takes refuge in the      
,bible of its own  accord4 ,the horns of
 the altar are its last resort4 ,it     
seizes them1 if  at all1 only in        
desperation--rushing from the terror of 
the avenger's  arm4 ,like other unclean 
spirits1 it hateth the light1 neither   
cometh to  the light1 lest its deeds    
should be reproved4 ,goaded to phrenzy  
in its  conflicts with conscience and   
common sense1 denied all quarter1 and   
hunted from every covert1 it breaks at  
last into the sacred enclosure1  and    
courses up and down the ,bible1 seeking 
rest1 and finding none4 ,,the  ,,law    
,,of ,,love1 streaming from every page1 
flashes around it an omnipresent        
anguish and despair4 ,it shrinks from   
the hated light1 and howls under  the   

consuming touch1 as demons recoiled from
 the ,son of ,god1 and  shrieked1       
,torment us not4 ,at last1 it slinks    
away among the shadows of  the ,mosaic  
system1 and thinks to burrow out of     
sight among its types and  shadows4     
,vain hope6 ,its asylum is its          
sepulchre2 its city of refuge1 the  city
 of destruction4 ,it rushes from light  
into the sun2 from heat1 into  devouring
 fire2 and from the voice of ,god into  
the thickest of ,his  thunders4         
,,definition ,,of ,,slavery4    ,if we  
would know whether the ,bible is the    
charter of slavery1 we must  first      
determine just what slavery is4 ,the    
thing itself must be  separated from its
 appendages4 ,a constituent element is  
one thing2 a  relation another2 an      
appendage another4 ,relations and       
appendages  presuppose other things1 of 
which there are relations and           
appendages4  ,to regard them as the     
things to which they pertain1 or as     
constituent  parts of them1 leads to    

endless fallacies4 ,a great variety of  
conditions1 relations1 and tenures1     
indispensable to the social state1  are 
confounded with slavery2 and thus       
slaveholding is deemed quite  harmless1 
if not virtuous4 ,we will specify some  
of the things which are  often          
confounded with slavery4    #a4         
,privation of the right of suffrage4    
,then minors are slaves4    #b4         
,ineligibility to office4 ,then females 
are slaves4    #c4 ,taxation without    
representation4 ,then three-fourths of  
the people  of ,rhode ,island are       
slaves1 and all in the ,district of     
,columbia4    #d4 ,privation of one's   
oath in law4 ,then the free colored     
people of  ,ohio are slaves4 ,so are    
disbelievers in a future retribution1   
generally4    #e4 ,privation of trial by
 jury4 ,then all in ,france and ,germany
 are  slaves4    #f4 ,being required to 
support a particular religion4 ,then the
 people of  ,england are slaves4 ,to the
 preceding may be added all other       

disabilities1 merely political4    #g4  
,cruelty and oppression4 ,wives are     
often cruelly treated2 hired  domestics 
are often oppressed2 but these forms of 
oppression are not  slavery4    #h4     
,apprenticeship4 ,the rights and duties 
of master and apprentice are            
correlative and reciprocal4 ,the claim  
of each upon the other results  from the
 obligation of each to the other4       
,apprenticeship is based on  the        
principle of equivalent for value       
received4 ,the rights of the  apprentice
 are secured1 and his interests are     
promoted equally with  those of the     
master4 ,indeed1 while the law of       
apprenticeship is just  to the master1  
it is benevolent to the apprentice4 ,its
 main design is  rather to benefit the  
apprentice than the master4 ,it promotes
 the  interests of the former1 while it 
guards from injury those of the latter  
in doing it4 ,it secures to the master a
 mere legal compensation1 while  it     
secures to the apprentice both a legal  

compensation1 and a virtual  gratuity in
 addition1 the apprentice being of the  
two decidedly the  greatest gainer4 ,the
 law not only recognizes the right of   
the  apprentice to a reward for his     
labor1 but appoints the wages1 and      
enforces the payment4 ,the master's     
claim covers only the services of  the  
apprentice4 ,the apprentice's claim     
covers equally the services of  the     
master4 ,the master cannot hold the     
apprentice as property1 nor the         
apprentice the master2 but each holds   
property in the services of the  other1 
and ,,both ,,equally4 ,is this slavery8 
#i4 ,filial subordination and parental  
claims4 ,both are nature's  dictates1   
and indispensable to the existence of   
the social state2 their  design the     
promotion of mutual welfare2 and the    
means1 those natural  affections created
 by the relation of parent and child1   
and blending  them in one by            
irrepressible affinities2 and thus1     
while exciting each  to discharge those 

offices incidental to the relation1 they
 constitute a  shield for mutual        
protection4 ,the parent's legal claim to
 the services  of his children1 while   
minors1 is a slight boon for the care   
and toil of  their rearing1 to say      
nothing of outlays for support and      
education4 ,this  provision for the good
 of the whole1 is1 with the greater part
 of  mankind1 indispensable to the      
preservation of the family state4 ,the  
child1 in helping his parents1 helps    
himself--increases a common stock1  in  
which he has a share2 while his most    
faithful services do but  acknowledge a 
debt that money cannot cancel4    #aj4  
,bondage for crime1 or governmental     
claims on criminals4 ,must  innocence be
 punished because guilt suffers         
penalties8 ,true1 the  criminal works   
for the government without pay2 and well
 he may4 ,he owes  the government4 ,a   
century's work would not pay its drafts 
on him4 ,he is  a public defaulter1 and 
will die so4 ,because laws make men pay 

their  debts1 shall those be forced to  
pay who owe nothing8 ,besides1 the law  
makes no criminal1 ,,property4 ,it      
restrains his liberty2 it makes him pay 
something1 a mere penny in the pound1 of
 his debt to the government2 but  it    
does not make him a chattel4 ,test it4  
,to own property is to own its  product4
 ,are children born of convicts         
government property8 ,besides1 can      
property be guilty8 ,are chattels       
punished8    #aa4 ,restrictions upon    
freedom4 ,children are restrained by    
parents1  wards by guardians1 pupils by 
teachers1 patients by physicians and    
nurses1 corporations by charters1 and   
legislators by constitutions4           
,embargoes1 tariffs1 quarantine1 and all
 other laws1 keep men from doing  as    
they please4 ,restraints are the web of 
civilized society1 warp and  woof4 ,are 
they slavery8 then civilized society is 
a mammoth slave--a  government of ,,law1
 the climax of slavery1 and its         
executive a king  among slaveholders4   

#ab4 ,involuntary or compulsory service4
 ,a juryman is empannelled  against his 
will1 and sit he must4 ,a sheriff orders
 his posse2  bystanders must turn in4   
,men are compelled to remove nuisances1 
pay  fines and taxes1 support their     
families1 and turn to the right as the  
law directs1 however much against their 
wills4 ,are they therefore  slaves8 ,to 
confound slavery with involuntary       
service is absurd4 ,slavery  is a       
condition4 ,the slave's feelings toward 
it1 are one thing2 the  condition       
itself1 the object of these feelings1 is
 another thing2 his  feelings cannot    
alter the nature of that condition4     
,whether he desire  or detest it1 the   
condition remains the same4 ,the slave's
  willingness to be a slave is no       
palliation of his master's guilt in     
holding him4 ,suppose the slave verily  
thinks himself a chattel1 and  consents 
that others may so regard him1 does that
 make him a chattel1  or make those     
guiltless who hold him as such8 ,i may  

be sick of life1  and ,i tell the       
assassin so that stabs me2 is he any the
 less a murderer  because ,i consent to 
be made a corpse8 ,does my partnership  
in his  guilt blot out his part of it8  
,if the slave were willing to be a      
slave1  his voluntariness1 so far from  
lessening the guilt of the owner1       
aggravates it4 ,if slavery has so       
palsied his mind and he looks upon      
himself as a chattel1 and consents to be
 one1 actually to hold him as  such1    
falls in with his delusion1 and confirms
 the impious falsehood4  ,these very    
feelings and convictions of the slave1  
7if such were  possible7 increase a     
hundred fold the guilt of the master in 
holding him  as property1 and call upon 
him in thunder1 immediately to recognize
 him  as a ,,man1 and thus break the    
sorcery that binds his soul1 cheating it
 of  its birth-right1 and the           
consciousness of its worth and destiny4 
,many of the foregoing conditions and   
relations are appendages of  slavery1   

and some of them inseparable from it4   
,but no one1 nor all of  them together1 
constitute its intrinsic unchanging     
element4    ,we proceed to state        
affirmatively that1    ,,enslaving ,,men
 ,,is ,,reducing ,,them ,,to ,,articles 
,,of ,,property1 making free  agents    
chattels1 converting persons into       
things1 sinking  intelligence1          
accountability1 immortality1 into       
merchandise4 ,a slave  is one held in   
this condition4 ,he is a mere tool for  
another's use and  benefit4 ,in law he  
owns nothing1 and can acquire nothing4  
,his right  to himself is abrogated4 ,he
 is another's property4 ,if he say my   
hands1 my feet1 my body1 my mind1       
,,myself2 they are figures of  speech4  
,to use himself for his own good is a   
,,crime4 ,to keep what he  earns is     
stealing4 ,to take his body into his own
 keeping is  insurrection4 ,in a word1  
the profit of his master is the ,,end of
 his  being1 and he1 a mere means to    
that end1 a mere means to an end into   

which his interests do not enter1 of    
which they constitute no  portion,a4    
,,man sunk to a thing6 the intrinsic    
element1 the  principle of slavery2     
,,men sold1 bartered1 leased1 mortgaged1
  bequeathed1 invoiced1 shipped in      
cargoes1 stored as goods1 taken on      
executions1 and knocked off at public   
outcry6 ,their rights another's         
conveniences1 their interests1 wares on 
sale1 their happiness1 a  household     
utensil2 their personal inalienable     
ownership1 a serviceable  article1 or   
plaything1 as best suits the humor of   
the hour2 their  deathless nature1      
conscience1 social affections1          
sympathies1 hopes1  marketable          
commodities6 ,we repeat it1 the         
reduction of persons to  things2 not    
robbing a man of privileges1 but of     
himself2 not loading  with burdens1 but 
making him a beast of burden2 not       
restraining  liberty1 but subverting it2
 not curtailing rights1 but abolishing  
them2  not inflicting personal cruelty1 

but annihilating personality2 not       
exacting involuntary labor1 but sinking 
him into an implement of  labor2 not    
abridging his human comforts1 but       
abrogating his human  nature2 not       
depriving an animal of immunities1 but  
despoiling a  rational being of         
attributes1 uncreating a ,,man to make  
room for a  thing6    ,footnote ,a3     
,whatever system sinks man from an ,,end
 to a means1 or in  other words1        
whatever transforms him from an object  
of instrumentality  into a mere         
instrumentality to an object1 just so   
far makes him a  slave4 ,hence ,west    
,india apprenticeship retains in one    
particular the  cardinal principle of   
slavery4 ,the apprentice1 during        
three-fourths of  his time1 is still    
forced to labor1 and robbed of his      
earnings2 just so  far forth he is a    
mere means1 a slave4 ,true1 in all other
 respects  slavery is abolished in the  
,british ,west ,indies4 ,its bloodiest  
features  are blotted out--but the      

meanest and most despicable of          
all--forcing the  poor to work for the  
rich without pay three-fourths of their 
time1 with  a legal officer to flog them
 if they demur at the outrage1 is one of
 the  provisions of the ,emancipation   
,act6 ,for the glories of that luminary1
  abolitionists thank ,god1 while they  
mourn that it rose behind clouds1  and  
shines through an eclipse4    ,that this
 is ,american slavery1 is shown by the  
laws of slave states4  ,judge ,stroud1  
in his ,sketch of the ,laws relating to 
,slavery1 says1  ,the cardinal principle
 of slavery1 that the slave is not to be
 ranked  among sentient beings1 but     
among things--is an article of property1
 a  chattel personal1 obtains as        
undoubted law in all of these states1   
7the  slave states47 ,the law of ,south 
,carolina thus lays down the principle1 
,slaves shall be deemed1 held1 taken1   
reputed1 and adjudged in law to be      
chattels personal in the hands of their 
owners and possessors1 and  their       

executors1 administrators1 and assigns1 
to ,,all ,,intents1  ,,constructions1   
,,and ,,purposes ,,whatsoever4          
,brevard's ,digest1 #bbi4 ,in           
,louisiana1 a slave is one who is in the
 power of a master to whom he  belongs2 
the master may sell him1 dispose of his 
person1 his  industry1 and his labor2 he
 can do nothing1 possess nothing1 nor   
acquire any thing1 but what must belong 
to his master4 ,civil ,code of          
,louisiana1 ,art4 #ce4    ,this is      
,american slavery4 ,the eternal         
distinction between a person and a      
thing1 trampled under foot--the crowning
 distinction of all  others--their      
centre and circumference--the source1   
the test1 and the  measure of their     
value--the rational1 immortal principle1
 embalmed by  ,god in everlasting       
remembrance1 consecrated to universal   
homage in a  baptism of glory and honor1
 by the gift of ,his ,son1 ,his ,spirit1
 ,his  ,word1 ,his presence1 providence1
 and power2 ,his protecting shield1     

upholding staff1 and sheltering wing2   
,his opening heavens1 and angels        
ministering1 and chariots of fire1 and  
songs of morning stars1 and a  great    
voice in heaven1 proclaiming eternal    
sanctions1 and confirming the  word with
 signs following4    ,having stated the 
principle of ,american slavery1 we ask1 
,,does ,,the  ,,bible ,,sanction ,,such 
,a ,,principle8,a,a8 ,to the law and the
  testimony4 ,first1 the moral law1 or  
the ten commandments4 ,just after  the  
,israelites were emancipated from their 
bondage in ,egypt1 while they  stood    
before ,sinai to receive the law1 as the
 trumpet waxed louder1 and  the mount   
quaked and blazed1 ,god spake the ten   
commandments from the  midst of clouds  
and thunderings4 ,two of those          
commandments deal death  to slavery4    
,look at the eighth1 ,thou shall not    
steal1 or1 thou shalt  not take from    
another what belongs to him4 ,all man's 
powers of body and  mind are ,god's gift
 to him4 ,that they are his own1 and    

that he has a  right to them1 is proved 
from the fact that ,god has given them  
to him  alone1 that each of them is a   
part of himself1 and all of them        
together constitute himself4 ,all else  
that belongs to man is  acquired by the 
use of these powers4 ,the interest      
belongs to him1  because the principal  
does--the product is his1 because he is 
the  producer4 ,ownership of any thing  
is ownership of its use4 ,the right  to 
use according to will1 is itself        
ownership4 ,the eighth commandment      
presupposes and assumes the right of    
every man to his powers1 and their      
product4 ,slavery robs of both4 ,a man's
 right to himself is the only  right    
absolutely original and intrinsic--his  
right to whatever else that  belongs to 
him is merely relative to his right to  
himself--is derived  from it1 and held  
only by virtue of it4 ,,self-,,right is 
the foundation  right--the post in the  
middle1 to which all other rights are   
fastened4 ,slaveholders1 the world over1

 when talking about their ,,right  to   
their slaves1 always assume their own   
right to themselves4 ,what  slaveholder 
ever undertook to prove his own right to
 himself8 ,he knows  it to be a         
self-evident proposition1 that a man    
belongs to  himself--that the right is  
intrinsic and absolute4 ,the            
slaveholder1 in  making out his own     
title to himself1 makes out the title of
 every human  being to himself4 ,as the 
fact of being a man is itself the title1
  the whole human family have one common
 title deed4 ,if one man's title  is    
valid1 all are valid4 ,if one is        
worthless1 all are4 ,to deny the        
validity of the slave's title is to deny
 the validity of his own2  and yet in   
the act of making him a slave1 the      
slaveholder asserts the  validity of his
 own title1 while he seizes him as his  
property who has  the same title4       
,further1 in making him a slave1 he does
 not merely  unhumanize one individual1 
but ,,universal ,,man4 ,he destroys the 

foundations4 ,he annihilates all rights4
 ,he attacks not only the human  race1  
but universal being1 and rushes upon    
,,jehovah4--,for rights are  rights2    
,god's are no more--man's are no less4  
,footnote ,a3 ,the ,bible record of     
actions is no comment on their moral    
character4 ,it vouches for them as      
facts1 not as virtues4 ,it records      
without rebuke1 ,noah's drunkenness1    
,lot's incest1 and the lies of ,jacob   
and his mother--not only single acts1   
but usages1 such as polygamy and        
concubinage1 are entered on the record  
without censure4 ,is that silent  entry 
,god's endorsement8 ,because the ,bible1
 in its catalogue of human  actions1    
does not stamp on every crime its name  
and number1 and write  against it1 this 
is a crime--does that wash out its      
guilt1 and bleach  it into a virtue8    
,the eighth commandment forbids the     
taking of any part of that which        
belongs to another4 ,slavery takes the  
whole4 ,does the same ,bible which      

forbids the taking of any thing         
belonging to him1 sanction the taking   
of every thing8 ,is it such a medley of 
absurdities as to thunder wrath  against
 him who robs his neighbor of a cent1   
while it bids ,god speed  to him who    
robs his neighbor of himself8 ,slavery  
is the highest  possible violation of   
the eighth commandment4 ,to take from a 
man his  earnings1 is theft4 ,but to    
take the earner1 is compound1           
superlative1  perpetual theft4 ,it is to
 be a thief by profession4 ,it is a     
trade1 a  life of robbery1 that vaults  
through all the gradations of the climax
 at  a leap--the dread1 terrific1 giant 
robbery1 that towers among other        
robberies1 a solitary horror1 monarch of
 the realm4 ,the eighth  commandment    
forbids the taking away1 and the tenth  
adds1 ,thou shalt  not ,,covet any thing
 that is thy neighbor's2 thus guarding  
every man's  right to himself and his   
property1 by making not only the actual 
taking  away a sin1 but even that state 

of mind which would tempt to it4 ,who   
ever made human beings slaves1 or held  
them as slaves without coveting  them8  
,why do they take from them their time1 
their labor1 their liberty1  their right
 of self-preservation and improvement1  
their right to acquire  property1 to    
worship according to conscience1 to     
search the ,scriptures1  to live with   
their families1 and their right to their
 own bodies8 ,why do  they take them1 if
 they do not desire them8 ,they ,,covet 
them for  purposes of gain1 convenience1
 lust of dominion1 of sensual           
gratification1 of pride and ostentation4
 ,they break the tenth  commandment1 and
 pluck down upon their heads the plagues
 that are  written in the book4 ,ten    
commandments constitute the brief       
compend of  human duty4 ,two of these   
brand slavery as sin4        ,the giving
 of the law at ,sinai1 immediately      
preceded the promulgation of  that body 
of laws and institutions1 called the    
,mosaic system4 ,over the  gateway of   

that system1 fearful words were written 
by the finger of  ,god--,,he ,,that     
,,stealeth ,a ,,man ,,and ,,selleth     
,,him1 ,,or ,,if ,,he ,,be ,,found ,,in 
,,his  ,,hand1 ,,he ,,shall ,,surely    
,,be ,,put ,,to ,,death4 ,see ,exodus1  
xxi4 #af4    ,the oppression of the     
,israelites in ,egypt1 and the wonders  
wrought for  their deliverance1 proclaim
 the reason for such a law at such a    
time--when the body politic became a    
theocracy1 and reverently waited  for   
the will of ,god4 ,they had just been   
emancipated4 ,the tragedies of  their   
house of bondage were the realities of  
yesterday1 and peopled  their memories  
with thronging horrors4 ,they had just  
witnessed ,god's  testimony against     
oppression in the plagues of ,egypt--the
 burning blains  on man and beast--the  
dust quickened into loathsome life1 and 
cleaving  in swarms to every living     
thing--the streets1 the palaces1 the    
temples1  and every house heaped up with
 the carcasses of things abhorred--even 

the kneading troughs and ovens1 the     
secret chambers and the couches1        
reeking and dissolving with the putrid  
death--the pestilence walking in        
darkness at noonday1 the devouring      
locusts and hail mingled with fire1  the
 first-born death-struck1 and the waters
 blood1 and1 last of all1  that dread   
high hand and stretched out arm1 that   
whelmed the monarch and  his hosts1 and 
strewed their corpses in the sea4 ,all  
this their eyes had  looked             
upon1--earth's proudest city1 wasted and
 thunder-scarred1 lying  in desolation1 
and the doom of oppressors traced on her
 ruins in the  hand writing of ,god1    
glaring in letters of fire mingled with 
blood--a  blackened monument of wrath to
 the uttermost against the stealers of  
men4    ,no wonder that ,god1 in a code 
of laws prepared for such a people at   
such  a time1 should light up on its    
threshold a blazing beacon to flash     
terror on slaveholders4 ,he that        
stealeth a man and selleth him1 or if   

he be found in his hand1 he shall be    
surely put to death4 ,ex4 xxii4  #af4   
,god's cherubim and flaming sword       
guarding the entrance to the ,mosaic    
system6 ,see also ,deut4 xxiv4 #g;,a4   
,footnote ,a3 ,jarchi1 the most eminent 
of the ,jewish writers1 7if we  except  
perhaps the ,egyptian ,maimonides17 who 
wrote seven hundred years  ago1 in his  
comment on this stealing and making     
merchandize of men1  gives the meaning  
thus3--,using a man against his will1 as
 a servant  lawfully purchased2 yea     
though he should use his services ever  
so  little1 only to the value of a      
farthing1 or use but his arm to lean on 
to support him1 if he be forced so to   
act as a servant1 the person  compelling
 him but once to do so shall die as a   
thief1 whether he has  sold him or not4 
,the ,hebrew word1 ,gaunab1 here        
rendered stealeth1 means the taking     
from another what belongs to him1       
whether it be by violence or fraud2  the
 same word is used in the eighth        

commandment1 and prohibits both  robbery
 and theft4    ,the crime specified is  
that of depriving ,,somebody of the     
ownership of  a man4 ,is this somebody a
 master8 and is the crime that of       
depriving a  master of his servant8     
,then it would have been he that        
stealeth a  servant1 not he that        
stealeth a man4 ,if the crime had been  
the  taking of an individual from       
another1 then the term used would have  
been expressive of that relation1 and   
most especially if it was the  relation 
of property and proprietor6    ,the     
crime1 as stated in the passage1 is     
three-fold--man stealing1  selling and  
holding4 ,all are put on a level1 and   
whelmed under one  penalty--,,death4    
,this somebody deprived of the ownership
 of man1 is the  man himself1 robbed of 
personal ownership4 ,joseph said to the 
servants  of ,pharoah1 ,indeed ,i was   
stolen away out of the land of the      
,hebrews4  ,gen4 xl4 #ae4 ,how stolen8  
,his brethren took him and sold him as  

an  article of merchandize4 ,contrast   
this penalty for man-stealing with  that
 for property-stealing4 ,exod4 xxii4 ,if
 a man stole an ox and  killed or sold  
it1 he was to restore five oxen2 if he  
had neither sold  nor killed it1 the    
penalty was two oxen4 ,the selling or   
the killing  being virtually a          
deliberate repetition of the crime1 the 
penalty was  more than doubled4    ,but 
in the case of stealing a man1 the first
 act drew down the utmost  power of     
punishment2 however often repeated1 or  
however aggravated the  crime1 human    
penalty could do no more4 ,the fact that
 the penalty for  man-stealing was      
death1 and the penalty for              
property-stealing1 the  mere restoration
 of double1 shows that the two cases    
were adjudicated  on totally different  
principles4 ,the man stolen might be    
past labor1 and  his support a burden1  
yet death was the penalty1 though not a 
cent's  worth of property value was     
taken4 ,the penalty for stealing        

property  was a mere property penalty4  
,however large the amount stolen1 the   
payment of double wiped out the score4  
,it might have a greater money  value   
than a thousand men1 yet death was never
 the penalty1 nor  maiming1 nor         
branding1 nor even stripes4 ,whatever   
the kind1 or the  amount stolen1 the    
unvarying penalty was double of the same
 kind4 ,why  was not the rule uniform8  
,when a man was stolen why not require  
the  thief to restore double of the same
 kind--two men1 or if he had sold  him1 
five men8 ,do you say that the man-thief
 might not have them8 ,so  the ox-thief 
might not have two oxen1 or if he had   
killed it1  five4 ,but if ,god permitted
 men to hold men as property1 equally   
with  oxen1 the man-thief could get men 
with whom to pay the penalty1 as  well  
as the ox-thief1 oxen4    ,further1 when
 property was stolen1 the whole of the  
legal penalty was  a compensation to the
 person injured4 ,but when a man was    
stolen1 no  property compensation was   

offered4 ,to tender money as an         
equivalent1  would have been to repeat  
the outrage with the intolerable        
aggravations  of supreme insult and     
impiety4 ,compute the value of a ,,man  
in money6  ,throw dust into the scale   
against immortality6 ,the law recoiled  
from  such outrage and blasphemy4 ,to   
have permitted the man-thief to expiate 
his crime by restoring double1 would    
have been making the repetition of      
crime its atonement4 ,but the infliction
 of death for man-stealing  exacted from
 the guilty wretch the utmost           
possibility of reparation4 ,it  wrung   
from him1 as he gave up the ghost1 a    
testimony in blood1 and death  groans1  
to the infinite dignity and worth of    
man1--a proclamation to the  universe1  
voiced in mortal agony1 that ,,man ,,is 
,,inviolable1--a confession  shrieked in
 phrenzy at the grave's mouth--,i die   
accursed1 and ,god is  just4    ,if ,god
 permitted man to hold man as property1 
why did ,he punish for  stealing that   

kind of property infinitely more than   
for stealing any  other kind of         
property8 ,why did he punish with death 
for stealing a  very little1 perhaps not
 a sixpence worth1 of that sort of      
property1  and make a mere fine1 the    
penalty for stealing a thousand times as
  much1 of any other sort of            
property--especially if ,god did by his 
own  act annihilate the difference      
between man and property1 by putting him
  on a level with it8    ,the           
atrociousness of a crime1 depends       
greatly upon the nature1  character1 and
 condition of the victim4 ,to steal is a
 crime1 whoever the  thief1 or whatever 
the plunder4 ,to steal bread from a full
 man1 is  theft2 to steal it from a     
starving man1 is both theft and murder4 
,if ,i  steal my neighbor's property1   
the crime consists not in the nature  of
 the article1 but in shifting its       
external relation from him to  me4 ,but 
when ,i take my neighbor himself1 and   
first make him  property1 and then my   

property1 the latter act1 which was the 
sole  crime in the former case1 dwindles
 to a mere appendage4 ,the sin in       
stealing a man does not consist in      
transferring1 from its owner to         
another1 that which is already property1
 but in turning personality  into       
property4 ,true1 the attributes of man  
still remain1 but the  rights and       
immunities which grow out of them are   
annihilated4 ,it is  the first law of   
reason and revelation to regard things  
and beings as  they are2 and the sum of 
religion1 to feel and act toward them   
according  to their nature and value4   
,knowingly to treat them otherwise1 is  
sin2  and the degree of violence done to
 their nature1 relations1 and value1    
measures its guilt4 ,when things are    
sundered which ,god has indissolubly    
joined1 or confounded in one1 which he  
has separated by infinite  extremes2    
when sacred and eternal distinctions1   
which he has garnished  with glory1 are 
derided and set at nought1 then1 if     

ever1 sin reddens  in its scarlet dye4  
,the sin specified in the passage1 is   
that of doing  violence to the nature of
 a man--his intrinsic value and         
relations  as a rational being1 and     
blotting out the exalted distinction    
stamped  upon him by his ,maker4 ,in the
 verse preceding1 and in that which     
follows1 the same principle is laid     
down4 ,verse #ae1 ,he then smiteth  his 
father or his mother shall surely be put
 to death4 ,verse #ag1 ,he  that curseth
 his father or his mother1 shall surely 
be put to death4  ,if a ,jew smote his  
neighbor1 the law merely smote him in   
return4 ,but if  that same blow were    
given to a parent1 the law struck the   
smiter  dead4 ,why this difference in   
the punishment of the same act1         
inflicted  on different persons8        
,answer--,god guards the parental       
relation with  peculiar care4 ,it is the
 centre of human relations4 ,to violate 
that1  is to violate all4 ,whoever      
trampled on that1 showed that no        

relation  had any sacredness in his     
eyes--that he was unfit to move among   
human  relations who had violated one so
 sacred and tender4--,therefore1 the    
,mosaic law uplifted his bleeding       
corpse1 and brandished the ghastly      
terror around the parental relation to  
guard it from impious inroads4    ,but  
why the difference in the penalty since 
the act was the same8 ,the  sin had     
divers aggravations4    #a4 ,the        
relation violated was obvious--the      
distinction between parents  and others1
 manifest1 dictated by natural          
affection--a law of the  constitution4  
#b4 ,the act was violence to nature--a  
suicide on constitutional               
susceptibilities4    #c4 ,the parental  
relation then1 as now1 was the centre of
 the social  system1 and required       
powerful safe-guards4 ,honor thy father 
and thy  mother1 stands at the head of  
those commands which prescribe the      
duties of man to man2 and1 throughout   
the ,bible1 the parental relation  is   

,god's favorite illustration1 of his own
 relations to the whole family  of man4 
,in this case1 death is inflicted not at
 all for the act of  smiting1 nor for   
smiting a man1 but a parent--for        
violating a  vital and sacred           
relation--a distinction cherished by    
,god1 and around  which1 both in the    
moral and ceremonial law1 ,he threw up a
 bulwark of  defence4 ,in the next      
verse1 ,he that stealeth a man1 c41 the 
,,same  ,,principle is wrought out in   
still stronger relief4 ,the crime here  
punished with death1 is not the mere act
 of taking property from its  owner1 but
 the disregarding of fundamental        
relations1 doing violence  to an        
immortal nature1 making war on a sacred 
distinction of  priceless worth4 ,that  
distinction which is cast headlong by   
the  principle of ,american slavery2    
which makes ,,men chattels4    ,the     
incessant pains-taking throughout the   
old ,testament1 in the  separation of   
human beings from brutes and things1    

shows ,god's regard  for the sacredness 
of his own distinction4    ,in the      
beginning the ,lord uttered it in       
heaven1 and proclaimed it to  the       
universe as it rose into being4 ,he     
arrayed creation at the instant  of its 
birth1 to do it reverent homage4 ,it    
paused in adoration while ,he  ushered  
forth its crowning work4 ,why that dread
 pause1 and that creating  arm held back
 in mid career1 and that high conference
 in the godhead8  ,let us make man in   
,,our ,,image1 after ,,our ,,likeness1  
,,and ,,let ,,him ,,have  ,,dominion    
over the fish of the sea1 and over the  
fowl of the air1 and  over the cattle1  
and over all the earth1 and over every  
living thing  that moveth upon the      
earth4    ,then while every living      
thing1 with land1 and sea1 and          
firmament1 and  marshalled worlds1      
waited to catch and swell the shout of  
morning  stars--,,then ,,god ,,created  
,,man ,,in ,,his ,,own ,,image4 ,,in    
,,the ,,image ,,of ,,god  ,,created ,,he

 ,,him4 ,this solves the problem1 ,,in  
,,the ,,image ,,of ,,god ,,created ,,he 
,,him4 ,well might the sons of ,god cry 
all together1 ,amen1  alleluia--,thou   
art worthy1 ,o ,lord1 to receive        
blessing and  honor--,for thou hast made
 him a little lower than the angels1 and
 hast  crowned him with glory and honor4
 ,thou madest him to have dominion over 
the works of thy hands2 thou hast put   
all things under his feet4 ,o ,lord1    
our ,lord1 how excellent is thy name in 
all the earth4 ,psalms viii4 #e1  #f1   
#i4 ,the frequent and solemn repetition 
of this distinction by ,god  proclaims  
his infinite regard4 ,the #bfth1 #bgth1 
and #bhth verses of the  #ast chapter of
 ,genesis are little else than the      
repetition of it in  various forms4 ,in 
the #eth chapter1 #ast verse1 we find it
 again--,in the  day that ,god created  
man1 ,,in ,,the ,,likeness of ,,god     
,,made ,,he ,,man4 ,in the  #ith        
chapter1 #fth verse1 we find it again4  
,after giving license to shed  the blood

 of every moving thing that liveth1 it  
is added1 ,whoso  sheddeth man's blood1 
by man shall his blood be shed1 for ,,in
 ,,the ,,image  ,,of ,,god ,,made ,,he  
,,man4 ,as though he had said1 ,all     
these other creatures  are your         
property1 designed for your use--they   
have the likeness of  earth1 they perish
 with the using1 and their spirits go   
downward2 but  this other being1 ,,man1 
has my own likeness2 ,,in ,,the ,,image 
,,of ,,god made ,i  man2 an intelligent1
 moral1 immortal agent1 invited to all  
that ,i can  give and he can be4 ,so in 
,levit4 xxiv4 #ag1 #ah1 ,he that killeth
 any  ,,man shall surely be put to      
death2 and he1 that killeth a beast     
shall  make it good1 beast for beast2   
and he that killeth a ,,man shall be put
  to death4 ,so in the passage quoted   
above1 ,ps4 viii4 #e1 #f4 ,what an      
enumeration of particulars1 each        
separating infinitely1 ,,men from brutes
  and things6    #a4 ,thou hast made him
 a little lower than the angels4        

,slavery drags  him down among brutes4  
#b4 ,and hast crowned him with glory and
 honor4 ,slavery tears off his  crown1  
and puts on a yoke4    #c4 ,thou madest 
him to have dominion ,,over the works of
 thy hands4  ,slavery breaks his        
sceptre1 and casts him down among those 
works--yea1  beneath them4    #d4 ,thou 
hast put all things under his feet4     
,slavery puts ,,him under  the feet of  
an owner1 with beasts and creeping      
things4 ,who1 but an  impious scorner1  
dare thus strive with his ,maker1 and   
mutilate ,,his  ,,image1 and blaspheme  
the ,holy ,one1 who saith to those that 
grind his  poor1 ,inasmuch as ye did it 
unto one of the least of these1 ye did  
it  unto me4    ,but time would fail us 
to detail the instances in which this   
distinction  is most impressively marked
 in the ,bible4    ,in further          
prosecuting this inquiry1 the           
,patriarchal and ,mosaic systems  will  
be considered together1 as each reflects
 light upon the other1 and  as many     

regulations of the latter are mere legal
 forms of ,divine  institutions         
previously existing4 ,as a system1      
however1 the latter  alone is of ,divine
 authority4 ,whatever were the usages of
 the  patriarchs1 ,god has not made them
 our examplars,a4    ,footnote ,a3      
,those who insist that the patriarchs   
held slaves1 and sit  with such delight 
under their shadow1 hymning the praises 
of those good  old patriarchs and       
slaveholders1 might at small cost       
greatly augment  their numbers4 ,a      
single stanza celebrating patriarchal   
concubinage1  winding off with a chorus 
in honor of patriarchal drunkenness1    
would  be a trumpet call1 summoning from
 bush and brake1 highway and hedge1 and 
sheltering fence1 a brotherhood of      
kindred affinities1 each claiming       
,abraham or ,noah as his patron saint1  
and shouting1 ,my name is legion4  ,what
 a myriad choir1 and thunderous song6   
,before entering upon an analysis of the
 condition of servants under  these two 

states of society1 let us settle the    
import of certain terms  which describe 
the mode of procuring them4             
,,import ,,of ,,the ,,word ,,buy1 ,,and 
,,the ,,phrase ,,bought ,,with ,,money4 
,from the direction to the ,israelites  
to buy their servants1 and from  the    
phrase bought with money1 applied to    
,abraham's servants1 it is  argued that 
they were articles of property4 ,the    
sole ground for this  belief is the     
terms buy and bought with money1 and    
such an import  to these terms when     
applied to servants is assumed1 not only
 in the  absence of all proof1 but in   
the face of evidence to the contrary4   
,how  much might be saved1 if in        
discussion1 the thing to be proved was  
always  assumed4 ,to beg the question in
 debate1 what economy of midnight  oil6 
what a forestaller of premature         
wrinkles1 and grey hairs6 ,instead  of  
protracted investigation into ,scripture
 usage1 and painful collating  of       
passages1 and cautiously tracing minute 

relations1 to find the  meaning of      
,scripture terms1 let every man boldly  
resolve to interpret  the language of   
the oldest book in the world1 by the    
usages of his own  time and place1 and  
the work is done4 ,and then what a march
 of mind6  ,instead of one revelation1  
they might be multiplied as the drops of
  the morning6 ,every man might take    
orders as an inspired interpreter1  with
 an infallible clue to the mind of the  
,spirit1 if he only understood  the     
dialect of his own neighborhood6 ,we    
repeat it1 the only ground of  proof    
that these terms are to be interpreted  
to mean1 when applied to  servants in   
the ,bible1 the same that they mean when
 applied to our  slaves1 is the terms   
themselves4    ,what a ,babel-jargon it 
would make of the ,bible to take it for 
granted  that the sense in which words  
are now used is the inspired sense4     
,david says1 ,i prevented the dawning of
 the morning1 and cried4 ,what a        
miracle-worker1 to stop the earth in its

 revolution6 ,rather too fast4  ,two    
hundred years ago1 prevent was used in  
the strict ,latin sense to  come before1
 or anticipate4 ,it is always used in   
this sense in the  ,old and ,new        
,testaments4 ,david's expression1 in the
 ,english of the  nineteenth century1   
is1 ,before the dawning of the morning  
,i cried1 or1  ,i began to cry before   
day-break4 ,so my prayer shall prevent  
thee4  ,let us prevent his face with    
thanksgiving4 ,mine eyes prevent the    
night watches4 ,we shall not prevent    
them that are asleep1 c4 ,in  almost    
every chapter of the ,bible1 words are  
used in a sense now nearly  or quite    
obsolete1 and sometimes in a sense      
totally opposite to their  present      
meaning4 ,a few examples follow3        
,oftentimes ,i purposed to come  to you1
 but was let 7hindered7 hitherto4 ,and  
the four beasts  7living ones7 fell down
 and worshipped ,god1--,whosoever shall 
offend  7cause to sin7 one of these     
little ones1--,go out into the high ways

 and  compel 7urge7 them to come        
in1--,only let your conversation        
7habitual conduct or course of life7 be 
as becometh the ,gospel1--,they  that   
seek me early 7earnestly7 shall find    
me1--,give me by and by  7now7 in a     
charger1 the head of ,john the          
,baptist1--,so when tribulation  or     
persecution ariseth by-and-by           
7immediately7 they are offended4        
,nothing is more mutable than language4 
,words1 like bodies1 are  continually   
throwing off particles and absorbing    
others4 ,so long as they  are mere      
representatives1 elected by the whims of
 universal suffrage1  their meaning will
 be a perfect volatile1 and to cork it  
up for the next  century is an          
employment sufficiently silly1 7to speak
 within bounds17  for a modern ,bible   
dictionary maker4 ,there never was a    
shallower conceit  than that of         
establishing the sense attached to a    
word centuries ago1 by  showing what it 
means now4 ,pity that hyper-fashionable 

mantuamakers  and milliners were not a  
little quicker at taking hints from some
 of our  ,doctors of ,divinity4 ,how    
easily they could save their pious      
customers  all qualms of conscience     
about the weekly shiftings of fashion1  
by  demonstrating that the last         
importation of ,parisian indecency1 just
 now  flaunting here on promenade1 was  
the identical style of dress in which   
the pious ,sarah kneaded cakes for the  
angels1 the modest ,rebecca drew  water 
for the camels of ,abraham's servants4  
,since such fashions are rife  in       
,chestnut-street and ,broadway now1 they
 must have been in ,canaan  and         
,pandanaram four thousand years ago6    
,,ii4 #a4 ,the inference that the word  
buy1 used to describe the procuring  of 
servants1 means procuring them as       
chattels1 seems based upon the          
fallacy--that whatever costs money is   
money2 that whatever or  whoever you pay
 money for1 is an article of property1  
and the fact of  your paying for it     

proves that it is property4 ,the        
children of ,israel  were required to   
purchase their first-born out from under
 the  obligations of the priesthood1    
,numb4 xviii4 #ae1 #af2 ,exod4 xxxiv4   
#bj4  ,this custom is kept up to this   
day among the ,jews1 and the word buy is
  still used to describe the            
transaction4 ,does this prove that their
  first-born were1 or are1 held as      
property8 ,they were bought as really   
as were servants4 ,so the ,israelites   
were required to pay money for  their   
own souls4 ,this is called sometimes a  
ransom1 sometimes an  atonement4 ,were  
their souls therefore marketable        
commodities8    #b4 ,bible saints bought
 their wives4 ,boaz bought ,ruth4 ,so   
,ruth the  ,moabitess1 the wife of      
,mahlon1 have ,i purchased to be my     
wife4 ,ruth  iv4 #aj4 ,hosea bought his 
wife4 ,so ,i bought her to me for       
fifteen  pieces of silver1 and for an   
homer of barley1 and an half homer of   
barley4 ,hosea iii4 #b4 ,jacob bought   

his wives ,rachel and ,leah1 and not    
having money1 paid for them in          
labor--seven years a piece4 ,gen4 xxix4 
#ae-bi4 ,moses probably bought his wife 
in the same way1 and paid for her  by   
his labor1 as the servant of her father4
 ,exod4 ii4 #ba4 ,shechem1 when         
negotiating with ,jacob and his sons for
 ,dinah1 says1 ,what ye shall say  unto 
me1 ,i will give4 ,ask me never so much 
dowry and gift1 and ,i will  give       
according as ye shall say unto me4 ,gen4
 xxxiv4 #aa1 #ab4 ,david  purchased     
,michal1 ,saul's daughter1 and ,othniel1
 ,achsab1 the daughter of  ,caleb1 by   
performing perilous services for the    
benefit of their  fathers-in-law4 #a    
,sam4 xviii4 #be-bg2 ,judges i4 #ab1    
#ac4 ,that the purchase  of wives1      
either with money or by service was the 
general practice1 is  plain from such   
passages as ,exod4 xxii4 #ag1 and #a    
,sam4 xviii4 #be4 ,among  the ,jews of  
the present day this usage exists1      
though it is now a mere  form1 there    

being no real purchase4 ,yet among their
 marriage  ceremonies1 is one called    
marrying by the penny4 ,the             
coincidences1 not  only in the methods  
of procuring wives and servants1 and in 
the terms  employed in describing the   
transactions1 but in the prices paid for
  each1 are worthy of notice4 ,the      
highest price of wives 7virgins7 and    
servants was the same4 ,compare ,deut4  
xxii4 #bh1 #bi1 and ,exod4 xxii4 #ag1   
with ,lev4 xxvii4 #b-h4 ,the medium     
price of wives and servants was the     
same4 ,compare ,hosea iii4 #b1 with     
,exod4 xxi4 #b4 ,hosea appears to have  
paid one half in money and the other in 
grain4 ,further1 the ,israelitish       
female bought-servants were wives1 their
 husbands and their masters  being the  
same persons4 ,exod4 xxi4 #h1 and       
,judges xix4 #c1 #bg4 ,if buying        
servants among the ,jews shows that they
 were property1 then buying  wives shows
 that they were property4 ,the words in 
the original used  to describe the one1 

describe the other4 ,why not contend    
that the wives  of the ancient fathers  
of the faithful were their chattels1 and
 used as  ready change at a pinch8 ,and 
thence deduce the rights of modern      
husbands4 ,how far gone is the ,church  
from primitive purity6 ,how slow to     
emulate illustrious examples6 ,alas6    
,patriarchs and prophets are followed   
afar off6 ,when will pious husbands live
 up to their ,bible privileges1  and    
become partakers with ,old ,testament   
worthies in the blessedness of a        
husband's rightful immunities6 ,surely  
professors of religion now1 are  bound  
to buy and hold their wives as property6
 ,refusing so to do1 is  to question the
 morality of those good old wife-trading
 patriarchs1  ,abraham1 ,isaac1 and     
,jacob1 with the prophets1 and a host of
 whom the  world was not worthy4    ,the
 use of the word buy1 to describe the   
procuring of wives1 is not  peculiar to 
the ,hebrew4 ,in the ,syriac language1  
the common expression  for the married1 

or the espoused1 is the bought4 ,even so
 late as  the #afth century1 the common 
record of marriages in the old ,german  
,chronicles was ,a4 ,,bought ,b4    ,the
 ,hebrew word translated buy1 is1 like  
other words1 modified by the  nature of 
the subject to which it is applied4 ,eve
 says1 ,i have gotten  7bought7 a man of
 the ,lord4 ,she named him ,cain1 that  
is1 bought4 ,he  that heareth reproof1  
getteth 7buyeth7 understanding1 ,prov4  
xv4 #cb4 ,so  in ,isa4 xi4 #aa4 ,the    
,lord shall set his hand again to       
recover 7to buy7  the remnant of his    
people4 ,so ,ps4 lxxviii4 #ed4 ,he      
brought them to this  mountain which his
 right hand had purchased1 i4e4 gotten4 
,jer4 xiii4  #d4 ,take the girdle that  
thou hast got 7bought47 ,neh4 v4 #h4 ,we
 of our  ability have redeemed 7bought7 
our brethren that were sold to the      
heathen4 ,here bought is not applied to 
persons who were made  slaves1 but to   
those taken out of slavery4 ,prov4 #h4  
#bb4 ,the ,lord  possessed 7bought7 me  

in the beginning of his way before his  
works of  old4 ,prov4 xix4 #h4 ,he that 
getteth 7buyeth7 wisdom loveth his own  
soul4 ,prov4 xvi4 #af4 ,how much better 
is it to get 7buy7 wisdom than  gold8   
,finally1 to buy is a secondary meaning 
of the ,hebrew word  ,kana4    #d4 ,even
 at this day the word buy is used to    
describe the procuring of  servants1    
where slavery is abolished4 ,in the     
,british ,west ,indies1 where  slaves   
became apprentices in #ahcd1 they are   
still bought4 ,this is now  the current 
word in ,west ,india newspapers4 ,so a  
few years since in  ,new-,york1         
,connecticut1 ,pennsylvania1 and even   
now in ,new-,jersey servants  are bought
 as really as in ,virginia4 ,and the    
different senses in  which the same word
 is used in the two states1 puts no man 
in a  quandary1 whose common sense      
amounts to a modicum4    ,so under the  
system of legal indenture in ,illinois1 
servants now are  bought4,a ,a short    
time since1 hundreds of foreigners who  

came to  this country were bought       
annually4 ,by voluntary contract they   
engaged  to work for their purchasers a 
given time to pay for their passage4    
,this  class of persons called          
redemptioners1 consisted at one time of 
thousands4 ,multitudes are bought out of
 slavery by themselves or  others1 and  
remove into free states4 ,under the same
 roof with the writer  is a servant     
bought with money4 ,a few weeks since1  
she was a slave4 ,as  soon as bought1   
she was a slave no longer4 ,alas6 for   
our leading  politicians if buying men  
makes them chattels4 ,the ,whigs say    
that  ,benton and ,rives were bought by 
the administration with the surplus     
revenue2 and the other party1 that ,clay
 and ,webster were bought by the  ,bank4
 ,the histories of the revolution tell  
us that ,benedict ,arnold was  bought by
 ,british gold4 ,did that make him an   
article of property8 ,when  a northern  
clergyman marries a rich southern widow1
 country gossip hits  off the indecency 

with this current phrase1 ,the cotton   
bags bought  him4 ,when ,robert ,walpole
 said1 ,every man has his price1 and    
whoever  will pay it can buy him1 and   
when ,john ,randolph said1 while the    
,missouri question was pending1 ,the    
northern delegation is in the  market2  
give me money enough1 and ,i can buy    
them1 they both meant  just what they   
said4 ,when the temperance publications 
tell us that  candidates for office buy 
men with whiskey2 and the oracles of    
street  tattle1 that the court1 district
 attorney1 and jury1 in the late trial  
of ,robinson were bought1 we have no    
floating visions of chattels  personal1 
man auctions1 or coffles4    ,footnote  
,a3 ,the following statute is now in    
force in the state of  ,illinois--,no   
negro1 mulatto1 or ,indian1 shall at any
 time purchase  any servant other than  
of their own complexion3 and if any of  
the  persons aforesaid shall presume to 
purchase a white servant1 such  servant 
shall immediately become free1 and shall

 be so held1 deemed1 and  taken4    ,the
 transaction between ,joseph and the    
,egyptians gives a clue to the  meaning 
attached to buy and bought with money4  
,see ,gen4 xlvii4  #ah-bf4 ,the         
,egyptians proposed to ,joseph to become
 servants1 and that he  should buy them4
 ,when the bargain was closed1 ,joseph  
said1 ,behold ,i  have bought you this  
day1 and yet it is plain that neither of
 the  parties dreamed that the persons  
bought were in any sense articles of    
property1 but merely that they became   
thereby obligated to labor for the      
government on certain conditions1 as a  
compensation for the entire  support of 
themselves and families during the      
famine4 ,and that the idea  attached to 
buy us1 and behold ,i have bought you1  
was merely the  procuring of services   
voluntarily offered1 and secured by     
contract1 as a  return for value        
received1 and not at all that the       
,egyptians were  bereft of their        
personal ownership1 and made articles of

 property4 ,and  this buying of services
 7they were to give one-fifth part of   
their  crops to ,pharaoh7 is called in  
,scripture usage1 buying the persons4   
,this case deserves special notice1 as  
it is the only one where the whole      
transaction of buying servants is       
detailed--the preliminaries1 the        
process1 the mutual acquiescence1 and   
the permanent relation resulting        
therefrom4 ,in all other instances1 the 
mere fact is stated without  entering   
into particulars4 ,in this case1 the    
whole process is laid open4    #a4 ,the 
persons bought1 sold themselves1 and of 
their own accord4    #b4 ,obtaining     
permanently the services of persons1 or 
even a portion of  them1 is called      
buying those persons4 ,the objector1 at 
the outset1  assumes that servants were 
bought of third persons2 and thence     
infers  that they were articles of      
property4 ,this is sheer assumption4    
,not a  single instance is recorded1 of 
a servant being sold by any one but     

himself2 not a case1 either under the   
patriarchal1 or the ,mosaic  systems1 in
 which a master sold his servant4 ,that 
the servants who  were bought sold      
themselves1 is a fair inference from    
various  passages of ,scripture4    ,in 
,leviticus xxv4 #dg1 the case of the    
,israelite1 who became the servant  of  
the stranger1 the words are1 ,if he     
,,sell ,,himself unto the stranger4     
,the same word1 and the same form of the
 word1 which1 in the #dgth  verse1 is   
rendered sell himself1 is in the #cith  
verse of the same  chapter1 rendered be 
sold2 in ,deut4 xxviii4 #fh1 the same   
word is  rendered be sold4 ,here it is  
the ,hithpael conjugation1 which is     
reflexive in its force1 and1 like the   
middle voice in ,greek1 represents  what
 an individual does for himself2 or in  
his own concerns2 and should  manifestly
 have been rendered1 ye shall offer     
yourselves for sale4 ,for  a clue to    
,scripture usage on this point1 see #a  
,kings xxi4 #bj1 #be--,thou  hast sold  

thyself to work evil4 ,there was none   
like to ,ahab that  sold himself to work
 wickedness4--#b ,kings xvii4 #ag4 ,they
 used  divination and enchantments1 and 
sold themselves to do evil4--,isa4 l4   
#a4 ,for your iniquities have ye sold   
yourselves4 ,isa4 lii4 #c1 ,ye  have    
sold yourselves ,,for ,,nought1 and ye  
shall be redeemed without  money4 ,see  
also1 ,jeremiah xxxiv4 #ad--,romans vii4
 #ad1 and vi4 #af--;,john  viii4 #cd1   
and the case of ,joseph and the         
,egyptians1 already quoted4    ,again1  
if servants were bought of third        
persons1 where are the  instances8 ,in  
the purchase of wives1 though spoken of 
rarely1 it is  generally stated that    
they were bought of third persons4 ,is  
it not a  fair inference1 if servants   
were bought of third persons1 that there
  would sometimes have been such an     
intimation8        ,,ii4-,,the ,,leading
 ,,design ,,of ,,the ,,mosaic ,,laws    
,,relating ,,to ,,masters ,,and         
,,servants1 ,,with ,,an ,,enumeration   

,,of ,,the ,,rights ,,and ,,privileges  
,,secured ,,to  ,,servants4    ,the     
general object of those statutes1 which 
prescribed the relations of  master and 
servant1 was the good of both           
parties--but more especially  the good  
of the servants4 ,while the interests of
 the master were  specially guarded from
 injury1 those of the servants were     
promoted4    ,these laws were a merciful
 provision for the poorer classes1 both 
of the  ,israelites and ,strangers4 ,not
 laying on burdens1 but lightening      
them--they were a grant of privileges--a
 bestowment of favors4    #a4 ,no       
servant from the ,strangers1 could      
remain a servant in the family  of an   
,israelite1 without becoming a          
proselyte4 ,compliance with this        
condition was the price of the          
privilege4--,genesis xvii4 #i-ad1 #bc1  
#bg4    #b4 ,excommunication from the   
family was a ,,punishment4--,genesis    
xxi4  #ad-,luke xvi4 #b-d4    #c4 ,the  
fact that every ,hebrew servant could   

,,compel his master to keep  him after  
the six years contract had1 expired1    
shows that the system  was framed to    
advance the interests and gratify the   
wishes of the  servant quite as much as 
those of the master4 ,if the servant    
demanded it1 the law obliged the master 
to retain him in his  household1 however
 little he might need his services1 or  
great his  dislike to the individual4   
,deut4 xv4 #ab-ag1 and ,exodus xxi4     
#b-f4    #d4 ,the rights and privileges 
guaranteed by law to all servants4 7#a47
  ,they were admitted into covenant with
 ,god4 ,deut4 xxix4 #aj-ac4    7#b47    
,they were invited guests at all the    
national and family festivals  of the   
household in which they resided4 ,exodus
 xii4 #dc-dd2 ,deut4 xii4  #ab1 #ah1 and
 xvi4 #aj-af4    7#c47 ,they were       
statedly instructed in morality and     
religion4 ,deut4  xxxi4 #aj-ac2 ,joshua 
viii4 #cc-ce2 #b ,chronicles xvii4 #h-i4
    7#d47 ,they were released from their
 regular labor nearly ,,one ,,half ,,of 

,,the ,,whole ,,time4 ,during which1 the
 law secured to them their entire       
support2 and the same public and family 
instruction that was provided  for the  
other members of the ,hebrew community4 
7a47 ,the ,law secured to them the whole
 of every seventh year2 ,lev4  xxv4     
#c-f2 thus giving to those servants that
 remained such during the  entire period
 between the jubilees1 eight whole years
 7including the  ,jubilee year7 of      
unbroken rest4    7b47 ,every seventh   
day4 ,this in forty-two years1 7the     
eight being  subtracted from the fifty7 
would amount to just six years4    7c47 
,the three great annual festivals4 ,the 
,passover1 which commenced  on the #aeth
 of the #ast month1 and lasted seven    
days1 ,deut4 xvi4 #c1 #h4  ,the         
,pentecost1 or ,feast of ,weeks1 which  
began on the sixth day of the  third    
month1 and lasted seven days4 ,lev4     
xxiii4 #ae-ba4 ,and the ,feast of       
,tabernacles1 which commenced on the    
#aeth of the seventh month1 and  lasted 

eight days4 ,deut4 xvi4 #ac1 #ae2 ,lev4 
xxiii4 #cd-ci4 ,as all met in  one      
place1 much time would be spent on the  
journey4 ,their cumbered  caravans moved
 slowly4 ,after their arrival at the    
place of sacrifice1 a  day or two at    
least1 would be requisite for divers    
preparations1 before  entering upon the 
celebration of the festival1 besides    
some time at the  close of it1 in       
preparations for their return4 ,if we   
assign three weeks  to each             
festival--including the time spent on   
the journey going and  returning1 and   
the delays before and after the         
celebration1 together  with the festival
 week2 it will be a small allowance for 
the cessation  of their regular labor4  
,as there were three festivals in the   
year1 the  main body of the servants    
would be absent from their stated       
employments  at least nine weeks        
annually1 which would amount in         
forty-two years1  subtracting the       
sabbaths1 to six years and eighty-four  

days4    7e47 ,the new moons4 ,the      
,jewish year had twelve2 ,josephus tells
 us that  the ,jews always kept two days
 for the new moon4 ,see ,calmet on the  
,jewish ,calender1 and ,horne's         
,introduction2 also #a ,sam4 xx1 #ah1   
#ai1 #bg4  ,this would amount in        
forty-two years1 to two years1 two      
hundred and  eighty days1 after the     
necessary subtractions4    7f47 ,the    
feast of trumpets4 ,on the first day of 
the seventh month1 and  of the civil    
year4 ,lev4 xxiii4 #bd1 #be4    7g47    
,the day of atonement4 ,on the tenth of 
the seventh month4 ,lev4  xxiii4 #bg-cb4
    ,these two last feasts would consume
 not less than sixty-five days of  time 
not otherwise reckoned4    ,thus it     
appears that those persons who continued
 servants during the  whole period      
between the jubilees1 were by law       
released from their  labor1             
,,twenty-,,three ,,years ,,and          
,,sixty-,,four ,,days1 ,,out ,,of       
,,fifty ,,years1 and  those who remained

 a less time1 in nearly the same        
proportion4 ,in the  foregoing          
calculation1 besides making a generous  
donation of all the  fractions to the   
objector1 we have left out of the       
account1 those  numerous local festivals
 to which frequent allusion is made1 as 
in  ,judges xxi4 #ai2 #a ,sam4 #ith     
chapter4 ,and the various family        
festivals1  such as at the weaning of   
children2 at marriages2 at sheep        
shearings2 at  the making of covenants1 
c41 to which reference is often made1 as
 in  #ast ,sam4 xx4 #bh1 #bi4 ,neither  
have we included those memorable        
festivals  instituted at a later period 
of the ,jewish history4 ,the feast of   
,purim1  ,esther1 ix4 #bh1 #bi2 and the 
feast of the ,dedication1 which lasted  
eight  days4 ,john x4 #bb2 #a ,mac4 iv4 
#ei4    ,finally1 the ,mosaic system    
secured to servants1 an amount of time1 
which1 if distributed1 would on an      
average be almost ,,one ,,half ,,of     
,,the  ,,days ,,in ,,each ,,year4       

,meanwhile1 they and their families were
 supported1  and furnished with         
opportunities of instruction4 ,if this  
amount of time  were distributed over   
every day1 the servants would have to   
themselves1 all but a fraction of ,,one 
,,half ,,of ,,each ,,day1 and would     
labor for their masters the remaining   
fraction and the other half of the  day4
    ,,this ,,regulation ,,is ,a ,,part  
,,of ,,that ,,mosaic ,,system ,,which   
,,is ,,claimed ,,by  ,,slaveholders ,,as
 ,,the ,,great ,,prototype ,,of         
,,american ,,slavery4    #e4 ,the       
servant was protected by law equally    
with the other members of  the          
community4    ,proof--,hear the causes  
between your brethren1 and judge        
righteously  between every man and his  
neighbor1 and ,,the ,,stranger ,,that   
,,is ,,with ,,him4  ,ye shall not       
,,respect ,,persons in judgment1 but ye 
shall hear the  ,,small as well as the  
great4 ,deut4 i4 #af1 #ag4 ,also in     
,lev4 xxiv4 #bb4  ,ye shall have one    

manner of law as well for the stranger1 
as for one  of your own country1 for ,i 
am the ,lord your ,god4 ,so ,numbers xv4
 #bi4  ,ye shall have ,,one ,,law for   
him that sinneth through ignorance1 both
  for him that is born among the        
children of ,israel1 and for the        
,,stranger  that sojourneth among them4 
,deut4 xxvii4 #ai4 ,cursed be he that   
,,perverteth ,,the ,,judgment ,,of ,,the
 ,,stranger1 the fatherless and the     
widow4    #f4 ,the ,mosaic system       
enjoined upon the ,israelites the       
greatest  affection and kindness toward 
their servants1 foreign as well as      
,jewish4    ,lev4 xix4 #cd4 ,the        
stranger that dwelleth with you shall be
 unto you as  one born among you1 and   
thou shalt love him as thyself4 ,also   
,deut4 x4  #ag1 #ai4 ,for the ,lord your
 ,god is ,god of gods1 and ,lord of     
lords1 a  great ,god1 a mighty and a    
terrible1 which ,,regardeth ,,not       
,,persons1 nor  taketh reward4 ,he doth 
execute the judgment of the fatherless  

and widow1  and ,,loveth ,,the          
,,stranger1 in giving him food and      
raiment1 ,,love ,,ye  ,,therefore ,,the 
,,stranger4 ,so ,exodus xxii4 #ba4 ,thou
 shalt neither vex a  stranger nor      
oppress him4 ,exodus xxiii4 #i4 ,thou   
shalt not oppress a  stranger1 for ye   
know the heart of a stranger4 ,lev4 xxv4
 #ce1 #cf4 ,if  thy brother be waxen    
poor thou shalt relieve him1 yea1 though
 he be a  ,,stranger or a sojourner1    
that he may live with thee1 take thou no
 usury  of him or increase1 but fear thy
 ,god4 ,what an absurdity to suppose    
that this same stranger could be taken  
by one that feared his ,god1  held as a 
slave1 and robbed of time1 earnings1 and
 all his rights6    #g4 ,servants were  
placed upon a level with their masters  
in all civil  and religious rights4 ,see
 ,numbers xv4 #ae1 #af1 #bi4 ,numb4 ix4 
#ad4 ,deut1  i4 #af1 #ag4 ,lev4 xxiv4   
#bb4        ,,iii4--,,did ,,persons     
,,become ,,servants ,,voluntarily1 ,,or 
,,were ,,they ,,made  ,,servants        

,,against ,,their ,,wills8    ,we argue 
that they became servants of their own  
accord1    #a4 ,because to become a     
servant in the family of an ,israelite1 
was to  abjure idolatry1 to enter into  
covenant with ,god,a1 to be circumcised 
in token of it1 to be bound to the      
observance of the ,sabbath1 of the      
,passover1 the ,pentecost1 and the      
,feast of ,tabernacles1 and to receive  
instruction in all the particulars of   
the moral and ceremonial law4           
,footnote ,a3 ,maimonides1 who wrote in 
,egypt about seven hundred years  ago1 a
 contemporary with ,jarchi1 and who     
stands with him at the head of  ,jewish 
writers1 gives the following testimony  
on this point3 ,whether a  servant be   
born in the power of an ,israelite1 or  
whether he be purchased  from the       
heathen1 the master is to bring them    
both into the covenant4  ,but he that is
 in the house is entered on the eighth  
day1 and he that  is bought with money1 
on the day on which the master receives 

him1  unless the slave be unwilling4    
,for if the master receive a grown      
slave1 and he be unwilling1 his master  
is to bear with him1 to seek to  win him
 over by instruction1 and by love and   
kindness1 for one year4  ,after which1  
should he refuse so long1 it is         
forbidden to keep him1  longer than a   
year4 ,and the master must send him back
 to the strangers  from whence he came4 
,for the ,god of ,jacob will not accept 
any other than  the worship of a willing
 heart4--,maimon1 ,hilcoth1 ,miloth1    
,chap4 #ast1  ,sec4 #hth4    ,the       
ancient ,jewish ,doctors agree in the   
testimony1 that the servant from  the   
strangers who at the close of his       
probationary year still refused to      
adopt the religion of the ,mosaic       
system1 and was on that account cut off 
from the family1 and sent back to his   
own people1 received a full             
compensation for his services1 besides  
the payment of his expenses4 ,but  that 
postponement of the circumcision of the 

foreign servant for a  year 7or even at 
all after he had entered the family of  
an ,israelite7  of which the ,mishnic   
doctors speak1 seems to have been a mere
 usage4  ,we find nothing of it in the  
regulations of the ,mosaic system4      
,circumcision was manifestly a rite     
strictly initiatory4 ,whether it was  a 
rite merely national or spiritual1 or   
both1 comes not within the  scope of    
this inquiry4 ,nor does it at all affect
 the argument4     ,were the servants   
forced through all these processes8 ,was
 the  renunciation of idolatry          
compulsory8 ,were they dragged into     
covenant  with ,god8 ,were they seized  
and circumcised by main strength8 ,were 
they  compelled mechanically to chew1   
and swallow1 the flesh of the ,paschal  
lamb1 while they abhorred the           
institution1 despised its ceremonies1   
spurned the law which enjoined it1      
detested its author and executors1  and 
instead of rejoicing in the deliverance 
which it commemmorated1  bewailed it as 

a calamity1 and cursed the day of its   
consummation8 ,were  they driven from   
all parts of the land three times in the
 year up to  the annual festivals8 ,were
 they drugged with instruction which    
they  nauseated8 ,were they goaded      
through a round of ceremonies1 to them  
senseless and disgusting mummeries2 and 
drilled into the tactics of a  creed    
rank with loathed abominations8    ,we  
repeat it1 to become a servant1 was to  
become a proselyte4 ,and  how did ,god  
authorize his people to make proselytes8
 ,at the point of the  sword8 ,by the   
terror of pains and penalties8 ,by      
converting men into  merchandise8 ,were 
proselyte and chattel synonymes1 in the 
,divine  vocabulary8 ,must a man be sunk
 to a thing before taken into covenant  
with ,god8 ,was this the stipulated     
condition of adoption1 and the sole     
passport to the communion of the saints8
    #b4 ,we argue the voluntariness of  
servants from ,deut4 xxiii4 #ae1 #af1   
,thou shall not deliver unto his master 

the servant which is escaped  from his  
master unto thee4 ,he shall dwell with  
thee1 even among you1 in  that place    
which he shall choose1 in one of thy    
gates where it liketh  him best2 thou   
shalt not oppress him4    ,as though    
,god had said1 ,to deliver him up would 
be to recognize the  right of the master
 to hold him4 ,his fleeing shows his    
choice--proclaims his wrongs1 his       
master's oppressive acts1 and his  own  
claim to legal protection4 ,you shall   
not force him back1 and thus  recognize 
the right of the master to hold him in  
such a condition as  induces him to flee
 to others for protection4 ,it may be   
objected1 that  this command had no     
reference to servants among the         
,israelites1 but  only to those of      
heathen masters in the surrounding      
nations4 ,we  answer1 ,the regulation   
has no restriction4 ,its terms are      
unlimited4 ,but  the objection1 even if 
valid1 merely shifts the pressure of the
  difficulty to another point4 ,does    

,god array his infinite authority to    
protect the free choice of a single     
servant from the heathen1 and  yet      
authorize the same persons1 to crush the
 free choice of  thousands of servants  
from the heathen6 ,suppose a case4 ,a   
foreign  servant flees from his master  
to the ,israelites2 ,god speaks1 ,he    
shall  dwell with thee1 in that place   
which he shall choose1 in one of thy    
gates where it liketh him best4 ,they   
were strictly charged not to put  him in
 a condition which he did not choose4   
,now1 suppose this same  servant1       
instead of coming into ,israel of his   
own accord1 had been  dragged in by some
 kidnapper who bought him of his master1
 and  forced him into a condition       
against his will4 ,would ,he who forbade
  such treatment of the stranger1 who   
voluntarily came into the land1         
sanction the same treatment of the same 
person1 provided in  addition to this   
last outrage1 the previous one had been 
committed  of forcing him into the      

nation against his will8    ,to commit  
violence on the free choice of a foreign
 servant is a  horrible enormity1       
forsooth1 ,,provided you begin the      
violence after  he has come among you4  
,but if you commit the first act1 on the
 other  side of the line2 if you begin  
the outrage by buying him from a third  
person against his will1 and then tear  
him from home1 and drag him  across the 
line into the land of ,israel1 and hold 
him as a slave--ah6  that alters the    
case1 and you may perpetrate the        
violence now with  impunity6 ,would     
greater favor have been shown to this   
new comer from  the heathen than to the 
old residents--those who had been       
servants in  ,jewish families perhaps   
for a generation8 ,were the ,israelites 
commanded  to exercise toward him1      
uncircumcised and out of the covenant1 a
  justice and kindness denied to the    
multitude1 who were circumcised1  and   
within the covenant8    ,again3 the     
objector finds small gain to his        

argument on the supposition  that the   
covenant respected merely the fugitives 
from the surrounding  nations1 while it 
left the servants of the ,israelites in 
a condition  against their wills--the   
objector finds small gain to his        
argument4 ,in  that case1 the           
surrounding nations would of course     
adopt retaliatory  measures1 and resolve
 themselves into so many asylums for    
fugitive  ,israelitish servants4 ,as    
these nations were on every side of them
 such a  proclamation would have been an
 effectual lure to men held in a        
condition which was a constant          
counteraction of will4 ,further1 the    
objector's assumption destroys itself2  
for the same command which  protected   
the foreign servant from the power of   
his master1 protected  him equally from 
the power of an ,israelite4 ,it was not 
merely1 ,thou  shalt not deliver him to 
his master1 but he 7the servant7 shall  
dwell with thee1 in that place which he 
shall choose1 in one of thy  gates where

 it liketh him best4 ,every ,israelite  
was commanded to  respect his free      
choice1 and to put him in no condition  
against his  will4 ,what was this but a 
proclamation1 that all who chose to live
 in  the land and obey the laws1 were   
left to their own free will1 to dispose 
of their services at such a rate1 to    
such persons1 and in such places as     
they pleased8    ,besides1 grant that   
this command prohibited the sending back
 of  foreign servants merely1 was the   
any law requiring the return of         
servants who had escaped from the       
,israelites8 ,there was a statute       
requiring the return of property lost1  
and cattle escaped1 but none  requiring 
the return of escaped servants4         
,finally1 these verses contain1 first1 a
 command1 ,thou shalt not  deliver1 c4  
,secondly1 a declaration of the         
fugitive's right of free  choice1 and of
 ,god's will that he should exercise it 
at his own  discretion2 and thirdly1 a  
command guarding this right1 namely1    

,thou  shalt not oppress him1 as though 
,god had said1 ,if you forbid him to    
exercise his own choice1 as to the place
 and condition of his  residence1 it is 
oppression1 and ,i will not tolerate it4
    #c4 ,we argue the voluntariness of  
servants from their peculiar            
opportunities and facilities for escape4
 ,three times every year1 all  the males
 over twelve years of age1 were required
 to attend the public  festivals4 ,the  
main body were thus absent from their   
homes not less than  three weeks each   
time1 making nine weeks annually4 ,as   
these caravans  moved over the country1 
were there military scouts lining the   
way1 to  intercept deserters8--a        
corporal's guard stationed at each pass 
of the  mountains1 sentinels pacing the 
hill-tops1 and light horse scouring the 
defiles8 ,what safe contrivance had the 
,israelites for taking their  slaves    
three times in a year to ,jerusalem and 
back8 ,when a body of  slaves is moved  
any distance in our free and equal      

republic1 they are  handcuffed to keep  
them from running away1 or beating their
 drivers'  brains out4 ,was this the    
,mosaic plan1 or an improvement left for
 the  wisdom of ,solomon8 ,the usage1   
doubtless1 claims a paternity not less  
venerable and biblical6 ,perhaps they   
were lashed upon camels1 and            
transported in bundles1 or caged up1 and
 trundled on wheels to and fro1  and    
while at the ,holy ,city1 lodged in jail
 for safe keeping1 religions  services  
extra being appointed1 and special      
,,oral instruction for  their benefit4  
,but meanwhile1 what became of the      
sturdy handmaids left  at home8 ,what   
hindered them from marching off in a    
body8 ,perhaps the  ,israelitish matrons
 stood sentry in rotation round the     
kitchens1 while  the young ladies       
scoured the country1 as mounted rangers1
 to pick up  stragglers by day1 and     
patrolled the streets as city guards1   
keeping a  sharp look-out at night4     
#d4 ,their continuance in ,jewish       

families depended upon the performance  
of various rites and ceremonies         
necessarily ,,voluntary4    ,suppose a  
servant from the heathen should1 upon   
entering a ,jewish  family1 refuse      
circumcision2 the question whether he   
shall remain a  servant1 is in his own  
hands4 ,if a slave1 how simple the      
process of  emancipation6 ,his refusal  
did the job4 ,or1 suppose that1 at any  
time1  he should refuse to attend the   
tri-yearly feasts1 or should eat        
leavened  bread during the ,passover1 or
 compound the ingredients of the        
anointing  oil1 he is cut off from the  
people2 excommunicated4    #e4 ,we infer
 the voluntariness of the servants of   
the ,patriarchs from  the impossibility 
of their being held against their wills4
 ,the servants  of ,abraham are an      
illustration4 ,at one time he had three 
hundred and  eighteen young men born in 
his house1 and probably many more not   
born in his house4 ,the whole number of 
his servants of all ages1 was  probably 

,,many ,,thousands4 ,doubtless1 ,abraham
 was a man of a million1 and  ,sarah    
too1 a right notable housekeeper2 still1
 it is not easy to  conceive how they   
contrived to hold so many thousand      
servants against  their wills1 unless   
the patriarch and his wife took turns in
  performing the ,hibernian exploit of  
surrounding them6 ,the neighboring      
tribes1 instead of constituting a picket
 guard to hem in his servants1  would   
have been far more likely to sweep them 
and him into captivity1 as  they did    
,lot and his household4 ,besides1       
,abraham had neither  ,constitution1 nor
 compact1 nor statutes1 nor judicial    
officers to  send back his fugitives1   
nor a truckling police to pounce upon   
panic-stricken women1 nor               
gentleman-kidnappers1 suing for         
patronage1  volunteering to howl on the 
track1 boasting their blood-hound scent1
 and  pledging their honor to hunt down 
and deliver up1 provided they  had a    
description of the flesh marks1 and were

 stimulated in their  chivalry by pieces
 of silver4 ,abraham seems also to have 
been sadly  deficient in all the        
auxiliaries of family government1 such  
as stocks1  hand cuffs1 foot-chains1    
yokes1 gags1 and thumb-screws4 ,his     
destitution  of these patriarchal       
indispensables is the more afflicting1  
when we  consider his faithful discharge
 of responsibilities to his household1  
though so deplorably destitute of the   
needful aids4    #f4 ,we infer that     
servants were voluntary1 from the fact  
that there is  no instance of an        
,israelitish master ever ,,selling a    
servant4 ,abraham  had thousands of     
servants1 but appears never to have sold
 one4 ,isaac  grew until he became very 
great1 and had great store of servants4 
,jacob's youth was spent in the family  
of ,laban1 where he lived a servant     
twenty-one years4 ,afterward he had a   
large number of servants4    ,when      
,joseph sent for ,jacob to come into    
,egypt1 the words are1 thou and  thy    

children1 and thy children's children1  
and thy flocks and thy herds1  and ,,all
 ,,that ,,thou ,,hast4 ,jacob took his  
flocks and herds but no  servants4 ,gen 
xlv4 #aj2 xlvii4 #f2 xlvii4 #a4 ,his    
servants doubtless1  served under their 
own contracts1 and when ,jacob went into
 ,egypt1 they  chose to stay in their   
own country4    ,the government might   
sell thieves1 if they had no property1  
until  their services had made good the 
injury1 and paid the legal fine4 ,ex4   
xxii4 #c4 ,but masters seem to have had 
no power to sell their  servants--the   
reason is obvious4 ,to give the master a
 right to sell  his servant1 would      
annihilate the servant's right of choice
 in his own  disposal2 but says the     
objector1 ,to give the master a right to
 buy a  servant1 equally annihilates the
 servant's right of choice4 ,answer4 ,it
  is one thing to have a right to buy a 
man1 and a very different thing to  have
 a right to buy him of another man4     
,though there is no instance of a       

servant being bought of his1 or her     
master1 yet there are instances of young
 females being bought of their  fathers4
 ,but their purchase as servants was    
their betrothal as  ,,wives4 ,exodus    
xxi4 #g1 #h4 ,if a man sell his daughter
 to be a  maid-servant1 she shall not go
 out as the men-servants do4 ,if she    
please  not her master ,,who ,,hath     
,,betrothed ,,her ,,to ,,himself1 he    
shall let her be  redeemed,a4           
,footnote ,a3 ,the comment of           
,maimonides on this passage is as       
follows3 ,a  ,hebrew handmaid might not 
be sold but to one who laid himself     
under  obligations1 to espouse her to   
himself or to his son1 when she was fit 
to be                                   
betrothed4--,maimonides--,hilcoth--,obed
im1 ,ch4 ,,iv4 ,sec4 ,,xi4    ,jarchi1  
on the same passage1 says1 ,he is bound 
to espouse her and take  her to be his  
wife for the money of her purchase is   
the money of her  espousals4     #g4 ,we
 infer that the ,hebrew servant was     

voluntary in ,,commencing his  service1 
because he was pre-eminently so ,,in    
,,continuing it4 ,if1 at the  year of   
release1 it was the servant's choice to 
remain with his  master1 so did the law 
guard his free will1 that it required   
his ear to  be bored by the judges of   
the land1 thus making it impossible for 
the  servant to be held in an           
involuntary condition4 ,yea1 so far was 
his  free choice protected1 that his    
master was compelled to keep him1       
however much he might wish to get rid of
 him4    #h4 ,the method prescribed for 
procuring servants1 recognized their    
choice1 and was an appeal to it4 ,the   
,israelites were commanded to offer     
them a suitable inducement1 and then    
leave them to decide4 ,they might       
neither seize by force1 nor frighten    
them by threats1 nor wheedle  them by   
false pretenses1 nor borrow them1 nor   
beg them2 but they  were commanded to   
,,buy them,a2 that is1 they were to     
recognize the  right of the individuals 

to their own services--their right to   
dispose of them1 and their right to     
refuse all offers4 ,they might1  if they
 pleased1 refuse all applications1 and  
thus oblige those who made  them1 to do 
their own work4 ,suppose all1 with one  
accord1 refused to  become servants1    
what provision did the ,mosaic law make 
for such an  emergency8 ,,none4         
,footnote ,a3 ,the case of thieves1     
whose services were sold until they  had
 earned enough to make restitution to   
the person wronged1 and to pay  the     
legal penalty1 stands by itself1 and has
 no relation to the  condition of       
servants4    #i4 ,various incidental    
expressions throughout the ,bible1      
corroborate the  idea that servants     
became such by virtue of their own      
contract4 ,job  xli4 #d4 is an          
illustration1 ,will he 7,leviathan7 make
 a ,,covenant  with thee8 wilt thou take
 him for a ,,servant forever8    #aj4   
,the transaction which made the         
,egyptians the ,,servants ,,of          

,,pharoah1  shows entire voluntariness  
throughout4 ,it is detailed in ,gen4    
xlvii4  #ah-bf4 ,of their own accord1   
they came to ,joseph and said1 ,we have 
not  aught left but our bodies and our  
lands2 buy us2 then in the #beth  verse1
 ,thou hast saved our lives3 let us find
 grace in the sight of my  ,lord1 and we
 will be servants to ,pharaoh4    #aa4  
,we argue that the condition of servants
 was an ,,optional one from  the fact   
that ,,rich strangers did not become    
servants4 ,indeed1 so far  were they    
from becoming servants themselves1 that 
they bought and held  ,jewish servants4 
,lev4 xxv4 #dg4    #ab4 ,the sacrifices 
and offerings which ,,all were required 
to present1  were to be made            
,,voluntarily4 ,lev4 i4 #b1 #c4    #ac4 
,mention is often made of persons       
becoming servants where they were       
manifestly and pre-eminently            
,,voluntary4 ,the case of the ,prophet  
,elisha  is one4 #a ,kings xix4 #ba2 #b 
,kings iii4 #aa4 ,elijah was his master4

 ,the  original word1 translated master1
 is the same that is so rendered in     
almost every instance where masters are 
spoken of throughout the ,mosaic  and   
patriarchal systems4 ,it is translated  
master eighty-five times in  our        
,english version4 ,moses was the servant
 of ,jethro4 ,exodus iii4 #a4  ,joshua  
was the servant of ,moses4 ,numbers xi4 
#bh4 ,jacob was the servant  of ,laban4 
,genesis xxix1 #ah-bg4        ,,iv4     
,,were ,,the ,,servants ,,forced ,,to   
,,work ,,without ,,pay8    ,having      
already shown that the servants became  
and continued such of  their own accord1
 it would be no small marvel if they    
chose to work  without pay4 ,their      
becoming servants1 pre-supposes         
compensation as a  motive4    ,that they
 were paid for their labor1 we argue1   
#a4 ,because1 while ,israel was under   
the ,mosaic system1 ,god rebuked in     
thunder1 the sin of using the labor of  
others without wages4 ,wo unto  him that
 buildeth his house by unrighteousness1 

and his chambers by  wrong2 that useth  
his neighbor's service without wages1   
and giveth him  not for his work4 ,jer4 
xxii4 #ac4 ,here ,god testifies that to 
use the  service of others without wages
 is unrighteousness1 and ,he commissions
  his wo to burn upon the doer of the   
wrong4 ,this wo was a permanent         
safeguard of the ,mosaic system4 ,the   
,hebrew word ,rea1 here translated      
neighbor1 does not mean one man1 or     
class of men1 in distinction from       
others1 but any one with whom we have to
 do--all descriptions of  persons1 not  
merely servants and heathen1 but even   
those who prosecute  us in lawsuits1 and
 enemies while in the act of fighting   
us--,as when a  man riseth against his  
,,neighbor and slayeth him4 ,deut4 xxii4
 #bf4  ,go not forth hastily to strive1 
lest thou know not what to do in the    
end thereof1 when thy ,,neighbor hath   
put thee to shame4 ,prov4 xxv4 #h4      
,thou shalt not bear false witness      
against thy ,,neighbor4 ,exod4 xx4  #af4

 ,if any man come presumptuously upon   
his ,,neighbor to slay him with  guile4 
,exod4 xxi4 #ad4 ,in these1 and in      
scores of similar cases1 ,rea  is the   
original word4    #b4 ,we have the      
testimony of ,god1 that in our duty to  
our fellow men1  ,,all ,,the ,,law ,,and
 ,,the ,,prophets hang upon this        
command1 ,thou shalt love  thy neighbor 
as thyself4 ,our ,saviour1 in giving    
this command1 quoted  verbatim one of   
the laws of the ,mosaic system4 ,lev4   
xix4 #ah4 ,in the  #cdth verse of the   
same chapter1 ,moses commands obedience 
to this law in  all the treatment of    
strangers1 ,the stranger that dwelleth  
with you  shall be unto you as one born 
among you1 and ,,thou ,,shalt ,,love    
,,him ,,as  ,,thyself4 ,if it be loving 
others as ourselves1 to make them work  
for  us without pay2 to rob them of food
 and clothing1 as well as wages1  would 
be a stranger illustration still of the 
law of love6  ,super-disinterested      
benevolence6 ,and if it be doing to     

others as we  would have them do to us1 
to make them work for our own good      
alone1  ,paul should be called to order 
for his hard sayings against human      
nature1 especially for that libellous   
matter in ,ephes4 v4 #bi1 ,no man  ever 
yet hated his own flesh1 but nourisheth 
and cherisheth it4    #c4 ,as persons   
became servants ,,from ,,poverty1 we    
argue that they were  compensated1 since
 they frequently owned property1 and    
sometimes a large  amount4 ,ziba1 the   
servant of ,mephibosheth1 gave ,david a 
princely  present1 ,an hundred loaves of
 bread1 and an hundred bunches of       
raisins1  and an hundred of summer      
fruits1 and a bottle of wine4 #b ,sam4  
xvi4 #a4  ,the extent of his possessions
 can be inferred from the fact1 that    
though  the father of fifteen sons1 he  
still employed twenty servants1 of whom 
he was the master4    ,a case is stated 
in ,leviticus xxv4 #dg-ee1 where a      
servant1 reduced to  poverty1 sells     
himself2 and it is declared that        

afterward he may be  redeemed1 either by
 his kindred1 or by ,,himself4 ,as he   
was forced to  sell himself from sheer  
poverty he must not only have acquired  
property  after he became a servant1 but
 a considerable sum4    ,if it had not  
been common for servants to possess1 and
 acquire property1  over which they had 
the exclusive control1 ,gehazi1 the     
servant of  ,elisha1 would hardly have  
ventured to take a large sum of money1  
7nearly  #cjjj;,a7 from ,naaman1 7#b    
,kings v4 #bb1 #bc47 ,as it was procured
 by  deceit1 he was anxious to conceal  
the means used in getting it2 but if    
the ,israelitish servants1 like our     
slaves1 could own nothing1 nor  acquire 
any thing1 to embark in such an         
enterprise would have been  consummate  
stupidity4 ,the fact of having in his   
possession two talents  of silver1 would
 of itself convict him of theft,b4 ,but 
since the  possession and use of        
property by servants1 was common under  
the ,mosaic  system1 he might have it1  

and invest or use it1 without attracting
  special attention4 ,and that          
consideration alone would have been a   
strong  motive to the act4 ,his master1 
while he rebukes him for using such     
means  to get the money1 not only does  
not take it from him1 but seems to      
expect that he would invest it in real  
estate1 and cattle1 and would  procure  
servants with it4 #b ,kings v4 #bf4 ,in 
#a ,sam4 ix4 #h1 we find the  servant of
 ,saul having money1 and relieving his  
master in an emergency4  ,arza1 the     
servant of ,elah1 was the owner of a    
house4 ,that it was  spacious and       
somewhat magnificent1 would be a natural
 inference from the  fact that it was a 
resort of the king4 #a ,kings xvi4 #i4  
,the case of the  ,gibeonites1 who1     
after they became servants1 still       
occupied their  cities1 and remained1 in
 many respects1 a distinct people for   
centuries2  and that of the #aej1jjj    
,canaanites1 the servants of ,solomon1  
who  worked out their tribute of        

bond-service in levies1 periodically    
relieving each other1 while preparing   
the materials for the temple1 are       
additional illustrations of independence
 in the acquisition and  ownership of   
property4    ,footnote ,a3 ,though we   
have not sufficient data to decide with 
accuracy  upon the relative value of    
that sum1 then and now1 yet we have     
enough to warrant us in saying that two 
talents of silver had far more  value   
then than three thousand dollars have   
now4      ,footnote ,b3 ,whoever heard  
of the slaves in our southern states    
stealing  a large amount of money8 ,they
 know how to take care of themselves    
quite too well for that4 ,when they     
steal1 they are careful to do it on     
such a small scale1 or in the taking of 
such things as will make  detection     
difficult4 ,no doubt they steal now and 
then a little1 and a  gaping marvel     
would it be if they did not4 ,why should
 they not follow in  the footsteps of   
their masters and mistresses8 ,dull     

scholars indeed6 if1  after so many     
lessons from proficients in the art1 who
 drive the  business by wholesale1 they 
should not occasionally copy their      
betters1 fall into the fashion1 and try 
their hand in a small way1 at  a        
practice which is the only permanent and
 universal business carried  on around  
them6 ,ignoble truly6 never to feel the 
stirrings of high  impulse1 prompting   
them to imitate the eminent pattern set 
before them  in the daily vocation of   
,honorables and ,excellencies1 and to   
emulate  the illustrious examples of    
,doctor of ,divinity and ,right and     
,very  ,reverends6 ,hear ,president     
,jefferson's testimony4 ,in his notes of
  ,virginia1 speaking of slaves1 he     
says1 ,that disposition to theft with   
which they 7the slaves7 have been       
branded1 must be ascribed to their      
situation1 and not to any special       
depravity of the moral sense4 ,it is  a 
problem which ,i give the master to     
solve1 whether the religious  precepts  

against the violation of property were  
not framed for ,,him as  well as for his
 slave--and whether the slave may not as
 justifiably take  a little from one who
 has taken ,,all from him1 as he may    
slay one who  would slay him ,see       
,jefferson's ,notes on ,virginia1 pp4   
#bjg-h    #d4 ,heirship--,servants      
frequently inherited their master's     
property2  especially if he had no sons1
 or if they had dishonored the family4  
,this  seems to have been a general     
usage4    ,the cases of ,eliezer1 the   
servant of ,abraham2 ,ziba1 the servant 
of  ,mephibosheth1 ,jarha an ,egyptian1 
the servant of ,sheshan1 and the husband
  of his daughter2 #a ,chron4 ii4 #cd1  
#ce1 and of the husbandmen who said  of 
their master's son1 this is the ,,heir1 
let us kill him1 and the  ,,inheritance 
,,will ,,be ,,ours4 ,mark xii4 #g1 are  
illustrations4 ,also the  declaration in
 ,prov4 xvii4 #b--;,a wise servant shall
 have rule over a  son that causeth     
shame1 and ,,shall ,,have ,,part ,,of   

,,the ,,inheritance ,,among  ,,the      
,,brethren4 ,this passage seems to give 
servants precedence as  heirs1 even over
 the wives and daughters of their       
masters4 ,did  masters hold by force1   
and plunder of earnings1 a class of     
persons1  from which1 in frequent       
contingencies1 they selected both heirs 
for  their property1 and husbands for   
their daughters8    #e4 ,,all were      
required to present offerings and       
sacrifices4 ,deut4 xvi4  #ae1 #ag4 #b   
,chron4 xv4 #i-aa4 ,numb4 ix4 #ac4      
,servants must have had permanently1 the
 means of acquiring property to  meet   
these expenditures4    #f4 ,those       
,hebrew servants who went out at the    
seventh year1 were  provided by law with
 a large stock of provisions and cattle4
 ,deut4 xv4  #aa-ad4 ,thou shalt furnish
 him liberally out of thy flock1 and out
 of  thy floor1 and out of thy wine     
press1 of that wherewith the ,lord thy  
,god  hath blessed thee1 thou shalt give
 him,a4 ,if it be objected1 that no     

mention is made of the servants from the
 strangers1 receiving a like  bountiful 
supply1 we answer1 neither did the most 
honorable class of the  ,israelitish    
servants1 the free-holders2 and for the 
same reason1 they  did not go out in the
 seventh year1 but continued until the  
jubilee4 ,if  the fact that no mention  
is made of the ,gentile servants        
receiving such  a gratuity proves that  
they were robbed of their earnings2 it  
proves  that the most valued class of   
,hebrew servants were robbed of theirs  
also1 a conclusion too stubborn for even
 pro-slavery masticators1  however      
unscrupulous4    ,footnote ,a3 ,the     
comment of ,maimonides on this passage  
is as  follows--',thou shalt furnish him
 liberally1' c4 ,that is to say1        
',loading ye shall load him4' likewise  
every one of his family1 with as  much  
as he can take with him in abundant     
benefits4 ,and if it be  avariciously   
asked1 ,how much must ,i give him8 ,i   
say unto you1 not less  than thirty     

shekels1 which is the valuation of a    
servant1 as declared  in ,exodus xxi4   
#cb--,maimonides1 ,hilcoth1 ,obedim1    
,chapter ii4 ,section #c4    #g4 ,the   
servants were ,,bought4 ,in other words1
 they received  compensation for their  
services in advance4 ,having shown1     
under a  previous head1 that servants   
sold themselves1 and of course received 
the compensation for themselves1 7except
 in cases where parents hired  out the  
time of their children until they became
 of age,b17 a mere  reference to the    
fact in this place is all that is       
required for the  purposes of this      
argument4    ,footnote ,b3 ,among the   
,israelites1 girls became of age at     
twelve1 and  boys at thirteen years4    
#h4 ,we infer that servants were paid1  
because we find masters at one  time    
having a large number of servants1 and  
afterwards none1 without any  intimation
 that they were sold4 ,the wages of     
servants would enable them  to set up in
 business for themselves4 ,jacob1 after 

being the servant of  ,laban for        
twenty-one years1 became thus an        
independent herdsman1 and was  the      
master of many servants4 ,gen4 xxx4 #dc1
 and xxxii4 #ae4 ,but all these         
servants had left him before he went    
down into ,egypt1 having doubtless      
acquired enough to commence business for
 themselves4 ,gen4 xlv4 #aj1 #aa1  and  
xlvi4 #a-g1 #cb4    #i4 ,god's testimony
 to the character of ,abraham4 ,genesis 
xviii4 #ai4  ,for ,i know him that he   
will command his children and his       
household  after him1 and they shall    
keep ,,the ,,way ,,of ,,the ,,lord ,,to 
,,do ,,justice ,,and  ,,judgment4 ,we   
have here ,god's testimony1 that        
,abraham taught his  servants the way of
 the ,lord4 ,what was the way of the    
,lord  respecting the payment of wages  
where service was rendered8 ,wo unto    
him that useth his neighbor's service   
without wages6 ,jer4 xxii4 #ac4         
,masters1 give unto your servants that  
which is just and equal4 ,col4  iv4 #a4 

,render unto all their ,,dues4 ,,rom4   
xiii4 #g4 ,the laborer is  worthy of his
 hire4 ,luke x4 #g4 ,how did ,abraham   
teach his servants to  do justice to    
others8 ,by doing injustice to them8    
,did he exhort  them to render to all   
their dues by keeping back their own8   
,did he  teach them that the laborer was
 worthy of his hire by robbing them of  
theirs8 ,did he beget in them a         
reverence for the eighth commandment by 
pilfering all their time and labor8 ,did
 he teach them not to defraud  others in
 any matter by denying them what was    
just and equal8 ,if  each of ,abraham's 
pupils under such a catechism did not   
become a very  ,aristides in justice1   
then an illustrious example1 patriarchal
  dignity1 and practical lessons1 can   
make but slow headway against  human    
perverseness6    #aj4 ,specific precepts
 of the ,mosaic law enforcing general   
principles4  ,out of many1 we select the
 following3    7#a47 ,thou shall not    
muzzle the ox that treadeth out the     

corn1 or  literally1 while he thresheth4
 ,deut4 xxv4 #d4 ,here is a general     
principle applied to a familiar case4   
,the ox representing all domestic       
animals4 ,isaiah xxx4 #bd4 ,a particular
 kind of service--all kinds2  and a law 
requiring an abundant provision for the 
wants of an animal  ministering to man  
in a certain way1--a general principle  
of  treatment covering all times1 modes1
 and instrumentalities of service4  ,the
 object of the law was1 not merely to   
enjoin tenderness towards  brutes1 but  
to inculcate the duty of rewarding those
 who serve us1  showing that they who   
labor for others1 are entitled to what  
is just and  equal in return2 and if    
such care is enjoined1 by ,god1 not     
merely for  the ample sustenance1 but   
for the present enjoyment of a brute1   
what  would be a meet return for the    
services of man8 ,,man1 with his varied 
wants1 exalted nature and immortal      
destiny6 ,paul tells us expressly1  that
 the principle which we have named1 lies

 at the bottom of the  statute4 ,see #a 
,corinthians ix4 #i1 #aj--;,for it is   
written in the law of  ,moses1 ,thou    
shalt not muzzle the mouth of the ox    
that treadeth out the  corn4 ,doth ,god 
take care for oxen8 ,or saith he it     
altogether for ,,our  sakes8 that he    
that ploweth should plow in ,,hope1 and 
that he that  thresheth in hope should  
be ,,partaker ,,of ,,his ,,hope4        
7#b47 ,if thy brother be waxen poor1 and
 fallen in decay with thee1 then  thou  
shalt relieve him4 ,,yea1 ,,though ,,he 
,,be ,a ,,stranger ,,or a ,,sojourner1  
that he may live with thee4 ,take thou  
no usury of him1 or increase1 but  fear 
thy ,god4 ,thou shalt not give him thy  
money upon usury1 nor lend him  thy     
victuals for increase4 ,lev4 xxv4       
#ce-cg4 ,or1 in other words1  relief at 
your hands is his right1 and your       
duty--you shall not take  advantage of  
his necessities1 but cheerfully supply  
them4 ,now1 we ask1  by what process of 
pro-slavery legerdemain1 this benevolent

 regulation  can be made to be in       
keeping with the doctrine of ,,work     
,,without ,,pay8  ,did ,god declare the 
poor stranger entitled to ,,relief1 and 
in the same  breath1 authorize them to  
use his services without wages2 force   
him to work1 and ,,rob ,,him ,,of ,,all 
,,his ,,earnings8 ,judge ye4            
,v4--,,were ,,masters ,,the             
,,proprietors ,,of ,,servants ,,as      
,,their ,,legal ,,property8    ,the     
discussion of this topic has been       
already somewhat anticipated under  the 
preceding heads2 but a variety of       
considerations1 not within the  range of
 our previous inquiries1 remain to be   
noticed4        #a4 ,servants were not  
subjected to the uses1 nor liable to the
  contingencies of property4    7#a47   
,they were never taken in payment for   
their masters' debts1 though  children  
were sometimes taken 7without legal     
authority7 for the debts of  a father4  
#b ,kings iv4 #a2 ,job xxiv4 #i2 ,isaiah
 l4 #a2 ,matt4 xviii4 #be4    ,cases are

 recorded to which creditors took from  
debtors property of all  kinds1 to      
satisfy their demands4 ,in ,job xxiv4   
#c1 cattle are taken2 in  ,prov4 xxii   
#bg1 household furniture2 in ,lev4 xxv4 
#be-bh1 the productions  of the soil2 in
 ,lev4 xxv4 #bg-cj1 houses2 in ,exodus  
xxii4 #bf-bi1 and  ,deut4 xxiv4 #aj-ac1 
and ,matt4 v4 #dj1 clothing2 but        
servants were taken  in no instance4    
7#b47 ,servants were never given as     
pledges4 ,property of all sorts was     
given and held in pledge4 ,we find in   
the ,bible1 household furniture1        
clothing1 cattle1 money1 signets1 and   
personal ornaments1 with divers  other  
articles of property1 used as pledges   
for value received4 ,but no  servants4  
7#c47 ,all lost ,,property was to be    
restored4 ,oxen1 asses1 sheep1  raiment1
 and whatsoever lost things1 are        
specified--servant not4  ,deut4 xxii4   
#ac4 ,besides1 the ,israelites were     
expressly forbidden to take  back the   
runaway servant to his master4 ,deut4   

xxiii4 #ae4    7#d47 ,the ,israelites   
never gave away their servants as       
presents4 ,they  made princely presents 
of great variety4 ,lands1 houses1 all   
kinds of  animals1 merchandize1 family  
utensils1 precious metals1 and grain1   
armor1 c4 are among their recorded      
gifts4 ,giving presents to  superiors   
and persons of rank when visiting them1 
and at other times1  was a standing     
usage4 #a ,sam4 x4 #bg2 #a ,sam4 xvi4   
#bj2 #b ,chron4 xvii4 #e4  ,abraham to  
,abimelech1 ,gen4 xxi4 #bg2 ,jacob to   
the viceroy of ,egypt4 ,gen4  xliii4    
#aa2 ,joseph to his brethren and father1
 ,gen4 xlv4 #bb1 #bc2 ,benhadad  to     
,elisha1 #b ,kings viii4 #h1 #i2 ,ahaz  
to ,tiglath ,pileser1 #b ,kings xvi4 #h2
  ,solomon to the ,queen of ,sheba1 #a  
,kings1 x4 #ac2 ,jeroboam to ,ahijah1 #a
  ,kings xiv4 #c2 ,asa to ,benhadad1 #a 
,kings xv4 #ah1 #ai4 ,but no servants   
were  given as presents--though that was
 a prevailing fashion in the            
surrounding nations4 ,gen4 xii4 #af2    

,gen4 xx4 #ad4    ,,objection #a4 ,laban
 ,,gave handmaids to his daughters1     
,jacob's wives4  ,without enlarging on  
the nature of the polygamy then         
prevalent1 it is  enough to say that the
 handmaids of wives1 at that time1 were 
themselves  regarded as wives1 though of
 inferior dignity and authority4 ,that  
,jacob  so regarded his handmaids1 is   
proved by his curse upon ,reuben1 7,gen4
  xlix4 #d1 and ,chron4 v4 #a7 also by  
the equality of their children with     
those of ,rachel and ,leah4 ,but had it 
been otherwise--had ,laban given  them  
as articles of property1 then1 indeed1  
the example of this good  old patriarch 
and slaveholder1 ,saint ,laban1 would   
have been a  fore-closer to all         
argument4    ,ah6 ,we remember his      
jealousy for religion--his holy         
indignation when  he found that his     
,,gods were stolen6 ,how he mustered his
 clan1 and  plunged over the desert in  
hot pursuit1 seven days1 by forced      
marches2  how he ransacked a whole      

caravan1 sifting the contents of every  
tent1  little heeding such small matters
 as domestic privacy1 or female         
seclusion1 for lo6 the zeal of his      
,,images had eaten him up6    ,no wonder
 that slavery1 in its ,bible-navigation1
 drifting dismantled  before the free   
gusts1 should scud under the lee of such
 a pious worthy  to haul up and refit2  
invoking his protection1 and the        
benediction of  his ,,gods6             
,,objection #b4 ,servants were          
enumerated in inventories of property4  
,if  that proves servants property1 it  
proves wives property4 ,thou  shalt not 
covet thy neighbor's house1 thou shalt  
not covet thy  neighbor's ,,wife1 nor   
his man servant1 nor his maid-servant1  
nor his  ox1 nor his ass1 nor any thing 
that is thy neighbor's ,,exodus xx4 #ag4
  ,an examination of all the places in  
which servants are included among       
beasts1 chattels1 c41 will show1 that in
 inventories of mere  property1 servants
 are not included1 or if included1 it is

 in such a  way1 as to show that they   
are not regarded as property4 ,eccl4 ii4
 #g1  #h4 ,but when the design is to    
show1 not merely the wealth but the     
greatness of any personage1 that he is a
 man of distinction1 a ruler1  a prince1
 servants are spoken of1 as well as     
property4 ,in a word1 if  riches alone  
are spoken of1 no mention is made of    
servants2 if  greatness1 servants and   
property4 ,gen4 xiii4 #b4 ,and ,abraham 
was very  rich in cattle1 in silver and 
in gold4 ,no mention of servants4 ,so in
  the fifth verse2 ,lot's riches are    
enumerated1 ,and ,lot also had flocks1  
and herds1 and tents4 ,in the seventh   
verse servants are mentioned1  ,and     
there was a strife between the ,,herdmen
 of ,abraham's cattle and  the ,,herdmen
 of ,lot's cattle4 ,see also ,josh4     
xxii4 #h2 ,gen4 xxxiv4 #bc2  ,job4 xlii4
 #ab2 #b ,chron4 xxi4 #c2 xxxii4 #bg-bi2
 ,job #a4 #c-e2 ,deut4 viii4  #ab-ag2   
,gen4 xxiv4 #ce1 and xxvi4 #ac1 and xxx4
 #dc4    ,divers facts dropped          

incidentally1 show that when servants   
are mentioned  in connection with       
property1 it is in such a way as to     
distinguish  them from it4 ,when ,jacob 
was about to leave ,laban1 his wives    
say1 ,all  the riches which thou hast   
taken from our father1 that is ours and 
our  children's4 ,then follows an       
inventory of property4 ,all his cattle1 
all his goods1 the cattle of his        
getting1 c4 ,he had a large number  of  
servants at the time1 but they are not  
included with his property4  ,compare   
,gen4 xxx4 #dc1 with ,gen4 xxxi4 #af-ah4
    ,when he sent messengers to ,esau1  
in order to secure his respect1 and     
impress him with an idea of his state   
and sway1 he bade them tell him  not    
only of his ,,riches1 but of his        
,,greatness2 that ,jacob had oxen1  and 
asses1 and flocks1 and men servants1 and
 maid servants4 ,gen4  xxxii4 #d1 #e4   
,yet in the present which he sent1 there
 were no servants2  though he seems to  
have aimed to give it as much variety as

 possible4  ,gen4 xxxii4 #ad1 #ae2 see  
also ,gen4 xxxvi4 #f1 #g2 ,gen4 xxxiv4  
#bc4 ,as flocks  and herds were the     
staples of wealth1 a large number of    
servants  presupposed large possessions 
of cattle1 which would require many     
herdsmen4 ,further4 ,when servants are  
spoken of in connection with mere       
property1 the terms used to express the 
latter do not include the  former4      
,the ,hebrew word ,mickna is an         
illustration4 ,it is a derivative of    
,kana1 to procure1 to buy1 and its      
meaning is1 a possession1 wealth1       
riches4 ,it occurs more than forty times
 in the ,old ,testament--and is  applied
 always to mere property--generally to  
domestic animals1 but  never to         
servants4 ,in some instances1 servants  
are mentioned in  distinction from the  
,mickna4 ,see ,gen4 xii4 #e4 ,and       
,abraham took  ,sarah his wife1 and ,lot
 his brother's son4 ,and all their      
,,substance  that they had gathered1 and
 the souls that they had gotten in      

,haran1  and they went forth to go into 
the land of ,canaan4 ,substance         
gathered and souls gotten6 ,many will   
have it1 that these souls were  a part  
of ,abraham's substance 7notwithstanding
 the pains here taken to  separate them 
from it7--that they were                
slaves--probably captives in  war1 and  
now1 by right of conquest1 taken with   
him in his migration as  part of his    
family effects4 ,who but slaveholders1  
either actually1 or in  heart1 would    
torture into the principle and practice 
of slavery1 such a  harmless phrase as  
the souls that they had gotten8 ,until  
the slave  trade breathed its haze upon 
the vision of the church1 and smote her 
with palsy and decay1 commentators saw  
no slavery in1 ,the souls that  they had
 gotten4 ,in the ,targum of ,onkelos,a  
it is thus rendered1 ,the  souls whom   
they had brought to obey the law in     
,haran4 ,in the ,targum of  ,jonathan1  
thus3 ,the souls whom they had made     
proselytes in ,haran4 ,in  the ,targum  

of ,jerusalem1 ,the souls proselyted in 
,haran4 ,jarchi1 placed  by ,jewish     
,rabbis at the head of their            
commentators1 thus renders it3  ,the    
souls whom they had brought under the   
,divine wings4 ,jerome1 one of  the most
 learned of the ,christian fathers3 ,the
 persons whom they had  proselyted4 ,the
 ,persian version thus gives the whole  
verse1 ,and  ,abraham took ,sarah his   
wife1 and ,lot his brother's son1 and   
all their  wealth which they had        
accumulated1 and the souls which they   
had made4  ,the ,vulgate version thus   
translates it1 ,universam substantiam   
quam  possederant et animas quas        
fecerant in ,haran4 ,the entire wealth  
which  they possessed1 and the souls    
which they had made4 ,the ,syriac thus1 
,all their possessions which they       
possessed1 and the souls which they  had
 made in ,haran4 ,the ,arabic1 ,all     
their property which they had  acquired1
 and the souls whom they had made in    
,haran4 ,the ,samarian1 ,all  the wealth

 which they had gathered1 and the souls 
which they had made in  ,haran4         
,menochius1 a commentator who wrote     
before our present  translation of the  
,english ,bible1 renders it as          
follows3--,quas de  idolotraria         
converterunt,b4 ,those whom they have   
converted from  idolatry4--,paulus      
,fagius,c4 ,quas instituerant in        
religione4--,those  whom they had       
instructed in religion4--,luke ,franke1 
a ,german  commentator who lived two    
centuries ago4 ,quas legi               
subjicerant4--,those whom they had      
brought to obey the law4    ,footnote   
,a3 ,the ,targums are ,chaldee          
paraphrases of parts of the ,old        
,testament4 ,the ,targum of ,onkelos is 
for the most part1 a very accurate  and 
faithful translation of the original1   
and was probably made at about  the     
commencement of the ,christian era4 ,the
 ,targum of ,jonathan ,ben ,uzziel      
bears about the same date4 ,the ,targum 
of ,jerusalem was probably about  five  

hundred years later4 ,the ,israelites1  
during their long captivity in          
,babylon1 lost as a body1 their         
knowledge of their own language4 ,these 
translations of the ,hebrew ,scriptures 
into the ,chaldee1 the language  which  
they acquired in ,babylon1 were thus    
called for by the necessity of  the     
case4       ,footnote ,b3 ,see his      
,brevis explicatio sensus literalis     
totius  ,scripture4      ,footnote ,c3  
,this eminent ,hebrew scholar was       
invited to ,england by  ,cranmer1 then  
,archbishop of ,canterbury1 to          
superintend the translation  of the     
,bible into ,english1 under the         
patronage of ,henry the ,eighth4 ,he    
had hardly commenced the work when he   
died4 ,this was nearly a century  before
 the date of our present translation4   
#b4 ,the condition of servants in their 
masters' families1 the privileges  which
 they shared in common with the         
children1 and their recognition as      
equals by the highest officers of the   

government--make the doctrine that  they
 were mere ,,commodities1 an absurdity4 
,the testimony of ,paul1 in  ,gal4 iv4  
#a1 gives an insight into the condition 
of servants4 ,now ,i say  unto you1 that
 the heir1 so long as he is a child1    
,,differeth ,,nothing  ,,from ,a        
,,servant1 though he be lord of all4    
,that ,abraham's servants were          
voluntary1--that their interests were   
identified with those of their master's 
family--that they were regarded  with   
great affection by the household1 and   
that the utmost confidence  was reposed 
in them1 is shown in the arming of #cah 
of them for the  recovery of ,lot and   
his family from captivity4 ,see ,gen4   
xiv4 #ad1 #ae4    ,when ,abraham's      
servant went to ,padanaram1 the young   
,princess ,rebekah did  not disdain to  
say to him1 ,drink1 ,,my ,lord1 as she  
hasted and let down  her pitcher upon   
her hand1 and gave him drink1 and she   
hasted and  emptied her pitcher1 and ran
 again unto the well1 and drew for all  

his  camels4 ,laban1 the brother of     
,rebekah1 prepared the house for his    
reception1 ungirded his camels1 and     
brought him water to wash his  feet1 and
 the men's feet that were with him6     
,in the #ith chapter of #a ,samuel1 we  
have an account of a high festival in   
the city of ,zuph1 at which ,samuel1 the
 chief judge and ruler in ,israel1      
presided4 ,none sat down at the feast   
but those that were bidden4 ,and  only  
about thirty persons were invited4      
,quite a select party6--the  elite of   
the city of ,zuph6 ,saul and his servant
 arrived at ,zuph just as  the party was
 assembling2 and both of them1 at       
,samuel's solicitation1  accompany him  
as invited guests4 ,and ,samuel took    
,saul and his  ,,servant1 and brought   
,,them into the ,,parlor767 and made    
,,them sit in  the ,,chiefest ,,seats   
among those that were bidden4 ,a servant
 invited  by the chief judge1 ruler1 and
 prophet in ,israel1 to dine publicly   
with  a select party1 in company with   

his master1 who was at the same time    
anointed ,king of ,israel2 and this     
servant introduced by ,samuel into the  
,,parlor1 and assigned1 with his master1
 to the chiefest seat at the  table6    
,this was one of the servants of ,kish1 
,saul's father2 not  the steward or the 
chief of them--not at all a picked man1 
but  one of the servants2 any one that  
could be most easily spared1 as  no     
endowments specially rare would be      
likely to find scope in looking  after  
asses4    ,again3 we learn from #a      
,kings xvi4 #h1 #i1 that ,elah1 the     
,king of ,israel1  was slain by ,zimri1 
one of his chief officers1 at a festive 
entertainment1 in the house of ,arza1   
his steward1 or head servant1 with  whom
 he seems to have been on terms of      
familiarity4 ,without detailing  other  
cases1 we refer the reader to the       
intercourse between ,gideon and  his    
servant4--,judges vii4 #aj1             
#aa4--;,jonathan and his servant4--#a   
,samuel  xiv4 #a-ad4--;,elisha and his  

servant4        #c4 ,the condition of   
the ,gibeonites1 as subjects of the     
,hebrew  commonwealth1 shows that they  
were neither articles of property1 nor  
even ,,involuntary servants4 ,the       
condition of the inhabitants of         
,gibeon1 ,chephirah1 ,beeroth1 and      
,kirjathjearim1 under the ,israelites1  
is  quoted in triumph by the advocates  
of slavery2 and truly they are right    
welcome to all the crumbs that can be   
gleaned from it4 ,milton's devils  made 
desperate snatches at fruit that turned 
to ashes on their lips4 ,the  spirit of 
slavery raves under tormenting gnawings1
 and casts about in  blind phrenzy for  
something to ease1 or even to mock them4
 ,but for  this1 it would never have    
clutched at the ,gibeonites1 for even   
the  incantations of the demon cauldron1
 could not extract from their case      
enough to tantalize starvation's self4  
,but to the question4 ,what was the     
condition of the ,gibeonites under the  
,israelites8    7#a47 ,it was voluntary4

 ,it was their own proposition to       
,joshua to  become servants4 ,joshua ix4
 #h1 #aa4 ,their proposition was        
accepted1 but  the kind of service which
 they should perform1 was not specified 
until  their gross imposition came to   
light2 they were then assigned to menial
  offices in the tabernacle4    7#b47   
,they were not domestic servants in the 
families of the  ,israelites4 ,they     
still continued to reside in their own  
cities1  cultivating their own fields1  
tending their flocks and herds1 and     
exercising the functions of a distinct1 
though not independent  community4 ,they
 were subject to the ,jewish nation as  
tributaries4 ,so  far from being        
distributed among the ,israelites1 their
 family relations  broken up1 and their 
internal organization as a distinct     
people  abolished1 they seem to have    
remained a separate1 and1 in some       
respects1  an independent community for 
many centuries4 ,when they were attacked
 by  the ,amorites1 they applied to the 

,israelites as confederates for aid--it 
was promptly rendered1 their enemies    
routed1 and themselves left  unmolested 
in the occupation of their cities1 while
 all ,israel returned  to ,gilgal4      
,joshua x4 #f-ah4 ,long afterwards1     
,saul slew some of them1 and  ,god sent 
upon ,israel a three years' famine for  
it4 ,david said to the  ,gibeonites1    
,what shall ,i do for you1 and wherewith
 shall ,i make the  atonement1 that ye  
may bless the inheritance of the ,lord8 
,at their  demand1 he delivered up to   
them1 seven of the royal family1 five of
 them  the sons of ,michal1 his own     
former wife4 #b ,samuel xxi4 #a-i4 ,the 
whole  transaction was a formal         
recognition of the ,gibeonites as a     
separate  people4 ,there is no          
intimation that they served families1 or
 individuals  of the ,israelites1 but   
only the house of ,god1 or the          
,tabernacle4 ,this  was established     
first at ,gilgal1 a day's journey from  
the cities of the  ,gibeonites2 and then

 at ,shiloh1 nearly two days' journey   
from them2  where it continued about    
#cej years4 ,during all this period1 the
  ,gibeonites inhabited their ancient   
cities and territory4 ,only a few1      
comparatively1 could have been absent   
from their cities at any one time  in   
attendance on the tabernacle4    7#a47  
,whenever allusion is made to them in   
the history1 the main body are  spoken  
of as at home4    7#b47 ,it is          
preposterous to suppose that their      
tabernacle services could  have         
furnished employment for all the        
inhabitants of these four cities4  ,one 
of them was a great city1 as one of the 
royal cities2 so large1  that a         
confederacy of five kings1 apparently   
the most powerful in the  land1 was     
deemed necessary for its destruction4   
,it is probable that the  men were      
divided into classes1 and thus          
ministered at the tabernacle in         
rotation--each class a few days or weeks
 at a time4 ,this service was  their    

national tribute to the ,israelites1    
rendered for the privilege  of residence
 and protection under their government4 
,no service seems to  have been required
 of the females4 ,as these ,gibeonites  
were  ,canaanites1 and as they had      
greatly exasperated the ,israelites by  
impudent imposition1 hypocrisy1 and     
lying1 we might assuredly expect  that  
they would reduce them to the condition 
of chattels and property1  if there was 
any case in which ,god permitted them to
 do so4    #g4 ,because1 throughout the 
,mosaic system1 ,god warns them against 
holding their servants in such a        
condition as they were held in by the   
,egyptians4 ,how often are the          
,israelites pointed back to the         
grindings  of their prison-house6 ,what 
motives to the exercise of justice and  
kindness towards their servants1 are    
held out to their fears in  threatened  
judgements2 to their hopes in promised  
good2 and to all  within them that could
 feel1 by those oft repeated words of   

tenderness  and terror6 ,for ye were    
bondmen in the land of ,egypt--waking   
anew the  memory of tears and anguish1  
and of the wrath that avenged them4     
,that the argument derived from the     
condition of the ,israelites in ,egypt1 
and ,god's condemnation of it1 may be   
appreciated1 it is important that  the  
,egyptian bondage should be analyzed4   
,we shall then be able to  ascertain1 of
 what rights the ,israelites were       
plundered1 and what they  retained4     
,,egyptian ,,bondage ,,analyzed4 7#a47  
,the ,israelites were not dispersed     
among  the families of ,egypt1 the      
property of individual owners,a4 ,they  
formed a separate community4 ,see ,gen4 
xlvi4 #ce4 ,ex4 viii4 #bb1 #bd1 and  ix4
 #bf1 and x4 #bc1 and xi4 #g1 and ii4   
#i1 and xvi4 #bb1 and xvii4 #e4         
,footnote ,a3 ,the ,egyptians evidently 
had domestic servants living in  their  
families2 these may have been slaves2   
allusion is made to them in  ,exodus ix4
 #ad1 #bj1 #ba4 ,but none of the        

,israelites were included in this       
class4    7#b47 ,they had the exclusive 
possession of the land of ,goshen,b1 one
  of the richest and most productive    
parts of ,egypt4 ,gen4 xlv4 #ah1 and    
xlvii4 #f1 #aa1 #bg4 ,ex4 xii4 #d1 #ai1 
#bb1 #bc1 #bg4    ,footnote ,b3 ,the    
land of ,goshen was a large tract of    
country1 east of  the ,pelusian arm of  
the ,nile1 and between it and the head  
of the ,red  ,sea1 and the lower border 
of ,palestine4 ,the probable centre of  
that  portion1 occupied by the          
,israelites1 could hardly1 have been    
less than  #fj miles from the city4     
,from the best authorities it would seem
 that the  extreme western boundary of  
,goshen must have been many miles       
distant  from ,egypt4 ,see ,exodus of   
the ,israelites out of ,egypt1 an able  
article  by ,professor ,robinson1 in the
 ,biblical ,repository for ,october1    
#ahcb4    7#c47 ,they lived in permanent
 dwellings4 ,these were houses1 not     
tents4 ,in ,ex4 xii4 #f1 the two side   

posts1 and the upper door posts  of the 
houses are mentioned1 and in the #bb;d1 
the two side posts and the  lintel4     
,each family seems to have occupied a   
house by itself--,acts  vii4 #bj1 ,ex4  
xii4 #d--;and from the regulation about 
the eating of the  ,passover1 they could
 hardly have been small ones--,ex4 xii4 
#d--;and  probably contained separate   
apartments1 and places for seclusion4   
,ex4  ii4 #b1 #c2 ,acts vii4 #bj4 ,they 
appear to have been well apparelled4    
,ex4  xii4 #aa4 ,to have had their own  
burial grounds4 ,ex4 xiii4 #ai1 and xiv4
  #aa4    7#d47 ,they owned a mixed     
multitude of flocks and herds1 and very 
much cattle4 ,ex4 xii4 #cb1 #cg1 #ch4   
7#e47 ,they had their own form of       
government1 and preserved their tribe   
and family divisions1 and their internal
 organization throughout1 though  still 
a province of ,egypt1 and tributary to  
it4 ,ex4 ii4 #a1 and xii4  #ai1 #ba1 and
 vi4 #ad1 #be1 and v4 #ai1 and iii4 #af1
 #ah4    7#f47 ,they seem to have had in

 a considerable measure1 the disposal of
  their own time1--,ex4 xxiii4 #d1 and  
iii4 #af1 #ah1 and xii4 #f1 and ii4 #i1 
and iv4 #bg1 #bi-ca4 ,also to have      
practised the fine arts4 ,ex4 xxxii4 #d1
  and xxxv4 #cb-ce4    7#g47 ,they were 
all armed4 ,ex4 xxxii4 #bg4    7#h47    
,all the females seem to have known     
something of domestic  refinements2 they
 were familiar with instruments of      
music1 and skilled  in the working of   
fine fabrics4 ,ex4 xv4 #bj1 and #ce1    
#cf4    7#i47 ,they held their          
possessions independently1 and the      
,egyptians seem  to have regarded them  
as inviolable4 ,this we infer from the  
fact that  there is no intimation that  
the ,egyptians dispossessed them of     
their  habitations1 or took away their  
flocks1 or herds1 or crops1 or          
implements of agriculture1 or any       
article of property4    7#aj47 ,service 
seems to have been exacted from none but
 adult males4  ,nothing is said from    
which the bond service of females could 

be  inferred2 the hiding of ,moses three
 months by his mother1 and the  payment 
of wages to her by ,pharaoh's daughter1 
go against such a  supposition4 ,ex4 ii4
 #bi4    7#aa47 ,so far from being fed  
upon a given allowance1 their food was  
abundant1 and had great variety4 ,they  
sat by the flesh-pots1 and did  eat     
bread to the full4 ,ex4 xvi4 #c1 and    
xxiv4 #a1 and xvii4 #e1 and iv4  #bi1   
and vi4 #ad4 ,also1 they did eat fish   
freely1 and cucumbers1 and  melons1 and 
leeks1 and onions1 and garlic4 ,num4 xi4
 #d1 #e1 and x4 #ah1  and xx4 #e4       
7#ab47 ,that the great body of the      
people were not in the service of the   
,egyptians1 we infer 7#a7 from the fact1
 that the extent and variety of  their  
own possessions1 together with such a   
cultivation of their crops  as would    
provide them with bread1 and such care  
of their immense flocks  and herds1 as  
would secure their profitable increase1 
must have  furnished constant employment
 for the main body of the nation4       

7#b47 ,during the plague of darkness1   
,god informs us that ,,all the  children
 of ,israel had light in their          
dwellings4 ,we infer that they  were    
there to enjoy it4    7#c47 ,it seems   
improbable that the making of brick1 the
 only service  named during the latter  
part of their sojourn in ,egypt1 could  
have  furnished permanent employment for
 the bulk of the nation4 ,see also ,ex4 
iv4 #bi-ca4    ,besides1 when ,eastern  
nations employed tributaries1 it was1 as
 now1 in  the use of the levy1 requiring
 them to furnish a given quota1 drafted 
off periodically1 so that comparatively 
but a small portion of the  nation would
 be absent at any one time4    ,probably
 there was the same requisition upon the
 ,israelites for  one-fifth part of the 
proceeds of their labor1 that was laid  
upon the  ,egyptians4 ,see ,gen4 xlvii4 
#bd1 #bf4 ,instead of taking it out of  
their  crops1 7,goshen being better for 
pasturage than crops7 they exacted  it  
of them in brick making2 and it is quite

 probable that only the  poorer         
,israelites were required to work for   
the ,egyptians at all1 the  wealthier   
being able to pay their tribute1 in     
money4 ,see ,exod4 iv4  #bg-ca4    ,this
 was the bondage in ,egypt4 ,contrast it
 with ,american slavery4 ,have  our     
slaves very much cattle1 and a mixed    
multitude of flocks and  herds8 ,do they
 live in commodious houses of their own8
 ,do they sit by  the flesh-pots1 eat   
fish freely1 and eat bread to the full8 
,do  they live in a separate community1 
at a distance from their masters1 in    
their distinct tribes1 under their own  
rulers and officers8 ,have they  the    
exclusive occupation of an extensive and
 fertile tract of country  for the      
culture of their own crops1 and for     
rearing immense herds of  their own     
cattle--and all these held independently
 of their masters1  and regarded by them
 as inviolable8 ,are our female slaves  
free from all  exactions of labor and   
liabilities of outrage8--and whenever   

employed1  are they paid wages1 as was  
the ,israelitish woman1 when employed by
 the  king's daughter8 ,exod4 ii4 #i4   
,have the females entirely1 and the     
males  to a considerable extent1 the    
disposal of their own time8 ,have they  
the  means for cultivating social       
refinements1 for practising the fine    
arts1  and for intellectual and moral   
improvement8    ,,the ,,israelites1     
,,under ,,the ,,bondage ,,of ,,egypt1   
,,enjoyed ,,all ,,these ,,rights ,,and  
,,privileges4 ,true1 their lives were   
made bitter1 and all the service        
wherein they made them serve was with   
rigor4 ,but what was that1 when         
compared with the incessant toil of     
,american slaves1 the robbery of all    
their time and earnings1 and even the   
power to own any thing1 or  acquire any 
thing--the quart of corn a day1 the     
legal allowance of  food,a6--their only 
clothing for one half the year1 one     
shirt and  one pair of                  
pantaloons,b6--the two hours and a half 

only for rest  and refreshment in the   
twenty-four,c6--their dwellings1 hovels1
 unfit  for human residence1 commonly   
with but one apartment1 where both sexes
  and all ages herd promiscuously at    
night1 like the beasts of the field4    
,add to this1 the mental ignorance1 and 
moral degradation2 the daily            
separations of kindred1 the revelries of
 lust1 the lacerations and  baptisms of 
blood1 sanctioned by the laws of the    
,south1 and patronized  by its pubic    
sentiment4 ,what1 we ask1 was the       
bondage of ,egypt when  compared with   
this8 ,and yet for her oppression of the
 poor1 ,god smote  her with plagues1 and
 trampled her as the mire1 till she     
passed away in  his wrath1 and the place
 that knew her in her pride1 knew her no
 more4  ,ah6 ,i have seen the           
afflictions of my people1 and ,i have   
heard their  groanings1 and am come down
 to deliver them4 ,,he ,,did ,,come1 and
 ,egypt  sank1 a ruinous heap1 and her  
blood closed over her4    ,footnote ,a3 

,the law of ,north ,carolina4 ,see      
,haywood's ,manual1 #ebd-e              
,footnote ,b3 ,the law of ,louisiana4   
,see ,martin's ,digest1 #faj4           
,footnote ,c3 ,the whole amount of time 
secured by the law of ,louisiana4  ,see 
,act of ,july #g1 #ahjf4 ,martin's      
,digest1 #faj-ab    ,if such was ,god's 
retribution for the oppression of       
heathen ,egypt1 of  how much sorer      
punishment shall a ,christian people be 
thought worthy1  who cloak with         
religion1 a system1 in comparison with  
which the bondage  of ,egypt dwindles to
 nothing8    ,let those believe who can1
 that ,god gave his people permission to
 hold  human beings1 robbed of all their
 rights1 while he threatened them  with 
wrath to the uttermost1 if they         
practised the far lighter  oppression of
 ,egypt--which robbed its victims of    
only the least and  cheapest of their   
rights1 and left the females unplundered
 even of  these4 ,what6 ,is ,god divided
 against himself8 ,when he had just     

turned  ,egypt into a funeral pile2     
while his curse yet blazed upon her     
unburied  dead1 and his bolts still     
hissed amidst her slaughter1 and the    
smoke of  her torment went upwards      
because she had ,,robbed ,,the ,,poor1  
did ,he  license the ,,victims of       
robbery to rob the poor of ,,all8 ,as   
,lawgiver1  did he create a system      
tenfold more grinding than that1 for    
which he  had just hurled ,pharaoh      
headlong1 and cloven down his princes1  
and  overwhelmed his hosts1 and blasted 
them with ,his thunder1 till hell was   
moved to meet them at their coming8     
,having touched upon the general topics 
which we design to include in  this     
inquiry1 we proceed to examine various  
,scripture facts and  passages1 which   
will doubtless be set in array against  
the foregoing  conclusions4             
,,objections ,,considered4    ,the      
advocates of slavery are always at their
 wits end when they try to  press the   
,bible into their service4 ,every       

movement shows that they are            
hard-pushed4 ,their odd conceits and    
ever varying shifts1 their forced       
constructions1 lacking even             
plausibility1 their bold assumptions1   
and  blind guesswork1 not only proclaim 
their cause desperate1 but  themselves4 
,some of the ,bible defences thrown     
around slavery by  ministers of the     
,gospel1 do so torture common sense1    
,scripture1 and  historical fact1 that  
it were hard to tell whether absurdity1 
fatuity1  ignorance1 or blasphemy1      
predominates1 in compound4 ,each strives
 so  lustily for the mastery1 it may be 
set down a drawn battle4    ,how often  
has it been set up in type1 that the    
color of the negro is the  ,cain-mark1  
propagated downward4 ,doubtless ,cain's 
posterity started an  opposition to the 
ark1 and rode out the flood with flying 
streamers6 ,why  should not a miracle be
 wrought to point such an argument1 and 
fill out  for slaveholders a ,divine    
title-deed1 vindicating the ways of ,god

 to  men8        ,,objection #a4 ,cursed
 be ,canaan1 a servant of servants shall
 he be unto  his brethren4 ,gen4 i4 #be4
    ,this prophecy of ,noah is the vade 
mecum of slaveholders1 and they  never  
venture abroad without it4 ,it is a     
pocket-piece for sudden  occasion--a    
keepsake to dote over--a charm to       
spell-bind opposition1 and  a magnet to 
attract whatsoever worketh abomination1 
or maketh a lie4  ,but closely as they  
cling to it1 cursed be ,canaan is a poor
 drug to  stupify a throbbing           
conscience--a mocking lullaby1 vainly   
wooing slumber  to unquiet tossings1 and
 crying ,peace1 be still1 where ,god    
wakes war1  and breaks his thunders4    
,those who plead the curse on ,canaan to
 justify negro slavery1 assume  all the 
points in debate4    #a4 ,that the      
condition prophesied was slavery1 rather
 than the mere  rendering of service to 
others1 and that it was the bondage of  
individuals rather than the condition of
 a nation tributary to  another1 and in 

that sense its servant4    #b4 ,that the
 prediction of crime justifies it2 that 
it grants  absolution to those whose    
crimes fulfil it1 if it does not        
transform the  crimes into virtues4 ,how
 piously the ,pharaohs might have quoted
 ,god's  prophecy to ,abraham1 ,thy seed
 shall be in bondage1 and they shall    
afflict them for four hundred years4    
,and then1 what saints were  those that 
crucified the ,lord of glory6    #c4    
,that the ,africans are descended from  
,canaan4 ,whereas ,africa was  peopled  
from ,egypt and ,ethiopia1 and ,mizraim 
settled ,egypt1 and ,cush1  ,ethiopia4  
,see ,gen4 x4 #ae-ai1 for the location  
and boundaries of ,canaan's  posterity4 
,so on the assumption that ,african     
slavery fulfils the  prophecy1 a curse  
pronounced upon one people1 is quoted to
 justify its  infliction upon another4  
,perhaps it may be argued that ,canaan  
includes  all ,ham's posterity4 ,if so1 
the prophecy has not been fulfilled4    
,the  other sons of ,ham settled the    

,egyptian and ,assyrian empires1 and    
conjointly with ,shem the ,persian1 and 
afterward1 to some extent1 the  ,grecian
 and ,roman4 ,the history of these      
nations gives no verification of  the   
prophecy4 ,whereas the history of       
,canaan's descendants1 for more than    
three thousand years1 is a record of its
 fulfilment4 ,first1 they were  made    
tributaries by the ,israelites4 ,then   
,canaan was the servant of ,shem4       
,afterward1 by the ,medes and ,persians4
 ,then ,canaan was the servant of       
,shem1 and in part of the other sons of 
,ham4 ,afterward1 by the  ,macedonians1 
,grecians1 and ,romans1 successively4   
,then ,canaan was the  servant of       
,japhet1 mainly1 and secondarily of the 
other sons of ,ham4  ,finally1 they were
 subjected by the ,ottoman dynasty1     
where they yet  remain4 ,thus ,canaan is
 now the servant of ,shem and ,japhet   
and the  other sons of ,ham4    ,but it 
may still be objected1 that though      
,canaan is the only one named  in the   

curse1 yet the #bb;d and #bc;d verses   
show that it was pronounced  upon the   
posterity of ,ham in general4 ,and ,ham1
 the father of ,canaan1  saw the        
nakedness of his father1 and told his   
two brethren  without4--,verse #bb4 ,in 
verse #bc1 ,shem and ,japhet cover their
 father  with a garment4 ,verse #bd1    
,and ,noah awoke from his wine1 and knew
 what  his ,,younger son had done unto  
him1 and said1 c4    ,it is argued that 
this younger son cannot be ,canaan1 as  
he was not the  son1 but the grandson of
 ,noah1 and therefore it must be ,ham4  
,we  answer1 whoever that younger son   
was1 or whatever he did1 ,canaan  alone 
was named in the curse4 ,besides1 the   
,hebrew word ,ben1 signifies  son1      
grandson1 great-grandson1 or any one of 
the posterity of an  individual4 ,gen4  
xxix4 #e1 ,and he said unto them1 ,know 
ye ,laban1 the  ,,son of ,nahor8 ,yet   
,laban was the grandson of ,nahor4 ,gen4
 xxiv4 #ae1  #bi4 ,in #b ,sam4 xix4 #bd1
 it is said1 ,mephibosheth1 the ,,son of

 ,saul1  came down to meet the king4    
,but ,mephibosheth was the son of       
,jonathan1  and the grandson of ,saul4  
#b ,sam4 ix4 #f4 ,so ,ruth iv4 #ag4     
,there is a  ,,son born to ,naomi4 ,this
 was the son of ,ruth1 the              
daughter-in-law of  ,naomi4 ,ruth iv4   
#ac1 #ae4 ,so #b ,sam4 xxi4 #f4 ,let    
seven men of his  7,saul's7 ,,sons be   
delivered unto us1 c4 ,seven of ,saul's 
grandsons  were delivered up4 #b ,sam4  
xxi4 #h1 #i4 ,so ,gen4 xxi4 #bh1 ,and   
hast not  suffered me to kiss my ,,sons 
and my daughters2 and in the #eeth      
verse1  ,and early in the morning ,laban
 rose up and kissed his ,,sons1 c4      
,these were his grandsons4 ,so #b ,kings
 ix4 #bj1 ,the driving of ,jehu1  the   
,,son of ,nimshi4 ,so #a ,kings xix4    
#af4 ,but ,jehu was the grandson  of    
,nimshi4 #b ,kings ix4 #b1 #ad4 ,who    
will forbid the inspired writer to use  
the same word when speaking of ,noah's  
grandson8    ,further1 if ,ham were     
meant what propriety in calling him the 

younger  son8 ,the order in which       
,noah's sons are always mentioned1 makes
 ,ham the  second1 and not the younger  
son4 ,if it be said that ,bible usage is
  variable1 and that the order of birth 
is not always preserved in              
enumerations2 the reply is1 that1       
enumeration in the order of birth1 is   
the rule1 in any other order the        
exception4 ,besides1 if the younger     
member of a family1 takes precedence of 
older ones in the family record1  it is 
a mark of pre-eminence1 either in       
original endowments1 or  providential   
instrumentality4 ,abraham1 though sixty 
years younger than  his eldest brother1 
and probably the youngest of ,terah's   
sons1 stands  first in the family       
genealogy4 ,nothing in ,ham's history   
warrants the  idea of his pre-eminence2 
besides1 the ,hebrew word ,hakkaton1    
rendered  younger1 means the little1    
small4 ,the same word is used in ,isaiah
  xl4 #bb4 ,a ,,little ,,one shall      
become a thousand4 ,also in ,isaiah     

xxii4  #bd4 ,all vessels of ,,small     
quantity4 ,so ,psalms cxv4 #ac4 ,he will
  bless them that fear the ,lord1 both  
,,small and great4 ,also ,exodus  xviii4
 #bb4 ,but every ,,small matter they    
shall judge4 ,it would be a  perfectly  
literal rendering of ,gen4 ix4 #bd1 if  
it were translated thus1  when ,noah    
knew what his little son,a1 or grandson 
7,beno hakkaton7  had done unto him1 he 
said1 cursed be ,canaan1 c4    ,footnote
 ,a3 ,the ,french language in this      
respect follows the same  analogy4 ,our 
word grandson being in ,french1 petit   
fils1 7little  son47    ,even if the    
,africans were the descendants of       
,canaan1 the assumption that  their     
enslavement is a fulfilment of this     
prophecy1 lacks even  plausibility1 for1
 only a mere fraction of the inhabitants
 of ,africa  have at any one time been  
the slaves of other nations4 ,if the    
objector  say in reply1 that a large    
majority of the ,africans have always   
been  slaves at home1 we answer1 #ast4  

,it is false in point of fact1 though   
zealously bruited often to serve a turn4
 #b;d4 ,if it were true1 how does  it   
help the argument8 ,the prophecy was1   
,cursed be ,canaan2 a servant of        
servants shall he be unto his brethren  
not unto himself6        ,,objection    
,,ii4--,if a man smite his servant or   
his maid with a rod1 and  he die under  
his hand1 he shall surely be punished4  
,notwithstanding1 if  he continue a day 
or two1 he shall not be punished1 for he
 is his  money4 ,exodus xxi4 #bj1 #ba4  
,arguments drawn from the ,mosaic system
 in support of slavery1 originate  in a 
misconception both of its genius1 as a  
whole1 and of the design  and scope of  
its most simple provisions4 ,the verses 
quoted above1 afford  an illustration in
 point4    ,what was the design of this 
regulation8 ,was it to grant masters an 
indulgence to beat servants with        
impunity8 and an assurance1 that if     
they beat them to death1 the offence    
would not be capital8 ,this is          

substantially what some modern ,doctors 
tell us4 ,what ,deity do such men       
worship8 ,some blood-gorged ,moloch1    
enthroned on human hecatombs1 and       
snuffing carnage for incense8 ,did ,he  
who thundered out from ,sinai's  flames1
 ,,thou ,,shalt ,,not ,,kill1 offer a   
bounty on murder8 ,whoever  analyzes the
 ,mosaic system--the condition of the   
people for whom it was  made--their     
inexperience in government--ignorance of
 judicial  proceedings--laws of         
evidence1 c41 will find a moot court in 
session1  trying law points--setting    
definitions1 or laying down rules of    
evidence1 in almost every chapter4      
,numbers xxxv4 #aj-bb2 ,deuteronomy xi4 
#aa1 and xix4 #d-f2 ,leviticus xxiv4    
#ai-bb2 ,exodus1 xxi4 #ah1 #ai1 are a   
few1  out of many cases stated1 with    
tests furnished by which to detect the  
intent1 in actions brought before them4 
,the detail gone into1 in the  verses   
quoted1 is manifestly to enable the     
judges to get at the motive  of the     

action1 and find out whether the master 
designed to kill4    #a4 ,if a man smite
 his servant with a rod4--,the          
instrument used1  gives a clue to the   
intent4 ,see ,numbers xxxv4 #af1 #ah4   
,it was a rod1  not an axe1 nor a sword1
 nor a bludgeon1 nor any other          
death-weapon--hence1 from the kind of   
instrument1 no design to kill  would be 
inferred2 for intent to kill would      
hardly have taken a rod  for its weapon4
 ,but if the servant dies under his     
hand1 then the  unfitness of the        
instrument1 instead of being evidence in
 his favor1 is  point blank against him2
 for1 to strike him with a rod until he 
dies1 argues a great many blows laid on 
with great violence1 and  this kept up  
to the death-gasp1 establishes the point
 of intent to  kill4 ,hence the         
sentence1 ,he shall surely be punished4 
,the case is  plain and strong4 ,but if 
he continued a day or two1 the length of
  time that he lived1 together with the 
kind of instrument used1 and  the fact  

that the master had a pecuniary interest
 in his life1 7he is  his money17 all1  
made out a strong case of circumstantial
 evidence1  showing that the master did 
not design to kill2 and required a      
corresponding decision and sentence4 ,a 
single remark on the word  punished3 in 
,exodus xxi4 #bj1 #ba1 the ,hebrew word 
here rendered  punished1 7,nakum17 is   
not so rendered in another instance4    
,yet it  occurs thirty-five times in the
 ,old ,testament--in almost every       
instance1  it is translated avenge--in a
 few1 to take vengeance1 or to  revenge1
 and in this instance ,,alone1 punish4  
,as it stands in our  translation1 the  
pronoun preceding it1 refers to the     
master--the  master in the #bast verse1 
is to be punished1 and in the #bb;d not 
to  be punished2 whereas the preceding  
pronoun refers neither to the  master   
nor to the servant1 but to the crime1   
and the word rendered  punished1 should 
have been rendered avenged4 ,the meaning
 is this3 ,if  a man smite his servant  

or his maid with a rod1 and he die under
 his  hand1 ,,it 7the death7 shall      
surely be avenged1 or literally1 by     
avenging  it shall be avenged2 that is1 
the death of the servant shall be       
avenged by the death of the master4 ,so 
in the next verse--,if he  continues a  
day or two1 his death shall not be      
avenged by the death  of the master1 for
 in that case the crime was to be       
adjudged  manslaughter1 and not murder1 
as in the first instance4 ,in the       
following verse1 another case of        
personal injury is stated1 not          
intentional1 nor extending to life or   
limb1 a mere accidental hurt1 for  which
 the injurer is to pay a sum of money2  
and yet our translators  employ the same
 phraseology in both places4 ,one1 an   
instance of  deliberate1 wanton1 killing
 by piecemeal4 ,the other and           
accidental1  and comparatively slight   
injury--of the inflicter1 in both cases1
 they  say the same thing6 ,he shall    
surely be punished4 ,now1 just the      

difference which common sense would     
expect to find in such cases1 where     
,,god legislates1 is strongly marked in 
the original4 ,in the case of the       
servant wilfully murdered1 ,god says1   
,it 7the death7 shall surely be         
avenged1 7,nakum17 that is1 the life of 
the wrong doer shall  expiate the crime4
 ,the same word is used in the ,old     
,testament1 when the  greatest wrongs   
are redressed1 by devoting the          
perpetrators1 whether  individuals or   
communities1 to destruction4 ,in the    
case of the  unintentional injury1 in   
the following verse1 ,god says1 ,he     
shall  surely be fined1 7,aunash47 ,he  
shall pay as the judges  determine4 ,the
 simple meaning of the word ,aunash1 is 
to lay a fine4  ,it is used in ,deut4   
xxii4 #ai4 ,they shall amerce him in one
 hundred  shekels1 and in #b ,chron4    
xxxvi4 #c--;,he condemned 7mulcted7 the 
land  in a hundred talents of           
gold4--,this is the general use of the  
word1 and  its primary signification4   

,that avenging the death of the servant1
 was  neither imprisonment1 nor stripes1
 nor amercing the master in damages1    
but that it was taking the master's life
 we infer4    #a4 ,from the ,bible usage
 of the word ,nakam4 ,see ,genesis iv4  
#bd2 ,joshua  x4 #ac2 ,judges xv4       
#g-xvi4 #bh2 #a ,samuel xiv4 #bd-xviii4 
#be-xxv4 #ca2 #b  ,samuel iv4 #h2       
,judges v4 #b2 #a ,samuel xxv4 #bf-cc1  
c4 c4    #b4 ,from the express statute  
in such case provided4 ,leviticus xxiv4 
#ag4  ,he that killeth ,,any man shall  
surely be put to death4 ,also ,numbers  
xxxv4 #cj1 #ca4 ,whoso killeth ,,any    
person1 the murderer shall be put  to   
death4 ,moreover ye shall take ,,no     
,,satisfaction for the life of a        
murderer which is guilty of death1 but  
he shall surely be put to  death4    #c4
 ,the ,targum of ,jonathan gives the    
verse thus1 ,death by the sword  shall  
assuredly be adjudged4 ,the ,targum of  
,jerusalem thus1 ,vengeance  shall be   
taken for him to the uttermost4 ,jarchi 

gives the same  rendering4 ,the         
,samaritan version thus1 ,he shall die  
the death4    ,again1 the last clause in
 the #bast verse 7for he is his money7  
is  often quoted to prove that the      
servant is his master's property1 and   
therefore1 if he died1 the master was   
not to be punished4 ,because1  #ast4 ,a 
man may dispose of his property as he   
pleases4 #b;d4 ,if the  servant died of 
the injury1 the master's loss was a     
sufficient  punishment4 ,a word about   
the premises1 before we notice the      
inferences4  ,the assumption is1 that   
the phrase1 ,,he ,,is ,,his ,,money1    
proves not only  that the servant is    
worth money to the master1 but that he  
is an  article of property4 ,if the     
advocates of slavery will take this     
principle of interpretation into the    
,bible1 and turn it loose1 let them     
either give bonds for its behavior1 or  
else stand and draw in  self-defence1   
lest it turn again and rend them4 ,if   
they endorse for it  at one point1 they 

must stand sponsors all around the      
circle4 ,it will be  too late to cry for
 quarter when they find its stroke      
clearing the whole  table1 and tilting  
them among the sweepings beneath4 ,the  
,bible abounds  with such expressions as
 the following3 ,this 7bread7 is my     
body2  this 7wine7 is my blood2 all they
 7the ,israelites7 are brass1 and  tin1 
and iron1 and lead2 this is life        
eternal1 that they might know  thee2    
this 7the water of the well of          
,bethlehem7 is the blood of the  men who
 went in jeopardy of their lives2 ,i am 
the lily of the  valleys2 a garden      
enclosed is my sister2 my tears have    
been my  meat2 the ,lord ,god is a sun  
and a shield2 ,god is love2 the  ,lord  
is my rock2 the seven good ears are     
seven years1 and the  seven good kine   
are seven years2 the seven thin and     
ill-favored kine  are seven years1 and  
the seven empty ears blasted by the east
 wind  shall be seven years of famine2  
he shall be head1 and thou shall  be    

tail2 the ,lord will be a wall of fire2 
they shall be one  flesh2 the tree of   
the field is man's life2 ,god is a      
consuming  fire2 he is his money1 c4 ,a 
passion for the exact literalities  of  
,bible language is so amiable1 it were  
hard not to gratify it in this  case4   
,the words in the original are          
7,kaspo-hu17 his silver is he4  ,the    
objector's principle of interpretation  
is1 a philosopher's stone6  ,its miracle
 touch transmutes five feet eight inches
 of flesh and bones  into solid silver6 
,quite a permanent servant1 if not so   
nimble with  all--reasoning against     
forever1 is forestalled henceforth1 and1
  ,deut4 xxiii4 #ae1 utterly outwitted4 
,who in his senses believes that in the 
expression1 ,he is his money1  the      
object was to inculcate the doctrine    
that the servant was a  chattel8 ,the   
obvious meaning is1 he is worth money to
 his master1  and since1 if the master  
killed him1 it would take money out of  
his  pocket1 the pecuniary loss1 the    

kind of instrument used1 and the  fact  
of his living some time after the       
injury1 7as1 if the master  meant to    
kill1 he would be likely to do it while 
about it17 all  together make out a     
strong case of presumptive evidence     
clearing the  master of intent to kill4 
,but let us look at the objector's      
inferences4 ,one is1 that as the master 
might dispose of his property  as he    
pleased1 he was not to be punished1 if  
he destroyed it4 ,answer4  ,whether the 
servant died under the master's hand1 or
 continued a day or  two1 he was equally
 his master's property1 and the objector
 admits  that in the first case the     
master is to be surely punished for     
destroying his own property6 ,the other 
inference is1 that since the            
continuance of a day or two1 cleared the
 master of intent to kill1 the  loss of 
the slave would be a sufficient         
punishment for inflicting the  injury   
which caused his death4 ,this inference 
makes the ,mosaic law false  to its own 

principles4 ,a pecuniary loss1          
constituted no part of the  claims of   
the law1 where a person took the life of
 another4 ,in such  case1 the law       
utterly spurned money1 however large the
 sum4 ,god would  not so cheapen human  
life1 as to balance it with such a      
weight4 ,ye  shall take no satisfaction 
for the life of a murderer1 but he shall
  surely be put to death4 ,see ,numb4   
xxxv4 #ca4 ,even in excusable  homicide1
 a case of death purely accidental1 as  
where an axe slipped  from the helve and
 killed a man1 no sum of money availed  
to release from  confinement in the city
 of refuge1 until the death of the ,high
 ,priest4  ,numbers xxxv4 #cb4 ,the     
doctrine that the loss of the servant   
would be a  penalty adequate to the     
desert of the master1 admits the        
master's  guilt--his desert of some     
punishment1 and it prescribes a kind of 
punishment1 rejected by the law1 in all 
cases where man took the life of  man1  
whether with or without intent to kill4 

,in short1 the objector  annuls an      
integral part of the system--resolves   
himself into a  legislature1 with power 
in the premises1 makes a new law1 and   
coolly  metes out such penalty as he    
thinks fit1 both in kind and quantity4  
,mosaic statutes amended1 and ,divine   
legislation revised and improved6       
,the master who struck out the tooth of 
a servant1 whether intentionally  or    
not1 was required to set him free for   
his tooth's sake4 ,the  pecuniary loss  
to the master was the same as though the
 servant had  died4 ,look at the two    
cases4 ,a master beats his servant so   
severely1  that after a day or two he   
dies of his wounds2 another master      
accidentally strikes out his servant's  
tooth1 and his servant is  free--the    
pecuniary loss of both masters is the   
same4 ,the objector  contends that the  
loss of the slave's services in the     
first case is  punishment sufficient for
 the crime of killing him2 yet ,god     
commands the  same punishment for even  

the accidental knocking out of a tooth6 
,indeed1 unless the injury was done     
inadvertently1 the loss of the          
servant's services is only a part of the
 punishment--mere reparation  to the    
individual for injury done2 the main    
punishment1 that  strictly judicial1    
was1 reparation to the community for    
injury to  one of its members4 ,to set  
the servant free1 and thus proclaim his 
injury1 his right to redress1 and the   
measure of it--answered not the  ends of
 public justice4 ,the law made an       
example of the offender1 those  that    
remain might hear and fear4 ,if a man   
cause a blemish in his  neighbour1 as he
 hath done1 so shall it be done unto    
him4 ,breach for  breach1 eye for eye1  
tooth for tooth2 as he hath caused a    
blemish in a  man1 so shall it be done  
to him again4 ,you have one manner of   
law as  well for the ,,stranger as for  
one of your own country4 ,lev4 xxiv4    
#ai1  #bj1 #bb4 ,finally1 if a master   
smote out the tooth of a servant1 the   

law  smote out his tooth--thus          
redressing the public wrong2 and it     
cancelled the servant's obligation to   
the master1 thus giving some            
compensation for the injury done1 and   
exempting him from perilous  liabilities
 in future4        ,,objection ,,iii4   
,both the bondmen and bondmaids which   
thou shalt have1  shall be of the       
heathen that are round about you1 of    
them shall ye buy  bondmen and          
bondmaids4 ,moreover of the children of 
the strangers that do  sojourn among    
you1 of them shall ye buy1 and of their 
families that are  with you1 which they 
begat in your land1 and they shall be   
your  possession4 ,and ye shall take    
them as an inheritance for your children
  after you1 to inherit them for a      
possession2 they shall be your bondmen  
forever4 ,lev4 xxv4 #dd-df4    ,the     
points in these verses1 urged as proof1 
that the ,mosaic system  sanctioned     
slavery1 are #a4 ,the word ,,bondmen4   
#b4 ,,buy4 #c4 ,,inheritance  ,,and     

,,possession4 #d4 ,,forever4    ,the    
second point1 the buying of servants1   
has been already  discussed1 see page   
#ae4 ,and a part of the third 7holding  
servants as a  possession4 ,see p4 #cf47
 ,we will now ascertain what sanction to
 slavery  is derivable from the terms   
bondmen1 inheritance1 and forever4      
,i4 ,,bondmen4 ,the fact that servants1 
from the heathen are called  bondmen1   
while others are called servants1 is    
quoted as proof that  the former were   
slaves4 ,as the caprices of ,king       
,james' translators  were not divinely  
inspired1 we need stand in no special   
awe of them4 ,the  word rendered        
bondmen1 in this passage1 is the same   
word uniformly  rendered servants       
elsewhere4 ,to infer from this that the 
,gentile  servants were slaves1 is      
absurd4 ,look at the use of the ,hebrew 
word  ,ebed1 the plural of which is here
 translated bondmen4 ,in ,isaiah  xlii4 
#a1 the same word is applied to ,christ4
 ,behold my servant  7bondman1 slave87  

whom ,i have chosen1 mine elect in whom 
my soul  delighteth4 ,so ,isaiah lii4   
#ac4 ,behold my servant 7,christ7 shall 
deal  prudently4 ,in #a ,kings xii4 #f1 
#g1 it is applied to ,king ,rehoboam4   
,and  they 7the old men7 spake unto him1
 saying if thou wilt be a servant       
7,ebed7 unto this people this day1 and  
will serve them and answer them1  and   
wilt speak good words to them1 then they
 will be thy servants  forever4 ,in #b  
,chron4 xii4 #g1 #h1 #i1 #ac1 it is     
applied to the king and  all the nation4
 ,in fine1 the word is applied to all   
persons doing  service to others--to    
magistrates1 to all governmental        
officers1 to  tributaries1 to all the   
subjects of governments1 to younger     
sons--defining their relation to the    
first born1 who is called ,lord  and    
ruler--to prophets1 to kings1 to the    
,messiah1 and in respectful  addresses  
not less than fifty times in the ,old   
,testament4    ,if the ,israelites not  
only held slaves1 but multitudes of     

them1 why had  their language no word   
that meant slave8 ,if ,abraham had      
thousands1  and if they abounded under  
the ,mosaic system1 why had they no such
  word as slave or slavery8 ,that       
language must be wofully poverty        
stricken1 which has no signs to         
represent the most common and  familiar 
objects and conditions4 ,to represent by
 the same word1 and  without figure1    
property1 and the owner of that         
property1 is a  solecism4 ,ziba was an  
,ebed1 yet he owned 767 twenty ,ebeds4  
,in  ,english1 we have both the words   
servant and slave4 ,why8 ,because we    
have both the things1 and need signs for
 them4 ,if the tongue had a  sheath1 as 
swords have scabbards1 we should have   
some name for it3 but  our dictionaries 
give us none4 ,why8 because there is no 
such thing4  ,but the objector asks1    
,would not the ,israelites use their    
word ,ebed  if they spoke of the slave  
of a heathen8 ,answer4 ,the servants of 
individuals among the heathen are       

scarcely ever alluded to4 ,national     
servants or tributaries1 are spoken of  
frequently1 but so rarely are  their    
domestic servants alluded to1 no        
necessity existed1 even if they  were   
slaves1 for coining a new word4         
,besides1 the fact of their being       
domestics1 under heathen laws and       
usages1 proclaimed their  liabilities2  
their locality told their condition2 so 
that in applying  to them the word      
,ebed1 there would be no danger of being
  misunderstood4 ,but if the ,israelites
 had not only servants1 but  besides    
these1 a multitude of slaves1 a word    
meaning slave1 would  have been         
indispensable for purposes of every day 
convenience4 ,further1  the laws of the 
,mosaic system were so many sentinels on
 every side1 to  warn off foreign       
practices4 ,the border ground of        
,canaan1 was quarantine  ground1        
enforcing the strictest non-intercourse 
between the without  and the within1 not
 of persons1 but of usages4 ,the fact   

that the  ,hebrew language had no words 
corresponding to slave and slavery1     
though not a conclusive argument1 is no 
slight corroborative4        ,,ii4      
,,forever4--,they shall be your bondmen 
forever4 ,this is quoted  to prove that 
servants were to serve during their life
 time1 and their  posterity1 from       
generation to generation4    ,no such   
idea is contained in the passage4 ,the  
word forever1 instead of  defining the  
length of individual service1 proclaims 
the permanence  of the regulation laid  
down in the two verses preceding1       
namely1 that  their permanent domestics 
should be of the ,strangers1 and not of 
the  ,israelites2 and it declares the   
duration of that general provision4 ,as 
if ,god had said1 ,you shall always get 
your permanent laborers from  the       
nations round about you--your servants  
shall always be of that  class of       
persons4 ,as it stands in the original1 
it is plain--,forever  of them shall ye 
serve yourselves4 ,this is the literal  

rendering of  the ,hebrew words1 which1 
in our version1 are translated1 ,they   
shall be  your bondmen forever4    ,this
 construction is in keeping with the    
whole of the passage4 ,both thy  bondmen
 and thy bondmaids1 which thou shalt    
have1 shall be of the  heathen 7the     
nations7 that are round about you4 ,,of 
,,them shall ye buy  bondmen and        
bondmaids4 ,moreover of the children of 
the strangers that do  sojourn among    
you1 ,,of ,,them shall ye buy1 c4 ,the  
design of this passage  is manifest from
 its structure4 ,it was to point out the
 class of  persons from which they were 
to get their supply of servants1 and the
  way in which they were to get them4   
,that forever refers to the  permanent  
relations of a community1 rather than to
 the services of  individuals1 is a fair
 inference from the form of the         
expression1  ,,they shall be your       
possession4 ,ye shall take them as an   
inheritance  for your children to       
inherit them for a possession4 ,to say  

nothing of  the uncertainty of these    
individuals surviving those after whom  
they  are to live1 the language used1   
applies more naturally to a body of     
people1 than to individual servants4    
,but suppose it otherwise2 still        
perpetual service could not be argued   
from the term forever4 ,the ninth and   
tenth verses of the same chapter1  limit
 it absolutely by the jubilee4 ,then    
shall thou cause the trumpet  of the    
jubilee to sound on the tenth day of the
 seventh month3 in the  day of atonement
 shall ye make the trumpet sound        
throughout ,,all your  land4 ,and ye    
shall hallow the fiftieth year1 and     
proclaim liberty  throughout all the    
land unto ,,all the inhabitants thereof4
    ,it may be objected that inhabitants
 here means ,israelitish  inhabitants   
alone4 ,the command is1 ,proclaim       
liberty throughout all the  land unto   
,,all the inhabitants thereof4 ,besides1
 in the sixth verse1  there is an       
enumeration of the different classes of 

the inhabitants1 in  which servants and 
strangers are included4 ,and the        
,sabbath of the land  shall be meet for 
,,you--,for whom8 ,for you ,israelites  
only8--for  thee1 and for thy ,,servant1
 and for thy maid1 and for thy hired    
servant1 and for thy ,,stranger that    
sojourneth with thee4    ,further1 in   
all the regulations of the jubilee1 and 
the sabbatical year1  the strangers are 
included in the precepts1 prohibitions1 
and promised  blessings4 ,again3 the    
year of jubilee was ushered in1 by the  
day of  atonement4 ,what was the design 
of these institutions8 ,the day of      
atonement prefigured the atonement of   
,christ1 and the year of jubilee1  the  
gospel jubilee4 ,and did they prefigure 
an atonement and a jubilee to  ,jews    
only8 ,were they the types of sins      
remitted1 and of salvation1  proclaimed 
to the nation of ,israel alone8 ,is     
there no redemption for  us ,gentiles in
 these ends of the earth1 and is our    
hope presumption and  impiety8 ,did that

 old partition wall survive the shock1  
that made earth  quake1 and hid the sun1
 burst graves and rocks1 and rent the   
temple  vail8 ,and did the ,gospel only 
rear it higher to thunder direr         
perdition  from its frowning battlements
 on all without8 ,no6 ,the ,god of ,,our
  salvation lives4 ,good tidings of     
great joy shall be to ,,all people4     
,one shout shall swell from all the     
ransomed1 ,thou hast redeemed us  unto  
,god by thy blood out of ,,every        
kindred1 and tongue1 and people1 and    
nation4 ,to deny that the blessings of  
the jubilee extended to the  servants   
from the ,gentiles1 makes ,christianity 
,judaism4 ,it not only  eclipses the    
glory of the ,gospel1 but strikes out   
the sun4 ,the refusal  to release       
servants at the sound of the jubilee    
trumpet1 falsified and  disannulled a   
grand leading type of the atonement1 and
 thus libelled the  doctrine of         
,christ's redemption4    ,finally1 even 
if forever did refer to the length of   

individual  service1 we have ample      
precedents for limiting the term by the 
jubilee4  ,the same word is used to     
define the length of time for which     
those  ,jewish servants were held1 who  
refused to go out in the seventh  year4 
,and all admit that their term of       
service did not go beyond the  jubilee4 
,ex4 xxi4 #b-f2 ,deut4 xv4 #ab-ag4      
,the #bc;d verse of the same chapter is 
quoted to prove that forever in  the    
#dfth verse1 extends beyond the jubilee4
 ,the land shall not be  sold ,,forever1
 for the land is mine--as it would      
hardly be used in  different senses in  
the same general connection4 ,in reply1 
we repeat  that forever respects the    
duration of the general arrangement1 and
  not that of individual service4       
,consequently1 it is not affected by    
the jubilee2 so the objection does not  
touch the argument4 ,but it may  not be 
amiss to show that it is equally        
harmless against any other  argument    
drawn from the use of forever in the    

#dfth verse1--for the word  there used1 
is ,olam1 meaning throughout the period1
 whatever that  may be4 ,whereas in the 
#bc;d verse1 it is ,tsemithuth1 meaning 
cutting  off1 or to be cut off4         
,,iii4 ,,inheritance ,,and              
,,possession4--,ye shall take them as an
  ,,inheritance for your children after 
you to inherit them for a  possession4  
,this refers to the nations1 and not to 
the individual  servants1 procured from 
these nations4 ,we have already shown1  
that  servants could not be held as a   
property-possession1 and inheritance2   
that they became servants of their own  
accord1 and were paid wages2  that they 
were released by law from their regular 
labor nearly half the  days in each     
year1 and thoroughly instructed2 that   
the servants were  protected in all     
their personal1 social1 and religious   
rights1 equally  with their masters1 c4 
,now1 truly1 all remaining1 after these 
ample  reservations1 would be small     
temptation1 either to the lust of power 

or  of lucre4 ,what a profitable        
possession and inheritance6 ,what if our
  ,american slaves were all placed in   
just such a condition6 ,alas1 for  that 
soft1 melodious circumlocution1 ,our    
,,peculiar species of property6  ,truly1
 emphasis is cadence1 and euphony and   
irony have met together6    ,what eager 
snatches at mere words1 and bald        
technics1 irrespective of  connection1  
principles of construction1 ,bible      
usages1 or limitations of  meaning by   
other passages--and all to eke out such 
a sense as accords  with existing usages
 and sanctifies them1 thus making ,god  
pander for  their lusts4 ,little matter 
whether the meaning of the word be      
primary or  secondary1 literal or       
figurative1 provided it sustains their  
practices4    ,but let us inquire       
whether the words rendered inherit and  
inheritance1 when used in the ,old      
,testament1 necessarily point out the   
things inherited and possessed as       
articles of property4 ,nahal and        

,nahala--inherit and inheritance4 ,see  
#b ,chronicles x4 #af4 ,the  people     
answered the king and said1 ,what       
portion have we in ,david1 and we  have 
none inheritance in the son of ,jesse4  
,did they mean gravely to  disclaim the 
holding of their king as an article of  
property8 ,psalms  cxxvii4 #c--,lo1     
children are an heritage 7inheritance7  
of the ,lord4  ,exodus xxxiv4           
#i--,pardon our iniquity and our sin1   
and take us for thine  inheritance4     
,when ,god pardons his enemies1 and     
adopts them as his  children1 does he   
make them articles of property8 ,are    
forgiveness1 and  chattel-making1       
synonymes8 ,psalms cxix4 #aaa--,thy     
testimonies have ,i  taken as a heritage
 7inheritance7 forever4 ,ezekiel xliv4  
#bg1 #bh--;,and  in the day that he     
goeth into the sanctuary1 unto the inner
 court to  minister in the sanctuary1 he
 shall offer his sin-offering1 saith the
  ,lord ,god4 ,and it shall be unto them
 for an inheritance2 ,i am their        

inheritance4 ,psalms ii4 #h--;,ask of   
me1 and ,i will give thee the  heathen  
for thine inheritance4 ,psalms xciv4    
#ad--;,for the ,lord will  not cast off 
his people1 neither will he forsake his 
inheritance4 ,see  also ,deuteronomy iv4
 #bj2 ,joshua xiii4 #cc2 ,chronicles x4 
#af2 ,psalms  lxxxii4 #h1 and lxxviii4  
#fb1 #ga2 ,proverbs xiv4 #h4    ,the    
question whether the servants were a    
,,property--possession1 has  been       
already discussed--7,see p4 #cf7--we    
need add in this place but a  word4     
,ahusa rendered possession4 ,genesis    
xlii4 #aa--;,and ,joseph  placed his    
father and his brethren1 and gave them a
 possession in the  land of ,egypt1 in  
the best of the land1 in the land of    
,rameses1 as  ,pharaoh had commanded4   
,in what sense was the land of ,goshen  
the possession of the ,israelites8      
,answer1 ,in the sense of1 having it to 
live in4 ,in what sense were the        
,israelites to possess these nations1   
and take them as an  inheritance for    

their children8 ,we answer1 ,they       
possessed them as a  permanent source of
 supply for domestic or household       
servants4 ,and this  relation to these  
nations was to go down to posterity as a
 standing  regulation--a national usage 
respecting them1 having the certainty   
and  regularity of a descent by         
inheritance4 ,the sense of the whole    
regulation may be given thus3 ,thy      
permanent domestics1 both male and      
female1 which thou shalt have1 shall be 
of the nations that are round  about    
you1 of them shall ye get male and      
female domestics4 ,moreover  of the     
children of the foreigners that do      
sojourn among you1 of them  shall ye    
get1 and of their families that are with
 you1 which they begat  in your land1   
and they shall be your permanent        
resource1 7for  household servants47    
,and ye shall take them as a perpetual  
provision  for your children after you1 
to hold as a constant source of supply4 
,,always of them shall ye serve         

yourselves4        ,,objection ,,iv4 ,if
 thy brother that dwelleth by thee be   
waxen poor1 and  be sold unto thee1 thou
 shalt not compel him to serve as a     
,,bond-,,servant1 but as an             
,,hired-,,servant1 and as a sojourner   
shall he be  with thee1 and shall serve 
thee unto the year of jubilee4 ,lev4    
xxv4  #ci1 #dj4    ,from the fact that  
only one class of the servants is called
 hired1  it is sagely inferred that     
servants of the other class were not    
paid  for their labor4 ,that is1 that   
while ,god thundered anathemas against  
those who used their neighbor's service 
without wages1 he granted a  special    
indulgence to his chosen people to seize
 persons1 force them to  work1 and rob  
them of earnings1 provided always1 in   
selecting their  victims1 they spared   
the gentlemen of property and standing1 
and  pounced only upon the strangers and
 the common people4 ,the inference  that
 hired is synonimous with paid1 and that
 those servants not  called hired were  

not paid for their labor1 is a mere     
assumption4    ,the meaning of the      
,english verb to hire1 is1 as every one 
knows1 to  procure for a temporary use  
at a curtain price--to engage a person  
to  temporary service for wages4 ,that  
is also the meaning of the ,hebrew  word
 ,saukar4 ,temporary service1 and       
generally for a specific  object1 is    
inseparable from its meaning4 ,it is    
never used when the  procurement of     
permanent service1 for a long period1 is
 spoken of4  ,now1 we ask1 would        
permanent servants1 those who           
constituted an  integral and stationary 
part of the family1 have been designated
 by the  same term that marks temporary 
servants8 ,the every-day distinctions   
made on this subject1 are as familiar as
 table-talk4 ,in many families1  the    
domestics perform only such labor1 as   
every day brings along with  it--the    
regular work4 ,whatever is occasional   
merely1 as the washing  of a family1 is 
done by persons hired expressly for the 

purpose4 ,in  such families1 the        
familiar distinction between the two    
classes1 is  servants1 or domestics1 and
 hired help1 7not paid help47 ,both     
classes are paid4 ,one is permanent1 the
 other occasional and  temporary1 and   
therefore in this case called hired4 ,to
 suppose a  servant robbed of his       
earnings1 because when spoken of1 he is 
not called  a hired servant1 is profound
 induction6 ,if ,i employ a man at      
twelve  dollars a month to work my farm1
 he is my hired man1 but if1 instead  of
 giving him so much a month1 ,i give him
 such a portion of the crop1  or in     
other words1 if he works my farm on     
shares1 he is no longer my  hired man4  
,every farmer knows that that           
designation is not applied  to him4 ,yet
 he works the same farm1 in the same    
way1 at the same times1  and with the   
same teams and tools2 and does the same 
amount of work in  the year1 and perhaps
 clears twenty dollars a month1 instead 
of the  twelve1 paid him while he was my

 hired laborer4 ,now1 as the technic    
hired is no longer used to designate    
him1 and as he still labors on  my farm1
 suppose my neighbors gather in         
conclave1 and from such ample  premises 
sagely infer1 that since he is no longer
 my hired laborer1  ,i rob him of his   
earnings1 and with all the gravity of   
owls1 they  record their decision1 and  
adjourn to hoot it abroad4 ,my neighbors
 are  deep divers6--like some           
theological professors1 they not only go
 to the  bottom1 but come up covered    
with the tokens4        ,a variety of   
particulars are recorded in the ,bible1 
distinguishing  hired from bought       
servants4 7#a47 ,hired servants were    
paid daily at  the close of their work4 
,lev4 xix #ac2 ,deut4 xxiv4 #ad1 #ae2   
,job4 vii4 #b2  ,matt4 xx4 #h4 ,bought  
servants were paid in advance1 7a reason
 for  their being called1 bought17 and  
those that went out at the seventh  year
 received a gratuity at the close of    
their period of service4  ,deut4 xv4    

#ab-ac4 7#b47 ,the hired servant was    
paid in money1 the bought  servant      
received his gratuity1 at least1 in     
grain1 cattle1 and the  product of the  
vintage4 ,deut4 xiv4 #ag4 7#c47 ,the    
hired servant lived  by himself1 in his 
own family4 ,the bought servant was a   
part of his  master's family4 7#d47 ,the
 hired servant supported his family out 
of  his wages2 the bought servant and   
his family1 were supported by the       
master besides his wages4        ,a     
careful investigation of the condition  
of hired and of bought  servants1 shows 
that the latter were1 as a class1       
superior to the  former--were more      
trust-worthy1 had greater privileges1   
and occupied in  every respect 7other   
things being equal7 a higher station in 
society4  7#a47 ,they were intimately   
incorporated with the family of the     
master4  ,they were guests at family    
festivals1 and social solemnities1 from 
which  hired servants were excluded4    
,lev4 xxii4 #aj2 ,exod4 xii4 #dc1 #de4  

7#b7  ,their interests were far more    
identified with the general interests of
  their masters' family4 ,bought        
servants were often actually1 or        
prospectively1 heirs of their master's  
estate4 ,witness the case of  ,eliezer1 
of ,ziba1 of the sons of ,bilhah1 and   
,zilpah1 and others4 ,when  there were  
no sons to inherit the estate1 or when1 
by unworthiness1 they  had forfeited    
their title1 bought servants were made  
heirs4 ,proverbs  xvii4 #b4 ,we find    
traces of this usage in the ,new        
,testament4 ,but when  the husbandmen   
saw him1 they reasoned among themselves1
 saying1 this is  the heir1 come let us 
kill him1 that the inheritance may be   
ours4  ,luke xx4 #ad2 also ,mark xii4   
#g4 ,in no instance on ,bible record1   
does a  hired servant inherit his       
master's estate4 7#c47 ,marriages took  
place  between servants and their       
master's daughters4 ,now ,sheshan had no
  sons1 but daughters3 and ,sheshan had 
a servant1 an ,egyptian1 whose  name was

 ,jarha4 ,and ,sheshan gave his daughter
 to ,jarha his servant to  wife4 #a     
,chron4 ii4 #cd1 #ce4 ,there is no      
instance of a hired servant  forming    
such an alliance4    7#d47 ,bought      
servants and their descendants seem to  
have been regarded  with the same       
affection and respect as the other      
members of the  family,a4 ,the treatment
 of ,eliezer1 and the other servants in 
the  family of ,abraham1 ,gen4 chap4    
#be--the intercourse between ,gideon and
 his  servant ,phurah1 ,judges vii4 #aj1
 #aa4 and ,saul and his servant1 in     
their  interview with ,samuel1 #a ,sam4 
ix4 #e1 #bb2 and ,jonathan and his      
servant1 #a  ,sam4 xiv4 #a-ad1 and      
,elisha and his servant ,gehazi1 are    
illustrations4 ,no  such tie seems to   
have existed between hired servants and 
their  masters4 ,their untrustworthiness
 seems to have been proverbial4 ,see    
,john  ix4 #ab1 #ac4    ,none but the   
lowest class seem to have engaged as    
hired servants4 ,no  instance occurs in 

which they are assigned to business     
demanding much  knowledge or skill4     
,various passages show the low repute   
and trifling  character of the class    
from which they were hired4 ,judges ix4 
#d2 #a ,sam4  ii4 #e4    ,the superior  
condition and privileges of bought      
servants1 are manifested  in the high   
trusts confided to them1 and in the     
dignity and authority  with which they  
were clothed in their master's          
household4 ,but in no  instance is a    
hired servant thus distinguished4 ,in   
some cases1 the  bought servant is      
manifestly the master's representative  
in the  family--with plenipotentiary    
powers over adult children1 even        
negotiating marriage for them4 ,abraham 
besought ,eliezer his servant1 to  take 
a solemn oath1 that ,,he would not take 
a wife for ,isaac of the  daughters of  
the ,canaanites1 but from ,abraham's    
kindred4 ,the servant  went accordingly1
 and himself selected the individual4   
,servants also  exercised discretionary 

power in the management of their        
master's  estate1 ,and the servant took 
ten camels1 of the camels of his master1
  for all the goods of his master were  
under his hand4 ,gen4 xxiv4 #aj4  ,the  
reason assigned for taking them1 is not 
that such was ,abraham's  direction1 but
 that the servant had discretionary     
control4 ,servants had  also            
discretionary power in the disposal of  
property4 ,see ,gen4 xxiv4  #bb1 #bc1   
#ec4 ,the condition of ,ziba in the     
house of ,mephiboseth1 is a case  in    
point4 ,so is ,prov4 xvii4 #b4 ,distinct
 traces of this estimation are to  be   
found in the ,new ,testament1 ,math4    
xxiv4 #de2 ,luke xii4 #db1 #dd4 ,so in  
the parable of the talents2 the master  
seems to have set up each of his        
servants in trade with considerable     
capital4 ,one of them could not have    
had less than eight thousand dollars4   
,the parable of the unjust steward  is  
another illustration4 ,luke xvi4 #d1 #h4
 ,he evidently was entrusted with  large

 discretionary power1 was accused of    
wasting his master's  goods4 and        
manifestly regulated with his master's  
debtors1 the terms  of settlement4 ,such
 trusts were never reposed in hired     
servants4    ,the inferior condition of 
hired servants1 is illustrated in the   
parable of the prodigal son4 ,when the  
prodigal1 perishing with hunger  among  
the swine and husks1 came to himself1   
his proud heart broke2 ,i  will arise1  
he cried1 and go to my father4 ,and then
 to assure his  father of the depth of  
his humility1 resolved to add           
imploringly1 ,make  me as one of thy    
hired servants4 ,it need not be         
remarked1 that if  hired servants were  
the superior class2 to apply for the    
situation1  and press the suit1 savored 
little of that sense of unworthiness    
that  seeks the dust with hidden face1  
and cries unclean4 ,unhumbled nature    
climbs2 or if it falls1 clings fast1    
where first it may4 ,humility  sinks of 
its own weight1 and in the lowest deep1 

digs lower4 ,the design  of the parable 
was to illustrate on the one hand1 the  
joy of ,god1 as he  beholds afar off1   
the returning sinner seeking an injured 
father's  face who runs to clasp and    
bless him with an unchiding welcome2 and
 on  the other1 the contrition of the   
penitent1 turning homeward with tears1  
from his wanderings1 his stricken spirit
 breaking with its ill-desert1  he sobs 
aloud1 ,the lowest place1 the lowest    
place1 ,i can abide no  other4 ,or in   
those inimitable words1 ,father1 ,i have
 sinned against  ,heaven1 and in thy    
sight1 and no more worthy to be called  
thy son2 make  me as one of thy ,,hired 
servants4 ,the supposition that hired   
servants were the highest class1 takes  
from the parable an element of  winning 
beauty and pathos4 ,it is manifest to   
every careful student of  the ,bible1   
that one class of servants1 was on terms
 of equality with  the children and     
other members of the family4 7,hence the
 force of ,paul's  declaration1 ,gal4   

iv4 #a1 ,now ,i say unto you1 that the  
heir1 so long as  he is a child1        
,,differeth ,,nothing ,,from ,a         
,,servant1 though he be lord of  all47  
,if this were the hired class1 the      
prodigal was a sorry  specimen of       
humility4 ,would our ,lord have put such
 language1 into the  lips of one held up
 by himself1 as a model of gospel       
humility1 to  illustrate its lowliness1 
its conscious destitution of all merit1 
and  deep sense of all ill desert8 ,if  
this is humility1 put it on stilts1  and
 set it a strutting1 while pride takes  
lessons1 and blunders in  apeing it4    
,here let it be observed1 that both     
,israelites and ,strangers1 belonged    
indiscriminately to each class of the   
servants1 the bought and the  hired4    
,that those in the former class1 whether
 ,jews or ,strangers1 were  in higher   
estimation1 and rose to honors and      
authority in the family  circle1 which  
were not conferred on hired servants1   
has been already  shown4 ,it should be  

added1 however1 that in the enjoyment of
 privileges1  merely political and      
national1 the hired servants from the   
,israelites1 were more favored than     
either the hired1 or the bought         
servants from the ,strangers4 ,no one   
from the ,strangers1 however  wealthy or
 highly endowed1 was eligible to the    
highest office1 nor could  he own the   
soil4 ,this last disability seems to    
have been one reason for  the different 
periods of service required of the two  
classes of bought  servants--the        
,israelites and the ,strangers4 ,the    
,israelite was to serve  six years--the 
,stranger until the jubilee,a4          
,footnote ,a3 ,both classes may with    
propriety be called permanent  servants2
 even the bought ,israelite1 when his   
six-years' service is  contrasted with  
the brief term of the hired servant4    
,as the ,strangers could not own the    
soil1 nor even houses1 except within    
walled towns1 most of them would choose 
to attach themselves permanently  to    

,israelitish families4 ,those ,strangers
 who were wealthy1 or skilled in        
manufactures1 instead of becoming       
servants themselves1 would need         
servants for their own use1 and as      
inducements for the ,strangers to       
become servants to the ,israelites1 were
 greater than persons of their  own     
nation could hold out to them1 these    
wealthy ,strangers would  naturally     
procure the poorer ,israelites for      
servants4 ,see ,levit4 xxv4  #dg4 ,in a 
word1 such was the political condition  
of the ,strangers1 the  ,jewish polity  
furnished a strong motive to them1 to   
become servants1  thus incorporating    
themselves with the nation1 and         
procuring those  social and religious   
privileges already enumerated1 and for  
their  children in the second           
generation1 a permanent inheritance4    
7,this last  was a regulation of later  
date4 ,ezekiel xlvii4 #ba-bc47 ,indeed1 
the  structure of the whole ,mosaic     
polity1 was a virtual bounty offered to 

those who would become permanent        
servants1 and merge in the ,jewish      
system their distinct nationality4 ,none
 but the monied aristocracy among  them1
 would be likely to decline such offers4
    ,for various reasons1 this class1   
7the servants bought from the           
,strangers17 would prefer a long        
service4 ,they would thus more          
effectually become absorbed into the    
national circulation1 and identify      
their interests with those in whose gift
 were all things desirable for          
themselves1 and brighter prospects for  
their children4 ,on the other  hand1 the
 ,israelites1 owning all the soil1 and  
an inheritance of land  being a sort of 
sacred possession1 to hold it free of   
incumbrance1 was1  with every           
,israelite1 a delicate point1 both of   
family honor and  personal character4 #a
 ,kings xxi4 #c4 ,hence1 to forego the  
possession of  one's inheritance1 after 
the division of the paternal domain1 or 
to be  restrained from its control1     

after having acceded to it1 was a burden
  grievous to be borne4 ,to mitigate1 as
 much as possible1 such a calamity1  the
 law1 instead of requiring the          
,israelite to continue a servant until  
the jubilee1 released him at the end six
 years,a1 as1 during that  time--if1 of 
the first class--the partition of the   
patrimonial land  might have taken      
place2 or1 if of the second1 enough     
money might have  been earned to        
disencumber his estate1 and thus he     
might assume his  station as a lord of  
the soil4 ,if these contingencies had   
not occurred1  then1 at the end of      
another six years1 the opportunity was  
again  offered1 and in the same manner  
until the jubilee4 ,so while strong     
motives urged the ,israelite1 to        
discontinue his service as soon as the  
exigency had passed1 which induced him  
to become a servant1 every              
consideration impelled the ,stranger to 
prolong his term of service2  and the   
same kindness which dictated the law of 

six years' service for  the ,israelite1 
assigned as the general rule1 a much    
longer period to the  ,gentile servant1 
who1 instead of being tempted to a brief
 service1 had  every inducement to      
protract the term4    ,footnote ,a3     
,another reason for protracting the     
service until the  seventh year1 seems  
to have been1 its coincidence with other
  arrangements1 and provisions1         
inseparable from the ,jewish economy4   
,that  period was a favorite one in the 
,mosaic system4 ,its pecuniary          
responsibilities1 social relations and  
general internal structure1 if  not     
graduated upon a septennial scale1 were 
variously modified by the  lapse of the 
period4 ,another reason doubtless was1  
that as those  ,israelites who became   
servants through poverty1 would not sell
  themselves1 except as a last resort   
when other expedients to recruit  their 
finances had failed--7,see ,lev4 xxv4   
#ce7--their becoming servants           
proclaimed such a state of their        

affairs1 as demanded the labor of a     
course of years fully to reinstate them4
    ,it is important to a clear         
understanding of the whole subject1 to  
keep  in mind that adult ,jews          
ordinarily became servants1 only as a   
temporary  expedient to relieve         
themselves from embarrassment1 and      
ceased to be  such when that object was 
effected4 ,the poverty that forced them 
to it  was a calamity1 and their service
 was either a means of relief1 or a     
measure of prevention4 ,it was not      
pursued as a permanent business1 but    
resorted to on emergencies--a sort of   
episode in the main scope of their      
lives4 ,whereas with the ,strangers1 it 
was a permanent employment1  pursued not
 merely as a means of bettering their   
own condition1 and  prospectively that  
of their posterity1 but also1 as an end 
for its own  sake1 conferring on them   
privileges1 and a social estimation not 
otherwise attainable4    ,we see from   
the foregoing1 why servants purchased   

from the heathen1 are  called by way of 
distinction1 the servants1 7not bondmen1
 as our  translators have it47 7#a47    
,they followed it as a permanent        
business4  7#b47 ,their term of service 
was much longer than that of the other  
class4 7#c47 ,as a class1 they doubtless
 greatly outnumbered the  ,israelitish  
servants4 7#d47 ,all the ,strangers that
 dwelt in the land1  were tributaries to
 the ,israelites--required to pay an    
annual tribute  to the government1      
either in money1 or in public service1  
which was  called a tribute of          
bond-service2 in other words1 all the   
,strangers  were national servants1 to  
the ,israelites1 and the same ,hebrew   
word  which is used to designate        
individual servants1 equally designates 
national servants or tributaries4 #b    
,sam4 viii4 #b1 #f1 #ad4 #b ,chron4     
viii4 #g-i4 ,deut4 xx4 #aa4 #b ,sam4 x4 
#ai4 #a ,kings ix4 #ba1 #bb4 #a ,kings  
iv4  #ba4 ,gen4 xxvii4 #bi4 ,the same   
word is applied to the ,israelites1 when

  they paid tribute to other nations4   
,see #b ,kings xvii4 #c4 ,judges iii4   
#h1  #ad4 ,gen4 xlix4 #ae4 ,another     
distinction between the ,jewish and     
,gentile  bought servants1 claims       
notice4 ,it was in the kinds of service 
assigned to each class4 ,the servants   
from the ,strangers1 were properly  the 
domestics1 or household servants1       
employed in all family work1 in  offices
 of personal attendance1 and in such    
mechanical labor1 as was  constantly    
required in every family1 by increasing 
wants1 and needed  repairs4 ,on the     
other hand1 the ,jewish bought servants 
seem to have been  almost exclusively   
agricultural4 ,besides being better     
fitted for this  by previous            
habits--agriculture1 and the tending of 
cattle1 were  regarded by the           
,israelites as the most honorable of all
 occupations2  kings engaged in them4   
,after ,saul was elected king1 and      
escorted to  ,gibeah1 the next report of
 him is1 ,and behold ,saul came after   

the herd  out of the field4--#a ,sam4   
xi4 #g4    ,elisha was plowing with     
twelve yoke of oxen when ,elijah threw  
his  mantle upon him4 #a ,kings xix4    
#ai4 ,king ,uzziah loved husbandry4 #b  
,chron4 xxvi4 #aj4 ,gideon1 the         
deliverer of ,israel1 was threshing     
wheat  by the wine press when called to 
lead the host against the ,midianites4  
,judges vi4 #aa4 ,the superior          
honorableness of agriculture1 is shown  
by  the fact1 that it was protected and 
supported by the fundamental law  of the
 theocracy--,god thus indicating it as  
the chief prop of the  government1 and  
putting upon it peculiar honor4 ,an     
inheritance of land  seems to have      
filled out an ,israelite's idea of      
worldly furnishment4  ,they were like   
permanent fixtures on their soil1 so did
 they cling to  it4 ,to be              
agriculturalists on their own           
inheritances1 was1 in their  notions1   
the basis of family consequence1 and the
 grand claim to  honorable estimation4  

,agriculture being pre-eminently a      
,jewish  employment1 to assign a native 
,israelite to other employments as a    
business1 was to break up his habits1 do
 violence to cherished  predilections1  
and put him to a kind of labor in which 
he had no skill1  and which he deemed   
degrading4 ,in short1 it was1 in the    
earlier ages of  the ,mosaic system1    
practically to unjew him1 a hardship and
 rigor  grievous to be borne1 as it     
annihilated a visible distinction       
between  the descendants of ,abraham and
 the ,strangers--a distinction vital to 
the  system1 and gloried in by every    
,jew4    ,to guard this and another     
fundamental distinction1 ,god instituted
 the  regulation contained in ,leviticus
 xxv4 #ci1 which stands at the head of  
this branch of our inquiry1 ,if thy     
brother that dwelleth by thee be  waxen 
poor1 and be sold unto thee1 thou shalt 
not compel him to serve as  a           
bond-servant4 ,in other words1 thou     
shalt not put him to servants'  work--to

 the business1 and into the condition of
 domestics4    ,in the ,persian version 
it is translated thus1 ,thou shalt not  
assign to  him the work of servitude1   
7or menial labor47 ,in the ,septuagint  
thus1 ,he shall not serve thee with the 
service of a domestic or  household     
servant4 ,in the ,syriac thus1 ,thou    
shalt not employ him  after the manner  
of servants4 ,in the ,samaritan thus1   
,thou shalt not  require him to serve in
 the service of a servant4 ,in the      
,targum of  ,onkelos thus1 ,he shall not
 serve thee with the service of a       
household  servant4 ,in the ,targum of  
,jonathan thus1 ,thou shalt not cause   
him to  serve according to the usages of
 the servitude of servants,a4 ,in fine1 
thou shalt not compel him to serve as a 
bond-servant1 means1 thou  shalt not    
assign him to the same grade1 nor put   
him to the same  services1 with         
permanent domestics4    ,footnote ,a3   
,jarchi's comment on ,thou shalt not    
compel him to serve as  a bond-servant  

is1 the ,hebrew servant is not to be    
required to do any  thing which is      
accounted degrading--such as all offices
 of personal  attendance1 as loosing his
 master's shoe latchet1 bringing him    
water to  wash his feet and hands1      
waiting on him at table1 dressing him1  
carrying  things to and from the bath4  
,the ,hebrew servant is to work with his
  master as a son or brother1 in the    
business of his farm1 or other labor1   
until his legal release4    ,we pass to 
the remainder of the regulation in the  
#djth verse3--    ,but as an hired      
servant and as a sojourner shall he be  
with thee4  ,hired servants were not    
incorporated into the families of their 
masters2  they still retained their own 
family organization1 without the        
surrender  of any domestic privilege1   
honor1 or authority2 and this1 even     
though  they resided under the same roof
 with their master4 ,while              
bought-servants were associated with    
their master's families at meals1  at   

the ,passover1 and at other family      
festivals1 hired servants and           
sojourners were not4 ,exodus xii4 #dd1  
#de2 ,lev4 xxii4 #aj1 #aa4 ,not being   
merged in the family of his master1 the 
hired servant was not subject to  his   
authority1 7except in directions about  
his labor7 in any such sense  as the    
master's wife1 children1 and bought     
servants4 ,hence the only form  of      
oppressing hired servants spoken of in  
the ,scriptures as practicable  to      
masters1 is that of keeping back their  
wages4    ,to have taken away these     
privileges in the case stated in the    
passage  under consideration1 would have
 been preeminent rigor2 for the case    
described1 is not that of a servant born
 in the house of a master1 nor  that of 
a minor1 whose unexpired minority had   
been sold by the father1  neither was it
 the case of an ,israelite1 who though  
of age1 had not yet  acceded to his     
inheritance2 nor1 finally1 was it that  
of one who had  received the assignment 

of his inheritance1 but was1 as a       
servant1  working off from it an        
incumbrance1 before entering upon its   
possession  and control,a4 ,but it was  
that of the head of a family1 who had   
lived  independently on his own         
inheritance1 and long known better days1
 now  reduced to poverty1 forced to     
relinquish the loved inheritance of his 
fathers1 with the competence and        
respectful consideration its possession 
secured to him1 and to be indebted to a 
neighbor for shelter1  sustenance1 and  
employment1 both for himself and his    
family4 ,surely so  sad a reverse1 might
 well claim sympathy2 but there         
remaineth to him one  consolation1 and  
it cheers him in the house of his       
pilgrimage4 ,he is an                   
,israelite--,abraham is his father1 and 
now in his calamity he clings  closer   
than ever1 to the distinction conferred 
by the immunities of his  birthright4   
,to rob him of this1 were the unkindest 
cut of all4 ,to have  assigned him to a 

grade of service filled only by those   
whose  permanent business was serving1  
would have been to rule over him with   
peculiar rigor4    ,footnote ,a3 ,these 
two latter classes are evidently        
referred to in ,exod4  xxi4 #a-f1 and   
,deut4 xv4 #ab    ,finally1 the former  
part of the regulation1 ,thou shalt not 
compel him  to serve as a bond-servant1 
or more literally1 thou shall not serve 
thyself with him1 with the service of a 
servant1 guaranties his  political      
privileges1 and secures to him a kind   
and grade of service1  comporting with  
his character and relations as a son of 
,israel4 ,and the  remainder of the     
verse1 ,but as a hired servant1 and as a
 sojourner  shall he be with thee1      
continues and secures to him his        
separate family  organization1 the      
respect and authority due to his head1  
and the general  consideration in       
society resulting from such a station4  
,though this  individual was a ,jewish  
bought servant1 the case is peculiar1   

and  forms an exception to the general  
class of ,jewish bought servants4 ,being
  already in possession of his          
inheritance1 and the head of a          
household1  the law so arranged his     
relations1 as a servant1 as to alleviate
 as  much as possible the calamity which
 had reduced him from independence  and 
authority1 to penury and subjection4    
,having gone so much into detail on this
 point1 comment on the command  which   
concludes this topic in the forty-third 
verse1 would be  superfluous4 ,thou     
shalt not rule over him with rigor1 but 
shalt fear  thy ,god4 ,as if it had been
 said1 ,in your administration you shall
 not  disregard those differences in    
previous habits1 station1 authority1 and
  national and political privileges1    
upon which this regulation is based2    
for to exercise authority over this     
class of servants1 irrespective of      
these distinctions1 and annihilating    
them1 is torule with rigor4  ,the same  
command is repeated in the forty-sixth  

verse1 and applied to  the distinction  
between the servants of ,jewish1 and    
those of ,gentile  extraction1 and      
forbids the overlooking of distinctive  
,jewish  peculiarities1 so vital to an  
,israelite as to make the violation of  
them1 rigorous in the extreme2 while to 
the servants from the  ,strangers1 whose
 previous habits and associations       
differed so widely  from those of the   
,israelite1 these same things would be  
deemed slight  disabilities4    ,it may 
be remarked here1 that the political and
 other disabilities of  the ,strangers1 
which were the distinctions growing out 
of a different  national descent1 and   
important to the preservation of        
national  characteristics1 and to the   
purity of national worship1 do not seem 
to  have effected at all the social     
estimation1 in which this class of      
servants was held4 ,they were regarded  
according to their character and  worth 
as persons1 irrespective of their       
foreign origin1 employments1  and       

political condition4    ,the common     
construction put upon the expression1   
rule with rigor1  and an inference drawn
 from it1 have an air so oracular1 as   
quite to  overcharge risibles of        
ordinary calibre1 if such an effect were
 not  forestalled by its impiety4 ,it is
 interpreted to mean1 you shall not     
make him an article of property1 you    
shall not force him to work1 and  rob   
him of his earnings1 you shall not make 
him a chattel1 and strip him  of legal  
protection4 ,so much for the            
interpretation4 ,the inference is  like 
unto it1 viz4 ,since the command forbade
 such outrages upon the  ,israelites1 it
 permitted and commissioned the         
infliction of them upon  the ,strangers4
 ,such impious and shallow smattering1  
captivates two  classes of minds1 the   
one by its flippancy1 the other by its  
blasphemy1  and both1 by the strong     
scent of its unbridled license4 ,what   
boots it to  reason against such rampant
 affinities6    ,in ,exodus1 chap4 i4   

#ac1 #ad1 it is said that the ,egyptians
 made the  children of ,israel to serve 
with rigor1 and all their service       
wherein they made them serve1 was with  
rigor4 ,the rigor here spoken  of1 is   
affirmed of the amount of labor extorted
 from them1 and the  mode of the        
exaction4 ,this form of expression1     
serve with rigor1  is never applied to  
the service of servants either under the
  ,patriarchal1 or the ,mosaic systems4 
,nor is any other form of expression    
ever used1 either equivalent to it1 or  
at all similar4 ,the phrase1 thou  shalt
 not ,,rule over him with rigor1 used in
 ,leviticus xxv4 #dc1 #df1 does  not    
prohibit unreasonable exactions of      
labor1 nor inflictions of  personal     
cruelty4 ,such were provided against    
otherwise4 ,but it  forbids1 confounding
 the distinctions between a ,jew and a  
,stranger1 by  assigning the former to  
the same grade of service1 for the same 
term of  time1 and under the same       
national and political disabilities as  

the  latter4        ,we are now prepared
 to survey at a glance1 the general     
condition of the  different classes of  
servants1 with the modifications        
peculiar to each  class4 ,i4 ,in the    
possession of all fundamental rights1   
all classes of  servants were on an     
absolute equality1 all were equally     
protected by  law in their persons1     
character1 property and social          
relations4 ,all were  voluntary1 all    
were compensated for their labor4 ,all  
were released  from their regular labor 
nearly one half of the days in each     
year1 all  were furnished with stated   
instruction2 none in either class were  
in  any sense articles of property1 all 
were regarded as men1 with the  rights1 
interests1 hopes1 and destinies of men4 
,in these respects the  circumstances of
 all classes of servants among the      
,israelites1 were  not only similar but 
identical1 and so far forth1 they formed
 but ,,one  ,,class4    ,,ii4           
,,different ,,classes ,,of ,,servants4  

#a4 ,hired ,servants4--,this class      
consisted both of ,israelites and       
,strangers4 ,their employments were     
different4 ,the ,israelite1 was an      
agricultural servant4 ,the ,stranger was
 a domestic and personal  servant1 and  
in some instances mechanical2 both were 
occasional1  procured temporally to     
serve an emergency4 ,both lived in their
 own  families1 their wages were money1 
and they were paid when their work  was 
done4 ,as a class of servants1 the hired
 were less loved1 trusted1  honored and 
promoted than any other4    #b4 ,bought 
,servants1 7including those born in the 
house47--,this class  also1 was composed
 both of ,israelites and ,strangers1 the
 same general  difference obtaining in  
their kinds of employment as was noticed
 before4  ,both were paid in advance,a1 
and neither was temporary4    ,footnote 
,a3 ,the payment in advance1 doubtless  
lessened considerably  the price of the 
purchase2 the servant thus having the   
use of the money  from the beginning1   

and the master assuming all the risks of
 life1 and  health for labor2 at the    
expiration of the six years' contract1  
the  master having experienced no loss  
from the risk incurred at the making  of
 it1 was obliged by law to release the  
servant with a liberal  gratuity4 ,the  
reason assigned for this is1 he hath    
been worth a double  hired servant unto 
thee in serving thee six years1 as if it
 had been  said1 he has now served out  
his time1 and as you have experienced no
  loss from the risks of life1 and      
ability to labor which you incurred in  
the purchase1 and which lessened the    
price1 and as1 by being your  permanent 
servant for six years1 he has saved you 
all the time and  trouble of looking up 
and hiring laborers on emergencies1     
therefore1  thou shalt furnish him      
liberally1 c4    ,the ,israelitish      
servant1 in most instances1 was released
 after six  years4 7,the freeholder     
continued until the jubilee47 ,the      
,stranger1 was  a permanent servant1    

continuing until the jubilee4 ,besides  
these  distinctions between ,jewish and 
,gentile bought servants1 a marked      
distinction obtained between different  
classes of ,jewish bought  servants4    
,ordinarily1 during their term of       
service1 they were merged in  their     
master's family1 and1 like the wife and 
children of the master1  subject to his 
authority2 7and of course1 like them1   
protected by law  from its abuse47 ,but 
one class of the ,jewish bought servants
 was a  marked exception4 ,the          
freeholder1 obliged by poverty to leave 
his  possession1 and sell himself as a  
servant1 did not thereby affect his     
family relations1 or authority1 nor     
subject himself as an inferior to  the  
control of his master1 though dependent 
upon him for employment4 ,in  this      
respect1 his condition differed from    
that of the main body of  ,jewish bought
 servants1 which seems to have consisted
 of those1 who had  not yet come into   
possession of their inheritance1 or of  

those who were  dislodging from it an   
incumbrance4    ,having dwelt so much at
 length on this part of the subject1 the
 reader's  patience may well be spared  
further details4 ,we close it with a    
suggestion or two1 which may serve as a 
solvent of some minor  difficulties1 if 
such remain4    ,i4 ,it should be kept  
in mind1 that both classes of servants1 
the  ,israelite and the ,stranger1 not  
only enjoyed equal natural and          
religious rights1 but all the civil and 
political privileges enjoyed  by those  
of their own people1 who were not       
servants4 ,if ,israelites1  all rights  
belonging to ,israelites were theirs4   
,if from the ,strangers1  the same      
political privileges enjoyed by those   
wealthy ,strangers1 who  bought and held
 ,israelitish servants1 were theirs4    
,they also shared  in common with them1 
the political disabilities which        
appertained to  all ,strangers1 whether 
the servants of ,jewish masters1 or the 
masters  of ,jewish servants4           

,,ii4 ,the disabilities of the servants 
from the ,strangers1 were  exclusively  
political and national4    #a4 ,they1 in
 common with all ,strangers1 could not  
own the soil4    #b4 ,they were         
ineligible to civil offices4    #c4     
,they were assigned to employments less 
honorable than those in  which          
,israelitish servants engaged2          
agriculture being regarded as           
fundamental to the prosperity and even  
to the existence of the state1  other   
employments were in far less repute1 and
 deemed unjewish4    ,finally1 the      
condition of the ,strangers1 whether    
servants or masters1  was1 as it        
respected political privileges1 much    
like that of  unnaturalized foreigners  
in the ,united ,states2 no matter how   
great their  wealth or intelligence1 or 
moral principle1 or love for our        
institutions1 they can neither go to the
 ballot-box1 nor own the soil1  nor be  
eligible to office4 ,let a native       
,american1 who has always enjoyed  these

 privileges1 be suddenly bereft of them1
 and loaded with the  disabilities of an
 alien1 and what to the foreigner would 
be a light  matter1 to him1 would be the
 severity of rigor4    ,the recent      
condition of the ,jews and ,catholics in
 ,england1 is a still  better           
illustration of the political condition 
of the ,strangers in  ,israel4          
,rothschild1 the late ,english banker1  
though the richest private  citizen in  
the world1 and perhaps master of scores 
of ,english servants1  who sued for the 
smallest crumbs of his favor1 was1 as a 
subject of the  government1 inferior to 
the veriest scavenger among them4       
,suppose an  ,englishman1 of the        
,established ,church1 were by law       
deprived of power to  own the soil1 made
 ineligible to office1 and deprived     
unconditionally of  the electoral       
franchise1 would ,englishmen think it a 
misapplication of  language1 if it were 
said1 ,the government rules over that   
man with  rigor8 ,and yet his life1     

limbs1 property1 reputation1 conscience1
 all  his social relations1 the disposal
 of his time1 the right of locomotion   
at pleasure1 and of natural liberty in  
all respects1 are just as much          
protected by law as the ,lord           
,chancellor's4 ,the same was true of all
 the  strangers within the gates among  
the ,israelites3 ,whether these         
,strangers were the servants of         
,israelitish masters1 or the masters of 
,israelitish servants1 whether          
sojourners1 or bought servants1 or born 
in  the house1 or hired1 or neither--all
 were protected equally with the        
descendants of ,abraham4                
,finally--,as the ,mosaic system was a  
great compound type1 made up of         
innumerable fractional ones1 each rife  
with meaning in doctrine and  duty2 the 
practical power of the whole1 depended  
upon the exact  observance of those     
distinctions and relations which        
constituted its  significancy4 ,hence1  
the care everywhere shown to preserve   

inviolate the  distinction between a    
descendant of ,abraham and a ,stranger1 
even  when the ,stranger was a          
proselyte1 had gone through the         
initiatory  ordinances1 entered the     
congregation1 and become incorporated   
with the  ,israelites by family         
alliance4 ,the regulation laid down in  
,exodus xxi4  #b-f1 is an illustration1 
,if thou buy an ,hebrew servant1 six    
years  shall he serve3 and in the       
seventh he shall go out free for        
nothing4 ,if  he came in by himself1 he 
shall go out by himself3 if he were     
married1  then1 his wife shall go out   
with him4 ,if his master have given him 
a  wife1 and she have borne him sons or 
daughters2 the wife and her  children   
shall be her master's1 and he shall go  
out by himself4 ,and if  the servant    
should plainly say1 ,i love my master1  
my wife1 and my  children1 ,i will not  
go out free3 then his master shall bring
 him unto  the judges2 he shall also    
bring him to the door1 or unto the      

door-post2  and his master shall bore   
his ear through with an awl1 and he     
shall  serve him forever4 ,in this case1
 the ,israelitish servant1 whose term   
expired in six years1 married one of his
 master's permanent female  domestics2  
but the fact of her marriage1 did not   
release her master  from his part of the
 contract for her whole term of service1
 nor  absolve him from his legal        
obligation to support and educate her   
children4 ,nor could it do away that    
distinction1 which marked her  national 
descent by a specific grade and term of 
service4 ,her  marriage did not impair  
her obligation to fulfil her part of the
  contract4 ,her relations as a         
permanent domestic grew out of a        
distinction guarded with great care     
throughout the ,mosaic system4 ,to      
permit this to be rendered void1 would  
have been to divide the system  against 
itself4 ,this ,god would not tolerate4  
,nor1 on the other hand1  would he      
permit the master1 to throw off the     

responsibility of  instructing her      
children1 nor the care and expense of   
their helpless  infancy and rearing4 ,he
 was bound to support and educate them1 
and all  her children born afterwards   
during her term of service4 ,the whole  
arrangement beautifully illustrates that
 wise and tender regard for the         
interests of all the parties concerned1 
which arrays the ,mosaic system  in     
robes of glory1 and causes it to shine  
as the sun in the kingdom of  our       
,father4 ,by this law1 the children had 
secured to them a mother's  tender care4
 ,if the husband loved his wife and     
children1 he could compel  his master to
 keep him1 whether he had any occasion  
for his services or  not1 and with such 
remuneration as was provided by the     
statute4 ,if he  did not love them1 to  
be rid of him was a blessing2 and in    
that case1  the regulation would prove  
an act for the relief of an afflicted   
family4  ,it is not by any means to be  
inferred1 that the release of the       

servant  from his service in the seventh
 year1 either absolved him from the     
obligations of marriage1 or shut him out
 from the society of his family4  ,he   
could doubtless procure a service at no 
great distance from them1 and  might    
often do it1 to get higher wages1 or a  
kind of employment better  suited to his
 taste and skill1 or because his master 
might not have  sufficient work to      
occupy him4 ,whether he lived near his  
family1 or at a  considerable distance1 
the great number of days on which the   
law  released servants from regular     
labor1 would enable him to spend much   
more time with them than can be spent by
 most of the agents of our  benevolent  
societies with their families1 or by    
many merchants1  editors1 artists1 c41  
whose daily business is in ,new ,york1  
while their  families reside from ten to
 one hundred miles in the country4      
,we conclude this ,inquiry by touching  
briefly upon an objection1 which1       
though not formally stated1 has been    

already set aside by the whole  tenor of
 the foregoing argument4 ,it is this1-- 
,the slavery of the ,canaanites by the  
,israelites1 was appointed by ,god  as a
 commutation of the punishment of death 
denounced against them for  their       
sins4--,if the absurdity of a sentence  
consigning persons to  death1 and at the
 same time to perpetual slavery1 did not
  sufficiently laugh in its own face1 it
 would be small self-denial1 in a  case 
so tempting1 to make up the deficiency  
by a general contribution4  ,for1 be it 
remembered1 the ,mosaic law was given1  
while ,israel was in  the wilderness1   
and only one statute was ever given     
respecting the  disposition to be made  
of the inhabitants of the land4 ,if the 
sentence  of death was first pronounced 
against them1 and afterwards commuted1  
when8 where8 by whom8 and in what terms 
was the commutation8 ,and where  is it  
recorded8 ,grant1 for argument's sake1  
that all the ,canaanites were  sentenced
 to unconditional extermination2 as     

there was no reversal of  the sentence1 
how can a right to enslave them1 be     
drawn from such  premises8 ,the         
punishment of death is one of the       
highest recognitions of  man's moral    
nature possible4 ,it proclaims him      
man--intelligent  accountable1 guilty   
man1 deserving death for having done his
 utmost to  cheapen human life1 and make
 it worthless1 when the proof of its    
priceless value1 lives in his own       
nature4 ,but to make him a slave1       
cheapens to nothing universal human     
nature1 and instead of healing a  wound1
 gives a death stab4 ,what6 repair an   
injury done to rational being  in the   
robbery of one of its rights1 not merely
 by robbing it of  all1 but by          
annihilating the very foundation of     
them--that  everlasting distinction     
between men and things8 ,to make a man a
 chattel1  is not the punishment1 but   
the annihilation of a human being1 and1 
so far as it goes1 of all human beings4 
,this commutation of the  punishment of 

death1 into perpetual slavery1 what a   
fortunate discovery6  ,alas6 for the    
honor of ,deity1 if commentators had not
 manned the forlorn  hope1 and rushed to
 the rescue of the ,divine character at 
the very  crisis of its fate1 and1 by a 
timely movement1 covered its retreat    
from  the perilous position in which    
inspiration had carelessly left it6     
,here  a question arises of sufficient  
importance for a separate dissertation2 
but must for the present be disposed of 
in a few paragraphs4 ,,were ,,the       
,,canaanites ,,sentenced ,,by ,,god ,,to
 ,,individual ,,and ,,unconditional     
,,extermination8 ,that the views        
generally prevalent on this subject1 are
  wrong1 we have no doubt2 but as the   
limits of this ,inquiry forbid our      
going into the merits of the question1  
so as to give all the grounds of        
dissent from the commonly received      
opinions1 the suggestions made1 will  be
 thrown out merely as ,,queries1 and not
 as a formal laying down of  doctrines4 

,the leading directions as to the       
disposal of the ,canaanites1 are mainly 
in the following passages1 ,exod4 xxiii4
 #bc-cc1 and #cc-ea1 and #cd1           
#aa--;,deut4 vii4 #af-be1 and ix4 #c1   
and xxxi4 #c1 #a1 #b4 ,in these verses1 
the  ,israelites are commanded to       
destroy the ,canaanites--to drive       
out1--consume1--utterly overthrow1--put 
out1--dispossess them1  c4 ,quest4 ,did 
these commands enjoin the unconditional 
and universal  destruction of the       
individuals1 or merely of the body      
politic8 ,ans4  ,the ,hebrew word       
,haram1 to destroy1 signifies national1 
as well as  individual destruction2     
political existence1 equally with       
personal2  the destruction of           
governmental organization1 equally with 
the lives of  the subjects4 ,besides1 if
 we interpret the words destroy1        
consume1  overthrow1 c41 to mean        
personal destruction1 what meaning shall
 we  give to the expressions1 drive out 
before thee2 cast out before  thee2     

expel1 put out1 dispossess1 c41 which   
are used in the same  passages8    ,for 
a clue to the sense in which the word   
destroy is used1 see  ,exodus xxiii4    
#bg4 ,i will destroy all the people to  
whom thou shalt  come1 and ,i will make 
all thine enemies turn their backs unto 
thee4  ,here all their enemies were to  
turn their backs1 and all the  people to
 be destroyed4 ,does this mean that ,god
 would let all  their enemies escape1   
but kill all their friends1 or that he  
would  first kill all the people and    
,,then make them turn their backs in    
flight1 an army of runaway corpses8     
,the word rendered backs1 is in the     
original1 necks1 and the passage  may   
mean1 ,i will make all your enemies turn
 their necks unto you2 that  is1 be     
subject to you as tributaries1 become   
denationalized1 their  civil polity1    
state organization1 political existence1
  destroyed--their idolatrous temples1  
altars1 images1 groves1 and all  heathen
 rites destroyed2 in a word1 their whole

 system1 national1  political1 civil1   
and religious1 subverted1 and the whole 
people put  under tribute4 ,again2 if   
these commands required the             
unconditional  destruction of all the   
individuals of the ,canaanites1 the     
,mosaic law  was at war with itself1 for
 the directions relative to the         
treatment of  native residents and      
sojourners1 form a large part of it4    
,the stranger  that dwelleth with you   
shall be unto you as one born among you1
 and thou  shalt love him as thyself4   
,if thy brother be waxen poor1 thou     
shalt  relieve him1 yea1 though he be a 
stranger or a sojourner1 that he may    
live with thee4 ,thou shalt not oppress 
a stranger4 ,thou shalt not  vex a      
stranger4 ,judge righteously between    
every1 man and his  brother1 and the    
stranger that is with him4 ,ye shall not
 respect  persons in judgement4 ,ye     
shall have one manner of law as well for
 the  stranger1 as for him of your own  
country4 ,we find1 also1 that  provision

 was made for them in the cities of     
refuge4 ,num4 xxxv4 #ae--the  gleanings 
of the harvest and vintage were assigned
 to them1 ,lev4 xix4 #i1  #aj1 and      
xxiii4 #bb1 and #be1 #f2--the blessings 
of the ,sabbath1 theirs1 ,ex4  xx4      
#aj2--the privilege of offering         
sacrifices secured1 ,lev4 #bb4 #ah2 and 
stated religious instruction provided   
for them4 ,deut4 xxxi4 #i1 #ab4 ,now1   
does this same law authorize and appoint
 the individual  extermination of those 
very persons1 whose lives and general   
interests  it so solicitously protects8 
,these laws were given to the           
,israelites1  long before they entered  
,canaan2 and they must of necessity have
  inferred from them1 that a multitude  
of the inhabitants of the land  would   
continue in it1 under their government4 
#c4 ,we argue that these commands did   
not require the ,,individual            
destruction of the ,canaanites          
unconditionally1 from the fact that the 
most pious ,israelites never seem to    

have so regarded them4 ,joshua was      
selected as the leader of ,israel to    
execute ,god's threatenings upon        
,canaan4 ,he had no discretionary power4
 ,god's commands were his  official     
instructions4 ,going beyond them would  
have been usurpation2  refusing to carry
 them out1 rebellion and treason4 ,for  
not obeying1 in  every particular1 and  
in a single instance1 ,god's command    
respecting  the ,amalekites1 ,saul was  
rejected from being king4    ,now1 if   
,god commanded the individual           
destruction of all the ,canaanitish     
nations1 ,joshua disobeyed him in every 
instance4 ,for at his death1 the        
,israelites still dwelt among them1 and 
each nation is mentioned by  name4 ,see 
,judges i4 #e1 and yet we are told that 
,joshua was full of the  spirit of the  
,lord and of ,,wisdom1 ,deut4 xxxiv4 #i4
 7of course1 he could  not have been    
ignorant of the meaning of those        
commands17--that the  ,lord was with    
him1 ,josh4 vi4 #bg2 and that he left   

nothing undone of  all that the ,lord   
commanded ,moses2 and further1 that he  
took all that  land4 ,joshua xi1 #ae-bc4
 ,also1 that the ,lord gave unto ,israel
 all the  land which he swore to give   
unto their fathers1 and they possessed  
it  and dwelt therein1 and there stood  
not a man of all their enemies  before  
them4 ,the ,lord delivered all their    
enemies into their hand1  c4    ,how can
 this testimony be reconciled with      
itself1 if we suppose that the  command 
to destroy enjoined individual          
extermination1 and the  command to drive
 out1 enjoined the unconditional        
expulsion of  individuals from the      
country1 rather than their expulsion    
from the  possession or ownership of it1
 as the lords of the soil8 ,it is true1 
multitudes of the ,canaanites were      
slain1 but in every case it was in      
consequence of their refusing to        
surrender their land to the possession  
of the ,israelites4 ,not a solitary case
 can be found in which a ,canaanite  was

 either killed or driven out of the     
country1 who acquiesced in the  transfer
 of the territory of ,canaan1 and its   
sovereignty1 from the  inhabitants of   
the land to the ,israelites4 ,witness   
the case of ,rahab and  all her kindred1
 and the inhabitants of ,gibeon1        
,chephirah1 ,beeroth1 and               
,kirjathjearim,a4 ,the ,canaanites knew 
of the miracles in ,egypt1 at the  ,red 
,sea1 in the wilderness1 and at the     
passage of ,jordan4 ,they knew that     
their land had been transferred to the  
,israelites1 as a judgment upon  them   
for their sins4--,see ,joshua ii4 #i-aa1
 and ix4 #i1 #aj1 #bd4 ,many of  them   
were awed by these wonders1 and made no 
resistance to the  confiscation of their
 territory4 ,others fiercely resisted1  
defied the  ,god of the armies of       
,israel1 and came out to battle4 ,these 
occupied the  fortified cities1 were the
 most inveterate heathen--the           
aristocracy of idolatry1 the kings1 the 
nobility and gentry1 the  priests1 with 

their crowds of satellites1 and         
retainers that aided in  the performance
 of idolatrous rites1 the military      
forces1 with the  chief profligates and 
lust-panders of both sexes4 ,every      
,bible student  will recall many facts  
corroborating this supposition4 ,such as
 the  multitudes of tributaries in the  
midst of ,israel1 and that too1 when    
the ,israelites had waxed strong1 and   
the uttermost nations quaked at  the    
terror of their name4 ,the large numbers
 of the ,canaanites1 as well  as the    
,philistines and others1 who became     
proselytes1 and joined  themselves to   
the ,hebrews--as the ,nethenims1 ,uriah 
the ,hittite1 one of  ,david's memorable
 thirty seven--,rahab1 who married one  
of the princes  of ,judah--,ittai--,the 
six hundred ,gitites--,david's          
bodyguard1 faithful  among the          
faithless4--#b ,sam4 xv4 #ah1 #ba4      
,obededom the ,gittite1 who was  adopted
 into the tribe of ,levi4--,compare #b  
,sam4 vi4 #aj1 #aa1 with #a  ,chron4 xv4

 #ah1 and #a ,chron xxvi4 #de4 ,the     
cases of ,jaziz1 and ,obil1--#a  ,chron4
 xxvi4 #cj1 #ca1 #cc4 ,jephunneh1 the   
father of ,caleb--the ,kenite1          
registered in the genealogies of the    
tribe of ,judah1 and the one hundred    
and fifty thousand ,canaanites1 employed
 by ,solomon in the building of  the    
,temple,b4 ,add to these1 the fact that 
the most memorable miracle on  record1  
was wrought for the salvation of a      
portion of those very  ,canaanites1 and 
for the destruction of those who would  
exterminate  them4--,joshua x4 #ab-ad4  
,further--the terms used in the         
directions of ,god  to the ,israelites1 
regulating their disposal of the        
,canaanites1 such as1  drive out1 put   
out1 cast out1 expel1 dispossess1 c4    
seem used  interchangeably with consume1
 destroy1 overthrow1 c41 and thus       
indicate the sense in which the latter  
words are used4 ,as an  illustration of 
the meaning generally attached to these 
and similar  terms1 when applied to the 

,canaanites in ,scripture1 we refer the 
reader  to the history of the           
,amalekites4 ,in ,ex4 xxvii4 #ad1 ,god  
says1 ,i will  utterly put out the      
remembrance of ,amalek from under       
heaven1--,in ,deut4  xxv4 #ai1 ,thou    
shalt blot out the remembrance of       
,amalek from under  heaven2 thou shalt  
not forget it4--,in #a ,sam4 xv4 #b1 #c4
 ,smite ,amalek  and utterly destroy all
 that they have1 and spare them not1 but
 slay  both man and woman1 infant and   
suckling1 ox and sheep4 ,in the seventh 
and eighth verses of the same chapter1  
we are told1 ,saul smote the            
,amalekites1 and took ,agag the king of 
the ,amalekites1 alive1 and ,,utterly   
,,destroyed ,,all ,,the ,,people with   
the edge of the sword4 ,in verse #bj1   
,saul  says1 ,i have obeyed the voice of
 the ,lord1 and have brought ,agag1 the 
king of ,amalek1 and have utterly       
destroyed the ,amalekites4    ,footnote 
,a3 ,perhaps it will be objected1 that  
the preservation of the  ,gibeonites1   

and of ,rahab and her kindred1 was a    
violation of the command  of ,god4 ,we  
answer1 if it had been1 we might expect 
some such intimation4  ,if ,god had     
straitly commanded them to exterminate  
all the ,canaanites1  their pledge to   
save them alive1 was neither a repeal of
 the statute1  nor absolution for the   
breach of it4 ,if unconditional         
destruction was  the import of the      
command1 would ,god have permitted such 
an act to pass  without severe rebuke8  
,would he have established such a       
precedent when  ,israel had hardly      
passed the threshhold of ,canaan1 and   
was then striking  the first blow of a  
half century war8 ,what if they had     
passed their  word to ,rahab and the    
,gibeonites8 ,was that more binding upon
 them than  ,god's command8 ,so ,saul   
seems to have passed his word to ,agag2 
yet  ,samuel hewed him in pieces1       
because in saving his life1 ,saul had   
violated ,god's command4 ,this same     
,saul appears to have put the same      

construction on the command to destroy  
the inhabitants of ,canaan1 that  is    
generally put upon it now4 ,we are told 
that he sought to slay the  ,gibeonites 
in his zeal for the children of ,israel 
and ,judah4 ,god sent  upon ,israel a   
three years' famine for it4 ,in         
assigning the reason1 he  says1 ,it is  
for ,saul and his bloody house1 because 
he slew the  ,gibeonites4 ,when ,david  
inquired of them what atonement he      
should make1  they say1 ,the man that   
consumed us1 and that devised against   
us1 that  we should the destroyed from  
remaining in any of the coasts of       
,israel  let seven of his sons be       
delivered1 c4 #b ,samuel xxii4 #a-f4    
,footnote ,b3 ,if the ,canaanites were  
devoted by ,god to individual and       
unconditional extermination1 to have    
employed them in the erection of  the   
temple1--what was it but the climax of  
impiety8 ,as well might they  pollute   
its altars with swine's flesh1 or make  
their sons pass through  the fire to    

,moloch4    ,in #a ,sam4 #cjth chapter1 
we find the ,amalekites at war again1   
marching an  army into ,israel1 and     
sweeping every thing before them--and   
all this in  hardly more than twenty    
years after they had all been ,,utterly 
,,destroyed6    ,deut4 xx4 #af1 #ag1    
will probably be quoted against the     
preceding view4  ,but of the cities of  
these people which the ,lord thy ,god   
doth give  thee for an inheritance1 thou
 shalt save alive nothing that          
breatheth3  but thou shalt utterly      
destroy them2 namely1 the ,hittites1 and
 the  ,amorites1 the ,canaanites1 and   
the ,perrizites1 the ,hivites1 and the  
,jebusites1 as the ,lord thy ,god hath  
commanded thee4 ,we argue that this     
command to exterminate1 did not include 
all the individuals of the  ,canaanitish
 nations1 but only the inhabitants of   
the cities1 7and even  those            
conditionally17 for the following       
reasons4    ,i4 ,only the inhabitants of
 cities are specified1--of the cities of

  these people thou shalt save alive    
nothing that breatheth4 ,the reasons    
for this wise discrimination were1 no   
doubt1 7#a47 ,cities then1 as now1  were
 pest-houses of vice--they reeked with  
abominations little practiced  in the   
country4 ,on this account1 their        
influence would be far more  perilous to
 the ,israelites than that of the       
country4 7#b47 ,these cities  were the  
centres of idolatry--the residences of  
the priests1 with their  retinues of the
 baser sort4 ,there were their temples  
and altars1 and  idols1 without number4 
,even their buildings1 streets1 and     
public walks  were so many visibilities 
of idolatry4 ,the reason assigned in the
 #ahth  verse for exterminating them1   
strengthens the idea1--that they teach  
you not to do after all the abominations
 which they have done unto their  gods4 
,this would be a reason for             
exterminating all the nations and       
individuals around them1 as all were    
idolaters2 but ,god permitted1 and  even

 commanded them1 in certain cases1 to   
spare the inhabitants4 ,contact  with   
any of them would be perilous--with the 
inhabitants of the  cities peculiarly1  
and of the ,canaanitish cities          
preeminently so4    ,it will be seen    
from the #ajth and #aath verses1 that   
those cities which  accepted the offer  
of peace were to be spared4 ,when thou  
comest nigh  unto a city to fight       
against it1 then proclaim peace unto it4
 ,and it  shall be1 if it make thee     
answer of peace and open unto thee1 then
 it  shall be1 that all the people that 
is found therein shall be  ,,tributaries
 unto thee1 and they shall ,,serve      
thee4--,deuteronomy xx4  #aj1 #aa4      
,these verses contain the general rule  
prescribing the method in  which cities 
were to be summoned to surrender4    #a4
 ,the offer of peace--if it was         
accepted1 the inhabitants became        
tributaries--if it was rejected1 and    
they came out against ,israel in        
battle1 the men were to be killed1 and  

the women and little ones saved  alive4 
,see ,deuteronomy xx4 #ab1 #ac1 #ad4    
,the #aeth verse restricts their        
lenient treatment in saving the wives   
and little ones of those who  fought    
them1 to the inhabitants of the cities  
afar off4 ,the #afth verse  gives       
directions for the disposal of the      
inhabitants of ,canaanitish  cities1    
after they had taken them4 ,instead of  
sparing the women and  children1 they   
were to save alive nothing that         
breathed4 ,the common  mistake has been1
 in taking it for granted1 that the     
command in the #aeth  verse1 ,thus shalt
 thou do unto all the cities1 c4 refers 
to the  whole system of directions      
preceding1 commencing with the #ajth    
verse1  whereas it manifestly refers    
only to the inflictions specified in the
  verses immediately preceding1 viz4 the
 #abth1 #acth1 and #adth1 and thus  make
 a distinction between those            
,canaanitish cities that fought1 and    
the cities afar off that fought--in one 

case destroying the males and  females1 
and in the other1 the males only4 ,the  
offer of peace1 and the  conditional    
preservation1 were as really guarantied 
to ,canaanitish  cities as to others4   
,their inhabitants were not to be       
exterminated  unless they came out      
against ,israel in battle4 ,but let us  
settle this  question by the law and the
 testimony4 ,joshua xix4 #ai1           
#bj4--,there  was not a city that made  
peace with the children of ,israel save1
 the  ,hivites1 the inhabitants of      
,gibeon2 all others they took in battle4
 ,for  it was of the ,lord to harden    
their hearts1 that they should ,,come   
,,out  ,,against ,,israel ,,in ,,battle1
 that he might destroy them utterly1 and
 that  they might have no favor1 but    
that he might destroy them1 as the ,lord
  commanded ,moses4 ,that is1 if they   
had not come out against ,israel in     
battle1 they would have had favor shown 
them1 and would not have been  destroyed
 utterly    ,the great design of ,god   

seems to have been to transfer the      
territory  of the ,canaanites to the    
,israelites1 and along with it1 absolute
  sovereignty in every respect2 to      
annihilate their political              
organizations1 civil polity1            
jurisprudence1 and their system of      
religion1 with all its rights and       
appendages2 and to substitute  therefor1
 a pure theocracy1 administered by      
,jehovah1 with the ,israelites  as ,his 
representatives and agents4 ,those who  
resisted the execution of  ,jehovah's   
purpose were to be killed1 while those  
who quietly submitted  to it were to be 
spared4 ,all had the choice of these    
alternatives1  either free egress out of
 the land,a2 or acquiescence in the     
decree1  with life and residence as     
tributaries1 under the protection of the
  government2 or resistance to the      
execution of the decree1 with death4    
,and it shall come to pass1 if they will
 diligently learn the ways of  my       
people1 to swear by my name1 the ,lord  

liveth1 as they taught my  people to    
swear by ,baal2 ,,then ,,shall ,,they   
,,be ,,built ,,in ,,the ,,midst ,,of    
,,my  ,,people4    ,footnote ,a3        
,suppose all the ,canaanitish nations   
had abandoned their  territory at the   
tidings of ,israel's approach1 did      
,god's command require  the ,israelites 
to chase them to the ends of the earth1 
and hunt them  down1 until every        
,canaanite was destroyed8 ,it is too    
preposterous for  belief1 and yet it    
follows legitimately from that          
construction1 which  interprets the     
terms consume1 destroy1 destroy utterly1
 c4 to  mean unconditional individual   
extermination4             99       99  
99       99       99      ,the preceding
 ,inquiry is merely an outline4 ,whoever
 reads it1 needs  no such information4  
,its original design embraced a much    
wider range of  general topics1 and     
subordinate heads1 besides an ,inquiry  
into the  teachings of the ,new         
,testament on the same subject4 ,to have

 filled up  the outline1 in conformity  
with the plan upon which it was         
sketched1  would have swelled it to a   
volume4 ,much of the foregoing has      
therefore  been thrown into the form of 
a mere skeleton of heads1 or rather a   
series of indices1 to trains of thought 
and classes of proof1 which1  however   
limited or imperfect1 may perhaps1      
afford some facilities to  those who    
have little leisure for minute and      
protracted investigation4               
,no4 #d4        ,,the                   
,,anti-,,slavery ,,examiner4      ,,the 
,,bible ,,against ,,slavery4        ,,an
 ,,inquiry ,,into ,,the                 
,,patriarchal ,,and ,,mosaic ,,systems  
,,on ,,the ,,subject ,,of    ,,human    
,,rights4    ,third ,edition--,revised4 
,,new ,,york3    ,,published ,,by ,,the 
,,american ,,anti-,,slavery ,,society1  
,,no4 #adc ,,nassau ,,street4    #ahch4 
,this periodical contains #e            
sheets4--,postage under #ajj miles1 #g  
#a-b cts2  over #ajj miles1 #ab #a-b    

cts4    ,please read and circulate4     
,,contents        ,,definition ,,of     
,,slavery1              ,negative1      
,affirmative1            ,legal1        
,,the ,,moral ,,law ,,against ,,slavery 
,thou shalt not steal1            ,thou 
shalt not covet1                        
,,man-,,stealing--,,examination ,,of    
,,ex4 xxi4 #af1              ,separation
 of man from brutes and things1         
,,import ,,of ,,buy ,,and ,,bought      
,,with ,,money1              ,servants  
sold themselves1          ,,rights ,,and
 ,,privileges ,,secured ,,by ,,law ,,to 
,,servants1        ,,servants ,,were    
,,voluntary1              ,runaway      
,servants not to be delivered to their  
,masters1          ,,servants ,,were    
,,paid ,,wages1        ,,masters ,,not  
,,owners1              ,servants not    
subjected to the uses of property1      
,servants expressly distinguished from  
property1            ,examination of    
,gen4 xii4 #e4--,the souls that they had
          gotten1 c4            ,social 

equality of ,servants and ,masters1     
,condition of the ,gibeonites as        
subjects of the ,hebrew                 
,commonwealth1            ,egyptian     
,bondage analyzed1          ,,objections
 ,,considered4        ,,cursed ,,be     
,,canaan1 c4--,,examination ,,of ,,gen4 
ix4 #be1        ,,for ,,he ,,is ,,his   
,,money1 c4--,,examination ,,of ,,ex4   
xxi4 #bj1 #ba1        ,,examination ,,of
 ,,lev4 xxv4 #dd-df1              ,both 
thy ,,bondmen1 c41 shall be of the      
heathen1            ,they shall be your 
bondmen ,,forever1            ,ye shall 
take them as an ,,inheritance1 c4       
,,examination ,,of ,,lev4 ,,xxv4 #ci1   
#dj4--,,the ,,freeholder ,,not ,,to     
,,serve      ,,as ,a ,,bond ,,servant1  
,difference between ,hired and ,bought  
,servants1            ,bought ,servants 
the most favored and honored class1     
,israelites and ,strangers belonged to  
both classes1            ,israelites    
servants to the ,strangers1             
,reasons for the release of the         

,israelitish ,servants in          the  
seventh year1            ,reasons for   
assigning the ,strangers to a longer    
service1            ,reasons for calling
 them the ,servants1                    
,different kinds of service assigned to 
the ,israelites          and ,strangers1
          ,,review ,,of ,,all ,,the     
,,classes ,,of ,,servants ,,with ,,the  
,,modifications ,,of      ,,each1       
,political disabilities of the          
,strangers1          ,,examination ,,of 
,,ex4 xxi4 #b-f4--;,,if ,,thou ,,buy    
,,an ,,hebrew ,,servant1        ,,the   
,,canaanites ,,not ,,sentenced ,,to     
,,unconditional ,,extermination1        
,,the ,,bible ,,against ,,slavery4      
,the spirit of slavery never seeks      
shelter in the ,bible1 of its own       
accord4 ,it grasps the horns of the     
altar only in desperation--rushing  from
 the terror of the avenger's arm4 ,like 
other unclean spirits1 it  hateth the   
light1 neither cometh to the light1 lest
 its deeds should be  reproved4 ,goaded 

to phrenzy in its conflicts with        
conscience and common  sense1 denied all
 quarter1 and hunted from every covert1 
it vaults over  the sacred inclosure and
 courses up and down the ,bible1 seeking
 rest1  and finding none4 ,,the ,,law   
,,of ,,love1 glowing on every page1     
flashes  around it an omnipresent       
anguish and despair4 ,it shrinks from   
the hated  light1 and howls under the   
consuming touch1 as demons quailed      
before the  ,son of ,god1 and shrieked1 
,torment us not4 ,at last1 it slinks    
away  under the types of the ,mosaic    
system1 and seeks to burrow out of sight
  among their shadows4 ,vain hope6 ,its 
asylum is its sepulchre2 its city of    
refuge1 the city of destruction4 ,it    
flies from light into the sun2 from     
heat1 into devouring fire2 and from the 
voice of ,god into the thickest  of ,his
 thunders4        ,,definition ,,of     
,,slavery4    ,if we would know whether 
the ,bible sanctions slavery1 we must   
determine  what slavery is4 ,a          

constituent element1 is one thing2 a    
relation1  another2 an appendage1       
another4 ,relations and appendages      
presuppose  other things to which they  
belong4 ,to regard them as the things   
themselves1 or as constituent parts of  
them1 leads to endless  fallacies4 ,a   
great variety of conditions1 relations1 
and tenures1  indispensable to the      
social state1 are confounded with       
slavery2 and thus  slaveholding becomes 
quite harmless1 if not virtuous4 ,we    
will specify  some of these4    #a4     
,privation of suffrage4 ,then minors are
 slaves4    #b4 ,ineligibility to       
office4 ,then females are slaves4    #c4
 ,taxation without representation4 ,then
 slaveholders in the ,district  of      
,columbia are slaves4    #d4 ,privation 
of one's oath in law4 ,then disbelievers
 in a future  retribution are slaves4   
#e4 ,privation of trial by jury4 ,then  
all in ,france and ,germany are  slaves4
    #f4 ,being required to support a    
particular religion4 ,then the people of

  ,england are slaves4 ,to the preceding
 may be added all other  disabilities1  
merely political4    #g4 ,cruelty and   
oppression4 ,wives1 children1 and hired 
domestics are  often oppressed2 but     
these forms of cruelty are not slavery4 
#h4 ,apprenticeship4 ,the rights and    
duties of master and apprentice are     
correlative and reciprocal4 ,the claim  
of each upon the other results  from his
 obligation to the other4               
,apprenticeship is based on the         
principle of equivalent for value       
received4 ,the rights of the apprentice 
are secured1 equally with those of the  
master4 ,indeed1 while the law is  just 
to the master1 it is benevolent to the  
apprentice4 ,its main  design is rather 
to benefit the apprentice than the      
master4 ,it promotes  the interests of  
the former1 while in doing it1 it guards
 from injury  those of the latter4 ,to  
the master it secures a mere legal      
compensation--to the apprentice1 both a 
legal compensation and a virtual        

gratuity in addition1 he being of the   
two the greatest gainer4 ,the law  not  
only recognizes the right of the        
apprentice to a reward for his  labor1  
but appoints the wages1 and enforces the
 payment4 ,the master's  claim covers   
only the services of the apprentice4    
,the apprentice's claim  covers equally 
the services of the master4 ,neither can
 hold the other  as property2 but each  
holds property in the services of the   
other1 and  ,,both ,,equally4 ,is this  
slavery8    #i4 ,filial subordination   
and parental claims4 ,both are nature's 
dictates and intrinsic elements of the  
social state2 the natural  affections   
which blend parent and child in one1    
excite each to discharge  those offices 
incidental to the relation1 and         
constitute a shield for  mutual         
protection4 ,the parent's legal claim to
 the child's services1  while a minor1  
is a slight return for the care and toil
 of his rearing1  to say nothing of     
outlays for support and education4 ,this

 provision is1  with the mass of        
mankind1 indispensable to the           
preservation of the  family state4 ,the 
child1 in helping his parents1 helps    
himself--increases a common stock1 in   
which he has a share2 while his  most   
faithful services do but acknowledge a  
debt that money cannot  cancel4    #aj4 
,bondage for crime4 ,must innocence be  
punished because guilt  suffers         
penalties8 ,true1 the criminal works for
 the government without  pay2 and well  
he may4 ,he owes the government4 ,a     
century's work would not  pay its drafts
 on him4 ,he is a public defaulter1 and 
will die so4  ,because laws make men pay
 their debts1 shall those be forced to  
pay who  owe nothing8 ,the law makes no 
criminal1 ,,property4 ,it restrains his 
liberty1 and makes him pay something1 a 
mere penny in the pound1 of his  debt to
 the government2 but it does not make   
him a chattel4 ,test it4 ,to  own       
property1 is to own its product4 ,are   
children born of convicts1  government  

property8 ,besides1 can property be     
guilty8 ,are chattels  punished8    #aa4
 ,restraints upon freedom4 ,children are
 restrained by  parents--pupils1 by     
teachers--patients1 by                  
physicians--corporations1 by            
charters--and legislatures1 by          
constitutions4 ,embargoes1 tariffs1     
quarantine1 and all other laws1 keep men
 from doing as they please4  ,restraints
 are the web of society1 warp and woof4 
,are they slavery8 then  civilized      
society is a giant slave--a government  
of ,,law1 the climax of  slavery1 and   
its executive1 a king among             
slaveholders4    #ab4 ,compulsory       
service4 ,a juryman is empannelled      
against his will1 and  sit he must4 ,a  
sheriff orders his posse2 bystanders    
must turn in4 ,men  are compelled to    
remove nuisances1 pay fines and taxes1  
support their  families1 and turn to the
 right as the law directs1 however much 
against their wills4 ,are they therefore
 slaves8 ,to confound slavery with      

involuntary service is absurd4 ,slavery 
is a condition4 ,the slave's  feelings  
toward it1 are one thing2 the condition 
itself1 is another  thing2 his feelings 
cannot alter the nature of that         
condition4 ,whether  he desires or      
detests it1 the condition remains the   
same4 ,the slave's  willingness to be a 
slave is no palliation of the           
slaveholder's guilt4  ,suppose the slave
 should think himself a chattel1 and    
consent to be so  regarded by others1   
does that make him a chattel1 or make   
those  guiltless who hold him as such8  
,i may be sick of life1 and ,i tell the 
assassin so that stabs me2 is he any the
 less a murderer8 ,does my  consent to  
his crime1 atone for it8 my partnership 
in his guilt1 blot  out his part of it8 
,the slave's willingness to be a slave1 
so far from  lessening the guilt of the 
owner1 aggravates it4 ,if slavery has so
  palsied his mind that he looks upon   
himself as a chattel1 and consents  to  
be one1 actually to hold him as such1   

falls in with his delusion1 and         
confirms the impious falsehood4 ,these  
very feelings and convictions of  the   
slave1 7if such were possible7 increase 
a hundred fold the guilt of  the master1
 and call upon him in thunder1          
immediately to recognize him  as a man  
and thus break the sorcery that cheats  
him out of his  birthright--the         
consciousness of his worth and destiny4 
,many of the foregoing conditions are   
appendages of slavery4 ,but no  one1 nor
 all of them together1 constitute its   
intrinsic unchanging  element4    ,we   
proceed to state affirmatively that1    
,,enslaving ,,men ,,is ,,reducing ,,them
  ,,to ,,articles ,,of                  
,,property--making free agents1         
chattels--converting  persons into      
things--sinking immortality1 into       
merchandize4 ,a  slave is one held in   
this condition4 ,in law1 he owns        
nothing1 and can  acquire nothing4 ,his 
right to himself is abrogated4 ,if he   
say my  hands1 my feet1 my body1 my     

mind1 ,,my self1 they are figures of    
speech4 ,to use himself for his own     
good1 is a ,,crime4 ,to keep what he    
earns1 is stealing4 ,to take his body   
into his own keeping1 is  insurrection4 
,in a word1 the profit of his master is 
made the ,,end of  his being1 and he1 a 
mere means to that end--a mere means to 
an end  into which his interests do not 
enter1 of which they constitute no      
portion,a4 ,,man1 sunk to a thing6 the  
intrinsic element1 the  principle of    
slavery2 ,,men1 bartered1 leased1       
mortgaged1 bequeathed1  invoiced1       
shipped in cargoes1 stored as goods1    
taken on executions1 and  knocked off at
 public outcry6 ,their rights1 another's
 conveniences2  their interests1 wares  
on sale2 their happiness1 a household   
utensil2  their personal inalienable    
ownership1 a serviceable article1 or a  
plaything1 as best suits the humor of   
the hour2 their deathless nature1       
conscience1 social affections1          
sympathies1 hopes--marketable           

commodities6 ,we repeat it1 the         
reduction of persons to things2 not     
robbing a man of privileges1 but of     
himself2 not loading with burdens1  but 
making him a beast of burden2 not       
restraining liberty1 but  subverting it2
 not curtailing rights1 but abolishing  
them2 not  inflicting personal cruelty1 
but annihilating personality2 not       
exacting involuntary labor1 but sinking 
him into an implement of  labor2 not    
abridging human comforts1 but abrogating
 human nature2 not  depriving an animal 
of immunities1 but despoiling a rational
 being of  attributes--uncreating a     
,,man1 to make room for a thing6        
,footnote ,a3 ,whatever system sinks men
 from an ,,end to a mere means1  just so
 far makes him a slave4 ,hence ,west    
,india apprenticeship retains  the      
cardinal principle of slavery4 ,the     
apprentice1 during three fourths  of his
 time1 is still forced to labor1 and    
robbed of his earnings2 just  so far    
forth he is a mere means1 a slave4      

,true1 in other respects  slavery is    
abolished in the ,british ,west ,indies4
 ,its bloodiest features  are blotted   
out--but the meanest and most despicable
 of all--forcing the  poor to work for  
the rich without pay three fourths of   
their time1 with  a legal officer to    
flog them if they demur at the outrage1 
is one of the  provisions of the        
,emancipation ,act6 ,for the glories of 
that luminary1  abolitionists thank     
,god1 while they mourn that it rose     
behind clouds1  and shines through an   
eclipse4    ,that this is ,american     
slavery1 is shown by the laws of slave  
states4  ,judge ,stroud1 in his ,sketch 
of the ,laws relating to ,slavery1 says1
  ,the cardinal principle of slavery1   
that the slave is not to be ranked      
among sentient beings1 but among        
things--obtains as undoubted law in  all
 of these the slave states4 ,the law of 
,south ,carolina thus lays  down the    
principle1 ,slaves shall be deemed1     
held1 taken1 reputed1 and  adjudged in  

law to be chattels personal in the hands
 of their owners and  possessors1 and   
their executors1 administrators1 and    
assigns1 to ,,all  ,,intents1           
,,constructions1 ,,and ,,purposes       
,,whatsoever4--,brevard's ,digest1      
#bbi4 ,in ,louisiana1 ,a slave is one   
who is in the power of a master to  whom
 he belongs2 the master may sell him1   
dispose of his person1 his  industry1   
and his labor2 he can do nothing1       
possess nothing1 nor acquire  any thing1
 but what must belong to his            
master4--,civ4 ,code of ,louisiana1     
,art4 #ce4    ,this is ,american        
slavery4 ,the eternal distinction       
between a person and a  thing1 trampled 
under foot--the crowning distinction of 
all  others--alike the source1 the test1
 and the measure of their value--the    
rational1 immortal principle1           
consecrated by ,god to universal homage1
 in  a baptism of glory and honor by the
 gift of ,his ,son1 ,his ,spirit1 ,his  
word1 ,his presence1 providence1 and    

power2 ,his shield1 and staff1 and      
sheltering wing2 ,his opening heavens1  
and angels ministering1 and  chariots of
 fire1 and songs of morning stars1 and a
 great voice in  heaven1 proclaiming    
eternal sanctions1 and confirming the   
word with  signs following4             
,having stated the principle of         
,american slavery1 we ask1 ,,does ,,the 
,,bible ,,sanction ,,such ,a            
,,principle8,a ,to the law and the      
testimony8  ,first1 the moral law4 ,just
 after the ,israelites were emancipated 
from  their bondage in ,egypt1 while    
they stood before ,sinai to receive the 
law1 as the trumpet waxed louder1 and   
the mount quaked and blazed1 ,god  spake
 the ten commandments from the midst of 
clouds and thunderings4  ,two of those  
commandments deal death to slavery4     
,,thou ,,shalt ,,not  ,,steal1 or1 thou 
shalt not take from another what belongs
 to him4 ,all  man's powers are ,god's  
gift to him4 ,that they are his own1 is 
proved  from the fact that ,god has     

given them to him alone1--that each of  
them  is a part of himself1 and all of  
them together constitute himself4 ,all  
else that belongs to man1 is acquired by
 the use of these powers4 ,the  interest
 belongs to him1 because the principal  
does2 the product is his1  because he is
 the producer4 ,ownership of any thing1 
is ownership of its  use4 ,the right to 
use according to will1 is itself        
ownership4 ,the  eighth commandment     
presupposes and assumes the right of    
every man to his  powers1 and their     
product4 ,slavery robs of both4 ,a man's
 right to  himself1 is the only right   
absolutely original and intrinsic--his  
right  to whatever else that belongs to 
him is merely relative to this1 is      
derived from it1 and held only by virtue
 of it4 ,,self-,,right is the           
foundation right--the post is the       
middle1 to which all other rights  are  
fastened4 ,slaveholders1 when talking   
about their ,,right to their  slaves1   
always assume their own right to        

themselves4 ,what slaveholder  ever     
undertook to prove his right to himself8
 ,he knows it to be a  self-evident     
proposition1 that a man belongs to      
himself--that the  right is intrinsic   
and absolute4 ,in making out his own    
title1 he makes  out the title of every 
human being4 ,as the fact of being a man
 is  itself the title1 the whole human  
family have one common title deed4 ,if  
one man's title is valid1 all are valid4
 ,if one is worthless1 all are4  ,to    
deny the validity of the slave's title  
is to deny the validity of  his own2 and
 yet in the act of making a man a slave1
 the slaveholder  asserts the validity  
of his own title1 while he seizes him as
 his  property who has the same title4  
,further1 in making him a slave1 he     
does not merely disfranchise the        
humanity of one individual1 but of      
,,universal ,,man4 ,he destroys the     
foundations4 ,he annihilates all rights4
  ,he attacks not only the human race1  
but universal being1 and rushes  upon   

,,jehovah4 ,for rights are rights2      
,god's are no more--man's are no  less4 
,footnote ,a3 ,the ,bible record of     
actions is no comment on their moral    
character4 ,it vouches for them as      
facts1 not as virtues4 ,it records      
without rebuke1 ,noah's drunkenness1    
,lot's incest1 and the lies of ,jacob   
and his mother--not only single acts1   
but usages1 such as polygamy and        
concubinage1 are entered on the record  
without censure4 ,is that silent  entry 
,god's endorsement8 ,because the ,bible 
in its catalogue of human  actions1 does
 not stamp on every crime its name and  
number1 and write  against it1 this is a
 crime--does that wash out its guilt1   
and bleach  into a virtue8    ,the      
eighth commandment forbids the taking of
 any part of that which  belongs to     
another4 ,slavery takes the whole4 ,does
 the same ,bible which  prohibits the   
taking of any thing from him1 sanction  
the taking of  every thing8 ,does it    
thunder wrath against him who robs his  

neighbor  of a cent1 yet bid ,god speed 
to him who robs his neighbor of         
himself8 ,slaveholding is the highest   
possible violation of the eighth        
commandment4 ,to take from a man his    
earnings1 is theft4 ,but to take the    
earner1 is a compound1 life-long        
theft--supreme robbery1 that vaults  up 
the climax at a leap--the dread1        
terrific1 giant robbery1 that towers    
among other robberies a solitary horror1
 monarch of the realm4 ,the  eighth     
commandment forbids the taking away1 and
 the tenth adds1 ,,thou  ,,shalt ,,not  
,,covet ,,any ,,thing ,,that ,,is ,,thy 
,,neighbor',s2 thus guarding every      
man's right to himself and his property1
 by making not only the actual  taking  
away a sin1 but even that state of mind 
which would tempt to  it4 ,who ever made
 human beings slaves1 without coveting  
them8 ,why take  from them their time1  
labor1 liberty1 right of                
self-preservation and  improvement1     
their right to acquire property1 to     

worship according to  conscience2 to    
search the ,scriptures1 to live with    
their families1 and  their right to     
their own bodies1 if they do not desire 
them8 ,they  covet them for purposes of 
gain1 convenience1 lust of dominion1 of 
sensual gratification of pride and      
ostentation4 ,,they ,,break ,,the       
,,tenth  ,,commandment1 and pluck down  
upon their heads the plagues that are   
written in the book4--,ten commandments 
constitute the brief compend of  human  
duty4--,two of these brand slavery as   
sin4        ,the giving of the law at   
,sinai1 immediately preceded the        
promulgation of  that body of laws      
called the ,mosaic system4 ,over the    
gateway of that  system1 fearful words  
were written by the finger of ,god--,,he
 ,,that  ,,stealeth ,a ,,man ,,and      
,,selleth ,,him1 ,,or ,,if ,,he ,,be    
,,found ,,in ,,his ,,hand1 ,,he ,,shall 
,,surely ,,be ,,put ,,to ,,death4 ,ex4  
xxi4 #af4    ,the oppression of the     
,israelites in ,egypt1 and the wonders  

wrought for  their deliverance1 proclaim
 the reason for such a law at such a    
time--when the body politic became a    
theocracy1 and reverently waited  for   
the will of ,god4 ,they had just been   
emancipated4 ,the tragedies of  their   
house of bondage were the realities of  
yesterday1 and peopled  their memories  
with thronging horrors4 ,they had just  
witnessed ,god's  testimony against     
oppression in the plagues of ,egypt--the
 burning blains  on man and beast--the  
dust quickened into loathsome life1 and 
swarming  upon every living thing--the  
streets1 the palaces1 the temples1 and  
every house heaped up with the carcases 
of things abhorred--the kneading        
troughs and ovens1 the secret chambers  
and the couches2 reeking and  dissolving
 with the putrid death--the pestilence  
walking in darkness at  noonday1 the    
devouring locusts1 and hail mingled with
 fire1 the  first-born death-struck1 and
 the waters blood1 and last of all1 that
  dread high hand and stretched-out arm1

 that whelmed the monarch and his       
hosts1 and strewed their corpses on the 
sea4 ,all this their eyes had  looked   
upon1--earth's proudest city1 wasted and
 thunder-scarred1 lying  in desolation1 
and the doom of oppressors traced on her
 ruins in the  hand writing of ,god1    
glaring in letters of fire mingled with 
blood--a  blackened monument of wrath to
 the uttermost against the stealers of  
men4 ,no wonder that ,god1 in a code of 
laws prepared for such a people at  such
 a time1 should light up on its         
threshold a blazing beacon to flash     
terror on slaveholders4 ,he that        
stealeth a man and selleth him1 or if   
he be found in his hand1 he shall surely
 be put to death4 ,ex4 xxi4 #af4  ,deut4
 xxiv4 #g;,a4 ,god's cherubim and       
flaming sword guarding the entrance  to 
the ,mosaic system6    ,footnote ,a3    
,jarchi1 the most eminent of the ,jewish
 ,commentators1 who  wrote seven hundred
 years ago1 in his commentary on this   
stealing and  making merchandize of men1

 gives the meaning thus3--,using a man  
against  his will1 as a servant lawfully
 purchased2 yea1 though he should use   
his  services ever so little1 only to   
the value of a farthing1 or use but his 
arm to lean on to support him1 if he be 
forced so to act as a servant1  the     
person compelling him but once to do so 
shall die as a thief1  whether he has   
sold him or not4    ,the word ,ganabh   
here rendered stealeth1 means the taking
 what  belongs to another1 whether by   
violence or fraud2 the same word is     
used in the eighth commandment1 and     
prohibits both robbery and theft4       
,the crime specified is that of         
depriving ,,somebody of the ownership of
 a  man4 ,is this somebody a master8 and
 is the crime that of depriving a       
master of his servant8 ,then it would   
have been he that stealeth a  servant1  
not he that stealeth a man4 ,if the     
crime had been the  taking an individual
 from another1 then the term used would 
have  been expressive of that relation1 

and most especially if it was the       
relation of property and proprietor6    
,the crime is stated in a three-fold    
form--man stealing1 selling1 and        
holding4 ,all are put on a level1 and   
whelmed under one penalty--,,death4     
,this somebody deprived of the ownership
 of a man1 is the man  himself1 robbed  
of personal ownership4 ,joseph said1    
,indeed ,i was  stolen away out of the  
land of the ,hebrews4 ,gen4 xl4 #ae4    
,how  stolen8 ,his brethren sold him as 
an article of merchandize4 ,contrast    
this penalty for man-stealing with that 
for property-stealing1 ,ex4  xxii4 ,if a
 man had stolen an ox and killed or sold
 it1 he was to  restore five oxen2 if he
 had neither sold nor killed it1 two    
oxen4 ,but  in the case of stealing a   
man1 the first act drew down the utmost 
power of punishment2 however often      
repeated1 or aggravated the crime1      
human penalty could do no more4 ,the    
fact that the penalty for  man-stealing 
was death1 and the penalty for          

property-stealing1 the  mere restoration
 of double1 shows that the two cases    
were adjudicated on  totally different  
principles4 ,the man stolen might be    
past labor1 and  his support a burden1  
yet death was the penalty1 though not a 
cent's  worth of property value was     
taken4 ,the penalty for stealing        
property  was a mere property penalty4  
,however large the theft1 the payment of
  double wiped out the score4 ,it might 
have a greater money value than a       
thousand men1 yet death was not the     
penalty1 nor maiming1 nor branding1  nor
 even stripes1 but double of the same   
kind4 ,why was not the rule  uniform8   
,when a man was stolen why was not the  
thief required to  restore double of the
 same kind--two men1 or if he had sold  
him1 five  men8 ,do you say that the    
man-thief might not have them8 ,so the  
ox-thief might not have two oxen1 or if 
he had killed it1 five4 ,but if  ,god   
permitted men to hold men as property1  
equally with oxen1 the  man-thief could 

get men with whom to pay the penalty1 as
 well as the  ox-thief1 oxen4 ,further1 
when property was stolen1 the legal     
penalty  was a compensation to the      
person injured4 ,but when a man was     
stolen1  no property compensation was   
offered4 ,to tender money as an         
equivalent1  would have been to repeat  
the outrage with intolerable            
aggravations4  ,compute the value of a  
,,man in money6 ,throw dust into the    
scale against  immortality6 ,the law    
recoiled from such supreme insult and   
impiety4 ,to  have permitted the        
man-thief to expiate his crime by       
restoring double1  would have been      
making the repetition of crime its      
atonement4 ,but the  infliction of death
 for man-stealing exacted the utmost    
possibility of  reparation4 ,it wrung   
from the guilty wretch as he gave up the
 ghost1 a  testimony in blood1 and      
death-groans1 to the infinite dignity   
and worth  of man1--a proclamation to   
the universe1 voiced in mortal agony1   

,,man ,,is  ,,inviolable--a confession  
shrieked in phrenzy at the grave's      
mouth--,i  die accursed1 and ,god is    
just4    ,if ,god permitted man to hold 
man as property1 why did he punish for  
stealing that kind of property          
infinitely more than for stealing any   
other kind of property8 ,why did he     
punish with death for stealing a very   
little of that sort of property1 and    
make a mere fine1 the penalty for       
stealing a thousand times as much1 of   
any other sort of  property--especially 
if ,god did by his own act annihilate   
the difference  between man and         
property1 by putting him on a level with
 it8    ,the atrociousness of a crime1  
depends much upon the nature1 character1
  and condition of the victim4 ,to steal
 is a crime1 whoever the thief1 or      
whatever the plunder4 ,to steal bread   
from a full man1 is theft2 to steal     
from a starving man1 is both theft and  
murder4 ,if ,i steal my neighbor's      
property1 the crime consists not in     

altering the nature of the article  but 
in shifting its relation from him to me4
 ,but when ,i take my neighbor  himself1
 and first make him property1 and then  
my property1 the  latter act1 which was 
the sole crime in the former case1      
dwindles to  nothing4 ,the sin in       
stealing a man1 is not the transfer from
 its owner  to another of that which is 
already property1 but the turning of    
personality into property4 ,true1 the   
attributes of man remain1 but  the      
rights and immunities which grow out of 
them are attributed4 ,it is  the first  
law both of reason and revelation to    
regard things and beings  as they are2  
and the sum of religion1 to feel and act
 towards them  according to their value4
 ,knowingly to treat them otherwise is  
sin2 and  the degree of violence done to
 their nature1 religions1 and value1    
measures its guilt4 ,when things are    
sundered which ,god has indissolubly    
joined1 or confounded in one1 which he  
has separated by infinite  extremes2    

when sacred and eternal distinctions1   
which he has garnished  with glory1 are 
derided and set at nought1 then1 if     
ever1 sin reddens to  its scarlet dye4  
,the sin specified in the passage1 is   
that of doing  violence to the nature of
 a man--to his intrinsic value as a     
rational  being1 and blotting out the   
exalted distinction stamped upon him by 
his  ,maker4 ,in the verse preceding1   
and in that which follows1 the same     
principle is laid down4 ,verse #ae1 ,he 
that smiteth his father or his  mother  
shall surely be put to death4 ,v4 #ag1  
,he that curseth his father  or his     
mother1 shall surely be put to death4   
,if a ,jew smote his  neighbor1 the law 
merely smote him in return2 but if the  
blow was given  to a parent1 it struck  
the smiter dead4 ,the parental relation 
is the  centre of human society4 ,god   
guards it with peculiar care4 ,to       
violate  that1 is to violate all4       
,whoever trampled on that1 showed that  
no  relation had any sacredness in his  

eyes--that he was unfit to move among   
human relations who had violated one so 
sacred and tender4 ,therefore1  the     
,mosaic law uplifted his bleeding       
corpse1 and brandished the ghastly      
terror around the parental relation to  
guard it from impious inroads4    ,why  
such a difference in penalties1 for the 
same act8 ,answer4 7#a47 ,the  relation 
violated was obvious--the distinction   
between parents and  others manifest1   
dictated by natural affection--a law of 
the  constitution4 7#b47 ,the act was   
violence to nature--a suicide on        
constitutional susceptibilities4 7#c47  
,the parental relation then1 as  now1   
was the focal point of the social       
system1 and required powerful           
safeguards4 ,honor thy father and thy   
mother1 stands at the head of  those    
commands which prescribe the duties of  
man to man2 and1 throughout  the ,bible1
 the parental state is ,god's favorite  
illustration of his own  relations to   
the whole human family4 ,in this case   

death was to be  inflicted not for      
smiting a man1 but a parent--a          
distinction  cherished by ,god1 and     
around which1 ,he threw up a bulwark of 
defence4 ,in  the next verse1 ,he that  
stealeth a man1 c41 the ,,same          
,,principle is  wrought out in still    
stronger relief4 ,the crime to be       
punished with  death was not the taking 
of property from its owner1 but the     
doing  violence to an immortal nature1  
blotting out a sacred distinction1      
making ,,men chattels4 ,the incessant   
pains taken in the ,old ,testament to   
separate human beings from brutes and   
things1 shows ,god's regard for his  own
 distinction4    ,in the beginning it   
was uttered in heaven1 and proclaimed to
 the  universe as it rose into being4   
,creation was arrayed at the instant of 
its birth1 to do it homage4 ,it paused  
in adoration while ,god ushered  forth  
its crowning work4 ,why that dread pause
 and that creating arm held  back in mid
 career and that high conference in the 

godhead8 ,let us make  man in ,,our     
,,image after ,,our ,,likeness1 ,,and   
,,let ,,him ,,have ,,dominion over the  
fish of the sea1 and over the fowl of   
the air1 and over the cattle1 and  over 
all the earth4 ,then while every living 
thing1 with land1 and sea1  and         
firmament1 and marshalled worlds1 waited
 to swell the shout of  morning         
stars--then ,,god ,,created ,,man ,,in  
,,his ,,own ,,image2 ,,in ,,the ,,image 
,,of  ,,god ,,created ,,he ,,him4 ,this 
solves the problem1 ,,in ,,the ,,image  
,,of ,,god1  ,,created ,,he ,,him4 ,well
 might the sons of ,god shout1 ,amen1   
alleluia--,for  thou hast made him a    
little lower than the angels1 and hast  
crowned him  with glory and honor4 ,thou
 madest him to have dominion over the   
works of  thy hands2 thou hast put all  
things under his feet4 ,ps4 viii4 #e1   
#f4 ,the  repetition of this distinction
 is frequent and solemn4 ,in ,gen4 i4   
#bf-bh1  it is repeated in various      
forms4 ,in ,gen4 v4 #a1 we find it      

again1 ,,in ,,the  ,,likeness ,,of ,,god
 ,,made ,,he ,,man4 ,in ,gen4 ix4 #f1   
again4 ,after giving license  to shed   
the blood of every moving thing that    
liveth1 it is added1  ,whoso sheddeth   
man's blood1 by man shall his blood be  
shed1 for ,,in  ,,the ,,image ,,of ,,god
 ,,made ,,he ,,man4 ,as though it had   
been said1 ,all these  creatures are    
your property1 designed for your        
use--they have the  likeness of earth1  
they perish with the using1 and their   
spirits go  downward2 but this other    
being1 ,,man1 has my own likeness3 ,,in 
,,the ,,image  ,,of ,,god made ,i man2  
an intelligent1 moral1 immortal agent1  
invited to  all that ,i can give and he 
can be4 ,so in ,lev4 xxiv4 #ag1 #ah1    
#ba1 ,he  that killeth any ,,man shall  
surely be put to death2 and he that     
killeth a  beast shall make it good1    
beast for beast2 and he that killeth a  
man  shall be put to death4 ,so in ,ps4 
viii4 #e1 #f1 what an enumeration of    
particulars1 each separating infinitely 

,,men from brutes and things6 7#a47     
,thou hast made him a little lower than 
the angels4 ,slavery drags him  down    
among brutes4 7#b47 ,and hast crowned   
him with glory and honor4  ,slavery     
tears off his crown1 and puts on a yoke4
 7#c47 ,thou madest  him to have        
dominion ,,over the works of thy hands4 
,slavery breaks the  sceptre1 and casts 
him down among those works--yea beneath 
them4  7#d47 ,thou hast put all things  
under his feet4 ,slavery puts ,,him     
under  the feet of an owner4 ,who1 but  
an impious scorner1 dares thus strive   
with his ,maker1 and mutilate ,,his     
,,image1 and blaspheme the ,holy ,one1  
who  saith1 ,inasmuch as ye did it unto 
one of the least of these1 ye did it    
unto ,,me4    ,in further presenting    
this inquiry1 the ,patriarchal and      
,mosaic systems  will be considered     
together1 as each reflects light upon   
the other1 and  as many regulations of  
the latter are mere legal forms of      
,divine  institutions previously        

existing4 ,as a system1 the latter alone
 is of  ,divine authority4 ,whatever    
were the usages of the patriarchs1 ,god 
has  not made them our exemplars,a4     
,footnote ,a3 ,those who insist that the
 patriarchs held slaves1 and sit  with  
such delight under their shadow1 hymning
 the praises of those good  old         
patriarchs and slaveholders1 might at   
small cost greatly augment  their       
numbers4 ,a single stanza celebrating   
patriarchal concubinage1  winding off   
with a chorus in honor of patriarchal   
drunkenness1 would  be a trumpet call1  
summoning from bush and brake1 highway  
and hedge1 and  sheltering fence1 a     
brotherhood of kindred affinities1 each 
claiming  ,abraham or ,noah as his      
patron saint1 and shouting1 ,my name is 
legion4  ,what a myriad choir and       
thunderous song4    ,before entering    
upon an analysis of the condition of    
servants under  these two states of     
society1 we will consider the import of 
certain  terms which describe the mode  

of procuring them4        ,,import ,,of 
,,buy1 ,,and ,,bought ,,with ,,money4   
,as the ,israelites were commanded to   
buy their servants1 and as ,abraham  had
 servants bought with money1 it is      
argued that servants were  articles of  
property4 ,the sole ground for this     
belief is the terms  themselves4 ,how   
much might be saved1 if in discussion1  
the thing to be  proved were always     
assumed4 ,to beg the question in debate1
 would be  vast economy of midnight oil6
 and a great forestaller of wrinkles and
  grey hairs6 ,instead of protracted    
investigation into ,scripture usage1    
with painful collating of passages1 to  
find the meaning of terms1 let  every   
man interpret the oldest book in the    
world by the usages of his  own time and
 place1 and the work is done4 ,and then 
instead of one  revelation1 they might  
be multiplied as the drops of the       
morning1 and  every man have an         
infallible clue to the mind of the      
,spirit1 if he only  understood the     

dialect of his own neighborhood6 ,what a
 ,babel-jargon it  would make of the    
,bible to take it for granted that the  
sense in which  words are now used is   
the inspired sense1 ,david says1 ,i     
prevented  the dawning of the morning1  
and cried4 ,what1 stop the earth in its 
revolution6 ,two hundred years ago1     
prevent was used in its strict  ,latin  
sense to come before1 or anticipate4 ,it
 is always used in this  sense in the   
,old and ,new ,testaments4 ,david's     
expression1 in the ,english  of the     
nineteenth century1 would be ,before the
 dawning of the morning ,i  cried4 ,in  
almost every chapter of the ,bible1     
words are used in a sense  now nearly or
 quite obsolete1 and sometimes in a     
sense totally  opposite to their present
 meaning4 ,a few examples follow3 ,i    
purposed  to come to you1 but was let   
7hindered7 hitherto4 ,and the four      
beasts 7living ones7 fell down and      
worshipped ,god1--,whosoever shall      
offend 7cause to sin7 one of these      

little ones1--,go out into the  highways
 and compel 7urge7 them to come         
in1--,only let your  conversation       
7habitual conduct7 be as becometh the   
,gospel1--,they  that seek me early     
7earnestly7 shall find me1--,so when    
tribulation  or persecution ariseth     
by-and-by 7immediately7 they are        
offended4  ,nothing is more mutable than
 language4 ,words1 like bodies1 are     
always  throwing off some particles and 
absorbing others4 ,so long as they are  
mere representatives1 elected by the    
whims of universal suffrage1  their     
meaning will be a perfect volatile1 and 
to cork it up for the next  century is  
an employment sufficiently silly 7to    
speak within bounds7 for  a modern      
,bible ,dictionary maker4 ,there never  
was a shallower conceit  than that of   
establishing the sense attached to a    
word centuries ago1 by  showing what it 
means now4 ,pity that fashionable       
mantuamakers were not  a little quicker 
at taking hints from some ,doctors of   

,divinity4 ,how  easily they might save 
their pious customers all qualms of     
conscience  about the weekly shiftings  
of fashion1 by proving that the last    
importation of ,parisian indecency now  
flaunting on promenade1 was the  very   
style of dress in which the pious ,sarah
 kneaded cakes for the  angels1 and the 
modest ,rebecca drew water for the      
camels of ,abraham's  servants4 ,since  
such fashions are rife in ,broadway now1
 they must  have been in ,canaan and    
,padanaram four thousand years ago6     
,the inference that the word buy1 used  
to describe the procuring of  servants1 
means procuring them as chattels1 seems 
based upon the  fallacy1 that whatever  
costs money is money2 that whatever or  
whoever you pay money for1 is an article
 of property1 and the fact of  your     
paying for it proves it property4 ,the  
children of ,israel were  required to   
purchase their first-born from under the
 obligations of the  priesthood1 ,num4  
xviii4 #ae1 #af2 ,ex4 xiii4 #ac2 xxxiv4 

#bj4 ,this custom  still exists among   
the ,jews1 and the word buy is still    
used to  describe the transaction4 ,does
 this prove that their first-born were1 
or  are1 held as property8 ,they were   
bought as really as were servants4      
7#b47 ,the ,israelites were required to 
pay money for their own souls4 ,this  is
 called sometimes a ransom1 sometimes an
 atonement4 ,were their souls  therefore
 marketable commodities8 7#c47 ,bible   
saints bought their  wives4 ,boaz bought
 ,ruth4 ,so ,ruth the ,moabitess1 the   
wife of ,mahlon1  have ,i purchased to  
be my wife4 ,ruth iv4 #aj4 ,hosea bought
 his wife4  ,so ,i bought her to me for 
fifteen pieces of silver1 and for an    
homer  of barley1 and an half homer of  
barley4 ,hosea iii4 #b4 ,jacob bought   
his  wives ,rachael and ,leah1 and not  
having money1 paid for them in          
labor--seven years a piece4 ,gen4 xxix4 
#ae-bi4 ,moses probably bought his  wife
 in the same way1 and paid for her by   
his labor1 as the servant of  her       

father4 ,exod4 ii4 #ba4 ,shechem1 when  
negotiating with ,jacob and his  sons   
for ,dinah1 says1 ,ask me never so much 
dowry and gift1 and ,i will  give       
according as ye shall say unto me4 ,gen4
 xxxiv4 #aa1 #ab4 ,david  purchased     
,michal1 and ,othniel1 ,achsah1 by      
performing perilous services  for their 
fathers4 #a ,sam4 xviii4 #be-bg2 ,judg4 
i4 #ab1 #ac4 ,that the  purchase of     
wives1 either with money or by service1 
was the general  practice1 is plain from
 such passages as ,ex4 xxii4 #ag1 and #a
 ,sam4 xviii4  #be4 ,among the modern   
,jews this usage exists1 though now a   
mere form1  there being no real         
purchase4 ,yet among their marriage     
ceremonies1 is  one called marrying by  
the penny4 ,the coincidences in the     
methods of  procuring wives and         
servants1 in the terms employed in      
describing the  transactions1 and in the
 prices paid for each1 are worthy of    
notice4 ,the  highest price of wives    
7virgins7 and servants was the same4    

,comp4 ,deut4  xxii4 #bh1 #bi1 and ,ex4 
xxii4 #ag1 with ,lev4 xxvii4 #b-h4 ,the 
medium price  of wives and servants was 
the same4 ,comp4 ,hos4 iii4 #b1 with    
,ex4 xxi4 #cb4  ,hosea seems to have    
paid one half in money and the other    
half in grain4  ,further1 the           
,israelitish female bought servants were
 wives1 their  husbands and masters     
being the same persons4 ,ex4 xxi4 #h1   
,judg4 xix4 #c1  #bg4 ,if buying        
servants proves them property1 buying   
wives proves them  property4 ,why not   
contend that the wives of the ancient   
fathers of the  faithful were their     
chattels1 and used as ready change at a 
pinch2 and  thence deduce the rights of 
modern husbands8 ,alas6 ,patriarchs and 
prophets are followed afar off6 ,when   
will pious husbands live up to  their   
,bible privileges1 and become partakers 
with ,old ,testament worthies  in the   
blessedness of a husband's rightful     
immunities6 ,refusing so to  do1 is     
questioning the morality of those good  

old patriarchs and  slaveholders1       
,abraham1 ,isaac1 and ,jacob4    ,this  
use of the word buy1 is not peculiar to 
the ,hebrew4 ,in the ,syriac1  the      
common expression for the espoused1 is  
the bought4 ,even so late  as the #afth 
century1 the common record of marriages 
in the old ,german  ,chronicles was1 ,a 
,,bought ,b4    ,the word translated    
buy1 is1 like other words1 modified by  
the nature  of the subject to which it  
is applied4 ,eve said1 ,i have gotten   
7bought7 a man of the ,lord4 ,she named 
him ,cain1 that is bought4 ,he  that    
heareth reproof1 getteth 7buyeth7       
understanding1 ,prov4 xv4 #cb4 ,so  in  
,isa4 xi4 #aa4 ,the ,lord shall set his 
hand again to recover 7to buy7  the     
remnant of his people4 ,so ,ps4 lxxviii4
 #ed4 ,he brought them to this  mountain
 which his right hand had purchased1    
7gotten47 ,jer4 xiii4 #d4  ,take the    
girdle that thou hast got 7bought47     
,neh4 v4 #h4 ,we of our  ability have   
redeemed 7bought7 our brethren that were

 sold to the  heathen4 ,here bought is  
not applied to persons reduced to       
servitude1 but to those taken out of it4
 ,prov4 #h4 #bb4 ,the ,lord  possessed  
7bought7 me in the beginning of his way4
 ,prov4 xix4 #h4 ,he  that getteth      
7buyeth7 wisdom loveth his own soul4    
,finally1 to buy  is a secondary meaning
 of the ,hebrew word ,kana4    ,even at 
this day the word buy is used to        
describe the procuring of  servants1    
where slavery is abolished4 ,in the     
,british ,west ,indies1 where  slaves   
became apprentices in #ahcd1 they are   
still bought4 ,this is the  current word
 in ,west ,india newspapers4 ,ten years 
since servants were  bought in          
,new-,york1 as really as in ,virginia1  
yet the different  senses in which the  
word was used in the two states1 put no 
man in a  quandary4 ,under the system of
 legal indenture in ,illinois1 servants 
now are bought4,a ,until recently       
immigrants to this country were  bought 
in great numbers4 ,by voluntary contract

 they engaged to work a  given time to  
pay for their passage4 ,this class of   
persons called  redemptioners1 consisted
 at one time of thousands4 ,multitudes  
are  bought out of slavery by themselves
 or others4 ,under the same roof  with  
the writer is a servant bought with     
money4 ,a few weeks since1 she  was a   
slave2 when bought she was a slave no   
longer4 ,alas6 for our  leading         
politicians if buying men makes them    
chattels4 ,the ,whigs say  that ,benton 
and ,rives are bought by the            
administration2 and the other  party1   
that ,clay and ,webster are bought by   
the ,bank4 ,the histories of  the       
revolution tell us that ,benedict       
,arnold was bought by ,british  gold4   
,when a northern clergyman marries a    
rich southern widow1 country  gossip    
thus hits off the indecency1 ,the cotton
 bags bought him4 ,sir  ,robert ,walpole
 said1 ,every man has his price1 and    
whoever will pay it1  can buy him1 and  
,john ,randolph said1 ,the northern     

delegation is in  the market1 give me   
money enough1 and ,i can buy them2 both 
meant just  what they said4 ,the        
temperance publications tell us that    
candidates for  office buy men with     
whiskey2 and the oracles of street      
tattle that the  court1 district        
attorney1 and jury1 in the late trial of
 ,robinson were  bought1 yet we have no 
floating visions of chattels personal1  
man  auctions1 or coffles4    ,footnote 
,a3 ,the following statute is now in    
force in the free state of              
,illinois--,no negro1 mulatto1 or       
,indian shall at any time purchase any  
servant other than of their own         
complexion3 and if any of the persons   
aforesaid shall presume to purchase a   
white servant1 such servant  shall      
immediately become free1 and shall be so
 held1 deemed and taken4    ,the        
transaction between ,joseph and the     
,egyptians gives a clue to the use  of  
buy and bought with money4 ,gen1 xlvii4 
#ah-bf4 ,the ,egyptians  proposed to    

,joseph to become servants4 ,when the   
bargain was closed1  ,joseph said1      
,behold ,i have bought you this day1 and
 yet it is plain  that neither party    
regarded the persons bought as articles 
of  property1 but merely as bound to    
labor on certain conditions1 to pay for 
their support during the famine4 ,the   
idea attached by both parties to  buy   
us1 and behold ,i have bought you1 was  
merely that of service  voluntarily     
offered1 and secured by contract1 in    
return for value  received1 and not at  
all that the ,egyptians were bereft of  
their  personal ownership1 and made     
articles of property4 ,and this buying  
of  services 7in this case it was but   
one-fifth part7 is called in  ,scripture
 usage1 buying the persons4 ,this case  
claims special notice1  as it is the    
only one where the whole transaction of 
buying servants is  detailed--the       
preliminaries1 the process1 the mutual  
acquiescence1 and  the permanent        
relation resulting therefrom4 ,in all   

other instances1 the  mere fact is      
stated without particulars4 ,in this    
case1 the whole  process is laid open4  
7#a47 ,the persons bought1 sold         
themselves1 and  of their own accord4   
7#b47 ,obtaining permanently the        
services of  persons1 or even a portion 
of them1 is called buying those persons4
  ,the objector1 at the outset1 takes it
 for granted1 that servants were  bought
 of third persons2 and thence infers    
that they were articles of  property4   
,both the alleged fact and the inference
 are sheer  assumptions4 ,no instance is
 recorded1 under the ,mosaic system1 in 
which a master sold his servant4 ,that  
servants who were bought sold           
themselves is a fair inference from     
various passages of ,scripture4    ,in  
,leviticus xxv4 #dg1 the case of the    
,israelite1 who became the servant  of  
the stranger1 the words are1 ,if he     
,,sell ,,himself unto the stranger4     
,the same word1 and the same form of the
 word1 which1 in verse #dg1 is  rendered

 sell himself1 is in verse #ci of the   
same chapter1 rendered  be sold2 in     
,deut4 xxviii4 #fh1 the same word is    
rendered be sold4  ,and there ye shall  
,,be ,,sold unto your enemies for       
bond-men and  bond-women and ,,no ,,man 
,,shall ,,buy ,,you4 ,how could they be 
sold without  being bought8 ,our        
translation makes it nonsense4 ,the word
 ,makar  rendered be sold is used here  
in the ,hithpael conjugation1 which is  
generally reflexive in its force1 and1  
like the middle voice in ,greek1        
represents what an individual does for  
himself1 and should manifestly  have    
been rendered1 ye shall offer yourselves
 for sale1 and there  shall be no       
purchaser4 ,for a clue to ,scripture    
usage on this point1 see  #a ,kings xxi4
 #bj1 #be--,thou hast sold thyself to   
work evil4 ,there was  none like to     
,ahab that sold himself to work         
wickedness4--#b ,kings  xvii4 #ag4 ,they
 used divination and enchantments1 and  
sold themselves  to do evil4--,isa4 l4  

#a4 ,for your iniquities have ye sold   
yourselves4 ,isa4 lii4 #c1 ,ye have sold
 yourselves ,,for ,,nought1 and ye      
shall be redeemed without money4 ,see   
also1 ,jer4 xxxiv4 #ad--,romans vii4    
#ad1 vi4 #af--;,john viii4 #cd1 and the 
case of ,joseph and the ,egyptians1     
already quoted4 ,in the purchase of     
wives1 though spoken of rarely1 it is   
generally stated that they were bought  
of third persons4 ,if servants  were    
bought of third persons1 it is strange  
that no instance of it is  on record4   
,,ii4--,,the ,,leading ,,design ,,of    
,,the ,,laws ,,relating ,,to ,,servants1
 ,,with ,,the  ,,rights ,,and           
,,privileges ,,secured ,,to ,,them4     
,the general object of the laws defining
 the relations of master and  servant1  
was the good of both parties--more      
especially the good of the  servants4   
,while the master's interests were      
guarded from injury1 those  of the      
servants were promoted4 ,these laws made
 a merciful provision  for the poorer   

classes1 both of the ,israelites and    
,strangers1 not laying  on burdens1 but 
lightening them--they were a grant of   
privileges and  favors4    ,i4 ,no      
servant from the ,strangers1 could      
remain in the family of an  ,israelite  
without becoming a proselyte4           
,compliance with this condition  was the
 price of the privilege4--,gen4 xvii4   
#i-ad1 #bc1 #bg4    ,,ii4               
,excommunication from the family was a  
,,punishment4--,gen4 xxi4 #ad4  ,luke   
xvi4 #b-d4    ,,iii4 ,every ,hebrew     
servant could ,,compel his master to    
keep him after the  six years contract  
had expired4 ,this shows that the system
 was framed to  advance the interests   
and gratify the wishes of the servant   
quite as  much as those of the master4  
,if the servant demanded it1 the law    
obliged the master to retain him1       
however little he might need his        
services4 ,deut4 xv4 #ab-ag4 ,ex4 xxi4  
#b-f4    ,,iv4 ,the rights and          
privileges guarantied by law to all     

servants4    #a4 ,they were admitted    
into covenant with ,god4 ,deut4 xxix4   
#aj-ac4    #b4 ,they were invited guests
 at all the national and family         
festivals4  ,ex4 xii4 #dc-dd2 ,deut4    
xii4 #ab1 #ah1 xvi4 #aj-af4    #c4 ,they
 were statedly instructed in morality   
and religion4 ,deut4 xxxi4  #aj-ac2     
,josh4 viii4 #cc-ce2 #b ,chron4 xvii4   
#h-i4    #d4 ,they were released from   
their regular labor nearly ,,one ,,half 
,,of ,,the  ,,whole ,,time4 ,during     
which they had their entire support1 and
 the same  instruction that was provided
 for the other members of the ,hebrew   
community4    7a47 ,the ,law secured to 
them the whole of every seventh year2   
,lev4  xxv4 #c-f2 thus giving to those  
who were servants during the entire     
period between the jubilees1 eight whole
 years1 including the jubilee  year1 of 
unbroken rest4    7b47 ,every seventh   
day4 ,this in forty-two years1 the eight
 being  subtracted from the fifty1 would
 amount to just six years4    7c47 ,the 

three annual festivals4 ,the ,passover1 
which commenced on  the #aeth of the    
#ast month1 and lasted seven days1      
,deut4 xvi4 #c1 #h4 ,the  ,pentecost1 or
 ,feast of ,weeks1 which began on the   
#fth day of the #c;d  month1 and lasted 
seven days4 ,lev4 xvi4 #aj1 #aa4 ,the   
,feast of  ,tabernacles1 which commenced
 on the #aeth of the #gth month1 and    
lasted  eight days4 ,deut4 xvi4 #ac1    
#ae2 ,lev4 xxiii4 #cd-ci4 ,as all met in
 one  place1 much time would be spent on
 the journey4 ,cumbered caravans move   
slowly4 ,after their arrival1 a day or  
two would be requisite for divers       
preparations before the celebration1    
besides some time at the close of  it1  
in preparations for return4 ,if we      
assign three weeks to each              
festival--including the time spent on   
the journeys1 and the delays  before and
 after the celebration1 together with   
the festival week1 it  will be a small  
allowance for the cessation of their    
regular labor4 ,as  there were three    

festivals in the year1 the main body of 
the servants  would be absent from their
 stated employments at least nine weeks 
annually1 which would amount in         
forty-two years1 subtracting the        
,sabbaths1 to six years and eighty-four 
days4    7d47 ,the new moons4 ,the      
,jewish year had twelve2 ,josephus says 
that the  ,jews always kept two days for
 the new moon4 ,see ,calmet on the      
,jewish  ,calendar1 and ,horne's        
,introduction2 also #a ,sam4 xx4 #ah1   
#ai1 #bg4 ,this in  forty-two years1    
would be two years #bhj days4    7e47   
,the feast of trumpets4 ,on the first   
day of the seventh month1 and  of the   
civil year4 ,lev4 xxiii4 #bd1 #be4      
7f47 ,the atonement day4 ,on the tenth  
of the seventh month4 ,lev4 xxiii4  #bg4
    ,these two feasts would consume not 
less than sixty-five days not  reckoned 
above4    ,thus it appears that those   
who continued servants during the period
  between the jubilees1 were by law     
released from their labor1              

,,twenty-,,three ,,years ,,and          
,,sixty-,,four ,,days1 ,,out ,,of       
,,fifty ,,years1 and those  who remained
 a less time1 in nearly the same        
proportion4 ,in this  calculation1      
besides making a donation of all the    
fractions to the  objector1 we have left
 out those numerous local festivals to  
which  frequent allusion is made1 ,judg4
 xxi4 #ai2 ,i ,sam4 ix4 etc41 and the   
various family festivals1 such as at the
 weaning of children2 at  marriages2 at 
sheep shearings2 at circumcisions2 at   
the making of  covenants1 c41 to which  
reference is often made1 as in #a ,sam4 
xx4 #bh1  #bi4 ,neither have we included
 the festivals instituted at a later    
period  of the ,jewish history4 ,the    
feast of ,purim1 ,esth4 ix4 #bh1 #bi2   
and of the  ,dedication1 which lasted   
eight days4 ,john x4 #bb2 #a ,mac4 iv4  
#ei4    ,finally1 the ,mosaic system    
secured to servants1 an amount of time  
which1  if distributed1 would be almost 
,,one ,,half ,,of ,,the ,,days ,,in     

,,each ,,year4  ,meanwhile1 they were   
supported1 and furnished with           
opportunities of  instruction4 ,if this 
time were distributed over every day1   
the  servants would have to themselves  
nearly one half of each day4    ,,this  
,,is ,a ,,regulation ,,of ,,that        
,,mosaic ,,system ,,which ,,is ,,claimed
 ,,by  ,,slaveholders ,,as ,,the        
,,prototype ,,of ,,american ,,slavery4  
,v4 ,the servant was protected by law   
equally with the other members of  the  
community4    ,proof4--,judge           
righteously between every man and his   
neighbor1 and ,,the  ,,stranger ,,that  
,,is ,,with ,,him4 ,ye shall not        
,,respect ,,persons in judgement1  but  
ye shall hear the ,,small as well as the
 great4 ,deut4 i4 #af1 #ag4 ,also  ,lev4
 xxiv4 #bb4 ,ye shall have one manner of
 law as well for the  ,,stranger1 as for
 one of your own country4 ,so ,numb4 xv4
 #bi4 ,ye shall  have ,,one ,,law for   
him that sinneth through ignorance1 both
 for him that  is born among the        

children of ,israel and for the         
,,stranger that  sojourneth among them4 
,deut4 xxvii4 #ai4 ,cursed be he that   
,,perverteth  ,,the ,,judgment ,,of     
,,the ,,stranger4    ,,vi4 ,the ,mosaic 
system enjoined the greatest affection  
and kindness  toward servants1 foreign  
as well as ,jewish4    ,lev4 xix4 #cd4  
,the stranger that dwelleth with you    
shall be unto you as  one born among    
you1 and thou shall love him as thyself4
 ,also ,deut4 x4  #ag1 #ai4 ,for the    
,lord your ,god 99 99 ,,regardeth ,,not 
,,persons4 ,he doth  execute the        
judgment of the fatherless and widow1   
and ,,loveth ,,the  ,,stranger1 in      
giving him food and raiment1 ,,love ,,ye
 ,,therefore ,,the  ,,stranger4 ,so ,ex4
 xxii4 #ba4 ,thou shalt neither vex a   
,,stranger nor  oppress him4 ,ex4 xxiii4
 #i4 ,thou shalt not oppress a          
,,stranger1 for ye  know the heart of a 
stranger4 ,lev4 xxv4 #ce1 #cf4 ,if thy  
brother be  waxen poor thou shalt       
relieve him1 yea1 though he be a        

,,stranger or a  sojourner1 that he may 
live with thee1 take thou no usury of   
him or  increase1 but fear thy ,god4    
,could this same stranger be taken by   
one  that feared his ,god1 and held as a
 slave1 and robbed of time1 earnings1   
and all his rights8    ,,vii4 ,servants 
were placed upon a level with their     
masters in all civil  and religious     
rights4 ,num4 xv4 #ae1 #af1 #bi2 ix4    
#ad4 ,deut4 i4 #af1 #ag4 ,lev4  xxiv4   
#bb4        ,,iii4--,,did ,,persons     
,,become ,,servants ,,voluntarily1 ,,or 
,,were ,,they ,,made  ,,servants        
,,against ,,their ,,wills8    ,we argue 
that they became servants of their own  
accord4    ,i4 ,because to become a     
servant in the family of an ,israelite1 
was to  abjure idolatry1 to enter into  
covenant with ,god,a1 be circumcised in 
token of it1 bound to keep the ,sabbath1
 the ,passover1 the ,pentecost1 and  the
 ,feast of ,tabernacles1 and to receive 
instruction in the moral and  ceremonial
 law4 ,were the servants forced through 

all these processes8  ,was the          
renunciation of idolatry compulsory8    
,were they dragged into  covenant with  
,god8 ,were they seized and circumcised 
by main strength8  ,were they compelled 
mechanically to chew1 and swallow the   
flesh of the  ,paschal lamb1 while they 
abhorred the institution1 spurned the   
laws that  enjoined it1 detested its    
author and its executors1 and instead of
  rejoicing in the deliverance which it 
commemorated1 bewailed it as a          
calamity1 and cursed the day of its     
consummation8 ,were they driven  from   
all parts of the land three times in the
 year to the annual  festivals8 ,were   
they drugged with instruction which they
 nauseated8  ,goaded through a round of 
ceremonies1 to them senseless and       
disgusting  mummeries2 and drilled into 
the tactics of a creed rank with loathed
  abominations8 ,we repeat it1 to became
 a servant1 was to become a  proselyte4 
,and did ,god authorize his people to   
make proselytes1 at the  point of the   

sword8 by the terror of pains and       
penalties8 by converting  men into      
merchandise8 ,were proselyte and chattel
 synonymes1 in the  ,divine vocabulary8 
,must a man be sunk to a thing before   
taken into  covenant with ,god8 ,was    
this the stipulated condition of        
adoption1 and  the sole passport to the 
communion of the saints8    ,footnote   
,a3 ,maimonides1 who wrote in ,egypt    
about seven hundred years  ago1 a       
contemporary with ,jarchi1 and who      
stands with him at the head of  ,jewish 
writers1 gives the following testimony  
on this point3 ,whether a  servant be   
born in the power of an ,israelite1 or  
whether he be purchased  from the       
heathen1 the master is to bring them    
both into the covenant4    ,but he that 
is in the house is entered on the eighth
 day1 and he that  is bought with money1
 on the day on which his master receives
 him1  unless the slave be unwilling4   
,for if the master receive a grown      
slave1 and he be unwilling1 his master  

is to bear with him1 to seek to  win him
 over by instruction1 and by love and   
kindness1 for one year4  ,after which1  
should he refuse so long1 it is         
forbidden to keep him  longer than a    
year4 ,and the master must send him back
 to the strangers  from whence he came4 
,for the ,god of ,jacob will not accept 
any other than  the worship of a willing
 heart--,mamon1 ,hilcoth ,mileth1 ,chap4
 #ast1 ,sec4  #hth4    ,the ancient     
,jewish ,doctors assert that the servant
 from the ,strangers  who at the close  
of his probationary year1 refused to    
adopt the ,jewish  religion and was on  
that account sent back to his own       
people1 received a  full compensation   
for his services1 besides the payment of
 his  expenses4 ,but that postponement  
of the circumcision of the foreign      
servant for a year 7or even at all after
 he had entered the family of  an       
,israelite71 of which the ,mishnic      
doctors speak1 seems to have been a     
mere usage4 ,we find nothing of it in   

the regulations of the ,mosaic  system4 
,circumcision was manifestly a rite     
strictly initiatory4  ,whether it was a 
rite merely national or spiritual1 or   
both1 comes  not within the scope of    
this inquiry4     ,,ii4 ,we argue the   
voluntariness of servants from ,deut4   
xxiii4 #ae1 #af1  ,thou shalt not       
deliver unto his master the servant     
which is escaped  from his master unto  
thee4 ,he shall dwell with thee1 even   
among you1 in  that place which he shall
 choose1 in one of thy gates where it   
liketh  him best2 thou shalt not oppress
 him4    ,as though ,god had said1 ,to  
deliver him up would be to recognize the
  right of the master to hold him2 his  
fleeing shows his  choice--proclaims his
 wrongs and his title to protection2 you
 shall  not force him back and thus     
recognize the right of the master to    
hold  him in such a condition as induces
 him to flee to others for  protection4 
,it may be said that this command       
referred only to the  servants of       

heathen masters in the surrounding      
nations4 ,we answer1 the  terms of the  
command are unlimited4 ,but the         
objection1 if valid1 would  merely shift
 the pressure of the difficulty to      
another point4 ,did ,god  require them  
to protect the free choice of a single  
servant from the  heathen1 and yet      
authorize the same persons1 to crush the
 free choice  of thousands of servants  
from the heathen8 ,suppose a case4 ,a   
foreign  servant flees to the           
,israelites2 ,god says1 ,he shall dwell 
with thee1 in  that place which he shall
 choose1 in one of thy gates where it   
liketh  him best4 ,now1 suppose this    
same servant1 instead of coming into    
,israel of his own accord1 had been     
dragged in by some kidnapper who  bought
 him of his master1 and forced him into 
a condition against  his will2 would ,he
 who forbade such treatment of the      
stranger1 who  voluntarily came into the
 land1 sanction the same treatment of   
the  same person1 provided in addition  

to this last outrage1 the  previous one 
had been committed of forcing him into  
the nation against  his will8 ,to commit
 violence on the free choice of a       
foreign servant  is forsooth a horrible 
enormity1 ,,provided you begin the      
violence  after he has come among you4  
,but if you commit the first act on the 
other side of the line2 if you begin the
 outrage by buying him from a  third    
person against his will1 and then tear  
him from home1 drag him  across the line
 into the land of ,israel1 and hold him 
as a slave--ah6  that alters the case1  
and you may perpetrate the violence now 
with  impunity6 ,would greater favor    
have been shown to this new comer than  
to the old residents--those who had been
 servants in ,jewish families  perhaps  
for a generation8 ,were the ,israelites 
commanded to exercise  toward him1      
uncircumcised and out of the covenant1 a
 justice and  kindness denied to the    
multitudes who were circumcised1 and    
within  the covenant8 ,but1 the objector

 finds small gain to his argument on the
  supposition that the covenant         
respected merely the fugitives from the 
surrounding nations1 while it left the  
servants of the ,israelites in a        
condition against their wills4 ,in that 
case1 the surrounding nations  would    
adopt retaliatory measures1 and become  
so many asylums for ,jewish  fugitives4 
,as these nations were not only on every
 side of them1 but in  their midst1 such
 a proclamation would have been an      
effectual lure to  men whose condition  
was a constant counteraction of will4   
,besides the  same command which        
protected the servant from the power of 
his foreign  master1 protected him      
equally from the power of an ,israelite4
 ,it was  not1 ,thou shalt not deliver  
him unto his master1 but he shall dwell 
with thee1 in that place which he shall 
choose in one of thy gates  where it    
liketh him best4 ,every ,israelite was  
forbidden to put him in  any condition  
against his will4 ,what was this but a  

proclamation1 that  all who chose to    
live in the land and obey the laws1 were
 left to  their own free will1 to       
dispose of their services at such a     
rate1 to  such persons and in such      
places as they pleased8 ,besides1 grant 
that  this command prohibited the       
sending back of foreign servants merely1
  there was no law requiring the return 
of servants who had escaped from  the   
,israelites4 ,property lost1 and cattle 
escaped1 they were  required to return1 
but not escaped servants4 ,these verses 
contain #ast1  a command1 ,thou shall   
not deliver1 c41 #b;d1 a declaration of 
the  fugitive's right of free choice1   
and of ,god's will that he should       
exercise it at his own discretion2 and  
#c;d1 a command guarding this  right1   
namely1 ,thou shalt not oppress him1 as 
though ,god had said1 ,if  you restrain 
him from exercising his own choice1 as  
to the place and  condition of his      
residence1 it is oppression4    ,,iii4  
,we argue the voluntariness of servants 

from their peculiar  opportunities and  
facilities for escape4 ,three times     
every year1 all the  males over twelve  
years1 were required to attend the      
national feasts4  ,they were thus absent
 from their homes not less than three   
weeks at each  time1 making nine weeks  
annually4 ,as these caravans moved over 
the  country1 were there military scouts
 lining the way1 to intercept           
deserters8--a corporal's guard at each  
pass of the mountains1 sentinels  pacing
 the hill-tops1 and light horse scouring
 the defiles8 ,the  ,israelites must    
have had some safe contrivance for      
taking their  slaves three times in a   
year to ,jerusalem and back4 ,when a    
body of  slaves is moved any distance in
 our republic1 they are hand-cuffed and 
chained together1 to keep them from     
running away1 or beating their  drivers'
 brains out4 ,was this the ,mosaic plan1
 or an improvement  introduced by       
,samuel1 or was it left for the wisdom  
of ,solomon8 ,the  usage1 doubtless1    

claims a paternity not less venerable   
and biblical6  ,perhaps they were lashed
 upon camels1 and transported in        
bundles1 or  caged up1 and trundled on  
wheels to and fro1 and while at the     
,holy ,city1  lodged in jail for safe   
keeping1 the ,sanhedrim appointing      
special  religious services for their   
benefit1 and their drivers officiating  
at  ,,oral instruction4 ,mean while1    
what became of the sturdy handmaids     
left at home8 ,what hindered them from  
marching off in a body8 ,perhaps  the   
,israelitish matrons stood sentry in    
rotation round the kitchens1  while the 
young ladies scoured the country1 as    
mounted rangers1 picking  up stragglers 
by day1 and patrolled the streets1      
keeping a sharp  look-out at night4     
,,iv4 ,their continuance in ,jewish     
families depended upon the performance  
of various rites necessarily            
,,voluntary4    ,suppose the servants   
from the heathen had upon entering      
,jewish families1  refused circumcision2

 if slaves1 how simple the process of   
emancipation6 ,their refusal did the    
job4 ,or1 suppose they had refused  to  
attend the annual feasts1 or had eaten  
unleavened bread during the  ,passover1 
or compounded the ingredients of the    
anointing oil1 they would  have been cut
 off from the people2 excommunicated4   
,v4 ,we infer the voluntariness of the  
servants of the ,patriarchs from the    
impossibility of their having been held 
against their wills4 ,abraham's         
servants are an illustration4 ,at one   
time he had three hundred and  eighteen 
young men born in his house1 and many   
more not born in  his house4 ,his       
servants of all ages1 were probably     
,,many ,,thousands4 ,how  ,abraham and  
,sarah contrived to hold fast so many   
thousand servants  against their wills1 
we are left quite in the dark4 ,the most
 natural  supposition is that the       
,patriarch and his wife took turns in   
surrounding them6 ,the neighboring      
tribes1 instead of constituting a       

picket guard to hem in his servants1    
would have been far more likely to      
sweep them and him into captivity1 as   
they did ,lot and his household4        
,besides1 there was neither             
,constitution nor compact1 to send back 
,abraham's fugitives1 nor a truckling   
police to pounce upon them1 nor         
gentleman-kidnappers1 suing for his     
patronage1 volunteering to howl on      
their track1 boasting their blood-hound 
scent1 and pledging their  honor to hunt
 down and deliver up1 provided they had 
a description  of the flesh-marks1 and  
were suitably stimulated by pieces of   
silver4 ,abraham seems also to have been
 sadly deficient in all the  auxiliaries
 of family government1 such as stocks1  
hand-cuffs1  foot-chains1 yokes1 gags1  
and thumb-screws4 ,his destitution of   
these  patriarchal indispensables is the
 more afflicting1 since he faithfully   
trained his household to do justice and 
judgment1 though so deplorably          
destitute of the needful aids4    ,,vi4 

,we infer that servants were voluntary1 
as there is no instance of an           
,israelitish master ,,selling a servant4
 ,abraham had thousands of servants1    
but seems never to have sold one4 ,isaac
 grew until he became very  great1 and  
had great store of servants4 ,jacob's   
youth was spent in  the family of       
,laban1 where he lived a servant        
twenty-one years4  ,afterward he had a  
large number of servants4 ,joseph sent  
for ,jacob to  come into ,egypt1 thou   
and thy children1 and thy children's    
children1  and thy flocks and thy herds1
 and ,,all ,,that ,,thou ,,hast4 ,jacob 
took his  flocks and herds but no       
servants4 ,gen xlv4 #aj2 xlvii4 #af4    
,they  doubtless1 served under their own
 contracts1 and when ,jacob went into   
,egypt1 they chose to stay in their own 
country4 ,the government might  sell    
thieves1 if they had no property1 until 
their services had made  good the       
injury1 and paid the legal fine4 ,ex4   
xxii4 #c4 ,but masters  seem to have had

 no power to sell their servants4 ,to   
give the master a  right to sell his    
servant1 would annihilate the servant's 
right of  choice in his own disposal2   
but says the objector1 to give the      
master a  right to buy a servant1       
equally annihilates the servant's right 
of  choice4 ,answer4 ,it is one thing to
 have a right to buy a man1 and a       
different thing to have a right to buy  
him of another man,a4    ,footnote ,a3  
,there is no evidence that masters had  
the power to dispose  even the services 
of their servants1 as men hire out their
 laborers  whom they employ by the year2
 but whether they had or not1 affects   
not  the argument4    ,though servants  
were not bought of their masters1 yet   
young females were  bought of their     
fathers4 ,but their purchase as servants
 was their  betrothal as wives4 ,ex4    
xxi4 #g1 #h4 ,if a man sell his daughter
 to be a  maid-servant1 she shall not go
 out as the men-servants do4 ,if she    
please  not her master ,,who ,,hath     

,,betrothed ,,her ,,to ,,himself1 he    
shall let her be  redeemed4,b           
,footnote ,b3 ,the comment of           
,maimonides on this passage is as       
follows3 ,a  ,hebrew handmaid might not 
be sold but to one who laid himself     
under  obligations1 to espouse her to   
himself or to his son1 when she was fit 
to be                                   
betrothed4--,maimonides--,hilcoth--,obed
im1 ,ch4 ,,iv4 ,sec4 ,,xi4  ,jarchi1 on 
the same passage1 says1 ,he is bound to 
espouse her and take  her to be his     
wife1 for the money of her purchase is  
the money of her  espousal4    ,,vii4   
,we infer that the ,hebrew servant was  
voluntary in ,,commencing his  service1 
because he was pre-eminently so ,,in    
,,continuing it4 ,if1 at the  year of   
release1 it was the servant's choice to 
remain with his  master1 law required   
his ear to be bored by the judges of the
 land1 thus  making it impossible for   
him to be held against his will4 ,yea   
more1 his  master was compelled to keep 

him1 however much he might wish to get  
rid of him4    ,,viii4 ,the method      
prescribed for procuring servants1 was  
an appeal to  their choice4 ,the        
,israelites were commanded to offer them
 a suitable  inducement1 and then leave 
them to decide4 ,they might neither     
seize them  by force1 nor frighten them 
by threats1 nor wheedle them by false   
pretences1 nor borrow them1 nor beg     
them2 but they were commanded to  buy   
them,a2 that is1 they were to recognize 
the right of the  individuals to dispose
 of their own services1 and their right 
to  refuse all offers1 and thus oblige  
those who made them1 to do their  own   
work4 ,suppose all1 with one accord1 had
 refused to become  servants1 what      
provision did the ,mosaic law make for  
such an emergency8  ,,none4    ,footnote
 ,a3 ,the case of thieves1 whose        
services were sold until they  had      
earned enough to make restitution to the
 person wronged1 and to pay  the legal  
penalty1 stands by itself1 and has      

nothing to do with the  condition of    
servants4    ,,ix4 ,various incidental  
expressions corroborate the idea that   
servants  became such by their own      
contract4 ,job xli4 #d1 is an           
illustration1 ,will  he 7,leviathan7    
make a ,,covenant with thee8 wilt thou  
take him for a  ,,servant forever8      
,x4 ,the transaction which made the     
,egyptians the ,,servants ,,of ,,pharaoh
 was  voluntary throughout4 ,see ,gen4  
xlvii4 #ah-bf4 ,of their own accord they
  came to ,joseph and said1 ,we have not
 aught left but our bodies and  our     
lands2 buy us2 then in the #beth verse1 
we will be servants to  ,pharaoh4       
,,xi4 ,we infer the voluntariness of    
servants1 from the fact that ,,rich     
,strangers did not become servants4     
,indeed1 so far were they from  becoming
 servants themselves1 that they bought  
and held ,jewish servants4  ,lev4 xxv4  
#dg4    ,,xii4 ,the sacrifices and      
offerings which ,,all were required to  
present1  were to be made ,,voluntarily4

 ,lev4 i4 #b1 #c4    ,,xiii4 ,mention is
 often made of persons becoming servants
 where they were  manifestly and        
pre-eminently ,,voluntary4 ,as the      
,prophet ,elisha4 #a ,kings  xix4 #ba2  
#b ,kings iii4 #aa4 ,elijah was his     
master4 ,the word1 translated  master1  
is the same that is so rendered in      
almost every instance where  masters are
 spoken of under the ,mosaic and        
patriarchal systems4 ,moses  was the    
servant of ,jethro4 ,ex4 iii4 #a4       
,joshua was the servant of ,moses4      
,num4 xi4 #bh4 ,jacob was the servant of
 ,laban4 ,gen4 xxix4 #ah-bg4            
,,iv4--,,were ,,the ,,servants ,,forced 
,,to ,,work ,,without ,,pay8    ,as the 
servants became and continued such of   
their own accord1 it  would be no small 
marvel if they chose to work without    
pay4 ,their  becoming servants1         
pre-supposes compensation as a motive4  
,that they  were paid for their labor1  
we argue1    ,i4 ,because ,god rebuked  
in thunder1 the sin of using the labor  

of others  without wages4 ,wo unto him  
that buildeth his house by              
unrighteousness1  and his chambers by   
wrong2 ,,that ,,useth ,,his             
,,neighbor',s ,,service ,,without       
,,wages1 and giveth him not for his     
work4 ,jer4 xxii4 #ac4 ,god here        
testifies that to use the service of    
others without wages is  unrighteousness
 and pronounces his wo against the doer 
of the  wrong4 ,the ,hebrew word ,rea1  
translated neighbor1 does not mean one  
man1 or class of men1 in distinction    
from others1 but any one with whom  we  
have to do--all descriptions of persons1
 even those who prosecute us  in        
lawsuits and enemies while in the act of
 fighting us--,as when a man  riseth    
against his ,,neighbor and slayeth him4 
,deut4 xxii4 #bf4 ,go not  forth hastily
 to strive1 lest thou know not what to  
do in the end  thereof1 when thy        
,,neighbor hath put thee to shame4      
,prov4 xxv4 #h4 ,thou  shalt not bear   
false witness against thy ,,neighbor4   

,ex4 xx4 #af4 ,if any  man come         
presumptuously upon his ,,neighbor to   
slay him with guile4 ,ex4  xxi4 #ad1 c4 
,,ii4 ,god testifies that in our duty to
 our fellow men1 ,,all ,,the ,,law ,,and
  ,,the ,,prophets hang upon this       
command1 ,thou shalt love thy neighbor  
as  thyself4 ,our ,savior1 in giving    
this command1 quoted verbatim one of    
the laws of the ,mosaic system4 ,lev4   
xix4 #ah4 ,in the #cdth verse of the    
same chapter1 ,moses applies this law to
 the treatment of ,strangers1 ,the      
stranger that dwelleth with you shall be
 unto you as one born among you1  and   
,,thou ,,shalt ,,love ,,him ,,as        
,,thyself4 ,if it be loving others as   
ourselves1 to make them work for us     
without pay2 to rob them of food and    
clothing also1 would be a stronger      
illustration still of the law of  love6 
,super-disinterested benevolence6 ,and  
if it be doing unto others  as we would 
have them do to us1 to make them work   
for our own good  alone1 ,paul should be

 called to order for his hard saying    
against human  nature1 especially for   
that libellous matter in ,eph4 v4 #bi1  
,no man ever  yet hated his own flesh1  
but nourisheth it and cherisheth it4    
,,iii4 ,as persons became servants      
,,from ,,poverty1 we argue that they    
were  compensated1 since they frequently
 owned property1 and sometimes a large  
amount4 ,ziba1 the servant of           
,mephibosheth1 gave ,david a princely   
present1 ,an hundred loaves of bread1   
and an hundred bunches of raisins1  and 
an hundred of summer fruits1 and a      
bottle of wine4 #b ,sam4 xvi4 #a4  ,the 
extent of his possessions can be        
inferred from the fact1 that though  the
 father of fifteen sons1 he had twenty  
servants4 ,in ,lev4 xxv4 #eg-ei1  where 
a servant1 reduced to poverty1 sold     
himself1 it is declared that  he may be 
redeemed1 either by his kindred1 or by  
,,himself4 ,having been  forced to sell 
himself from poverty1 he must have      
acquired considerable  property after he

 became a servant4 ,if it had not been  
common for  servants to acquire property
 over which they had the control1 the   
servant of ,elisha would hardly have    
ventured to take a large sum of  money1 
7nearly #cjjj;,a7 from ,naaman1 #b      
,kings v4 #bb1 #bc4 ,as it was  procured
 by deceit1 he wished to conceal the    
means used in getting it2  but if       
servants1 could own nothing1 nor acquire
 any thing1 to embark  in such an       
enterprise would have been consummate   
stupidity4 ,the fact of  having in his  
possession two talents of silver1 would 
of itself convict  him of theft,b4 ,but 
since it was common for servants to own 
property he  might have it1 and invest  
or use it1 without attracting special   
attention1 and that consideration alone 
would have been a strong motive  to the 
act4 ,his master1 while rebuking him for
 using such means to get  the money1 not
 only does not take it from him2 but    
seems to expect that  he would invest it
 in real estate1 and cattle1 and would  

procure  servants with it4 #b ,kings v4 
#bf4 ,we find the servant of ,saul      
having  money1 and relieving his master 
in an emergency4 #a ,sam4 ix4 #h4 ,arza1
 the  servant of ,elah1 was the owner of
 a house4 ,that it was somewhat         
magnificent1 would be a natural         
inference from it's being a resort of   
the king4 #a ,kings xvi4 #i4 ,the case  
of the ,gibeonites1 who after becoming  
servants1 still occupied their cities1  
and remained in many respects1 a        
distinct people for centuries2 and that 
of the #aej1jjj ,canaanites1 the        
servants of ,solomon1 who worked out    
their tribute of bond-service in        
levies1 periodically relieving each     
other1 are additional illustrations  of 
independence in the acquisition and     
ownership of property4    ,footnote ,a3 
,though we have not sufficient data to  
decide upon the  relative value of that 
sum1 then and now1 yet we have enough to
  warrant us in saying that two talents 
of silver1 had far more value  then than

 three thousand dollars have now4       
,footnote ,b3 ,whoever heard of the     
slaves in our southern states stealing  
a large amount of money8 ,they know how 
to take care of themselves  quite too   
well for that4 ,when they steal1 they   
are careful to do it on  such a small   
scale1 or in the taking of such things  
as will make  detection difficult4 ,no  
doubt they steal now and then a little1 
and a  gaping marvel would it be if they
 did not4 ,why should they not follow in
  the footsteps of their masters and    
mistresses8 ,dull scholars indeed6 if1  
after so many lessons from proficients  
in the art1 who drive the  business by  
wholesale1 they should not occasionally 
copy their  betters1 fall into the      
fashion1 and try their hand in a small  
way1 at  a practice which is the only   
permanent and universal business carried
  on around them6 ,ignoble truly6 never 
to feel the stirrings of high  impulse1 
prompting to imitate the eminent pattern
 set before them in the  daily vocation 

of ,honorables and ,excellences1 and to 
emulate the  illustrious examples of    
,doctors of ,divinity1 and ,right and   
,very  ,reverends6 ,hear ,president     
,jefferson's testimony4 ,in his ,notes  
on  ,virginia1 pp4 #bjg-h1 speaking of  
slaves1 he says1 ,that disposition to   
theft with which they have been branded1
 must be ascribed to their  situation1  
and not to any special depravity of the 
moral sense4 ,it is  a problem which ,i 
give the master to solve1 whether the   
religious  precepts against the         
violation of property were not framed   
for ,,him as  well as for his slave--and
 whether the slave may not as           
justifiably take  a little from one who 
has taken ,,all from him1 as he may slay
 one who  would slay him8    ,,iv4      
,heirship4--,servants frequently        
inherited their master's property2      
especially if he had no sons1 or if they
 had dishonored the family4  ,eliezer1  
the servant of ,abraham2 ,ziba1 the     
servant of ,mephibosheth1  ,jarha the   

servant of ,sheshan1 and the husbandmen 
who said of their  master's son1 this is
 the ,,heir1 let us kill him1 and the   
,,inheritance  ,,will ,,be ,,ours1 are  
illustrations2 also ,prov4 xvii4 #b--;,a
 wise servant  shall have rule over a   
son that causeth shame1 and ,,shall     
,,have ,,part ,,of  ,,the ,,inheritance 
,,among ,,the ,,brethren4 ,this passage 
gives servants  precedence as heirs1    
even over the wives and daughters of    
their masters4  ,did masters hold by    
force1 and plunder of earnings1 a class 
of persons1  from which1 in frequent    
contingencies1 they selected both heirs 
for  their property1 and husbands for   
their daughters8    ,v4 ,,all were      
required to present offerings and       
sacrifices4 ,deut4 xvi4 #ae1  #ag1 #b   
,chron4 xv4 #i-aa4 ,numb4 ix4 #ac4      
,servants must have had permanently1    
the means of acquiring property to meet 
these expenditures4    ,,vi4 ,those     
,hebrew servants who went out at the    
seventh year1 were  provided by law with

 a large stock of provisions and cattle4
 ,deut4 xv4  #aa-ad4 ,thou shall furnish
 him liberally out of thy flock1 and out
 of  thy flour1 and out of thy wine     
press1 of that wherewith the ,lord thy  
,god  hath blessed thee1 thou shall give
 him,a4 ,if it be said that the         
servants from the ,strangers did not    
receive a like bountiful supply1 we     
answer1 neither did the most honorable  
class of ,israelitish servants1  the    
free-holders2 and for the same reason1  
they did not go out in the  seventh     
year1 but continued until the jubilee4  
,if the fact that the  ,gentile servants
 did not receive such a gratuity proves 
that they were  robbed of their         
earnings1 it proves that the most valued
 class of  ,hebrew servants were robbed 
of theirs also2 a conclusion too        
stubborn  for even pro-slavery          
masticators1 however unscrupulous4      
,footnote ,a3 ,the comment of           
,maimonides on this passage is as       
follows--,thou shalt furnish him        

liberally1 c4 ,that is to say1          
',loading1 ye shall load him1' likewise 
every one of his family1 with  as much  
as he can take with him--abundant       
benefits4 ,and if it be  avariciously   
asked1 ,how much must ,i give him8 ,i   
say unto you1 not  less than thirty     
shekels1 which is the valuation of a    
servant1 as  declared in ,ex4 xxi4      
#cb4--,maimonides1 ,hilcoth ,obedim1    
,chap4 ii4 ,sec4 #c    ,,vii4 ,the      
servants were ,,bought4 ,in other words1
 they received  compensation in advance4
 ,having shown1 under a previous head1  
that  servants sold themselves1 and of  
course received the compensation for    
themselves1 except in cases where       
parents hired out the time of their     
children till they became of age,b1 a   
mere reference to the fact is all  that 
is required for the purposes of this    
argument4    ,footnote ,b3 ,among the   
,israelites1 girls became of age at     
twelve1 and  boys at thirteen years4    
,,viii4 ,we find masters at one time    

having a large number of servants1 and  
afterwards none1 without any intimation 
that they were sold4 ,the wages  of     
servants would enable them to set up in 
business for themselves4  ,jacob1 after 
being ,laban's servant for twenty-one   
years1 became thus an  independent      
herdsman1 and was the master of many    
servants4 ,gen4 xxx4 #dc1  xxxii4 #ae4  
,but all these servants had left him    
before he went down into  ,egypt1 having
 doubtless acquired enough to commence  
business for  themselves4 ,gen4 xlv4    
#aj1 #aa2 xlvi4 #a-g1 #cb4    ,,ix4     
,god's testimony to the character of    
,abraham4 ,gen4 xviii4 #ai4 ,for ,i     
know him that he will command his       
children and his household after him1   
and they shall keep1 ,,the ,,way ,,of   
,,the ,,lord ,,to ,,do ,,justice ,,and  
,,judgement4  ,god here testifies that  
,abraham taught his servants the way of 
the  ,lord4 ,what was the way of the    
,lord respecting the payment of wages   
where service was rendered8 ,wo unto him

 that useth his neighbor's  service     
,,without ,,wages6 ,jer4 xxii4 #ac4     
,masters1 give unto your servants  that 
which is ,,just ,,and ,,equal4 ,col4 iv4
 #a4 ,render unto all their ,,dues4     
,rom4 xiii4 #g4 ,the laborer is ,,worthy
 ,,of ,,his ,,hire4 ,luke x4 #g4 ,how   
did  ,abraham teach his servants to do  
justice to others8 ,by doing  injustice 
to them8 ,did he exhort them to render  
to all their dues by  keeping back their
 own8 ,did he teach them that the       
laborer was worthy  of his hire by      
robbing them of theirs8 ,did he beget in
 them a  reverence for honesty by       
pilfering all their time and labor8 ,did
 he  teach them not to defraud others in
 any matter by denying them what  was   
just and equal8 ,if each of ,abraham's  
pupils under such a catechism  did not  
become a very ,aristides in justice1    
then illustrious examples1  patriarchal 
dignity1 and practical lessons1 can make
 but slow headway  against human        
perverseness6    ,x4 ,specific precepts 

of the ,mosaic law enforcing general    
principles4  ,out of many1 we select the
 following3 7#a47 ,thou shalt not muzzle
 the ox  that treadeth out the corn1 or 
literally1 while he thresheth4 ,deut4   
xxv4 #d4 ,here is a general principle   
applied to a familiar case4 ,the ox     
representing all domestic animals4 ,isa4
 xxx4 #bd4 ,a particular kind of        
service1 all kinds2 and a law requiring 
an abundant provision for the  wants of 
an animal ministering to man in a       
certain way1--a general  principle of   
treatment covering all times1 modes1 and
 instrumentalities  of service4 ,the    
object of the law was2 not merely to    
enjoin tenderness  towards brutes1 but  
to inculcate the duty of rewarding those
 who serve  us2 and if such care be     
enjoined1 by ,god1 both for the ample   
sustenance  and present enjoyment of a  
brute1 what would be a meet return for  
the  services of man8--,,man with his   
varied wants1 exalted nature and        
immortal destiny6 ,paul says expressly1 

that this principle lies at the  bottom 
of the statute4 #a ,cor4 ix4 #i1 #aj1   
,for it is written in the law  of       
,moses1 ,thou shalt not muzzle the mouth
 of the ox that treadeth out  the corn4 
,doth ,god take care for oxen8 ,or saith
 he it altogether for ,,our  ,,sakes8   
that he that ploweth should plow in     
,,hope1 and that he that  thresheth in  
hope should be ,,partaker ,,of ,,his    
,,hope1 7#b47 ,if thy brother  be waxen 
poor1 and fallen in decay with thee1    
then thou shalt relieve  him1 ,,yea1    
,,though ,,he ,,be ,a ,,stranger or a   
,,sojourner that he may live with  thee4
 ,take thou no usury of him1 or         
increase1 but fear thy ,god4 ,thou      
shalt not give him thy money upon usury1
 nor lend him thy victuals for          
increase4 ,lev4 xxv4 #ce-cg4 ,now1 we   
ask1 by what process of pro-slavery     
legerdemain1 this regulation can be made
 to harmonize with the doctrine  of     
,,work ,,without ,,pay8 ,did ,god       
declare the poor stranger entitled to   

,,relief1 and in the same breath1       
authorize them to use his services      
without wages2 force him to work and    
,,rob ,,him ,,of ,,his ,,earnings8      
,v4--,,were ,,masters ,,the             
,,proprietors ,,of ,,servants ,,as      
,,legal ,,property8    ,the discussion  
of this topic has already been somewhat 
anticipated1 but  a variety of          
additional considerations remain to be  
noticed4    #a4 ,servants were not      
subjected to the uses nor liable to the 
contingencies of property4 7#a47 ,they  
were never taken in payment for  their  
masters' debts1 though children were    
sometimes taken 7without  legal         
authority7 for the debts of a father4 #b
 ,kings iv4 #a2 ,job xxiv4 #i2  ,isa4   
l41 #a2 ,matt4 xviii4 #be4 ,creditors   
took from debtors property of all       
kinds1 to satisfy their demands4 ,job   
xxiv4 #c1 cattle are taken2 ,prov4      
xxii4 #bg1 household furniture2 ,lev4   
xxv4 #be-bh1 the productions of the     
soil2 ,lev4 xxv4 #bg-cj1 houses2 ,ex4   

xxii4 #bf-bi1 ,deut4 xxiv4 #aj-ac1      
,matt1  v4 #dj1 clothing2 but servants  
were taken in no instance4 7#b47        
,servants were never given as pledges4  
,property of all sorts was given in     
pledge4 ,we find household furniture1   
clothing1 cattle1 money1 signets1  and  
personal ornaments1 with divers other   
articles of property1 used as  pledges  
for value received2 but no servants4    
7#c47 ,all lost ,,property was  to be   
restored4 ,oxen1 asses1 sheep1 raiment1 
and whatsoever lost  things1 are        
specified--servants not4 ,deut4 xxii4   
#ac4 ,besides1 the  ,israelites were    
forbidden to return the runaway servant4
 ,deut4 xxiii4  #ae4 7#d47 ,the         
,israelites never gave away their       
servants as presents4 ,they  made costly
 presents1 of great variety4 ,lands1    
houses1 all kinds of  animals1          
merchandise1 family utensils1 precious  
metals1 grain1 armor1  c4 are among     
their recorded gifts4 ,giving presents  
to superiors and  persons of rank1 was a

 standing usage4 #a ,sam4 x4 #bg2 #a    
,sam4 xvi4 #bj2 #b  ,chron4 xvii4 #e4   
,abraham to ,abimelech1 ,gen4 xxi4 #bg2 
,jacob to the viceroy  of ,egypt1 ,gen4 
xliii4 #aa2 ,joseph to his brethren and 
father1 ,gen4 xlv4  #bb1 #bc2 ,benhadad 
to ,elisha1 #b ,kings viii4 #h1 #i2     
,ahaz to ,tiglath ,pilezer1  #b ,kings  
vi4 #h2 ,solomon to the ,queen of       
,sheba1 #a ,kings x4 #ac2 ,jeroboam to  
,ahijah1 #a ,kings xiv4 #c2 ,asa to     
,benhadad1 #a ,kings xv4 #ah1 #ai4 ,but 
no  servants were given as              
presents--though it was a prevailing    
fashion in  the surrounding nations4    
,gen4 xii4 #af2 ,gen4 xx4 #ad4 ,it may  
be objected  that ,laban ,,gave         
handmaids to his daughters1 ,jacob's    
wives4 ,without  enlarging on the nature
 of the polygamy then prevalent suffice 
it to say  that the handmaids of wives  
were regarded as wives1 though of       
inferior  dignity and authority4 ,that  
,jacob so regarded his handmaids1 is    
proved  by his curse upon ,reuben1 ,gen4

 xlix4 #d1 and ,chron4 v4 #a2 also by   
the  equality of their children with    
those of ,rachel and ,leah4 ,but had it 
been otherwise--had ,laban given them as
 articles of property1 then1  indeed1   
the example of this good old patriarch  
and slaveholder1 ,saint  ,laban1 would  
have been a forecloser to all argument4 
,ah6 we remember his  jealousy for      
religion--his holy indignation when he  
found that his  ,,gods were stolen6 ,how
 he mustered his clan1 and plunged over 
the  desert in hot pursuit1 seven days1 
by forced marches2 how he ransacked a   
whole caravan1 sifting the contents of  
every tent1 little heeding such  small  
matters as domestic privacy1 or female  
seclusion1 for lo6 the zeal  of his     
,,images had eaten him up6 ,no wonder   
that slavery1 in its  ,bible-navigation1
 drifting dismantled before the free    
gusts1 should scud  under the lee of    
such a pious worthy to haul up and      
refit3 invoking his  protection1 and the
 benediction of his ,,gods6 ,again1 it  

may be  objected that1 servants were    
enumerated in inventories of property4  
,if  that proves servants property1 it  
proves wives property4 ,thou shalt  not 
covet thy neighbor's house1 thou shalt  
not covet thy neighbor's  ,,wife1 nor   
his man-servant1 nor his maid-servant1  
nor his ox1 nor his  ass1 nor any thing 
that is thy neighbor's4 ,ex4 xx4 #ag4   
,in inventories  of mere property if    
servants are included1 it is in such a  
way1 as to  show that they are not      
regarded as property4 ,see ,eccl4 ii4   
#g1 #h4 ,but  when the design is to show
 not merely the wealth1 but the         
greatness of  any personage1 servants   
are spoken of1 as well as property4 ,in 
a word1  if riches alone are spoken of1 
no mention is made of servants2 if      
greatness1 servants and property4 ,gen4 
xiii4 #b4 ,and ,abraham was very  rich  
in cattle1 in silver and in gold4 ,so in
 the fifth verse1 ,and ,lot  also had   
flocks1 and herds1 and tents4 ,in the   
seventh verse servants  are mentioned1  

,and there was a strife between the     
,,herdmen of ,abraham's  cattle and the 
,,herdmen of ,lot's cattle4 ,see also   
,josh4 xxii4 #h2 ,gen4  xxxiv4 #bc2 ,job
 xlii4 #ab2 #b ,chron4 xxi4 #c2 xxxii4  
#bg-bi2 ,job i4 #c-e2  ,deut4 viii4     
#ab-ag2 ,gen4 xxiv4 #ce1 xxvi4 #ac1 xxx4
 #dc4 ,jacobs's wives say  to him1 ,all 
the riches which thou hast taken from   
our father that is  ours and our        
children's4 ,then follows an inventory  
of property4 ,all  his cattle1 all his  
goods1 the cattle of his getting4 ,he   
had a  large number of servants at the  
time but they are not included with his 
property4 ,comp4 ,gen4 xxx4 #dc1 with   
,gen4 xxxi4 #af-ah4 ,when he sent       
messengers to ,esau1 wishing to impress 
him with an idea of his state and  sway1
 he bade them tell him not only of his  
,,riches1 but of his  ,,greatness2 that 
,jacob had oxen1 and asses1 and flocks1 
and  men-servants1 and maid-servants4   
,gen4 xxxii4 #d1 #e4 ,yet in the present
  which he sent1 there were no servants2

 though he seems to have sought as  much
 variety as possible4 ,gen4 xxxii4 #ad1 
#ae2 see also ,gen4 xxxvi4 #f1 #g2      
,gen4 xxxiv4 #bc4 ,as flocks and herds  
were the staples of wealth1 a large     
number of servants presupposed large    
possessions of cattle1 which would      
require many herdsmen4 ,when servants   
are spoken of in connection with  mere  
property1 the terms used to express the 
latter do not include the  former4 ,the 
,hebrew word ,mikne1 is an illustration4
 ,it is derived from  ,kana1 to procure1
 to buy1 and its meaning is1 a          
possession1 wealth1  riches4 ,it occurs 
more than forty times in the ,old       
,testament1 and is  applied always to   
mere property1 generally to domestic    
animals1 but  never to servants4 ,in    
some instances1 servants are mentioned  
in  distinction from the ,mikne4  ,and  
,abraham took ,sarah his wife1 and ,lot 
his brother's son1 and all their        
,,substance that they had gathered2 and 
the souls that they had gotten in       

,haran1 and they went forth to go into  
the land of ,canaan4--,gen4 xii4 #e4    
,many will have it1 that these souls    
were a part of ,abraham's substance     
7notwithstanding the pains here  taken  
to separate them from it7--that they    
were slaves taken with him in  his      
migration as a part of his family       
effects4 ,who but slaveholders1  either 
actually or in heart1 would torture into
 the principle and  practice of slavery1
 such a harmless phrase as the souls    
that they had  gotten8 ,until the slave 
trade breathed its haze upon the vision 
of the  church1 and smote her with palsy
 and decay1 commentators saw no slavery 
in1 ,the souls that they had gotten4 ,in
 the ,targum of ,onkelos,a it is        
rendered1 ,the souls whom they had      
brought to obey the law in ,haran4 ,in  
the ,targum of ,jonathan1 ,the souls    
whom they had made proselytes in        
,haran4 ,in the ,targum of ,jerusalem1  
,the souls proselyted in ,haran4        
,jarchi1 the prince of ,jewish          

commentators1 ,the souls whom they had  
brought under the ,divine wings4        
,jerome1 one of the most learned of the 
,christian fathers1 ,the persons whom   
they had proselyted4 ,the ,persian      
version1 the ,vulgate1 the ,syriac1 the 
,arabic1 and the ,samaritan all  render 
it1 ,all the wealth which they had      
gathered1 and the souls which  they had 
made in ,haran4 ,menochius1 a           
commentator who wrote before our        
present translation of the ,bible1      
renders it1 ,quas de idolatraria        
converterant4 ,those whom they had      
converted from idolatry4--,paulus       
,fagius,b4 ,quas instituerant in        
religione4 ,those whom they had         
established in religion4 ,luke ,francke1
 a ,german commentator who lived  two   
centuries ago4 ,quas legi               
subjicerant--,those whom they had       
brought  to obey the law4    ,footnote  
,a3 ,the ,targums are ,chaldee          
paraphrases of parts of the ,old        
,testament4 ,the ,targum of ,onkelas is1

 for the most part1 a very accurate  and
 faithful translation of the original1  
and was probably made at about  the     
commencement of the ,christian era4 ,the
 ,targum of ,jonathan ,ben  ,uzziel1    
bears about the same date4 ,the ,targum 
of ,jerusalem was probably  about five  
hundred years later4 ,the ,israelites1  
during their captivity  in ,babylon1    
lost1 as a body1 their own language4    
,these translations into  the ,chaldee1 
the language which they acquired in     
,babylon1 were thus  called for by the  
necessity of the case4      ,footnote   
,b3 ,this eminent ,hebrew scholar was   
invited to ,england to  superintend the 
translation of the ,bible into ,english1
 under the  patronage of ,henry the     
,eighth4 ,he had hardly commenced the   
work when he  died4 ,this was nearly a  
century before the date of our present  
translation4    ,,ii4 ,the condition and
 treatment of servants make the doctrine
 that they  were mere ,,commodities1 an 
absurdity4 ,st4 ,paul's testimony in    

,gal4 iv4 #a1  shows the condition of   
servants3 ,now ,i say unto you1 that the
 heir1 so  long as he is a child1       
,,differeth ,,nothing ,,from ,a         
,,servant1 though he be  lord of all4   
,that ,abraham's servants were          
voluntary1 that their  interests were   
identified with those of their master's 
family1 and that  the utmost confidence 
was reposed in them1 is shown in their  
being  armed4--,gen4 xiv4 #ad1 #ae4     
,when ,abraham's servant went to        
,padanaram1 the  young ,princess        
,rebecca did not disdain to say to him1 
,drink1 ,,my ,,lord1  as she hasted and 
let down her pitcher upon her hand1 and 
gave him  drink4 ,laban1 the brother of 
,rebecca1 ungirded his camels1 and      
brought  him water to wash his feet and 
the men's feet that were with him6 ,in  
#a  ,sam4 ix4 is an account of a        
festival in the city of ,zuph1 at which 
,samuel presided4 ,none but those       
bidden1 sat down at the feast1 and only 
about thirty persons were invited4      

,quite a select party6--the elite of    
the city4 ,saul and his servant had just
 arrived at ,zuph1 and both of  them1 at
 ,samuel's solicitation1 accompany him  
as invited guests4 ,and  ,samuel took   
,saul and his ,,servant1 and brought    
,,them into the ,,parlor767  and made   
,,them sit in the ,,chiefest ,,seats    
among those that were bidden4 ,a        
servant invited by the chief judge1     
ruler1 and prophet in ,israel1 to  dine 
publicly with a select party1 in company
 with his master1 who was  at the same  
time anointed ,king of ,israel6 and this
 servant introduced by  ,samuel into the
 ,,parlor1 and assigned1 with his       
master1 to the chiefest  seat at the    
table6 ,this was one of the servants of 
,kish1 ,saul's  father2 not the steward 
or the chief of them--not at all a      
picked man1  but one of the servants2   
any one that could be most easily       
spared1  as no endowments specially rare
 would be likely to find scope in       
looking  after asses4 ,again3 we find   

,elah1 the ,king of ,israel1 at a       
festive  entertainment1 in the house of 
,arza1 his steward1 or head servant1    
with  whom he seems to have been on     
terms of familiarity4--#a ,kings xvi4   
#h1 #i4  ,see also the intercourse      
between ,gideon and his servant4--,judg4
 vii4 #aj1  #aa4 ,jonathan and his      
servant4--#a ,sam4 xiv4 #a-ad4 ,elisha  
and his  servant4--#b ,kings iv4 v4 vi4 
,,iii4 ,the case of the ,gibeonites4    
,the condition of the inhabitants of    
,gibeon1 ,chephirah1 ,beeroth1 and      
,kirjathjearim1 under the ,hebrew       
commonwealth1 is quoted in triumph by   
the advocates of slavery2 and  truly    
they are right welcome to all the crumbs
 that can be gleaned from  it4 ,milton's
 devils made desperate snatches at fruit
 that turned to  ashes on their lips4   
,the spirit of slavery raves under      
tormenting  gnawings1 and casts about in
 blind phrenzy for something to ease1 or
  even to mock them4 ,but for this1 it  
would never have clutched at the        

,gibeonites1 for even the incantations  
of the demon cauldron1 could not        
extract from their case enough to       
tantalize starvation's self4 ,but to    
the question4 ,what was the condition of
 the ,gibeonites under the  ,israelites8
 7#a47 ,it was voluntary4 ,their own    
proposition to ,joshua was  to become   
servants4 ,josh4 ix4 #h1 #aa4 ,it was   
accepted1 but the kind of  service which
 they should perform1 was not specified 
until their gross  imposition came to   
light2 they were then assigned to menial
 offices in  the ,tabernacle4 7#b47     
,they were not domestic servants in the 
families of  the ,israelites4 ,they     
still resided in their own cities1      
cultivated  their own fields1 tended    
their flocks and herds1 and exercised   
the  functions of a distinct1 though not
 independent community4 ,they were      
subject to the ,jewish nation as        
tributaries4 ,so far from being         
distributed among the ,israelites1 and  
their internal organization as a        

distinct people abolished1 they remained
 a separate1 and1 in some  respects1 an 
independent community for many          
centuries4 ,when attacked by  the       
,amorites1 they applied to the          
,israelites as confederates for aid--it 
was rendered1 their enemies routed1 and 
themselves left unmolested in  their    
cities4 ,josh4 x4 #f-ah4 ,long          
afterwards1 ,saul slew some of them1    
and ,god sent upon ,israel a three      
years' famine for it4 ,david inquired of
  the ,gibeonites1 ,what shall ,i do for
 you1 and wherewith shall ,i make the   
atonement8 ,at their demand1 he         
delivered up to them1 seven of ,saul's  
descendants4 #b ,sam4 xxi4 #a-i4 ,the   
whole transaction was a formal          
recognition of the ,gibeonites as a     
distinct people4 ,there is no           
intimation that they served families1 or
 individuals of the ,israelites1  but   
only the house of ,god1 or the          
,tabernacle4 ,this was established      
first at ,gilgal1 a day's journey from  

their cities2 and then at ,shiloh1      
nearly two day's journey from them2     
where it continued about #cej years4    
,during this period1 the ,gibeonites    
inhabited their ancient cities and      
territory4 ,only a few1 comparatively1  
could have been absent at any one  time 
in attendance on the ,tabernacle4       
,wherever allusion is made to them  in  
the history1 the main body are spoken of
 as at home4 ,it is  preposterous to    
suppose that all the inhabitants of     
these four cities  could find employment
 at the ,tabernacle4 ,one of them was a 
great city1  as one of the royal cities2
 so large1 that a confederacy of five   
kings1  apparently the most powerful in 
the land1 was deemed necessary for its  
destruction4 ,it is probable that the   
men were divided into classes1          
ministering in rotation--each class a   
few days or weeks at a time4 ,this      
service was their national tribute to   
the ,israelites1 for the  privilege of  
residence and protection under their    

government4 ,no service  seems to have  
been required of the females4 ,as these 
,gibeonites were  ,canaanites1 and as   
they had greatly exasperated the        
,israelites by  impudent imposition1 and
 lying1 we might assuredly expect that  
they  would reduce them to the condition
 of chattels if there was any case  in  
which ,god permitted them to do so4     
,,iv4 ,throughout the ,mosaic system1   
,god warns the ,israelites against      
holding their servants in such a        
condition as they were held in by the   
,egyptians4 ,how often are they pointed 
back to the grindings of their          
prison-house6 ,what motives to the      
exercise of justice and kindness        
towards their servants1 are held out to 
their fears in threatened  judgments2 to
 their hopes in promised good2 and to   
all within them that  could feel2 by    
those oft repeated words of tenderness  
and terror6 ,for  ye were bondmen in the
 land of ,egypt--waking anew the memory 
of tears  and anguish1 and of the wrath 

that avenged them4    ,god's            
denunciations against the bondage of    
,egypt make it incumbent on us  to      
ascertain1 of what rights the           
,israelites were plundered1 and what    
they retained4    ,,egyptian ,,bondage  
,,analyzed4 7#a47 ,the ,israelites were 
not dispersed among  the families of    
,egypt,a1 but formed a separate         
community4 ,gen4 xlvi4  #ce4 ,ex4 viii4 
#bb1 #bd2 ix4 #bf2 x4 #bc2 xi4 #g2 ii4  
#i2 xvi4 #bb2 xvii4 #e4  7#b47 ,they had
 the exclusive possession of the land of
 ,goshen,b4 ,gen4  xlv4 #ah2 xlvii4 #f1 
#aa1 #bg4 ,ex4 xii4 #d1 #ai1 #bb1 #bc1  
#bg4 7#c47 ,they lived  in permanent    
dwellings4 ,these were houses1 not      
tents4 ,in ,ex4 xii4 #f1  #bb1 the two  
side posts1 and the upper door posts1   
and the lintel of  the houses are       
mentioned4 ,each family seems to have   
occupied a house by  itself1--,acts vii4
 #bj4 ,ex4 xii4 #d--;and judging from   
the regulation  about the eating of the 
,passover1 they could hardly have been  

small  ones1 ,ex4 xii4 #d1 probably     
contained separate apartments1 and      
places for  concealment4 ,ex4 ii4 #b1   
#c2 ,acts vii4 #bj4 ,they appear to have
 been well  apparelled4 ,ex4 xii4 #aa4  
,to have their own burial grounds4 ,ex4 
xiii4 #ai1  and xiv4 #aa4 7#d47 ,they   
owned a mixed multitude of flocks and   
herds1  and very much cattle4 ,ex4 xii4 
#cb1 #cg1 #ch4 7#e47 ,they had their own
  form of government1 and preserved     
their tribe and family divisions1 and   
their internal organization throughout1 
though still a province of  ,egypt1 and 
tributary to it4 ,ex4 ii4 #a2 xii4 #ai1 
#ba2 vi4 #ad1 #be2 v4 #ai2  iii4 #af1   
#ah4 7#f47 ,they seem to have had in a  
considerable measure1 the  disposal of  
their own time1--,ex4 xxiii4 #d2 iii4   
#af1 #ah1 xii4 #f2 ii4 #i2  and iv4 #bg1
 #bi-ca4 ,and to have practiced the fine
 arts4 ,ex4 xxxii4 #d2  xxxv4 #bb-ce4   
7#g47 ,they were all armed4 ,ex4 xxxii4 
#bg4 7#h47 ,they held  their possessions
 independently1 and the ,egyptians seem 

to have regarded  them as inviolable4   
,no intimation is given that the        
,egyptians  dispossessed them of their  
habitations1 or took away their flocks1 
or  herds1 or crops1 or implements of   
agriculture1 or any article of          
property4 7#i47 ,all the females seem to
 have known something of domestic       
refinements2 they were familiar with    
instruments of music1 and skilled  in   
the working of fine fabrics4 ,ex4 xv4   
#bj2 xxxv4 #be1 #bf4 7#aj47 ,service    
seems to have been exacted from none but
 adult males4 ,nothing is said  from    
which the bond service of females could 
he inferred2 the hiding of  ,moses three
 months by his mother1 and the payment  
of wages to her by  ,pharaoh's daughter1
 go against such a supposition4 ,ex4 ii4
 #bi4 7#aa47 ,so  far from being fed    
upon a given allowance1 their food was  
abundant1 and  of great variety4 ,they  
sat by the flesh-pots1 and did eat bread
 to  the full4 ,ex4 xvi4 #c2 xxiv4 #a2  
xvii4 #e2 iv4 #bi2 vi4 #ad2 they did eat

  fish freely1 and cucumbers1 and       
melons1 and leeks1 and onions1 and      
garlic4 ,num4 xi4 #d1 #e2 x4 #ah2 xx4   
#e4 7#ab47 ,the great body of the people
  were not in the service of the        
,egyptians4 7a47 ,the extent and variety
 of  their own possessions1 together    
with such a cultivation of their crops  
as would provide them with bread1 and   
such care of their immense flocks  and  
herds1 as would secure their profitable 
increase1 must have  furnished constant 
employment for the main body of the     
nation4 7b47  ,during the plague of     
darkness1 ,god informs us that ,,all the
 children of  ,israel had light in their
 dwellings4 ,we infer that they were    
there to  enjoy it4 7c47 ,it seems      
improbable that the making of brick1 the
 only  service named during the latter  
part of their sojourn in ,egypt1 could  
have furnished permanent employment for 
the bulk of the nation4 ,see also  ,ex4 
iv4 #bi-ca4 ,besides1 when ,eastern     
nations employed tributaries1 it  was as

 now1 in the use of the levy1 requiring 
them to furnish a given  quota1 drafted 
off periodically1 so that comparatively 
but a small  portion of the nation would
 be absent at any one time4 ,probably   
one-fifth part of the proceeds of their 
labor was required of the  ,israelites  
in common with the ,egyptians4 ,gen4    
xlvii4 #bd1 #bf4 ,instead of  taking it 
from their crops1 7,goshen being better 
for pasturage7 they  exacted it of them 
in brick making2 and it is quite        
probable that labor  was exacted only   
from the poorer ,israelites1 the wealthy
 being able to  pay their tribute in    
money4 ,ex4 iv4 #bg-ca4 ,contrast this  
bondage of  ,egypt with ,american       
slavery4 ,have our slaves very much     
cattle1 and a  mixed multitude of flocks
 and herds8 ,do they live in commodious 
houses  of their own1 sit by the        
flesh-pots1 eat fish freely1 and eat    
bread  to the full8 ,do they live in a  
separate community1 in their distinct   
tribes1 under their own rulers1 in the  

exclusive occupation of an  extensive   
tract of country for the culture of     
their crops1 and for  rearing immense   
herds of their own cattle--and all these
 held inviolable  by their masters8 ,are
 our female slaves free from exactions  
of labor and  liabilities of outrage8 or
 when employed1 are they paid wages1 as 
was  the ,israelitish woman by the      
king's daughter8 ,have they the disposal
 of  their own time and the means for   
cultivating social refinements1 for     
practising the fine arts1 and for       
personal improvement8 ,,the ,,israelites
  ,,under ,,the ,,bondage ,,of ,,egypt1 
,,enjoyed ,,all ,,these ,,rights ,,and  
,,privileges4  ,true1 all the service   
wherein they made them serve was with   
rigor4 ,but  what was this when compared
 with the incessant toil of ,american   
slaves1  the robbery of all their time  
and earnings1 and even the power to own 
any thing1 or acquire any thing8 a quart
 of corn a-day1 the legal  allowance of 
food,c6 their only clothing for one half

 the year1  one shirt and one pair of   
pantaloons,d6 two hours and a half      
only1 for rest and refreshment in the   
twenty-four,e6--their dwellings1        
hovels1 unfit for human residence1 with 
but one apartment1 where both  sexes and
 all ages herd promiscuously at night1  
like the beasts of the  field4 ,add to  
this1 the ignorance1 and degradation2   
the daily sundering  of kindred1 the    
revelries of lust1 the lacerations and  
baptisms of  blood1 sanctioned by law1  
and patronized by public sentiment4     
,what was  the bondage of ,egypt when   
compared with this8 ,and yet for her    
oppression  of the poor1 ,god smote her 
with plagues1 and trampled her as the   
mire1  till she passed away in his      
wrath1 and the place that knew her in   
her  pride1 knew her no more4 ,ah6 ,i   
have seen the afflictions of my people1 
and ,i have heard their groanings1 and  
am come down to deliver them4 ,,he      
,,did ,,come1 and ,egypt sank a ruinous 
heap1 and her blood closed over her4    

,if such was ,god's retribution for the 
oppression of heathen ,egypt1 of  how   
much sorer punishment shall a ,christian
 people be thought worthy1  who cloak   
with religion a system1 in comparison   
with which the bondage  of ,egypt       
dwindles to nothing8 ,let those believe 
who can that ,god  commissioned his     
people to rob others of all their       
rights1 while he  denounced against them
 wrath to the uttermost1 if they        
practised the  far lighter oppression of
 ,egypt--which robbed it's victims of   
only the  least and cheapest of their   
rights1 and left the females unplundered
  even of these4 ,what6 ,is ,god divided
 against himself8 ,when ,he had just    
turned ,egypt into a funeral pile2 while
 his curse yet blazed upon her  unburied
 dead1 and his bolts still hissed amidst
 her slaughter1 and the  smoke of her   
torment went upwards because she had    
,,robbed ,,the ,,poor1 did  ,he license 
the victims of robbery to rob the poor  
of ,,all8 ,as ,lawgiver  did he create a

 system tenfold more grinding than that 
for which he  had just hurled ,pharaoh  
headlong1 and overwhelmed his princes1  
and his  hosts1 till hell was moved to  
meet them at their coming8    ,footnote 
,a3 ,the ,egyptians evidently had       
domestic servants living in  their      
families2 these may have been slaves2   
allusion is made to them in  ,ex4 ix4   
#ad1 #bj1 #ba4      ,footnote ,b3 ,the  
land of ,goshen was a large tract of    
country1 east of  the ,pelusian arm of  
the ,nile1 and between it and the head  
of the ,red  ,sea1 and the lower border 
of ,palestine4 ,the probable centre of  
that  portion1 occupied by the          
,israelites1 could hardly have been less
 than  sixty miles from the city4 ,the  
border of ,goshen nearest to ,egypt must
  have been many miles distant4 ,see    
,exodus of the ,israelites out of       
,egypt1 an able article by ,professor   
,robinson1 in the ,biblical  ,repository
 for ,october1 #ahcb4      ,footnote ,c3
 ,law of ,n4,c4 ,haywood's ,manual      

#ebd-e4      ,footnote ,d3 ,law of ,la4 
,martin's ,digest1 #faj4      ,footnote 
,e3 ,law of ,la4 ,act of ,july #g1      
#ahjf4 ,martin's ,digest1 #faj-ab4      
,we now proceed to examine various      
objections which will doubtless be set  
in array against all the foregoing      
conclusions4      ,,objections          
,,considered4    ,the advocates of      
slavery find themselves at their wits   
end in pressing  the ,bible into their  
service4 ,every movement shows them     
hard-pushed4  ,their ever-varying       
shifts1 their forced constructions1 and 
blind  guesswork1 proclaim both their   
cause desperate1 and themselves4 ,the   
,bible defences thrown around slavery by
 professed ministers of the  ,gospel1 do
 so torture common sense1 ,scripture1   
and historical facts it  were hard to   
tell whether absurdity1 fatuity1        
ignorance1 or blasphemy1  predominates  
in the compound2 each strives so lustily
 for the mastery it  may be set down a  
drawn battle4 ,how often has it been    

bruited that the  color of the negro is 
the ,cain-mark1 propagated downward4    
,cain's  posterity started an opposition
 to the ark1 forsooth1 and rode out the 
flood with flying streamers6 ,why should
 not a miracle be wrought to  point such
 an argument1 and fill out for          
slaveholders a ,divine  title-deed1     
vindicating the ways of ,god to man8    
,,objection #a4 ,cursed be ,canaan1 a   
servant of servants shall he be unto    
his brethren4 ,gen4 ix4 #be4    ,this   
prophecy of ,noah is the vade mecum of  
slaveholders1 and they  never venture   
abroad without it2 it is a pocket-piece 
for sudden  occasion1 a keepsake to dote
 over1 a charm to spell-bind opposition1
 and  a magnet to draw around their     
standard whatsoever worketh abomination 
or maketh a lie4 ,but cursed be ,canaan 
is a poor drug to ease a  throbbing     
conscience--a mocking lullaby1 to       
unquiet tossings1 and vainly  crying    
,peace be still1 where ,god wakes war1  
and breaks his thunders4  ,those who    

justify negro slavery by the curse of   
,canaan1 assume all the  points in      
debate4 7#a47 ,that slavery was         
prophesied rather than mere  service to 
others1 and individual bondage rather   
than national  subjection and tribute4  
7#b47 ,that the prediction of crime     
justifies  it2 at least absolving those 
whose crimes fulfill it1 if not         
transforming the crimes into virtues4   
,how piously the ,pharoahs might  have  
quoted the prophecy ,thy seed shall be a
 stranger in a land that  is not theirs1
 and they shall afflict there four      
hundred years4 ,and  then1 what saints  
were those that crucified the ,lord of  
glory6 7#c47  ,that the ,africans are   
descended from ,canaan4 ,whereas ,africa
 was peopled  from ,egypt and ,ethiopia1
 and they were settled by ,mizraim and  
,cush4 ,for  the location and boundaries
 of ,canaan's posterity1 see ,gen4 x4   
#ae-ai4 ,so  a prophecy of evil to one  
people1 is quoted to justify its        
infliction  upon another4 ,perhaps it   

may be argued that ,canaan includes all 
,ham's  posterity4 ,if so1 the prophecy 
is yet unfulfilled4 ,the other sons of  
,ham  settled ,egypt and ,assyria1 and1 
conjointly with ,shem1 ,persia1 and     
afterward1 to some extent1 the ,grecian 
and ,roman empires4 ,the history of     
these nations gives no verification of  
the prophecy4 ,whereas1 the  history of 
,canaan's descendants for more than     
three thousand years1  records its      
fulfilment4 ,first1 they were put to    
tribute by the  ,israelites2 then by the
 ,medes and ,persians2 then by the      
,macedonians1  ,grecians and ,romans1   
successively2 and finally1 were         
subjected by the  ,ottoman dynasty1     
where they yet remain4 ,thus ,canaan has
 been for ages  the servant mainly of   
,shem and ,japhet1 and secondarily of   
the other sons  of ,ham4 ,it may still  
be objected1 that though ,canaan alone  
is named in  the curse1 yet the #bc;d   
and #bdth verses show the posterity of  
,ham in  general to be meant4 ,and ,ham1

 the father of ,canaan1 saw the         
nakedness  of his father1 and told his  
two brethren without4 ,and ,noah awoke  
from  his wine1 and knew what his       
,,younger son had done unto him1 and    
said1  c4 ,it is argued that this       
younger son can not be ,canaan1 as he   
was the grandson of ,noah1 and therefore
 it must be ,ham4 ,we answer1  whoever  
that younger son was1 ,canaan alone was 
named in the curse4  ,besides1 the      
,hebrew word ,ben1 signifies son1       
grandson1 or any of  one the posterity  
of an individual4 ,know ye ,laban the   
,,son of  ,nahor8 ,laban was the        
grandson of ,nahor4 ,gen4 xxix4 #e4     
,mephibosheth  the ,,son of ,saul4 #b   
,sam4 xix4 #bd4 ,mephibosheth was the   
grandson of  ,saul4 #b ,sam4 ix4 #f4    
,there is a ,,son born to ,naomi4 ,ruth 
iv4 #ag4 ,this  was the son of ,ruth1   
the daughter-in-law of ,naomi4 ,let     
seven men of  his 7,saul's7 ,,sons be   
delivered unto us4 #b ,sam4 xxi4 #f4    
,seven of ,saul's  grandsons were       

delivered up4 ,laban rose up and kissed 
his ,,sons4  ,gen4 xxi4 #ee4 ,these were
 his grandsons4 ,the driving of ,jehu   
the ,,son  of ,nimshi4 #b ,kings ix4    
#bj4 ,jehu was the grandson of ,nimshi4 
,shall we  forbid the inspired writer to
 use the same word when speaking of     
,noah's grandson8 ,further2 ,ham was not
 the younger son4 ,the order  of        
enumeration makes him the second son4   
,if it be said that ,bible  usage       
varies1 the order of birth not always   
being observed in  enumerations1 the    
reply is1 that1 enumeration in that     
order is the  rule1 in any other order  
the exception4 ,besides1 if a younger   
member  of a family1 takes precedence of
 older ones in the family record1 it is 
a mark of pre-eminence1 either in       
endowments1 or providential             
instrumentality4 ,abraham1 though sixty 
years younger than his eldest  brother1 
stands first in the family genealogy4   
,nothing in ,ham's history  shows him   
pre-eminent2 besides1 the ,hebrew word  

,hakkatan rendered the  younger1 means  
the little1 small4 ,the same word is    
used in ,isa4 xl4  #bb4 ,a ,,little     
,,one shall become a thousand4 ,isa4    
xxii4 #bd4 ,all  vessels of ,,small     
quantity4 ,ps4 cxv4 #ac4 ,he will bless 
them that fear  the ,lord both ,,small  
and great4 ,ex4 xviii4 #bb4 ,but every  
,,small matter  they shall judge4 ,it   
would be a literal rendering of ,gen4   
ix4 #bd1 if  it were translated thus4   
,when ,noah knew what his little son,a1 
or  grandson 7,beno ,hakkatan7 had done 
unto him1 he said cursed be ,canaan1  c4
 ,further1 even if the ,africans were   
the descendants of ,canaan1 the         
assumption that their enslavement       
fulfils this prophecy1 lacks even       
plausibility1 for1 only a fraction of   
the ,africans have at any time  been the
 slaves of other nations4 ,if the       
objector say in reply1 that a  large    
majority of the ,africans have always   
been slaves at home1 we  answer3 ,it is 
false in point of fact1 though zealously

 bruited often  to serve a turn2 and if 
it were true1 how does it help the      
argument8  ,the prophecy was1 ,cursed be
 ,canaan1 a servant of servants shall he
 be  unto his ,,brethren1 not unto      
himself6    ,footnote ,a3 ,the ,french  
follows the same analogy2 grandson being
  petit fils 7little son47              
,,objection ,,ii4--,if a man smite his  
servant or his maid with a rod1 and  he 
die under his hand1 he shall surely be  
punished4 ,notwithstanding1 if  he      
continue a day or two1 he shall not be  
punished1 for he is his  money4 ,ex4    
xxi4 #bj1 #ba4 ,what was the design of  
this regulation8 ,was it  to grant      
masters an indulgence to beat servants  
with impunity1 and an  assurance1 that  
if they beat them to death1 the offense 
shall not be  capital8 ,this is         
substantially what commentators tell us4
 ,what ,deity  do such men worship8     
,some blood-gorged ,moloch1 enthroned on
 human  hecatombs1 and snuffing carnage 
for incense8 ,did ,he who thundered from

  ,sinai's flames1 ,,thou ,,shalt ,,not 
,,kill1 offer a bounty on murder8       
,whoever analyzes the ,mosaic system1   
will find a moot court in session1      
trying law points--settling definitions1
 or laying down rules of  evidence1 in  
almost every chapter4 ,num4 xxxv4       
#aj-bb2 ,deut4 xi4 #aa1 and  xix4 #d-f2 
,lev4 xxiv4 #ai-bb2 ,ex4 xxi4 #ah1 #ai1 
are a few1 out of many  cases stated1   
with tests furnished the judges by which
 to detect the  intent1 in actions      
brought before them4 ,their ignorance of
 judicial  proceedings1 laws of         
evidence1 c41 made such instructions    
necessary4  ,the detail gone into1 in   
the verses quoted1 is manifestly to     
enable them  to get at the motive and   
find out whether the master designed to 
kill4 7#a47 ,if a man smite his servant 
with a rod4--,the instrument  used1     
gives a clue to the intent4 ,see ,num4  
xxxv4 #af1 #ah4 ,a rod1 not  an axe1 nor
 a sword1 nor a bludgeon1 nor any other 
death-weapon--hence1  from the kind of  

instrument1 no design to kill would be  
inferred2  for intent to kill would     
hardly have taken a rod for its weapon4 
,but  if the servant die under his hand1
 then the unfitness of the  instrument1 
is point blank against him2 for1 to     
strike him with a rod  until he dies1   
argues a great many blows and great     
violence1 and this  kept up to the      
death-gasp1 showed an intent to kill4   
,hence ,he shall  surely be punished4   
,but if he continued a day or two1 the  
length  of time that he lived1 together 
with the kind of instrument used1 and   
the master's pecuniary interest in his  
life1 7he is his money17  all made a    
strong case of circumstantial evidence1 
showing that the  master did not design 
to kill4 ,further1 the word nakam1 here 
rendered  punished1 is not so rendered  
in another instance4 ,yet it occurs     
thirty-five times in the ,old           
,testament1 and in almost every place is
  translated avenge1 in a few1 to take  
vengeance1 or to  revenge1 and in this  

instance ,,alone1 punish4 ,as it stands 
in our  translation1 the pronoun        
preceding it1 refers to the master1     
whereas  it should refer to the crime1  
and the word rendered punished1 should  
have been rendered avenged4 ,the meaning
 is this3 ,if a man smite his  servant  
or his maid with a rod1 and he die under
 his hand1 ,,it 7the  death7 shall      
surely be avenged1 or literally1 by     
avenging it shall be  avenged2 that is1 
the death of the servant shall be       
avenged by the  death of the master4 ,so
 in the next verse1 ,if he continue a   
day or  two1 his death is not to be     
avenged by the death of the master1 as  
in that case the crime was to be        
adjudged manslaughter1 and not  murder4 
,in the following verse1 another case of
 personal injury is  stated1 for which  
the injurer is to pay a sum of money2   
and yet our  translators employ the same
 phraseology in both places4 ,one1 an   
instance  of deliberate1 wanton1 killing
 by piecemeal4 ,the other1 an           

accidental1  and comparatively slight   
injury--of the inflicter1 in both cases1
 they  say the same thing6 ,he shall    
surely be punished4 ,now1 just the      
discrimination to be looked for where   
,god legislates1 is marked in the       
original4 ,in the case of the servant   
wilfully murdered1 ,he says1 ,it  7the  
death7 shall surely be avenged1 that is1
 the life of the wrong  doer shall      
expiate the crime4 ,the same word is    
used in the ,old  ,testament1 when the  
greatest wrongs are redressed1 by       
devoting the  perpetrators to           
destruction4 ,in the case of the        
unintentional injury1  in the following 
verse1 ,god says1 ,he shall surely be   
fined1  7,aunash47 ,he shall pay as the 
judges determine4 ,the simple meaning   
of the word anash1 is to lay a fine4 ,it
 is used in ,deut4 xxii4 #ai3  ,they    
shall amerce him in one hundred shekels1
 and in #b ,chron4 xxxvi4  #c3 ,he      
condemned 7mulcted7 the land in a       
hundred talents of gold4  ,that avenging

 the death of the servant1 was neither  
imprisonment1 nor  stripes1 nor a fine1 
but that it was taking the master's life
 we  infer1 7#a47 ,from the use of the  
word nakam4 ,see ,gen4 iv4 #bd2 ,josh4  
x4 #ac2 ,judg4 xiv4 #g2 xvi4 #bh2 ,i    
,sam4 xiv4 #bd2 xviii4 #be2 xxv4 #ca2 #b
 ,sam4  iv4 #h2 ,judg4 v4 #b3 ,i ,sam4  
xxv4 #bf-cc4 7#b47 ,from the express    
statute1  ,lev4 xxiv4 #ag2 ,he that     
killeth ,,any man shall surely be put to
 death4  ,also ,num4 xxxv4 #cj1 #ca3    
,whoso killeth ,,any person1 the        
murderer shall be  put to death4        
,moreover1 ye shall take ,,no           
,,satisfaction for the life of a        
murderer which is guilty of death1 but  
he shall surely be put to death4  7#c47 
,the ,targum of ,jonathan gives the     
verse thus1 ,death by the sword  shall  
surely be adjudged4 ,the ,targum of     
,jerusalem4 ,vengeance shall be  taken  
for him to the uttermost4 ,jarchi1 the  
same4 ,the ,samaritan  version3 ,he     
shall die the death1 ,again the clause  

for he is his  money1 is quoted to prove
 that the servant is his master's       
property1  and therefore1 if he died1   
the master was not to be punished4 ,the 
assumption is1 that the phrase1 ,,he    
,,is ,,his ,,money4 proves not only that
  the servant is worth money to the     
master1 but that he is an article  of   
property4 ,if the advocates of slavery  
insist upon taking the  principle of    
interpretation into the ,bible1 and     
turning it loose1 let  them stand and   
draw in self-defence4 ,if they endorse  
for it at one  point1 they must stand   
sponsors all around the circle4 ,it will
 be too  late to cry for quarter when   
its stroke clears the table1 and tilts  
them  among the sweepings beneath4 ,the 
,bible abounds with such expressions as 
the following3 ,this 7bread7 is my body2
 this 7wine7 is my blood2  all they 7the
 ,israelites7 are brass and tin2 this   
7water7 is the  blood of the men who    
went in jeopardy of their lives2 the    
,lord ,god  is a sun and a shield2 ,god 

is love2 the seven good ears are  seven 
years1 and the seven good kine are seven
 years2 the tree of  the field is man's 
life2 ,god is a consuming fire2 he is   
his  money1 c4 ,a passion for the exact 
literalities of the ,bible is so        
amiable1 it were hard not to gratify it 
in this case4 ,the words in the         
original are 7,kaspo-hu17 his silver is 
he4 ,the objector's  principle of       
interpretation is a philosopher's stone6
 ,its miracle touch  transmutes five    
feet eight inches of flesh and bones    
into solid  silver6 ,quite a permanent  
servant1 if not so nimble with          
all--reasoning against forever1 is      
forestalled henceforth1 and1  ,deut4    
xxiii4 #ae1 utterly outwitted4 ,the     
obvious meaning of the phrase1  ,he is  
his money1 is1 he is worth money to his 
master1 and since1  if the master had   
killed him1 it would have taken money   
out of his  pocket1 the pecuniary loss1 
the kind of instrument used1 and the    
fact of his living some time after the  

injury1 7if the master meant  to kill1  
he would be likely to do it while about 
it17 all together  make a strong case of
 presumptive evidence clearing the      
master of  intent to kill4 ,but let us  
look at the objector's inferences4 ,one 
is1 that as the master might dispose of 
his property as he pleased1 he  was not 
to be punished1 if he destroyed it4     
,whether the servant died  under the    
master's hand1 or after a day or two1 he
 was equally his  property1 and the     
objector admits that in the first case  
the master is  to be surely punished for
 destroying his own property6 ,the other
  inference is1 that since the          
continuance of a day or two1 cleared the
  master of intent to kill1 the loss of 
the slave would be a sufficient         
punishment for inflicting the injury    
which caused his death4 ,this  inference
 makes the ,mosaic law false to its own 
principles4 ,a pecuniary  loss was no   
part of the legal claim1 where a person 
took the life of  another4 ,in such     

case1 the law spurned money1 whatever   
the sum4 ,god  would not cheapen human  
life1 by balancing it with such a       
weight4 ,ye  shall take ,,no            
,,satisfaction for the life of a        
murderer1 but he shall  surely be put to
 death4 ,num4 xxxv4 #ca4 ,even in       
excusable homicide1  where an axe       
slipped from the helve and killed a man1
 no sum of money  availed to release    
from confinement in the city of refuge1 
until the  death of the ,high ,priest4  
,numb4 xxxv4 #cb4 ,the doctrine that the
 loss of  the servant would be a penalty
 adequate to the desert of the master1  
admits his guilt and his desert of some 
punishment1 and it  prescribes a kind of
 punishment1 rejected by the law in all 
cases where  man took the life of man1  
whether with or without the intent to   
kill4 ,in  short1 the objector annuls an
 integral part of the system--makes a   
new  law1 and coolly metes out such     
penalty as he thinks fit4 ,divine       
legislation revised and improved6 ,the  

master who struck out his  servant's    
tooth1 whether intentionally or not1 was
 required to set him  free4 ,the        
pecuniary loss to the master was the    
same as though he had  killed him4 ,look
 at the two cases4 ,a master beats his  
servant so that he  dies of his wounds2 
another accidentally strikes out his    
servant's  tooth1--the pecuniary loss of
 both cases is the same4 ,if the loss of
  the slave's services is punishment    
sufficient for the crime of killing     
him1 would ,god command the same        
punishment for the accidental  knocking 
out of a tooth8 ,indeed1 unless the     
injury was done  inadvertantly1 the loss
 of the servant's services was only a   
part of  the punishment--mere reparation
 to the individual for injury done2 the 
main punishment1 that strictly judicial1
 was reparation to the  community4 ,to  
set the servant free1 and thus proclaim 
his injury1 his  right to redress1 and  
the measure of it--answered not the ends
 of  public justice4 ,the law made an   

example of the offender4 ,that those    
that remain might hear and fear4 ,if a  
man cause a blemish in his  neighbor1 as
 he hath done1 so shall it be done unto 
him4 ,breach for  breach1 eye for eye1  
tooth for tooth4 ,ye shall have one     
manner of law as  well for the          
,,stranger as for one of your own       
country4 ,lev xxiv4 #ai1 #bj1  #bb4     
,finally1 if a master smote out his     
servant's tooth the law smote out  his  
tooth--thus redressing the public wrong2
 and it cancelled the  servant's        
obligation to the master1 thus giving   
some compensation for  the injury done1 
and exempting him form perilous         
liabilities in future4                  
,,objection ,,iii4 ,both thy bondmen and
 bondmaids which thou shalt have  shall 
be of the heathen that are round about  
you1 of them shall ye buy  bondmen and  
bondmaids4 ,moreover of the children of 
the stranger that do  sojourn among you1
 of them shall ye buy1 and of their     
families that are  with you1 which they 

begat in your land1 and they shall be   
your  possessions4 ,and ye shall take   
them as an inheritance of your children 
from you1 to inherit them for a         
possession2 they shall be your bondmen  
forever4 ,lev1 xxv4 #dd-df4    ,the     
points in these verses urged as proof1  
that the ,mosaic system  sanctioned     
slavery1 are #a4 ,the word ,,bondmen4   
#b4 ,,buy4 #c4 ,,inheritance  ,,and     
,,possession4 and #d4 ,,forever4    ,the
 buying of servants was discussed1 pp4  
#ag-bb1 and holding them as a           
possession4 pp4 #cg-df4 ,we will now    
ascertain what sanction to slavery  is  
derivable from the terms bondmen1       
inheritance1 and forever4    #a4        
,,bondmen4 ,the fact that servants from 
the heathen are called  bondmen1 while  
others are called servants1 is quoted as
 proof  that the former were slaves4 ,as
 the caprices of ,king ,james'          
translators  were not inspired1 we need 
stand in no special awe of them4 ,the   
word  here rendered bondmen is uniformly

 rendered servants elsewhere4 ,the      
,hebrew word ebedh1 the plural of which 
is here translated bondmen1  is in ,isa4
 xlii4 #a1 applied to ,christ4 ,behold  
my servant 7bondman1  slave87 whom ,i   
have chosen4 ,so ,isa4 lii4 #ac4 ,behold
 my servant  7,christ7 shall deal       
prudently4 ,in #a ,kings xii4 #f1 #g1 to
 ,king  ,rehoboam4 ,and they spake unto 
him1 saying if thou wilt be a servant   
unto this people1 then they will be thy 
servants forever4 ,in #b ,chron4  xii4  
#g1 #h1 #i1 #ac1 to the king and all the
 nation4 ,in fine1 the word is  applied 
to all persons doing service for        
others--to magistrates1 to  all         
governmental officers1 to tributaries1  
to all the subjects of  governments1 to 
younger sons--defining their relation to
 the first born1  who is called ,lord   
and ruler--to prophets1 to kings1 to the
 ,messiah1  and in respectful addresses 
not less than fifty times in the ,old   
,testament4    ,if the ,israelites not  
only held slaves1 but multitudes of     

them1 if  ,abraham had thousands and if 
they abounded under the ,mosaic system1 
why had their language no word that     
meant slave8 ,that language must  be    
wofully poverty-stricken1 which has no  
signs to represent the most  common and 
familiar objects and conditions4 ,to    
represent by the same  word1 and without
 figure1 property1 and the owner of that
 property1 is a  solecism4 ,ziba was an 
ebedh1 yet he owned 767 twenty ebedhs6  
,in our language1 we have both servant  
and slave4 ,why8 ,because we  have both 
the things and need signs for them4 ,if 
the tongue had a  sheath1 as swords have
 scabbards1 we should have some name for
 it3 but  our dictionaries give us none4
 ,why8 ,because there is no such thing4 
,but the objector asks1 ,would not the  
,israelites use their word ebedh  if    
they spoke of the slave of a heathen8   
,answer4 ,their national  servants or   
tributaries1 are spoken of frequently1  
but domestic servants  so rarely that no
 necessity existed1 even if they were   

slaves1 for  coining a new word4        
,besides1 the fact of their being       
domestics1 under  heathen laws and      
usages proclaimed their liabilities1    
their  locality made a specific term    
unnecessary4 ,but if the ,israelites had
  not only servants1 but a multitude of 
slaves1 a word meaning  slave1 would    
have been indispensable for every day   
convenience4  ,further1 the laws of the 
,mosaic system were so many sentinels on
 the  outposts to warn off foreign      
practices4 ,the border ground of        
,canaan1 was  quarantine ground1        
enforcing the strictest non-intercourse 
in usages  between the without and the  
within4    #b4 ,,forever4 ,this is      
quoted to prove that servants were to   
serve during  their life time1 and their
 posterity from generation to           
generation4 ,no  such idea is contained 
in the passage4 ,the word forever1      
instead of  defining the length of      
individual service1 proclaims the       
permanence of  the regulation laid down 

in the two verses preceding1 namely1    
that their  permanent domestics should  
be of the ,strangers1 and not of the    
,israelites3 it declares the duration of
 that general provision4 ,as if  ,god   
had said1 ,you shall always get your    
permanent laborers from the  nations    
round about you--your servants shall    
always be of that class of  persons4 ,as
 it stands in the original it is        
plain--,forever of them  shall ye serve 
yourselves4 ,this is the literal        
rendering4    ,that forever refers to   
the permanent relations of a community1 
rather than to the services of          
individuals1 is a fair inference from   
the form of the expression1 ,both thy   
bondmen1 c41 shall be of the  heathen4  
,of ,,them shall ye buy1 c4 ,,they shall
 be your possession4  ,to say nothing of
 the uncertainty of those individuals   
surviving those  after whom they are to 
live1 the language used1 applies more   
naturally  to a body of people1 than to 
individual servants4 ,besides  perpetual

 service cannot be argued from the term 
forever4 ,the ninth  and tenth verses of
 the same chapter1 limit it absolutely  
by the  jubilee4 ,then thou shalt cause 
the trumpet of the jubilee to sound 99  
99  throughout ,,all your land4 ,and ye 
shall proclaim liberty throughout all   
the land unto ,,all the inhabitants     
thereof4 ,it may be objected that       
inhabitants here means ,israelitish     
inhabitants alone4 ,the command  is1    
,proclaim liberty throughout all the    
land unto ,,all the inhabitants         
thereof4 ,besides1 in the sixth verse1  
there is an enumeration of the          
different classes of the inhabitants1 in
 which servants and ,strangers  are     
included2 and in all the regulations of 
the jubilee1 and the  sabbatical year1  
the ,strangers are included in the      
precepts1  prohibitions1 and promises4  
,again3 the year of jubilee was ushered 
in1  by the day of atonement4 ,what did 
these institutions show forth8 ,the day 
of atonement prefigured the atonement of

 ,christ1 and the year of  jubilee1 the 
gospel jubilee4 ,and did they prefigure 
an atonement and a  jubilee to ,jews    
only8 ,were they types of sins remitted1
 and of salvation  proclaimed to the    
nation of ,israel alone8 ,is there no   
redemption for us  ,gentiles in these   
ends of the earth1 and is our hope      
presumption and  impiety8 ,did that old 
partition wall survive the shock1 that  
made earth  quake1 and hid the sun1     
burst graves and rocks1 and rent the    
temple  veil8 and did the ,gospel only  
rear it higher to thunder direr         
perdition  from its frowning battlements
 on all without8 ,no6 ,the ,god of our  
salvation lives ,good tidings of great  
joy shall be to ,,all people4 ,one      
shout shall swell from all the ransomed1
 ,thou hast redeemed us unto ,god  by   
thy blood out of every kindred1 and     
tongue1 and people1 and nation4  ,to    
deny that the blessings of the jubilee  
extended to the servants from  the      
,gentiles1 makes ,christianity ,judaism4

 ,it not only eclipses the  glory of the
 ,gospel1 but strikes out the sun4 ,the 
refusal to release  servants at the     
jubilee falsified and disannulled a     
grand leading type  of the atonement1   
and was a libel on the doctrine of      
,christ's  redemption4 ,finally1 even if
 forever did refer to individual        
service1 we have ample precedents for   
limiting the term by the jubilee4  ,the 
same word defines the length of time    
which ,jewish servants served  who did  
not go out in the seventh year4 ,and all
 admit that they went  out at the       
jubilee4 ,ex4 xxi4 #b-f2 ,deut4 xv4     
#ab-ag4 ,the #bc;d verse of the  same   
chapter is quoted to prove that forever 
in the #dfth verse1  extends beyond the 
jubilee4 ,the land shall not be sold    
,,forever1 for the  land is mine--since 
it would hardly be used in different    
senses in the  same general connection4 
,as forever1 in the #dfth verse1        
respects the  general arrangement1 and  
not individual service the objection    

does  not touch the argument4 ,besides  
in the #dfth verse1 the word used1 is   
,olam1 meaning throughout the period1   
whatever that may be4 ,whereas  in the  
#bc;d verse1 it is ,tsemithuth1 meaning1
 a cutting off4    #c4 ,,inheritance    
,,and ,,possession1 ,ye shall take them 
as an ,,inheritance  for your children  
after you to inherit them for a         
possession4 ,this  refers to the        
nations1 and not to the individual      
servants1 procured  from these nations4 
,we have already shown1 that servants   
could not be  held as a                 
property-possession1 and inheritance2   
that they became  servants of their own 
accord1 and were paid wages2 that they  
were  released by law from their regular
 labor nearly half the days in each     
year1 and thoroughly instructed2 that   
the servants were protected  in all     
their personal1 social and religious    
rights1 equally with their  masters c4  
,all remaining1 after these ample       
reservations1 would be  small           

temptation1 either to the lust of power 
or of lucre2 a profitable  possession   
and inheritance1 truly6 ,what if our    
,american slaves were  all placed in    
just such a condition ,alas1 for that   
soft1 melodious  circumlocution1 ,our   
,,peculiar species of property6 ,verily1
 emphasis  would be cadence1 and euphony
 and irony meet together6  ,what eager  
snatches at mere words1 and bald        
technics1 irrespective of connection1   
principles of construction1 ,bible      
usages1 or limitations of meaning by    
other passages--and all to eke out such 
a sense as sanctifies existing  usages1 
thus making ,god pander for lust4 ,the  
words nahal and nahala1  inherit and    
inheritance by no means necessarily     
signify articles of  property4 ,the     
people answered the king and said1 we   
have none  inheritance in the son of    
,jesse4 #b ,chron4 x4 #af4 ,did they    
moan  gravely to disclaim the holding of
 their kin2 as an article of  property8 
,children are an heritage 7inheritance7 

of the ,lord4 ,ps4  cxxvii4 #c4 ,pardon 
our iniquity1 and take us for thine     
inheritance4  ,ex4 xxxiv4 #i4 ,when ,god
 pardons his enemies1 and adopts them as
 children1  does he make them articles  
of property8 ,are forgiveness1 and      
chattel-making1 synonymes8 ,thy         
testimonies have ,i taken as a  heritage
 7inheritance47 ,ps4 cxix4 #aaa4 ,i am  
their inheritance4  ,ezek4 xliv4 #bh4 ,i
 will give thee the heathen for thine   
inheritance4  ,ps4 ii4 #h4 ,for the     
,lord will not cast off his people1     
neither will he  forsake his            
inheritance4 ,ps4 xciv #ad4 see also    
,deut4 iv4 #bj2 ,josh4  xiii4 #cc2 ,ps4 
lxxxii4 #h2 lxxviii4 #fb1 #ga2 ,prov4   
xiv4 #h4 ,the question  whether the     
servants were a ,,property-possession1  
has been already  discussed--pp4        
#cg-df--we need add in this place but a 
word1 ahuzza  rendered possession4 ,and 
,joseph placed his father and his       
brethren1  and gave them a possession in
 the land of ,egypt4 ,gen4 xlii4 #aa4   

,in  what sense was ,goshen the         
possession of the ,israelites8 ,answer1 
in the  sense of having it to live in4  
,in what sense were the ,israelites to  
possess these nations1 and take them as 
an inheritance for their  children8     
,answer1 they possessed them as a       
permanent source of supply  for domestic
 or household servants4 ,and this       
relation to these nations  was to go    
down to posterity as a standing         
regulation1 having the  certainty and   
regularity of a descent by inheritance4 
,the sense of the  whole regulation may 
be given thus3 ,thy permanent domestics1
 which thou  shalt have1 shall be of the
 nations that are round about you1 of   
them  shall ye get male and female      
domestics4 ,moreover of the children of 
the foreigners that do sojourn among    
you1 of them shall ye get1 and of  their
 families that are with you1 which they 
begat in your land1 and  they shall be  
your permanent resource4 ,and ye shall  
take them as a  perpetual provision for 

your children after you1 to hold as a   
constant source of supply4 ,always of   
them shall ye serve  yourselves4 ,the   
design of the passage is manifest from  
its structure4  ,it was to point out the
 class of persons from which they were  
to get  their supply of servants1 and   
the way in which they were to get them4 
,,objection ,,iv4 ,if thy brother that  
dwelleth by thee be waxen poor1 and  be 
sold unto thee1 thou shalt not compel   
him to serve as a ,,bond-,,servant1  but
 as an ,,hired-,,servant1 and as a      
sojourner shall he be with thee1 and    
shall serve thee unto the year of       
jubilee4 ,lev4 xxv4 #ci1 #dj4    ,as    
only one class is called hired1 it is   
inferred that servants of  the other    
class were not paid for their labor4    
,that ,god1 with  thundering anathemas  
against those who used their neighbor's 
service  without wages1 granted a       
special indulgence to his chosen people 
to  force others to work1 and rob them  
of earnings1 provided always1 in        

selecting their victims1 they spared the
 gentlemen of property and  standing1   
and pounced only upon the strangers and 
the common people4  ,the inference that 
hired is synonymous with paid1 and that 
those  servants not called hired were   
not paid for their labor1 is a mere     
assumption4 ,the meaning of the ,english
 verb to hire1 is to procure for  a     
temporary use at a certain price--to    
engage a person to temporary  service   
for wages4 ,that is also the meaning of 
the ,hebrew word  saukar4 ,it is not    
used when the procurement of permanent  
service  is spoken of4 ,now1 we ask1    
would permanent servants1 those who     
constituted a stationary part of the    
family1 have been designated by the     
same term that marks temporary servants8
 ,the every-day distinction on  this    
subject1 are familiar as table-talk4 ,in
 many families the domestics  perform   
only the regular work4 ,whatever is     
occasional merely1 as the  washing of a 
family1 is done by persons hired        

expressly for the purpose4  ,the        
familiar distinction between the two    
classes1 is servants1 and  hired help1  
7not paid help47 ,both classes are paid4
 ,one is  permanent1 the other          
occasional and temporary1 and therefore 
in this  case called hired,a4           
,footnote ,a3 ,to suppose a servant     
robbed of his earnings because he is    
not called a hired servant is profound  
induction6 ,if ,i employ a man at       
twelve dollars a month to work my farm1 
he is my hired man1 but if  ,i give him 
such a portion of the crop1 or in other 
words1 if he works  my farm on shares1  
every farmer knows that he is no longer 
called my  hired man4 ,yet he works the 
same farm1 in the same way1 at the same 
time1 and with the same teams and tools2
 and does the same amount of  work in   
the year1 and perhaps earns twenty      
dollars a month1 instead of  twelve4    
,now as he is no longer called hired1   
and as he still works  my farm1 suppose 
my neighbours sagely infer1 that since  

he is not my  hired laborer1 ,i rob him 
of his earnings and with all the gravity
  of owls1 pronounce the oracular       
decision1 and hoot it abroad4 ,my       
neighbors are deep divers6--like some   
theological professors1 they not  only  
go to the bottom but come up covered    
with the tokens4    ,a variety of       
particulars are recorded distinguishing 
hired from  bought servants4 7#a47      
,hired servants were paid daily at the  
close of  their work4 ,lev4 xix #ac2    
,deut4 xxiv4 #ad1 #ae2 ,job4 vii4 #b2   
,matt4 xx4 #h4  ,bought servants were   
paid in advance1 7a reason for their    
being  called bought17 and those that   
went out at the seventh year received a 
gratuity4 ,deut4 xv4 #ab1 #ac4 7#b47    
,the hired were paid in money1 the      
bought received their gratuity1 at      
least1 in grain1 cattle1 and the        
product of the vintage4 ,deut4 xiv4 #ag4
 7#c47 ,the hired lived in their  own   
families1 the bought were part of their 
masters' families4 7#d47  ,the hired    

supported their families out of their   
wages3 the bought  and their families   
were supported by the master besides    
their wages4  ,the bought servants were1
 as a class1 superior to the hired--were
  more trust-worthy1 had greater        
privileges1 and occupied a higher       
station  in society4 7#a47 ,they were   
intimately incorporated with the family 
of  the masters1 were guests at family  
festivals1 and social solemnities1  from
 which hired servants were excluded4    
,lev4 xxii4 #aj2 ,ex4 xii1 #dc1 #de4    
7#b47 ,their interests were far more    
identified with those of their  masters'
 family4 ,they were often1 actually or  
prospectively1 heirs of  their masters' 
estates1 as in the case of ,eliezer1 of 
,ziba1 and the sons  of ,bilhah and     
,zilpah4 ,when there were no sons1 or   
when they were  unworthy1 bought        
servants were made heirs4 ,prov4 xvii4  
#b4 ,we find traces  of this usage in   
the ,new ,testament4 ,but when the      
husbandmen saw him1  they reasoned among

 themselves1 saying1 this is the heir1  
come let us  kill him1 that the         
inheritance may be ours4 ,luke xx4 #ad4 
,in no  instance does a hired servant   
inherit his master's estate4 7#c47      
,marriages took place between servants  
and their master's daughters4  ,sheshan 
had a servant1 an ,egyptian1 whose name 
was ,jarha4 ,and ,sheshan  gave his     
daughter to ,jarha his servant to wife4 
#a ,chron4 ii4 #cd1 #ce4  ,there is no  
instance of a hired servant forming such
 an alliance4 7#d47  ,bought servants   
and their descendants were treated with 
the same  affection and respect as the  
other members of the family4,a4 ,the    
treatment of ,abraham's servants1 ,gen4 
xxv4--the intercourse between  ,gideon  
and his servant1 ,judg4 vii4 #aj1 #aa2  
,saul and his servant1 #a ,sam4  iv4 #e1
 #bb2 ,jonathan and his servant1 #a     
,sam4 xiv4 #a-ad1 and ,elisha and  his  
servant1 are illustrations4 ,no such tie
 seems to have existed  between hired   
servants and their masters4 ,their      

untrustworthiness was  proverbial4 ,john
 ix4 #ab1 #ac4 ,none but the lowest     
class engaged as  hired servants1 and   
the kinds of labor assigned to them     
required little  knowledge and skill4   
,various passages show the low repute   
and trifling  character of the class    
from which they were hired4 ,judg4 ix4  
#d2 #a ,sam4  ii4 #e4 ,the superior     
condition of bought servants is manifest
 in the high  trusts confided to them1  
and in their dignity and authority in   
the  household4 ,in no instance is a    
hired servant thus distinguished4 ,the  
bought servant is manifestly the        
master's representative in the          
family--with plenipotentiary powers over
 adult children1 even  negotiating      
marriage for them4 ,abraham adjured his 
servant not to take a  wife for ,isaac  
of the daughters of the ,canaanites4    
,the servant himself  selected the      
individual4 ,servants also exercised    
discretionary power in  the management  
of their masters' estates1 ,and the     

servant took ten  camels of the camels  
of his master1 for all the goods of his 
master  were under his hand4 ,gen4 xxiv4
 #aj4 ,the reason assigned for taking   
them1 is not that such was ,abraham's   
direction1 but that the servant had     
discretionary control4 ,servants had    
also discretionary power in the         
disposal of property4 ,see ,gen4 xxiv4  
#bb1 #bc1 #ec4 ,the condition of ,ziba  
in the house of ,mephibosheth1 is a case
 in point4 ,so in ,prov4 xvii4 #b4      
,distinct traces of this estimation are 
to be found in the ,new ,testament1     
,matt4 xxiv4 #de2 ,luke xii1 #db1 #dd4  
,so in the parable of the talents2 the  
master seems to have set up each of his 
servants in trade with a large  capital4
 ,the unjust steward had large          
discretionary power1 was  accused of    
wasting his master's goods1 and         
manifestly regulated with  his debtors1 
the terms of settlement4 ,luke xvi4     
#d-h4 ,such trusts were  never reposed  
in hired servants4    ,footnote ,a3 ,for

 the purchased servant who is an        
,israelite1 or  proselyte1 shall fare as
 his master4 ,the master shall not eat  
fine  bread1 and his servant bread of   
bran4 ,nor yet drink old wine1 and give 
his servant new2 nor sleep on soft      
pillows1 and bedding1 and his servant   
on straw4 ,i say unto you1 that he that 
gets a purchased servant does  well to  
make him as his friend1 or he will prove
 to his employer as if  he got himself a
 master4--,maimonides1 in ,mishna       
,kiddushim4 ,chap4 #a1  ,sec4 #b4       
,the inferior condition of hired        
servants1 is illustrated in the  parable
 of the prodigal son4 ,when the         
prodigal1 perishing with hunger  among  
the swine and husks1 came to himself1   
his proud heart broke2 ,i  will arise1  
he cried1 and go to my father4 ,and then
 to assure his  father of the depth of  
his humility1 resolved to add1 ,make me 
as one of  thy hired servants4 ,if hired
 servants were the superior class--to   
apply for the situation1 savored little 

of that sense of unworthiness  that     
seeks the dust with hidden face1 and    
cries unclean4 ,unhumbled  nature       
climbs2 or if it falls1 clings fast1    
where first it may4  ,humility sinks of 
its own weight1 and in the lowest deep1 
digs lower4  ,the design of the parable 
was to illustrate on the one hand1 the  
joy of  ,god1 as he beholds afar off1   
the returning sinner seeking an injured 
father's face who runs to clasp and     
bless him with unchiding welcome2  and  
on the other1 the contrition of the     
penitent1 turning homeward with  tears  
from his wanderings1 his stricken spirit
 breaking with its  ill-desert he sobs  
aloud4 ,the lowest place1 the lowest    
place1 ,i can  abide no other4 ,or in   
those inimitable words1 ,father ,i have 
sinned  against ,heaven1 and in thy     
sight1 and am no more worthy to be      
called thy  son2 make me as one of thy  
,,hired servants4 ,the supposition that 
hired  servants were the highest class1 
takes from the parable an element of    

winning beauty and pathos4 ,it is       
manifest to every careful student of    
the ,bible1 that one class of servants1 
was on terms of equality with  the      
children and other members of the       
family4 7,hence the force of ,paul's    
declaration1 ,gal4 iv4 #a1 ,now ,i say  
unto you1 that the heir1 so long as  he 
is a child1 ,,differeth ,,nothing ,,from
 ,a ,,servant1 though he be lord of     
all47 ,if this were the hired class1 the
 prodigal was a sorry specimen  of      
humility4 ,would our ,lord have put such
 language upon the lips of one  held up 
by himself1 as a model of gospel        
humility1 to illustrate its  deep sense 
of an ill-desert8 ,if this is humility1 
put it on stilts1  and set it a         
strutting1 while pride takes lessons1   
and blunders in  apeing it4             
,israelites and ,strangers1 belonged    
indiscriminately to each class of  the  
servants1 the bought and the hired4     
,that those in the former  class1       
whether ,jews or ,strangers1 rose to    

honors and authority in the  family     
circle1 which were not conferred on     
hired servants1 has been  shown4 ,it    
should be added1 however1 that in the   
enjoyment of privileges1  merely        
political1 the hired servants from the  
,israelites1 were more  favored than    
even the bought servants from the       
,strangers4 ,no one from  the           
,strangers1 however wealthy or highly   
endowed1 was eligible to the  highest   
office1 nor could he own the soil4 ,this
 last disability seems to  have been one
 reason for the different periods of    
service required of  the two classes of 
bought servants--the ,israelites and the
 ,strangers4  ,the ,israelite was to    
serve six years--the ,stranger until the
 jubilee4 ,as  the ,strangers could not 
own the soil1 nor even houses1 except   
within  walled towns1 most would attach 
themselves to ,israelitish families4    
,those who were wealthy1 or skilled in  
manufactures1 instead of becoming       
servants would need servants for their  

own use1 and as inducements for  the    
,stranger's to become servants to the   
,israelites1 were greater than  persons 
of their own nation could hold out to   
them1 these wealthy  ,strangers would   
naturally procure the poorer ,israelites
 for servants4  ,lev4 xxv4 #dg4 ,in a   
word1 such was the political condition  
of the  ,strangers1 that the ,jewish    
polity offered a virtual bounty1 to such
 as  would become permanent servants1   
and thus secure those privileges        
already enumerated1 and for their       
children in the second generation a     
permanent inheritance4 ,ezek4 xlvii4    
#ba-bc4 ,none but the monied            
aristocracy would be likely to decline  
such offers4 ,on the other hand1  the   
,israelites1 owning all the soil1 and an
 inheritance of land being a  sacred    
possession1 to hold it free of          
incumbrance was with every  ,israelite1 
a delicate point1 both of family honor  
and personal  character4 #a ,kings xxi4 
#c4 ,hence1 to forego the control of    

one's  inheritance1 after the division  
of the paternal domain1 or to be kept   
out of it after having acceded to it1   
was a burden grievous to be borne4  ,to 
mitigate as much as possible such a     
calamity1 the law released the          
,israelitish servant at the end of six  
years,a2 as1 during that time--if  of   
the first class--the partition of the   
patrimonial land might have  taken      
place2 or1 if of the second1 enough     
money might have been earned  to        
disencumber his estate1 and thus he     
might assume his station as a  lord of  
the soil4 ,if neither contingency had   
occurred1 then after  another six years 
the opportunity was again offered1 and  
so on1 until  the jubilee4 ,so while    
strong motives urged the ,israelite to  
discontinue  his service as soon as the 
exigency had passed which made him a    
servant1  every consideration impelled  
the ,stranger to prolong his term of    
service2 and the same kindness which    
dictated the law of six years'  service 

for the ,israelite1 assigned as a       
general rule1 a much longer  period to  
the ,gentile servant1 who had every     
inducement to protract the  term4 ,it   
should be borne in mind1 that adult     
,jews ordinarily became  servants1 only 
as a temporary expedient to relieve     
themselves from  embarrassment1 and     
ceased to be such when that object was  
effected4 ,the  poverty that forced them
 to it was a calamity1 and their service
 was  either a means of relief1 or a    
measure of prevention2 not pursued as a 
permanent business1 but resorted to on  
emergencies--a sort of episode in  the  
main scope of their lives4 ,whereas with
 the ,strangers1 it was a  permanent    
employment1 pursued both as a means of  
bettering their own  condition1 and that
 of their posterity1 and as an end for  
its own  sake1 conferring on them       
privileges1 and a social estimation not 
otherwise attainable4    ,footnote ,a3  
,another reason for protracting the     
service until the  seventh year1 seems  

to have been the coincidence of that    
period with  other arrangements1 in the 
,jewish economy4 ,its pecuniary         
responsibilities1 social relations1 and 
general internal structure1 were        
graduated upon a septennial scale4      
,besides as those ,israelites who       
became servants through poverty1 would  
not sell themselves1 till other         
expedients to recruit their finances had
 failed--7,lev4 xxv4 #ce7--their        
becoming servants proclaimed such a     
state of their affairs1 as  demanded the
 labor of a course of years fully to    
reinstate them4    ,we see from the     
foregoing1 why servants purchased from  
the heathen1 are  called by way of      
distinction1 the servants1 7not         
bondmen17 7#a47 ,they  followed it as a 
permanent business4 7#b47 ,their term of
 service was  much longer than that of  
the other class4 7#c47 ,as a class they 
doubtless greatly outnumbered the       
,israelitish servants4 7#d47 ,all the   
,strangers that dwelt in the land were  

tributaries1 required to pay an  annual 
tax to the government1 either in money1 
or in public service1  7called a tribute
 of land-service27 in other words1 all  
the  ,strangers were national servants  
to the ,israelites1 and the same        
,hebrew word used to designate          
individual servants1 equally designates 
national servants or tributaries4 #b    
,sam4 viii4 #b1 #f1 #ad4 #b ,chron4     
viii4 #g-i4 ,deut xx4 #aa4 #b ,sam4 x4  
#ai4 #a ,kings ix4 #ba1 #bb4 #a ,kings  
iv4  #ba4 ,gen4 xxvii4 #bi4 ,the same   
word is applied to the ,israelites1 when
  they paid tribute to other nations4 #b
 ,kings xvii4 #c4 ,judg4 iii4 #h1 #ad4  
,gen4 xlix4 #ae4 ,another distinction   
between the ,jewish and ,gentile bought 
servants1 was in their kinds of service4
 ,the servants from the  ,strangers were
 properly the domestics1 or household   
servants1 employed  in all family work1 
in offices of personal attendance1 and  
in such  mechanical labor1 as was       
required by increasing wants1 and needed

  repairs4 ,the ,jewish bought servants 
seem almost exclusively  agricultural4  
,besides being better fitted for it by  
previous  habits--agriculture1 and the  
tending of cattle1 were regarded by the 
,israelites as the most honorable of all
 occupations4 ,after ,saul was  elected 
king1 and escorted to ,gibeah1 the next 
report of him is1 ,and  behold ,saul    
came after the herd out of the field4 #a
 ,sam4 xi4 #g4 ,elisha  was plowing with
 twelve yoke of oxen4 #a ,kings xix4    
#ai4 ,king ,uzziah  loved husbandry4 #b 
,chron4 xxvi4 #aj4 ,gideon was threshing
 wheat  when called to lead the host    
against the ,midianites4 ,judg4 vi4 #aa4
 ,the  superior honorableness of        
agriculture1 is shown1 in that it was   
protected and supported by the          
fundamental law of the theocracy--,god  
indicating it as the chief prop of the  
government4 ,the ,israelites were  like 
permanent fixtures on their soil1 so did
 they cling to it4 ,to be               
agriculturalists on their own           

inheritances1 was with them the grand   
claim to honorable estimation4          
,agriculture being pre-eminently a      
,jewish employment1 to assign a native  
,israelite to other employments  as a   
business1 was to break up his habits1 do
 violence to cherished  predilections1  
and put him to a kind of labor in which 
he had no skill1  and which he deemed   
degrading4 ,in short1 it was in the     
earlier ages of  the ,mosaic system1    
practically to unjew him1 a hardship and
 rigor  grievous to be borne1 as it     
annihilated a visible distinction       
between  the descendants of ,abraham and
 the ,strangers4--,to guard this and    
another fundamental distinction1 ,god   
instituted the regulation which  stands 
at the head of this branch of our       
inquiry1 ,if thy brother that  dwelleth 
by thee be waxen poor1 and be sold unto 
thee1 thou shalt not  compel him to     
serve as a bond-servant4 ,in other      
words1 thou shalt not  put him to       
servant's work--to the business1 and    

into the condition of  domestics4 ,in   
the ,persian version it is translated   
thus1 ,thou shalt not  assign to him the
 work of servitude4 ,in the ,septuagint1
 ,he shall not  serve thee with the     
service of a domestic4 ,in the ,syriac1 
,thou shalt  not employ him after the   
manner of servants4 ,in the ,samaritan1 
,thou  shalt not require him to serve in
 the service of a servant4 ,in the      
,targum of ,onkelos1 ,he shall not serve
 thee with the service of a  household  
servant4 ,in the ,targum of ,jonathan1  
,thou shalt not cause him  to serve     
according to the usages of the servitude
 of servants4,a ,the  meaning of the    
passage is1 thou shalt not assign him to
 the same grade1  nor put him to the    
same service1 with permanent domestics4 
,the  remainder of the regulation       
is1--,but as an hired servant and as a  
sojourner shall he be with thee4 ,hired 
servants were not incorporated  into the
 families of their masters3 they still  
retained their own family  organization1

 without the surrender of any domestic  
privilege1 honor1 or  authority2 and    
this even though they resided under the 
same roof with  their master4 ,while    
bought servants were associated with    
their master's  families at meals1 at   
the ,passover1 and at other family      
festivals1 hired  servants and          
sojourners were not4 ,ex4 xii4 #dd1 #de2
 ,lev4 xxii4 #aj1 #aa4  ,hired servants 
were not subject to the authority of    
their masters in any  such sense as the 
master's wife1 children1 and bought     
servants4 ,hence  the only form of      
oppressing hired servants spoken of in  
the ,scriptures  as practicable to      
masters1 is that of keeping back their  
wages4 ,to  have taken away such        
privileges in the case under            
consideration1 would  have been         
pre-eminent rigor1 for it was not a     
servant born in the  house of a master1 
not a minor1 whose minority had been    
sold by the  father1 neither was it one 
who had not yet acceded to his          

inheritance3  nor finally1 one who had  
received the assignment of his          
inheritance1  but was working off from  
it an incumbrance1 before entering upon 
its  possession and control4 ,but it was
 that of the head of a family1 who  had 
known better days1 now reduced to       
poverty1 forced to relinquish the  loved
 inheritance of his fathers1 with the   
competence and respectful  consideration
 its possession secured to him1 and to  
be indebted to a  neighbor for shelter1 
sustenance1 and employment4 ,so sad a   
reverse1  might well claim sympathy2 but
 one consolation cheers him in the house
  of his pilgrimage2 he is an           
,israelite--,abraham is his father1 and 
now  in his calamity he clings closer   
than ever1 to the distinction conferred 
by his birth-right4 ,to rob him of this1
 were the unkindest cut of all4  ,to    
have assigned him to a grade of service 
filled only by those whose  permanent   
business was serving1 would have been to
 rule over him with  peculiar rigor4    

,thou shalt not compel him to serve as a
  bond-servant1 or literally1 thou shalt
 not serve thyself with him1  with the  
service of a servant1 guaranties his    
political privileges1 and  a kind and   
grade of service1 comporting with his   
character and relations  as an          
,israelite4 ,and as a hired servant1 and
 as a sojourner shall he  be with thee1 
secures to him his family organization1 
the respect and  authority due to its   
head1 and the general consideration     
resulting from  such a station4 ,being  
already in possession of his            
inheritance1 and the  head of a         
household1 the law so arranged the      
conditions of his service  as to        
alleviate as much as possible the       
calamity1 which had reduced  him from   
independence and authority1 to penury   
and subjection4 ,the  import of the     
command which concludes this topic in   
the forty-third  verse1 7,thou shalt not
 rule over him with rigor17 is          
manifestly this1  you shall not         

disregard those differences in previous 
associations1  station1 authority1 and  
political privileges1 upon which this   
regulation  is based2 for to hold this  
class of servants irrespective of these 
distinctions1 and annihilating them1 is 
to rule with rigor4 ,the same  command  
is repeated in the forty-sixth verse1   
and applied to the  distinction between 
servants of ,jewish1 and those of       
,gentile extraction1  and forbids the   
overlooking of distinctive ,jewish      
peculiarities1 the  disregard of which  
would be rigorous in the extreme,b4 ,the
  construction commonly put upon the    
phrase rule with rigor1 and the         
inference drawn from it1 have an air    
vastly oracular4 ,it is interpreted  to 
mean1 you shall not make him a chattel1 
and strip him of legal  protection1 nor 
force him to work without pay4 ,the     
inference is like  unto it1 viz41 since 
the command forbade such outrages upon  
the  ,israelites1 it permitted and      
commissioned their infliction upon the  

,strangers4 ,such impious and shallow   
smattering captivates scoffers and      
libertines2 its flippancy and blasphemy1
 and the strong scent of its            
loose-reined license works like a charm 
upon them4 ,what boots it to  reason    
against such rampant affinities6 ,in    
,ex4 i4 #ac1 it is said that  the       
,egyptians made the children of ,israel 
to serve with rigor4 ,this  rigor is    
affirmed of the amount of labor extorted
 and the mode of  the exaction4 ,the    
expression1 serve with rigor1 is never  
applied to  the service of servants     
under the ,mosaic system4 ,the phrase1  
thou shalt  not ,,rule over him with    
rigor1 does not prohibit unreasonable   
exactions  of labor1 nor inflictions of 
cruelty4 ,such were provided against    
otherwise4 ,but it forbids confounding  
the distinctions between a ,jew and  a  
,stranger1 by assigning the former to   
the same grade of service1 for  the same
 term of time1 and under the same       
political disabilities as the  latter4  

,footnote ,a3  ,jarchi's comment on     
,thou shall not compel him to serve as  
a bond-servant is1 ,the ,hebrew servant 
is not to be required to do any  thing  
which is accounted degrading--such as   
all offices of personal  attendance1 as 
loosing his master's shoe-latchet1      
bringing him water to  wash his feet and
 hands1 waiting on him at table1        
dressing him1 carrying  things to and   
from the bath4 ,the ,hebrew servant is  
to work with his  master as a son or    
brother1 in the business of his farm1 or
 other labor1  until his legal release4 
,footnote ,b3 ,the disabilities of the  
,strangers1 which were distinctions1    
based on a different national descent1  
and important to the preservation  of   
national characteristics1 and a national
 worship1 did not at all  affect their  
social estimation4 ,they were regarded  
according to their  character1 and worth
 as persons1 irrespective of their      
foreign origin1  employments1 and       
political condition4        ,we are now 

prepared to review at a glance1 the     
condition of the  different classes of  
servants1 with the modifications        
peculiar to each  class4 ,in the        
possession of all fundamental rights1   
all classes of  servants were on an     
absolute equality1 all were equally     
protected by law  in their persons1     
character1 property and social          
relations2 all were  voluntary1 all were
 compensated for their labor1 and       
released from it  nearly half of the    
days in each year2 all were furnished   
with stated  instruction3 none in either
 class were in any sense articles of    
property1 all were regarded as men1 with
 the rights1 interests1 hopes  and      
destinies of men4 ,in all these         
respects1 all classes of servants  among
 the ,israelites1 formed but ,,one      
,,class4 ,the different classes and  the
 differences in each class1 were1 7#a47 
,hired ,servants4 ,this class  consisted
 both of ,israelites and ,strangers4    
,their employments were  different4 ,the

 ,israelite was an agricultural servant4
 ,the ,stranger was  a domestic and     
personal servant1 and in some instances 
mechanical2  both were occasional and   
temporary4 ,both lived in their own     
families1  their wages were money1 and  
they were paid when their work was done4
  7#b47 ,bought ,servants1 7including   
those born in the house47 ,this  class  
also1 consisted of ,israelites and      
,strangers1 the same difference  in     
their kinds of employments noticed      
before4 ,both were paid in  advance,a1  
and neither was temporary4 ,the         
,israelitish servant1 with the          
exception of the freeholders was        
released after six years4 ,the  stranger
 was a permanent servant1 continuing    
until the jubilee4 ,a marked            
distinction obtained also between       
different classes of ,jewish bought     
servants4 ,ordinarily1 they were merged 
in their master's family1 and1  like his
 wife and children1 subject to his      
authority2 7and1 like them1  protected  

by law from its abuse47 ,but the        
freeholder was a marked  exception3 his 
family relations1 and authority remained
 unaffected1 nor  was he subjected as an
 inferior to the control of his master1 
though  dependent upon him for          
employment4    ,footnote ,a3 ,the       
payment in advance1 doubtless lessened  
the price of  the purchase2 the servant 
thus having the use of the money1 and   
the  master assuming all the risks of   
life and health for labor3 at the       
expiration of the six year's contract1  
the master having suffered no  loss from
 the risk incurred at the making of it1 
was obliged by law to  release the      
servant with a liberal gratuity4 ,the   
reason assigned for  this is1 he hath   
been worth a double hired servant unto  
thee in serving  thee six years1 as if  
it had been said1 as you have           
experienced no loss  from the risks of  
life1 and ability to labor1 incurred in 
the purchase1  and which lessened the   
price1 and as1 by being your servant for

 six  years1 he has saved you the time  
and trouble of looking up and hiring    
laborers on emergencies1 therefore1 thou
 shalt furnish him liberally1  c4    ,it
 should be kept in mind1 that both      
classes of servants1 the  ,israelite and
 the ,stranger1 not only enjoyed equal  
natural and  religious rights1 but all  
the civil and political privileges      
enjoyed  by those of their own people   
who were not servants4 ,they also shared
  in common with them the political     
disabilities which appertained to all   
,strangers1 whether the servants of     
,jewish masters1 or the masters of      
,jewish servants4 ,further1 the         
disabilities of the servants from the   
,strangers were exclusively political   
and national4 7#a47 ,they1 in  common   
with all ,strangers1 could not own the  
soil4 7#b47 ,they were  ineligible to   
civil offices4 7#c47 ,they were assigned
 to employments less  honorable than    
those in which ,israelitish servants    
engaged2 agriculture  being regarded as 

fundamental to the existence of the     
state1 other  employments were in less  
repute1 and deemed unjewish4            
,finally1 the ,strangers1 whether       
servants or masters1 were all protected 
equally with the descendants of         
,abraham4 ,in respect to political      
privileges1 their condition was much    
like that of naturalized foreigners  in 
the ,united ,states2 whatever their     
wealth or intelligence1 or moral        
principle1 or love for our institutions1
 they can neither go to the  ballot-box1
 nor own the soil1 nor be eligible to   
office4 ,let a native  ,american1 be    
suddenly bereft of these privilege1 and 
loaded with the  disabilities of an     
alien1 and what to the foreigner would  
be a light  matter1 to him1 would be the
 severity of rigor4 ,the recent         
condition  of the ,jews and ,catholics  
in ,england1 is another illustration4   
,rothschild1 the late banker1 though the
 richest private citizen in the  world1 
and perhaps master of scores of ,english

 servants1 who sued for  the smallest   
crumbs of his favor1 was1 as a subject  
of the government1  inferior to the     
lowest among them4 ,suppose an          
,englishman of the  ,established        
,church1 were by law deprived of power  
to own the soil1 of  eligibility to     
office and of the electoral franchise1  
would ,englishmen  think it a           
misapplication of language1 if it were  
said1 the government  rules over him    
with rigor8 ,and yet his person1        
property1 reputation1  conscience1 all  
his social relations1 the disposal of   
his time1 the  right of locomotion at   
pleasure1 and of natural liberty in all 
respects1  are just as much protected by
 law as the ,lord ,chancellor's4        
,,finally1--,as the ,mosaic system was a
 great compound type1 rife with  meaning
 in doctrine and duty2 the practical    
power of the whole1 depended  upon the  
exact observance of those distinctions  
and relations which  constituted its    
significancy4 ,hence1 the care to       

preserve serve  inviolate the           
distinction between a descendant of     
,abraham and a  ,stranger1 even when the
 ,stranger was a proselyte1 had gone    
through the  initiatory ordinances1     
entered the congregation1 and become    
incorporated  with the ,israelites by   
family alliance4 ,the regulation laid   
down in ,ex4  xxi4 #b-f1 is an          
illustration4 ,in this case1 the        
,israelitish servant1  whose term       
expired in six years1 married one of his
 master's permanent  female domestics2  
but her marriage1 did not release her   
master from  his part of the contract   
for her whole term of service1 nor from 
his  legal obligation to support and    
educate her children4 ,neither did it do
  away that distinction1 which marked   
her national descent by a specific      
grade and term of service1 nor impair   
her obligation to fulfill  her part of  
the contract4 ,her relations as a       
permanent domestic grew  out of a       
distinction guarded with great care     

throughout the ,mosaic  system4 ,to     
render it void1 would have been to      
divide the system against  itself4 ,this
 ,god would not tolerate4 ,nor1 on the  
other hand1 would he  permit the master1
 to throw off the responsibility of     
instructing her  children1 nor the care 
and expense of their helpless infancy   
and  rearing4 ,he was bound to support  
and educate them1 and all her children  
born afterwards during her term of      
service4 ,the whole arrangement         
beautifully illustrates that wise and   
tender regard for the interests of  all 
the parties concerned1 which arrays the 
,mosaic system in robes of  glory1 and  
causes it to shine as the sun in the    
kingdom of our ,father4  ,by this law1  
the children had secured to them a      
mother's tender care4 ,if  the husband  
loved his wife and children1 he could   
compel his master to  keep him1 whether 
he had any occasion for his services or 
not4 ,if he did  not love them1 to be   
rid of him was a blessing2 and in that  

case1 the  regulation would prove an act
 for the relief of an afflicted family4 
,it  is not by any means to be inferred1
 that the release of the servant in  the
 seventh year1 either absolved him from 
the obligations of marriage1  or shut   
him out from the society of his family4 
,he could doubtless  procure a service  
at no great distance from them1 and     
might often do it1  to get higher wages1
 or a kind of employment better suited  
to his taste  and skill4 ,the great     
number of days on which the law released
 servants  from regular labor1 would    
enable him to spend much more time with 
his  family1 than can be spent by most  
of the agents of our benevolent         
societies with their families1 or by    
many merchants1 editors1 artists  c41   
whose daily business is in ,new ,york1  
while their families reside  from ten to
 one hundred miles in the country4      
,we conclude this ,inquiry by touching  
briefly upon an objection1 which1       
though not formally stated1 has been    

already set aside by the whole  tenor of
 the foregoing argument4 ,it is         
this1--,the slavery of the  ,canaanites 
by the ,israelites1 was appointed by    
,god as a commutation of  the punishment
 of death denounced against them for    
their sins4 ,if the  absurdity of a     
sentence consigning persons to death1   
and at the same  time to perpetual      
slavery1 did not sufficiently laugh at  
itself1 it  would be small self-denial1 
in a case so tempting1 to make up the   
deficiency by a general contribution4   
,for1 be it remembered1 only  one       
statute was ever given respecting the   
disposition to be made of  the          
inhabitants of ,canaan4 ,if the sentence
 of death was pronounced  against them1 
and afterwards commuted1 when8 where8 by
 whom8 and in  what terms was the       
commutation1 and where is it recorded8  
,grant1 for  argument's sake1 that all  
the ,canaanites were sentenced to       
unconditional  extermination2 as there  
was no reversal of the sentence1 how can

 a right  to enslave them1 be drawn from
 such premises8 ,the punishment of death
  is one of the highest recognitions of 
man's moral nature possible4 ,it        
proclaims him man--rational1            
accountable1 guilty1 deserving death for
  having done his utmost to cheapen     
human life1 when the proof of its       
priceless worth lived in his own nature4
 ,but to make him a slave1  cheapens to 
nothing universal human nature1 and     
instead of healing a  wound1 gives a    
death-stab4 ,what6 repair an injury to  
rational being in  the robbery of one of
 its rights1 by robbing it of all1 and  
annihilating their foundation--the      
everlasting distinction between  persons
 and things8 ,to make a man a chattel1  
is not the punishment1  but the         
annihilation of a human being1 and1 so  
far as it goes1 of  all human beings4   
,this commutation of the punishment of  
death1 into  perpetual slavery1 what a  
fortunate discovery6 ,alas6 for the     
honor of  ,deity1 if commentators had   

not manned the forlorn hope1 and by a   
timely  movement rescued the ,divine    
character1 at the very crisis of its    
fate1  from the perilous position in    
which inspiration had carelessly left   
it6  ,here a question arises of         
sufficient importance for a separate    
dissertation2 but must for the present  
be disposed of in a few  paragraphs4    
,,were ,,the ,,canaanites ,,sentenced   
,,by ,,god ,,to ,,individual ,,and      
,,unconditional ,,extermination8 ,as the
 limits of this inquiry forbid our      
giving all the grounds of dissent from  
commonly received opinions1 the         
suggestions made1 will be thrown out    
merely as ,,queries1 rather than laid   
down as doctrines4 ,the directions as to
 the disposal of the  ,canaanites1 are  
mainly in the following passages3 ,ex4  
xxiii4 #bc-cc2  xxxiv4 #aa2 ,deut4 vii4 
#af-be2 ix4 #c2 xxxi4 #c-e4 ,in these   
verses1 the  ,israelites are commanded  
to destroy the ,canaanites1 drive out1  
consume1 utterly overthrow1 put out1    

dispossess them1 c4 ,did  these commands
 enjoin the unconditional and universal 
destruction of the  inhabitants or      
merely of the body politic8 ,the word   
haram1 to  destroy1 signifies national1 
as well as individual destruction1 the  
destruction of political existence1     
equally with personal2 of  governmental 
organization1 equally with the lives of 
the subjects4  ,besides1 if we interpret
 the words destroy1 consume1 overthrow1 
c41 to  mean personal destruction1 what 
meaning shall we give to the            
expressions1 throw out before thee2 cast
 out before thee2 expel1  put out1      
dispossess1 c41 which are used in the   
same passages8 ,i  will destroy all the 
people to whom thou shalt come1 and ,i  
will make all  thine enemies turn their 
backs unto thee ,ex4 xxiii4 #bg4 ,here  
all  thine enemies were to turn their   
backs and all the people to be          
destroyed4 ,does this mean that ,god    
would let all their enemies  escape1 but
 kill all their friends1 or that he     

would first kill all  the people and    
,,then make them turn their backs1 an   
army of runaway  corpses8 ,if these     
commands required the destruction of all
 the  inhabitants1 the ,mosaic law was  
at war with itself1 for directions as to
  the treatment of native residents form
 a large part of it4 ,see ,lev4 xix4    
#cd2 xxv4 #ce1 #cf2 xx4 #bb4 ,ex4 xxiii4
 #i2 xxii4 #ba2 ,deut4 i4 #af1 #ag2 x4  
#ag1  #ai1 xxvii4 #ai4 ,we find1 also   
that provision was made for them in the 
cities of refuge4 ,num4 xxxv4 #ae2--the 
gleanings of the harvest and  vintage   
were theirs1 ,lev4 xix4 #i1 #aj2 xxiii4 
#bb2--the blessings of the  ,sabbath1   
,ex4 xx4 #aj2--the privilege of offering
 sacrifices secured1 ,lev4  xxii4 #ah2  
and stated religious instruction        
provided for them1 ,deut4  xxxi4 #i1    
#ab4 ,now does this same law require the
 individual  extermination of those     
whose lives and interests it thus       
protects8  ,these laws were given to the
 ,israelites1 long before they entered  

,canaan2 and they must have inferred    
from them that a multitude of the       
inhabitants of the land were to continue
 in it1 under their  government4 ,again 
,joshua was selected as the leader of   
,israel to execute  ,god's threatenings 
upon ,canaan4 ,he had no discretionary  
power4 ,god's  commands were his        
official instructions4 ,going beyond    
them would have  been usurpation2       
refusing to carry them out rebellion and
 treason4 ,saul  was rejected from being
 king for disobeying god's commands in a
 single  instance4 ,now1 if ,god        
commanded the individual destruction of 
all the  ,canaanites4 ,joshua disobeyed 
him in every instance4 ,for at his      
death1  the ,israelites still dwelt     
among them1 and each nation is mentioned
  by name4 ,judg4 i4 #e1 and yet we are 
told that ,joshua left nothing  undone  
of all that the ,lord commanded ,moses2 
and that he took all that  land4 ,josh4 
xi4 #ae-bb4 ,also1 that there stood not 
a man of all  their enemies before them4

 ,how can this be1 if the command to    
destroy  enjoined individual            
extermination1 and the command to drive 
out1  unconditional expulsion from the  
country1 rather than their expulsion    
from the possession or ownership of it1 
as the lords of the soil8  ,true1       
multitudes of the ,canaanites were      
slain1 but not a case can be  found in  
which one was either killed or expelled 
who acquiesced in the  transfer of the  
territory1 and its sovereignty1 from the
 inhabitants of  the land to the        
,israelites4 ,witness the case of ,rahab
 and her kindred1  and the              
,gibeonites,a4 ,the ,canaanites knew of 
the miracles wrought for  the           
,israelites2 and that their land had    
been transferred to them as a  judgment 
for their sins4 ,josh4 ii4 #i-aa2 ix4   
#i1 #aj1 #bd4 ,many of them  were awed  
by these wonders1 and made no           
resistance4 ,others defied ,god  and    
came out to battle4 ,these occupied the 
fortified cities1 were the  most        

inveterate heathen--the aristocracy of  
idolatry1 the kings1 the  nobility and  
gentry1 the priests1 with their crowds  
of satellite1 and  retainers that aided 
in idolatrous rites1 and the military   
forces1 with  the chief profligates of  
both sexes4 ,many facts corroborate the 
general  position4 ,such as the         
multitude of tributaries in the midst of
 ,israel1  and that too1 after they had 
waxed strong1 and the uttermost nations 
quaked at the terror of their name--the 
,canaanites1 ,philistines1 and  others1 
who became proselytes--as the           
,nethenims1 ,uriah the                  
,hittite--,rahab1 who married one of the
 princes of ,judah--,ittai--the six     
hundred ,gitites--,david's body guard4  
#b ,sam4 xv4 #ah1 #ba4 ,obededom the    
,gittite1 adopted into the tribe of     
,levi4 ,comp4 #b ,sam4 vi4 #aj1 #aa1    
with #a  ,chron4 xv4 #ah1 and #a ,chron4
 xxvi4 #de--;,jaziz1 and ,obil4 #a      
,chron4 xxvi4  #cj1 #ca1 #cc4 ,jephunneh
 the father of ,caleb1 the ,kenite1     

registered in the  genealogies of the   
tribe of ,judah1 and the one hundred and
 fifty  thousand ,canaanites1 employed  
by ,solomon in the building of the      
,temple,b4 ,besides1 the greatest       
miracle on record1 was wrought to save  
a portion of those very ,canaanites1 and
 for the destruction of those who  would
 exterminate them4 ,josh4 x4 #ab-ad4    
,further--the terms employed in  the    
directions regulating the disposal of   
the ,canaanites1 such as drive  out1 put
 out1 cast out1 expel1 dispossess1 c4   
seem used  interchangeably with consume1
 destroy1 overthrow1 c41 and thus       
indicate the sense in which the latter  
words are used4 ,as an  illustration of 
the meaning generally attached to these 
and similar  terms1 we refer to the     
history of the ,amelekites4 ,i will     
utterly put  out the remembrance of     
,amelek from under heaven4 ,ex4 xxvii4  
#ad4 ,thou  shalt blot out the          
remembrance of ,amelek from under       
heaven2 thou shalt  not forget it4      

,deut4 xxv4 #ai4 ,smite ,amelek and     
utterly destroy all  that they have1 and
 spare them not1 but slay both man and  
woman1 infant  and suckling1 ox and     
sheep4 #a ,sam4 xv4 #b1 #c4 ,saul smote 
the  ,amelekites1 and took ,agag the    
king of the ,amelekites1 alive and      
,,utterly  ,,destroyed ,,all ,,the      
,,people with the edge of the sword4    
,verses #g1 #h4 ,in  verse #bj1 ,saul   
says1 ,i have brought ,agag1 the king of
 ,amelek1 and have  utterly destroyed   
the ,amelekites4 ,in #a ,sam4 xxx4 we   
find the  ,amelekites marching an army  
into ,israel1 and sweeping everything   
before  them--and this in about eighteen
 years after they had all been          
,,utterly ,,destroyed6 ,deut4 xx4 #af1  
#ag1 will probably be quoted against    
the preceding view4 ,we argue that the  
command in these verses1 did not        
include all the individuals of the      
,canaanitish nations1 but only the      
inhabitants of the cities1 7and even    
those conditionally17 because1  only the

 inhabitants of the cities are          
specified1--of the cities of  these     
people thou shalt save alive nothing    
that breatheth4 ,cities then1  as now1  
were pest-houses of vice--they reeked   
with abominations little  practiced in  
the country4 ,on this account their     
influence would be far  more perilous to
 the ,israelites than that of the       
country4 ,besides1 they  were the       
centres of idolatry--there were the     
temples and altars1 and  idols1 and     
priests1 without number4 ,even their    
buildings1 streets1 and  public walks   
were so many visibilities of idolatry4  
,the reason assigned  in the #ahth verse
 for exterminating them1 strengthens the
 idea1--that  they teach you not to do  
after all the abominations which they   
have done  unto their gods4 ,this would 
be a reason for exterminating all the   
nations and individuals around them1 as 
all were idolaters2 but ,god  commanded 
them1 in certain cases1 to spare the    
inhabitants4 ,contact with  any of them 

would be perilous--with the inhabitants 
of the cities  peculiarly1 and of the   
,canaanitish cities pre-eminently so4   
,the #ajth  and #aath verses contain the
 general rule prescribing the method in 
which  cities were to be summoned to    
surrender4 ,they were first to receive  
the  offer of peace--if it was accepted1
 the inhabitants became                 
tributaries--but if they came out       
against ,israel in battle1 the men  were
 to be killed1 and the women and little 
ones saved alive4 ,the #aeth  verse     
restricts this lenient treatment to the 
inhabitants of the cities  afar off4    
,the #afth directs as to the disposal of
 the inhabitants of  ,canaanitish       
cities4 ,they were to save alive nothing
 that breathed4 ,the  common mistake has
 been1 in supposing that the command in 
the #aeth verse  refers to the whole    
system of directions preceding1         
commencing with  the #ajth1 whereas it  
manifestly refers only to the           
inflictions  specified in the #abth1    

#acth1 and #adth1 making a distinction  
between  those ,canaanitish cities that 
fought1 and the cities afar off that    
fought--in one case destroying the males
 and females1 and in the other1  the    
males only4 ,the offer of peace1 and the
 conditional  preservation1 were as     
really guarantied to ,canaanitish cities
 as to  others4 ,their inhabitants were 
not to be exterminated unless they came 
out against ,israel in battle4 ,but let 
us settle this question by the  law and 
the testimony4 ,there was not a city    
that made peace with the  children of   
,israel save the ,hivites1 the          
inhabitants of ,gibeon2 all  others they
 took in battle4 ,for it was of the     
,lord to harden their  hearts1 that they
 should ,,come ,,out ,,against ,,israel 
,,in ,,battle1 that he  might destroy   
them utterly1 and that they might have  
no favor1 but that  he might destroy    
them1 as the ,lord commanded ,moses4    
,josh4 xix4 #ai1 #bj4  ,that is1 if they
 had not come out against ,israel in    

battle1 they would  have had favor shown
 them1 and would not have been destroyed
  utterly4 ,the great design was to     
transfer the territory of the           
,canaanites to the ,israelites1 and     
along with it1 absolute sovereignty  in 
every respect2 to annihilate their      
political organizations1 civil  polity1 
and jurisprudence and their system of   
religion1 with all its  rights and      
appendages2 and to substitute therefor1 
a pure theocracy1  administered by      
,jehovah1 with the ,israelites as ,his  
representatives and  agents4 ,in a word 
the people were to be denationalized1   
their  political existence annihilated1 
their idol temples1 altars1 images      
groves and heathen rites destroyed1 and 
themselves put under tribute4  ,those   
who resisted the execution of ,jehovah's
 purpose were to be killed1  while those
 who quietly submitted to it were to be 
spared4 ,all had the  choice of these   
alternatives1 either free egress out of 
the land,c2 or  acquiescence in the     

decree1 with life and residence as      
tributaries1  under the protection of   
the government2 or resistance to the    
execution  of the decree1 with death4   
,and it shall come to pass1 if they will
  diligently learn the ways of my       
people1 to swear by my name1 the ,lord  
liveth as they taught my people to swear
 by ,baal2 ,,then ,,shall ,,they ,,be   
,,built ,,in ,,the ,,midst ,,of ,,my    
,,people4    ,footnote ,a3 ,perhaps it  
will be objected1 that the preservation 
of the  ,gibeonites1 and of ,rahab and  
her kindred1 was a violation of the     
command  of ,god4 ,we answer1 if it had 
been1 we might expect some such         
intimation4  ,if ,god had strictly      
commanded them to exterminate all the   
,canaanites1  their pledge to save      
themselves was neither a repeal of the  
statute1 nor  absolution for the breach 
of it4 ,if unconditional destruction was
 the  import of the command1 would ,god 
have permitted such an act to pass      
without rebuke8 ,would he have          

established such a precedent when       
,israel  had hardly passed the threshold
 of ,canaan1 and was then striking the  
first blow of a half century war8 ,what 
if they had passed their word  to ,rahab
 and the ,gibeonites8 ,was that more    
binding than ,god's command8  ,so ,saul 
seems to have passed his word to ,agag2 
yet ,samuel hewed him in  pieces1       
because in saving his life1 ,saul had   
violated ,god's command4  ,when ,saul   
sought to slay the ,gibeonites in his   
zeal for the children of  ,israel and   
,judah1 ,god sent upon ,israel three    
years famine for it4 ,when  ,david      
inquired of them what atonement he      
should make1 they say1 ,the man  that   
devised against us1 that we should be   
destroyed from remaining in  any of the 
coasts of ,israel1 let seven of his sons
 be delivered1 c4 #b  ,sam4 xxii4 #a-f4 
,footnote ,b3 ,if the ,canaanites were  
devoted by ,god to unconditional        
extermination1 to have employed them in 
the erection of the  temple1--what was  

it but the climax of impiety8 ,as well  
might they  pollute its altars with     
swine's flesh1 or make their sons pass  
through  the fire to ,moloch4           
,footnote ,c3 ,suppose all the          
,canaanitish nations had abandoned their
  territory at the tidings of ,israel's 
approach1 did ,god's command require    
the ,israelites to chase them to the    
ends of the earth and hunt them out1    
until every ,canaanite was destroyed8   
,it is too preposterous for belief  and 
yet it follows legitimately from that   
construction1 which interprets  the     
terms consume1 destroy1 destroy utterly1
 c4 to mean  unconditional1 individual  
extermination4    ,the original design  
of the preceding ,inquiry embraced a    
much wider  range of topics4 ,it was    
soon found1 however1 that to fill up the
 outline  would be to make a volume4    
,much of the foregoing has therefore    
been  thrown into a mere series of      
indices1 to trains of thought and       
classes  of proof which1 however limited

 or imperfect1 may perhaps1 afford some 
facilities to those who have little     
leisure for protracted  investigation4  
,,the      ,,anti-,,slavery ,,examiner  
,,no #d4      ,,the      ,,bible        
,,against ,,slavery4      ,,an ,,inquiry
 ,,into ,,the      ,,patriarchal ,,and  
,,mosaic ,,systems      ,,on ,,the      
,,subject ,,of      ,,human ,,rights4   
,fourth ,edition--,enlarged4            
,,new ,,york3    ,,published ,,by ,,the 
,,american ,,anti-,,slavery ,,society1  
,,no4 #adc ,,nassau ,,street4    #ahch4 
,this ,no4 contains #g                  
sheets3--,postage1 under #ajj miles1 #aj
 #a_/b cents2  over #ajj miles1 #ad     
cents4    ,please read and ,circulate4  
,,contents4        ,,definition ,,of    
,,slavery1              ,,negative1     
,,affirmative1            ,,legal1      
,,the ,,moral ,,law ,,against ,,slavery 
,,thou ,,shalt ,,not ,,steal1           
,,thou ,,shalt ,,not ,,covet1           
,,man-,,stealing--,,examination ,,of    
,,ex4 xxi4 #af1                         

,,separation ,,of ,,man ,,from ,,brutes 
,,and ,,things1          ,,import ,,of  
,,buy ,,and ,,bought ,,with ,,money1    
,,servants ,,sold ,,themselves1         
,,rights ,,and ,,privileges ,,secured   
,,by ,,law ,,to ,,servants1             
,,servants ,,were ,,voluntary1          
,,runaway ,,servants ,,not ,,to ,,be    
,,delivered ,,to ,,their ,,masters1     
,,servants ,,were ,,paid ,,wages1       
,,masters ,,not ,,owners1               
,,servants ,,not ,,subjected ,,to ,,the 
,,uses ,,of ,,property1                 
,,servants ,,expressly ,,distinguished  
,,from ,,property1                      
,,examination ,,of ,,gen4 xii4          
#e4--,,the ,,souls ,,that ,,they ,,had  
,,gotten1 c4            ,,social        
,,equality ,,of ,,servants ,,and        
,,masters1            ,,condition ,,of  
,,the ,,gibeonites ,,as ,,subjects ,,of 
,,the ,,hebrew          ,,commonwealth1 
,,egyptian ,,bondage ,,contrasted ,,with
 ,,american ,,slavery1                  
,,condition ,,of ,,american ,,slaves1   

,,ill ,,fed1            ,,ill ,,clothed1
            ,,over-,,worked1            
,,their ,,dwelling ,,unfit ,,for ,,human
 ,,beings1            ,,moral           
,,condition--,,heathens1                
,,objections ,,considered4              
,,cursed ,,be ,,canaan1                 
c4--,,examination ,,of ,,gen4 ix4 #be1  
,,for ,,he ,,is ,,his ,,money1          
c4--,,examination ,,of ,,ex4 xxi4 #bj1  
#ba1        ,,examination ,,of ,,lev4   
xxv4 #dd-df1              ,,both ,,thy  
,,bondmen1 c41 ,,shall ,,be ,,of ,,the  
,,heathen1            ,,of ,,them       
,,shall ,,ye ,,buy1            ,,they   
,,shall ,,be ,,your ,,bondmen ,,forever1
            ,,ye ,,shall ,,take ,,them  
,,as ,,an ,,inheritance1 c4             
,,examination ,,of ,,lev4 xxv4 #ci1     
#dj4--,,the ,,freeholder ,,not ,,to     
,,serve      ,,as ,a ,,bond ,,servant1  
,,difference ,,between ,,hired ,,and    
,,bought ,,servants1            ,,bought
 ,,servants ,,the ,,most ,,favored ,,and
 ,,honored ,,class1                     

,,israelites ,,and ,,strangers          
,,belonged ,,to ,,both ,,classes1       
,,israelites ,,servants ,,to ,,the      
,,strangers1            ,,reasons ,,for 
,,the ,,release ,,of ,,the ,,israelitish
 ,,servants ,,in          ,,the         
,,seventh ,,year1            ,,reasons  
,,for ,,assigning ,,the ,,strangers ,,to
 ,a ,,longer ,,service1                 
,,reasons ,,for ,,calling ,,them ,,the  
,,servants1            ,,different      
,,kinds ,,of ,,service ,,assigned ,,to  
,,the ,,israelites          ,,and       
,,strangers1          ,,review ,,of     
,,all ,,the ,,classes ,,of ,,servants   
,,with ,,the ,,modifications ,,of       
,,each1              ,,political        
,,disabilities ,,of ,,the ,,strangers1  
,,examination ,,of ,,ex4 xxi4           
#b-f4--;,,if ,,thou ,,buy ,,an ,,hebrew 
,,servant1        ,,the ,,canaanites    
,,not ,,sentenced ,,to ,,unconditional  
,,extermination1            ,,the       
,,bible ,,against ,,slavery4        ,the
 spirit of slavery never seeks refuge in

 the ,bible of its own accord4  ,the    
horns of the altar are its last         
resort--seized only in desperation1  as 
it rushes from the terror of the        
avenger's arm4 ,like other unclean      
spirits1 it hateth the light1 neither   
cometh to the light1 lest its  deeds    
should be reproved4 ,goaded to phrenzy  
in its conflicts with  conscience and   
common sense1 denied all quarter1 and   
hunted from every  covert1 it vaults    
over the sacred inclosure and courses up
 and down the  ,bible1 seeking rest1 and
 finding none4 ,,the ,,law ,,of ,,love1 
glowing on  every page1 flashes around  
it an omnipresent anguish and despair4  
,it  shrinks from the hated light1 and  
howls under the consuming touch1 as     
demons quailed before the ,son of ,god1 
and shrieked1 ,torment us not4 ,at      
last1 it slinks away under the types of 
the ,mosaic system1 and seeks to  burrow
 out of sight among their shadows4 ,vain
 hope6 ,its asylum is its  sepulchre2   
its city of refuge1 the city of         

destruction4 ,it flies from  light into 
the sun2 from heat1 into devouring fire2
 and from the voice  of ,god into the   
thickest of ,his thunders4              
,,definition ,,of ,,slavery4    ,if we  
would know whether the ,bible sanctions 
slavery1 we must determine  what slavery
 is4 ,an element1 is one thing2 a       
relation1 another2 an  appendage1       
another4 ,relations and appendages      
presuppose other things to  which they  
belong4 ,to regard them as the things   
themselves1 or as  constituent parts of 
them1 leads to endless fallacies4 ,mere 
political  disabilities are often       
confounded with slavery2 so are many    
relations1  and tenures1 indispensible  
to the social state4 ,we will specify   
some of  these4    #a4 ,,privation ,,of 
,,suffrage4 ,then minors are slaves4    
#b4 ,,ineligibility ,,to ,,office4 ,then
 females are slaves4    #c4 ,,taxation  
,,without ,,representation4 ,then       
slaveholders in the ,district of        
,columbia are slaves4    #d4 ,,privation

 ,,of ,,one',s ,,oath ,,in ,,law4 ,then 
atheists are slaves4    #e4 ,,privation 
,,of ,,trial ,,by ,,jury4 ,then all in  
,france are slaves4    #f4 ,,being      
,,required ,,to ,,support ,a            
,,particular ,,religion4 ,then the      
people of  ,england are slaves4    #g4  
,,apprenticeship4 ,the rights and duties
 of master and apprentice are           
correlative4 ,the claim of each upon the
 other results from his  obligation to  
the other4 ,apprenticeship is based on  
the principle of  equivalent for value  
received4 ,the rights of the apprentice 
are secured1  equally with those of the 
master4 ,indeed while the law is just to
 the  former it is benevolent to the    
latter2 its main design being rather to 
benefit the apprentice than the master4 
,to the master it secures a mere        
compensation--to the apprentice1 both a 
compensation and a virtual  gratuity in 
addition1 he being of the two the       
greatest gainer4 ,the law  not only     
recognizes the right of the apprentice  

to a reward for his  labor1 but appoints
 the wages1 and enforces the payment4   
,the master's  claim covers only the    
services of the apprentice4 ,the        
apprentice's  claim covers equally the  
services of the master4 ,neither can    
hold the  other as property2 but each   
holds property in the services of the   
other1  and ,,both ,,equally4 ,is this  
slavery8    #h4 ,,filial ,,subordination
 ,,and ,,parental ,,claims4 ,both are   
nature's dictates1  and intrinsic       
elements of the social state2 the       
natural affections which  blend parent  
and child in one1 excite each to        
discharge those offices  incidental to  
the relation1 and are a shield for      
mutual protection4 ,the  parent's legal 
claim to the child's services1 is a     
slight return for the  care and toil of 
his rearing1 exclusively of outlays for 
support and  education4 ,this provision 
is1 with the mass of mankind1           
indispensable to  the preservation of   
the family state4 ,the child1 in helping

 his parents1  helps himself--increases 
a common stock1 in which he has a share2
 while  his most faithful services do   
but acknowledge a debt that money cannot
  cancel4    #i4 ,,claims ,,of          
,,government ,,on ,,subjects4           
,governments owe their subjects         
protection2 subjects owe just           
governments allegiance and support4 ,the
  obligations of both are reciprocal1   
and the benefits received by both  are  
mutual1 equal1 and voluntarily rendered4
    #aj4 ,,bondage ,,for ,,crime4 ,must 
innocence be punished because guilt     
suffers  penalties8 ,true1 the criminal 
works for the government without pay2   
and  well he may4 ,he owes the          
government4 ,a century's work would not 
pay its  drafts on him4 ,he will die a  
public defaulter4 ,because laws make men
 pay  their debts1 shall those be forced
 to pay who owe nothing8 ,the law makes 
no criminal1 ,,property4 ,it restrains  
his liberty1 and makes him pay          
something1 a mere penny in the pound1 of

 his debt to the government2 but  it    
does not make him a chattel4 ,test it4  
,to own property1 is to own its         
product4 ,are children born of convicts1
 government property8 ,besides1  can    
property be guilty8 ,can chattels       
deserve punishment8    #aa4 ,,restraints
 ,,upon ,,freedom4 ,children are        
restrained by parents1 pupils1  by      
teachers1 patients1 by physicians1      
corporations1 by charters1 and          
legislatures1 by constitutions4         
,embargoes1 tariffs1 quarantine1 and all
  other laws1 keep men from doing as    
they please4 ,restraints are the web  of
 civilized society1 warp and woof4 ,are 
they slavery8 then a government  of     
,,law1 is the climax of slavery6    #ab4
 ,,involuntary ,,or ,,compulsory        
,,service4 ,a juryman is empannelled    
against  his will1 and sit he must4 ,a  
sheriff orders his posse2 bystanders    
must turn in4 ,men are compelled to     
remove nuisances1 pay fines and  taxes1 
support their families1 and turn to the 

right as the law  directs1 however much 
against their wills4 ,are they therefore
 slaves8  ,to confound slavery with     
involuntary service is absurd4 ,slavery 
is a  condition4 ,the slave's feelings  
toward it cannot alter its nature4      
,whether he desires or detests it1 the  
condition remains the same4 ,the        
slave's willingness to be a slave is no 
palliation of the slaveholder's  guilt4 
,suppose he should really believe       
himself a chattel1 and consent  to be so
 regarded by others1 would that make him
 a chattel1 or make  those guiltless who
 hold him as such8 ,i may be sick of    
life1 and ,i  tell the assassin so that 
stabs me2 is he any the less a murderer8
 ,does  my consent to his crime1 atone  
for it8 my partnership in his guilt1    
blot out his part of it8 ,the slave's   
willingness to be a slave1 so far  from 
lessening the guilt of his owner1       
aggravates it4 ,if slavery has  so      
palsied his mind that he looks upon     
himself as a chattel1 and  consents to  

be one1 actually to hold him as such1   
falls in with his  delusion1 and        
confirms the impious falsehood4 ,these  
very feelings and  convictions of the   
slave1 7if such were possible7 increase 
a hundred  fold the guilt of the master1
 and call upon him in thunder1          
immediately  to recognize him as a      
,,man1 and thus break the sorcery that  
cheats him  out of his birthright--the  
consciousness of his worth and destiny4 
,many of the foregoing conditions are   
appendages of slavery1 but no  one1 nor 
all of them together1 constitute its    
intrinsic unchanging  element4          
,,enslaving ,,men ,,is ,,reducing ,,them
 ,,to ,,articles ,,of ,,property--making
 free  agents1 chattels--converting     
persons into things--sinking            
immortality into merchandize4 ,a slave  
is one held in this condition4  ,in law1
 he owns nothing1 and can acquire       
nothing4 ,his right to himself  is      
abrogated4 ,if he say my hands1 my body1
 my mind1 ,,myself1 they  are figures of

 speech4 ,to use himself for his own    
good1 is a crime4  ,to keep what he     
earns1 is stealing4 ,to take his body   
into his own  keeping1 is insurrection4 
,in a word1 the profit of his master is 
made  the ,,end of his being1 and he1 a 
mere means to that end--a mere means  to
 an end into which his interests do not 
enter1 of which they  constitute no     
portion,a4 ,,man1 sunk to a thing6 the  
intrinsic element1  the principle of    
slavery2 ,,men1 bartered1 leased1       
mortgaged1  bequeathed1 invoiced1       
shipped in cargoes1 stored as goods1    
taken on  executions1 and knocked off at
 a public outcry6 ,their rights1        
another's conveniences2 their interests1
 wares on sale2 their happiness1  a     
household utensil2 their personal       
inalienable ownership1 a serviceable    
article or a plaything1 as best suits   
the humour of the hour2 their  deathless
 nature1 conscience1 social affections1 
sympathies1  hopes--marketable          
commodities6 ,we repeat it1 ,,the       

,,reduction ,,of ,,persons ,,to         
,,things6 ,not robbing a man of         
privileges1 but of himself2 not loading 
him with burdens1 but making him a beast
 of burden2 not restraining  liberty1   
but subverting it2 not curtailing       
rights1 but abolishing them2  not       
inflicting personal cruelty1 but        
annihilating personality2 not  exacting 
involuntary labor1 but sinking man into 
an implement of  labor2 not abridging   
human comforts1 but abrogating human    
nature2 not  depriving an animal of     
immunities1 but despoiling a rational   
being of  attributes--uncreating a      
,,man1 to make room for a thing6        
,footnote ,a3 ,to deprive human nature  
of any of its rights is  oppression2 to 
take away the foundation of its rights  
is slavery4 ,in  other words1 whatever  
sinks man from an ,,end to a mere means1
 just so  far makes him a slave4 ,hence 
,west-,india apprenticeship retained the
  cardinal principle of slavery4 ,the   
apprentice1 during three-fourths of  his

 time1 was forced to labor1 and robbed  
of his earnings2 just so far  forth he  
was a mere means1 a slave4 ,true in     
other respects slavery was  abolished in
 the ,british ,west ,indies ,august1    
#ahcd4 ,its bloodiest  features were    
blotted out--but the meanest and most   
despicable of  all--forcing the poor to 
work for the rich without pay three     
fourths of  their time1 with a legal    
officer to flog them if they demurred at
 the  outrage1 was one of the provisions
 of the ,emancipation ,act6 ,for the    
glories of that luminary1 abolitionists 
thanked ,god1 while they mourned  that  
it rose behind clouds and shone through 
an eclipse4 ,west ,india  apprenticeship
 is now 7,august #ahch7 abolished4 ,on  
the first of the  present month1 every  
slave in every ,british island and      
colony stood up a  freeman6--,note to   
fourth edition4     ,that this is       
,american slavery1 is shown by the laws 
of slave states4  ,judge ,stroud1 in his
 ,sketch of the ,laws relating to       

,slavery1 says1  ,the cardinal principle
 of slavery1 that the slave is not to be
 ranked  among sentient beings1 but     
among things--obtains as undoubted law  
in  all of these the slave states4 ,the 
law of ,south ,carolina says1  ,slaves  
shall be deemed1 held1 taken1 reputed1  
and adjudged in law to be  chattels     
personal in the hands of their owners   
and possessors1 and their  executors1   
administrators1 and assigns1 to ,,all   
,,intents1 ,,constructions1  ,,and      
,,purposes ,,whatsoever4 ,brev4 ,dig41  
#bbi4 ,in ,louisiana1 ,a slave is  one  
who is in the power of a master to whom 
he belongs2 the master may  sell him1   
dispose of his person1 his industry1 and
 his labor2 he can do  nothing1 possess 
nothing1 nor acquire any thing1 but what
 must belong to  his master4--,civ4     
,code1 ,art4 #ce4    ,this is ,american 
slavery4 ,the eternal distinction       
between a person and a  thing1 trampled 
under foot--the crowning distinction of 
all  others--alike the source1 the test1

 and the measure of their value--the    
rational1 immortal principle1           
consecrated by ,god to universal homage 
in  a baptism of glory and honor1 by the
 gift of his ,son1 his ,spirit1 his     
word1 his presence1 providence1 and     
power2 his shield1 and staff1 and       
sheltering wing2 his opening heavens1   
and angels ministering1 and  chariots of
 fire1 and songs of morning stars1 and a
 great voice in  heaven proclaiming     
eternal sanctions1 and confirming the   
word with signs  following4    ,having  
stated the principle of ,american       
slavery1 we ask1 ,,does ,,the  ,,bible  
,,sanction ,,such ,a ,,principle8,a ,to 
the law and the testimony8    ,footnote 
,a3 ,the ,bible record of actions is no 
comment on their moral  character4 ,it  
vouches for them as facts1 not as       
virtues4 ,it records  without rebuke1   
,noah's drunkenness1 ,lot's incest1 and 
the lies of ,jacob  and his mother--not 
only single acts1 but usages1 such as   
polygamy and  concubinage1 are entered  

on the record without censure4 ,is that 
silent  entry ,god's endorsement8       
,because the ,bible in its catalogue of 
human  actions1 does not stamp on every 
crime its name and number1 and write    
against it1 this is a crime--does that  
wash out its guilt1 and bleach  it into 
a virtue8        ,,the ,,moral ,,law    
,,against ,,slavery4    ,just after the 
,israelites were emancipated from their 
bondage in ,egypt1  while they stood    
before ,sinai to receive the law1 as the
 trumpet waxed  louder1 and the mount   
quaked and blazed1 ,god spake the ten   
commandments  from the midst of clouds  
and thunderings4 ,two of those          
commandments deal  death to slavery4    
,,thou ,,shalt ,,not ,,steal1 or1 thou  
shalt not take from  another what       
belongs to him4 ,all man's powers are   
,god's gift to ,,him4  ,each of them is 
a part of himself1 and all of them      
together constitute  himself4 ,all else 
that belongs to man1 is acquired by the 
use of these  powers4 ,the interest     

belongs to him1 because the principal   
does2 the  product is his1 because he is
 the producer4 ,ownership of any thing1 
is  ownership of its use4 ,the right to 
use according to will1 is itself        
ownership4 ,the eighth commandment      
presupposes and assumes the right of    
every man to his powers1 and their      
product4 ,slavery robs of both4 ,a      
man's right to himself1 is the only     
right absolutely original and           
intrinsic--his right to anything else is
 merely relative to this1 is  derived   
from it1 and held only by virtue of it4 
,,self-,,right is the  foundation       
right--the post in the middle1 to which 
all other rights  are fastened4         
,slaveholders1 when talking about their 
,,right to their  slaves1 always assume 
their own right to themselves4 ,what    
slave-holder  ever undertook to prove   
his right to himself8 ,he knows it to be
 a  self-evident proposition1 that a man
 belongs to himself--that the  right is 
intrinsic and absolute4 ,in making out  

his own title1 he makes  out the title  
of every human being4 ,as the fact of   
being a man is  itself the title1 the   
whole human family have one common title
 deed4 ,if  one man's title is valid1   
all are valid4 ,if one is worthless1 all
 are4  ,to deny the validity of the     
slave's title is to deny the validity of
  his own2 and yet in the act of making 
a man a slave1 the slaveholder  asserts 
the validity of his own title1 while he 
seizes him as his  property who has the 
same title4 ,further1 in making him a   
slave1 he  does not merely disfranchise 
of humanity one individual1 but         
,,universal  ,,man4 ,he destroys the    
foundations4 ,he annihilates all rights4
 ,he  attacks not only the human race1  
but universal being1 and rushes upon    
,,jehovah4 ,for rights are rights2      
,god's are no more--man's are no less4  
,the eighth commandment forbids the     
taking of any part of that which        
belongs to another4 ,slavery takes the  
whole4 ,does the same ,bible which      

prohibits the taking of any thing from  
him1 sanction the taking of  every      
thing6 ,does it thunder wrath against   
the man who robs his  neighbor of a     
cent1 yet commission him to rob his     
neighbour of  himself8 ,slaveholding is 
the highest possible violation of the   
eight  commandment4 ,to take from a man 
his earnings1 is theft4 ,but to take the
  earner1 is a compound1 life-long      
theft--supreme robbery that vaults up   
the climax at a leap--the dread1        
terrific1 giant robbery1 that towers    
among other robberies a solitary horror4
 ,the eight commandment forbids  the    
taking away1 and the  tenth adds1 ,thou 
shalt not covet any thing  that is thy  
neighbor's2 thus guarding every man's   
right to himself and  property1 by      
making not only the actual taking away a
 sin1 but even that  state of mind which
 would tempt to it4 ,who ever made human
 beings  slaves1 without coveting them8 
,why take from them their time1 labor1  
liberty1 right of self-preservation and 

improvement1 their right to  acquire    
property1 to worship according to       
conscience1 to search the  ,scriptures1 
to live with their families1 and their  
right to their own  bodies1 if they do  
not desire them8 ,they ,,covet them for 
purposes of  gain1 convenience1 lust of 
dominion1 of sensual gratification1 of  
pride  and ostentation4 ,,they ,,break  
,,the ,,tenth ,,commandment1 and pluck  
down upon  their heads the plagues that 
are written in the book4 ,ten           
commandments  constitute the brief      
compend of human duty4 ,two of these    
brand slavery  as sin4                  
,,manstealing--,,examination ,,of ,,ex4 
,,xxi4 #af4    ,the giving of the law at
 ,sinai1 immediately preceded the       
promulgation of  that body of laws      
called the ,mosaic system4 ,over the    
gateway of that  system1 fearful words  
were written by the finger of ,god--,,he
 ,,that  ,,stealeth ,a ,,man ,,and      
,,selleth ,,him1 ,,or ,,if ,,he ,,be    
,,found ,,in ,,his ,,hand1 ,,he ,,shall 

,,surely ,,be ,,put ,,to ,,death,a4 ,ex4
 xxi4 #af4    ,footnote ,a3 ,a writer in
 the ,american ,quarterly ,review1      
commenting on  this passage1 thus       
blasphemes4 ,on this passage an         
impression has gone  abroad that        
slave-owners are necessarily            
menstealers2 how hastily1 any  one will 
perceive who consults the passage in its
 connection4 ,being  found in the       
chapter which authorizes this species of
 property among the  ,hebrews1 it must  
of course relate to its full protection 
from the  danger of being enticed away  
from its rightful owner4--,am4 ,quart4  
,review for ,june1 #ahcc4 ,article      
,negro slavery4    ,the oppression of   
the ,israelites in ,egypt1 and the      
wonders wrought for  their deliverance1 
proclaim the reason for such a law at   
such a time4  ,they had just been       
emancipated4 ,the tragedies of their    
house of bondage  were the realities of 
yesterday1 and peopled their memories   
with  thronging horrors4 ,they had just 

witnessed ,god's testimony against      
oppression in the plagues of ,egypt--the
 burning blains on man and beast2  the  
dust quickened into loathsome life1 and 
swarming upon every living  thing2 the  
streets1 the palaces1 the temples1 and  
every house heaped up  with the carcases
 of things abhorred2 the kneading       
troughs and ovens1  the secret chambers 
and the couches1 reeking and dissolving 
with the  putrid death2 the pestilence  
walking in darkness at noonday1 the     
devouring locusts1 and hail mingled with
 fire1 the first-born  death-struck1 and
 the waters blood2 and last of all1 that
 dread high  hand and stretched-out arm1
 that whelmed the monarch and his hosts1
 and  strewed their corpses on the sea4 
,all this their eyes had looked upon2   
earth's proudest city1 wasted and       
thunder-scarred1 lying in desolation1   
and the doom of oppressors traced on her
 ruins in the hand-writing of  ,god1    
glaring in letters of fire mingled with 
blood--a blackened monument  of wrath to

 the uttermost against the stealers of  
men4 ,no wonder that  ,god1 in a code of
 laws prepared for such a people at such
 a time1 should  uprear on its          
foreground a blazing beacon to flash    
terror on  slaveholders4 ,he that       
stealeth a man and selleth him1 or if he
 be  found in his hand1 he shall surely 
be put to death4 ,ex4 xxi4 #af4 ,deut4  
xxiv1 #g;,a4 ,god's cherubim and flaming
 sword guarding the entrance to  the    
,mosaic system6    ,footnote ,a3        
,jarchi1 the most eminent of the ,jewish
 ,commentators1 who  wrote seven hundred
 years ago1 in his comment on this      
stealing and  making merchandize of men1
 gives the meaning thus3--,using a man  
against  his will1 as a servant lawfully
 purchased2 yea1 though he should use   
his  services ever so little1 only to   
the value of a farthing1 or use but his 
arm to lean on to support him1 if he be 
forced so to act as a servant1  the     
person compelling him but once to do so1
 shall die as a thief1  whether he has  

sold him or not4    ,the word ,ganabh   
here rendered stealeth1 means1 the      
taking of what  belongs to another1     
whether by violence or fraud2 the same  
word is used  in the eight commandment1 
and prohibits both robbery and theft4   
,the crime specified1 is that of        
depriving ,,somebody of the ownership of
 a  man4 ,is this somebody a master8 and
 is the crime that of depriving a       
master of his servant8 ,then it would   
have been he that stealeth a  servant1  
not he that stealeth a man4 ,if the     
crime had been the  taking of an        
individual from another1 then the term  
used would have  been expressive of that
 relation1 and most especially if it was
 the  relation of property and          
proprietor6    ,the crime is stated in a
 three-fold form--man stealing1 selling1
 and  holding4 ,all are put on a level1 
and whelmed under one                   
penalty--,,death,a4 ,this somebody      
deprived of the ownership of a man1  is 
the man himself1 robbed of personal     

ownership4 ,joseph said1 ,indeed  ,i was
 stolen away out of the land of the     
,hebrews4 ,gen4 xl4 #ae4 ,how  stolen8  
,his brethren sold him as an article of 
merchandize4 ,contrast  this penalty for
 man-stealing with that for             
property-stealing1 ,ex4  xxii4 #ad4 ,if 
a man had stolen an ox and killed or    
sold it1 he was to  restore five oxen2  
if he had neither sold nor killed it1   
two oxen4 ,but  in the case of stealing 
a man1 the first act drew down the      
utmost  power of punishment2 however    
often repeated or aggravated the crime1 
human penalty could do no more4 ,the    
fact that the penalty for  man-stealing 
was death1 and the penalty for          
property-stealing1 the  mere restoration
 of double1 shows that the two cases    
were adjudicated on  totally different  
principles4 ,the man stolen might be    
diseased or  totally past labor1        
consequently instead of being profitable
 to the  thief1 he would be a tax upon  
him1 yet death was still the penalty1   

though not a cent's worth of            
property-value was taken4 ,the penalty  
for  stealing property was a mere       
property-penalty4 ,however large the    
theft1  the payment of double wiped out 
the score4 ,it might have a greater     
money  value than a thousand men1 yet   
death was not the penalty1 nor maiming1 
nor braiding1 nor even stripes1 but     
double of the same kind4 ,why was  not  
the rule uniform8 ,when a man was stolen
 why was not the thief  required to     
restore double of the same kind--two    
men1 or if he had sold  him1 five men8  
,do you say that the man-thief might not
 have them8 ,so  the ox-thief might not 
have two oxen1 or if he had killed it1  
five4 ,but  if ,god permitted men to    
hold men as property1 equally with oxen1
 the  man-thief1 could get men with whom
 to pay the penalty1 as well as the     
ox-thief1 oxen4 ,further1 when property 
was stolen1 the legal penalty was  a    
compensation to the person injured4 ,but
 when a man was stolen1 no  property    

compensation was offered4 ,to tender    
money as an equivalent1  would have been
 to repeat the outrage with intolerable 
aggravations4  ,compute the value of a  
,,man in money6 ,throw dust into the    
scale against  immortality6 ,the law    
recoiled from such supreme insult and   
impiety4 ,to  have permitted the        
man-thief to expiate his crime by       
restoring double1  would have been      
making the repetition of crime its      
atonement4 ,but the  infliction of death
 for man-stealing exacted the utmost    
possibility of  reparation4 ,it wrung   
from the guilty wretch as he gave up the
 ghost1 the  testimony of blood1 and    
death-groans1 to the infinite dignity   
and worth  of man1--a proclamation to   
the universe1 voiced in mortal agony1   
,,man ,,is  ,,inviolable4--a confession 
shrieked in phrenzy at the grave's      
mouth--,i  die accursed1 and ,god is    
just4    ,footnote ,a3 ,those are       
men-stealers who abduct1 keep1 sell1 or 
buy  slaves or freemen4 ,,grotius4      

,if ,god permitted man to hold man as   
property1 why did he punish for         
stealing that kind of property          
infinitely more than for stealing any   
other kind of property8 ,why punish with
 death for stealing a very little  of   
that sort of property1 and make a mere  
fine the penalty for  stealing a        
thousand times as much1 of any other    
sort of  property--especially if by his 
own act1 ,god had annihilated the       
difference between man and property1 by 
putting him on a level with  it8    ,the
 guilt of a crime1 depends much upon the
 nature1 character1 and  condition of   
the victim4 ,to steal is a crime1       
whoever the thief1 or  whatever the     
plunder4 ,to steal bread from a full    
man1 is theft2 to steal  it from a      
starving man1 is both theft and murder4 
,if ,i steal my  neighbor's property1   
the crime consists not in altering the  
nature of  the article1 but in taking as
 mine what is his4 ,but when ,i take my 
neighbor himself1 and first make him    

property1 and then my property1  the    
latter act1 which was the sole crime in 
the former case1 dwindles to  nothing4  
,the sin in stealing a man1 is not the  
transfer from its owner  to another of  
that which is already property1 but the 
turning of  personality into property4  
,true1 the attributes of man remain1 but
  the rights and immunities which grow  
out of them are annihilated4 ,it is  the
 first law both of reason and           
revelation1 to regard things and beings 
as they are2 and the sum of religion1 to
 feel and act toward them  according to 
their value4 ,knowingly to treat them   
otherwise is sin2 and  the degree of    
violence done to their nature1          
relations1 and value1  measures its     
guilt4 ,when things are sundered which  
,god has indissolubly  joined1 or       
confounded in one1 which he has         
separated by infinite  extremes2 when   
sacred and eternal distinctions1 which  
he has garnished  with glory1 are       
derided and set at nought1 then1 if     

ever1 sin reddens to  its scarlet dye4  
,the sin specified in the passage1 is   
that of doing  violence to the nature of
 a man--to his intrinsic value as a     
rational being4 ,in the verse preceding 
the one under consideration1 and  in    
that which follows1 the same principle  
is laid down4 ,verse #ae1 ,he  that     
smiteth his father or his mother shall  
surely be put to death4  ,verse4 #ag1   
,he that curseth his father or his      
mother1 shall surely be  put to death4  
,if a ,jew smote his neighbor1 the law  
merely smote him in  return2 but if the 
blow was given to a parent1 it struck   
the smiter  dead4 ,the parental relation
 is the centre of human society4 ,god   
guards  it with peculiar care4 ,to      
violate that1 is to violate all4        
,whoever  tramples on that1 shows that  
no relation has any sacredness in his   
eyes--that he is unfit to move among    
human relations who violates one so     
sacred and tender4 ,therefore1 the      
,mosaic law uplifted his bleeding       

corpse1 and brandished the ghastly      
terror around the parental relation  to 
guard it from impious inroads4    ,why  
such a difference in penalties1 for the 
same act8 ,answer4 #a4 ,the  relation   
violated was obvious--the distinction   
between parents and  others             
self-evident1 dictated by a law of      
nature4 #b4 ,the act was  violence to   
nature--a suicide on constitutional     
susceptibilities4 #c4 ,the  parental    
relation then1 as now1 was the focal    
point of the social  system1 and        
required powerful safe-guards4 ,honor   
thy father and thy  mother1 stands at   
the head of those commands which        
prescribe the  duties of man to man2 and
 throughout the ,bible1 the parental    
state is  ,god's favorite illustration  
of his own relations to the human       
family4 ,in  this case1 death was to be 
inflicted not for smiting a man1 but a  
parent--a distinction made sacred by    
,god1 and fortified by a bulwark  of    
defence4 ,in the next verse1 ,he that   

stealeth a man1 c41 the ,,same          
,,principle is wrought out in still     
stronger relief4 ,the crime to be       
punished with death was not the taking  
of property from its owner1 but         
violence to an immortal nature1 the     
blotting out of a sacred                
distinction--making ,,men chattels4     
,the incessant pains taken in the ,old  
,testament to separate human beings     
from brutes and things1 shows ,god's    
regard for this1 his own  distinction4  
,in the beginning he proclaimed it to   
the universe as it  rose into being4    
,creation stood up at the instant of its
 birth1 to do it  homage4 ,it paused in 
adoration while ,god ushered forth its  
crowning  work4 ,why that dread pause   
and that creating arm held back in mid  
career  and that high conference in the 
godhead8 ,let us make man in ,,our      
,,image  after ,,our ,,likeness1 and let
 him have dominion over the fish of the 
sea1  and over the fowl of the air1 and 
over the cattle and over all the  earth4

 ,then while every living thing1 with   
land1 and sea1 and  firmament1 and      
marshalled worlds1 waited to swell the  
shout of morning  stars--then ,god      
created man ,,in ,,his ,,own ,,image2   
,,in ,,the ,,image ,,of ,,god  created  
he him4 ,this solves the problem1 ,,in  
,,the ,,image ,,of ,,god1 ,,created     
,,he ,,him4 ,this distinction is often  
repeated and always with great          
solemnity4 ,in ,gen4 i4 #bf-bh1 it is   
expressed in various forms4 ,in ,gen4   
v4 #a1 we find it again1 ,,in ,,the     
,,likeness ,,of ,,god ,,made ,,he ,,him4
 ,in ,gen4  ix4 #f1 again4 ,after giving
 license to shed the blood of every     
moving  thing that liveth1 it is added1 
,whoso sheddeth man's blood1 by man     
shall his blood be shed1 for ,,in ,,the 
,,image ,,of ,,god ,,made ,,he ,,man4   
,as  though it had been said1 ,all these
 creatures are your property1  designed 
for your use--they have the likeness of 
earth1 and their  spirits go downward2  
but this other being1 ,,man1 has my own 

likeness3 ,,in  ,,the ,,image ,,of ,,god
 made ,i man2 an intelligent1 moral1    
immortal agent1  invited to all that ,i 
can give and he can be4 ,so in ,lev4    
xxiv4 #ag1 #ah1  #ba1 ,he that killeth  
any ,,man shall surely be put to death2 
and he that  killeth a beast shall make 
it good1 beast for beast2 and he that   
killeth  a ,,man he shall be put to     
death4 ,so in ,ps4 viii4 #e1 #f1 we have
 an  enumeration of particulars1 each   
separating infinitely ,,men from brutes 
and things6 #a4 ,thou hast made him a   
little lower than the angels4  ,slavery 
drags him down among brutes4 #b4 ,and   
hast crowned him with  glory and honor4 
,slavery tears off his crown1 and puts  
on a yoke4 #c4  ,thou madest him to have
 dominion,a ,,over the works of thy     
hands4  ,slavery breaks his sceptre1 and
 cast him down among those works--yea1  
beneath them4 #d4 ,thou hast put all    
things under his feet4 ,slavery  puts   
,,him under the feet of an owner4 ,who1 
but an impious scorner1 dare  thus      

strive with his ,maker1 and mutilate    
,,his ,,image1 and blaspheme the  ,holy 
,one1 who saith1 ,inasmuch as ye did it 
unto one of the least of  these1 ye did 
it unto ,,me4    ,footnote ,a3 ,thou    
madest him to have dominion4 ,in ,gen4  
i4 #bh1 ,god says  to man1 ,have        
dominion over the fish of the sea1 and  
over the fowl of  the air and over every
 living thing that moveth upon the      
earth1 thus  vesting in every human     
being the right of ownership over the   
earth1  its products and animal life1   
and in each human being the same  right4
 ,by so doing ,god prohibited the       
exercise of ownership by man over  man2 
for the grant to all men of equal       
ownership1 for ever shut  out the       
possibility of their exercising         
ownership over each other1 as  whoever  
is the owner of a man1 is the owner of  
his right of  property--in other words1 
when one man becomes the property of    
another  his rights become such too1 his
 right of property is transferred to    

his owner1 and thus as far as himself is
 concerned1 is annihilated4  ,finally1  
by originally vesting all men with      
dominion or ownership over  property1   
,god proclaimed the right of all to     
exercise it1 and  pronounced every man  
who takes it away a robber of the       
highest grade4  ,such is every          
slaveholder4    ,in further prosecuting 
this inquiry1 the ,patriarchal and      
,mosaic systems  will be considered     
together1 as each reflects light upon   
the other1 and  as many regulations of  
the latter are mere legal forms of      
,divine  institutions previously        
existing4 ,as a system1 the latter alone
 is of  ,divine authority4 ,whatever    
were the usages of the patriarchs ,god  
has not  made them our exemplars4,b ,the
 question to be settled by us1 is not   
what were ,jewish customs1 but what were
 the rules that ,god gave for  the      
regulation of those customs4            
,footnote ,b3 ,those who insist that the
 patriarchs held slaves1 and sit  with  

such delight under their shadow1 hymning
 the praises of those good  old         
slaveholders and patriarchs1 might at   
small cost greatly augment  their       
numbers4 ,a single stanza celebrating   
patriarchal concubinage1  winding off   
with a chorus in honor of patriarchal   
drunkenness1 would  be a trumpet-call1  
summoning from brothels1 bush and brake1
 highway and  hedge1 and sheltering     
fence1 a brotherhood of kindred         
affinities1 each  claiming ,abraham or  
,noah as his patron saint1 and shouting1
 ,my name is  legion4 ,a myriad choir   
and thunderous song6    ,before entering
 upon an analysis of the condition of   
servants under  these two states of     
society1 we will consider the import of 
certain  terms which describe the mode  
of procuring them4        ,,import ,,of 
,,buy1 ,,and ,,bought ,,with ,,money4   
,as the ,israelites were commanded to   
buy their servants1 and as ,abraham  had
 servants bought with money1 it is      
argued that servants were  articles of  

property6 ,the sole ground for this     
belief is the terms  themselves6 ,how   
much might be saved1 if in discussion1  
the thing to be  proved were always     
assumed6 ,to beg the question in debate1
 is vast  economy of midnight oil1 and a
 wholesale forestaller of wrinkles and  
gray hairs4 ,instead of protracted      
investigation into ,scripture usage1    
painfully collating passages1 to settle 
the meaning of terms1 let every  man    
interpret the oldest book in the world  
by the usages of his own time  and      
place1 and the work is done4 ,and then  
instead of one revelation1  they might  
be multiplied as the drops of the       
morning1 and every man have  an         
infallible clue to the mind of the      
,spirit1 in the dialect of his own      
neighborhood6 ,what a ,babel-jargon1 to 
take it for granted that the sense  in  
which words are now used1 is the        
inspired sense4 ,david says1 ,i         
prevented the dawning of the morning1   
and cried4 ,what1 stop the earth  in its

 revolution6 ,two hundred years ago1    
prevent was used in its  strict ,latin  
sense1 to come before1 or anticipate4   
,it is always used  in this sense in the
 ,old and ,new ,testaments4 ,david's    
expression1 in the  ,english of the     
nineteenth century1 would be ,before the
 dawning of the  morning ,i cried4 ,in  
almost every chapter of the ,bible1     
words are used  in a sense now nearly1  
or quite obsolete1 and sometimes in a   
sense  totally opposite to their present
 meaning4 ,a few examples follow3 ,i    
purposed to come to you1 but was let    
7hindered7 hitherto4 ,and the  four     
beasts 7living ones7 fell down and      
worshiped ,god1--,whosoever  shall      
offend 7cause to sin7 one of these      
little ones1--,go out into  the highways
 and compel 7urge7 them to come         
in1--,only let your  conversation       
7habitual conduct7 be as becometh the   
,gospel1--,the ,lord  ,jesus ,christ who
 shall judge the quick 7living7 and the 
dead1--,they  that seek me early        

7earnestly7 shall find me1 ,so when     
tribulation or  persecution ariseth     
by-and-by 7immediately7 they are        
offended4  ,nothing is more mutable than
 language4 ,words1 like bodies1 are     
always  throwing off some particles and 
absorbing others4 ,so long as they are  
mere representatives1 elected by the    
whims of universal suffrage1 their      
meaning will be a perfect volatile1 and 
to cork it up for the next  century is  
an employment sufficiently silly 7to    
speak within bounds7 for  a modern      
,bible-,dictionary maker4 ,there never  
was a shallower conceit  than that of   
establishing the sense attached to a    
word centuries ago1 by  showing what it 
means now4 ,pity that fashionable       
mantuamakers were not  a little quicker 
at taking hints from some ,doctors of   
,divinity4 ,how  easily they might save 
their pious customers all qualms of     
conscience  about the weekly shiftings  
of fashion1 by proving that the last    
importation of ,parisian indecency now  

showing off on promenade1 was  the very 
style of dress in which the modest and  
pious ,sarah kneaded  cakes for the     
angels4 ,since such a fashion flaunts   
along ,broadway now1  it must have      
trailed over ,canaan four thousand years
 ago6    ,the inference that the word   
buy1 used to describe the procuring of  
servants1 means procuring them as       
chattels1 seems based upon the  fallacy1
 that whatever costs money is money2    
that whatever or  whoever you pay money 
for1 is an article of property1 and the 
fact of  your paying for it1 proves it  
property4 #a4 ,the children of ,israel  
were  required to purchase their        
firstborn from under the obligations of 
the  priesthood1 ,num4 xviii4 #ae1 #af2 
iii4 #de-ea2 ,ex4 xiii4 #ac2 xxxiv4 #bj4
  ,this custom still exists among the   
,jews1 and the word buy is still  used  
to describe the transaction4 ,does this 
prove that their firstborn  were or are1
 held as property8 ,they were bought as 
really as were  servants4 #b4 ,the      

,israelites were required to pay money  
for their own  souls4 ,this is called   
sometimes a ransom1 sometimes an        
atonement4 ,were  their souls therefore 
marketable commodities8 #c4 ,when the   
,israelites set  apart themselves or    
their children to the ,lord by vow1 for 
the  performance of some service1 an    
express statute provided that a price   
should be set upon the persons1 and it  
prescribed the manner and  terms of the 
estimation or valuation1 by the payment 
of which1 the  persons might be bought  
off from the service vowed4 ,the price  
for  males from one month old to five   
years1 was five shekels1 for females1   
three2 from five years old to twenty1   
for males1 twenty shekels1 for  females1
 ten2 from twenty years old to sixty1   
for males1 fifty shekels1  for females1 
thirty2 above sixty years old1 for      
males1 fifteen shekels1  for females1   
ten1 ,lev4 xxvii4 #b-h4 ,what egregious 
folly to contend that  all these        
descriptions of persons were goods and  

chattels because they  were bought and  
their prices regulated by law6 #d4      
,bible saints  bought their wives4 ,boaz
 bought ,ruth4 ,moreover ,ruth the      
,moabitess1  the wife of ,mahlon1 have  
,i purchased 7bought7 to be my wife4    
,ruth iv4  #aj4;,a ,hosea bought his    
wife4 ,so ,i bought her to me for       
fifteen  pieces of silver1 and for an   
homer of ,barley1 and an half homer of  
barley4 ,hosea iii4 #b4 ,jacob bought   
his wives ,rachael and ,leah1 and not   
having money1 paid for them in          
labor--seven years a piece4 ,gen4 xxix4 
#ae-bc4 ,moses probably bought his wife 
in the same way1 and paid for her  by   
his labor1 as the servant of her        
father4,b ,exod4 ii4 #ba4 ,shechem1     
when negotiating with ,jacob and his    
sons for ,dinah1 says1 ,ask me never  so
 much dowry and gift1 and ,i will give  
according as ye shall say unto  me4     
,gen4 xxxiv4 #aa1 #ab4 ,david purchased 
,michael1 and ,othniel1 ,achsah1  by    
performing perilous services for the    

fathers of the damsels4 #a ,sam4  xviii4
 #be-bg2 ,judg4 i4 #ab1 #ac4 ,that the  
purchase of wives1 either with  money or
 by service1 was the general practice1  
is plain from such  passages as ,ex4    
xxii4 #ag1 and #a ,sam4 xviii4 #be4     
,among the modern ,jews  this usage     
exists1 though now a mere form1 there   
being no real  purchase4 ,yet among     
their marriage ceremonies1 is one called
 marrying  by the penny4 ,the similarity
 in the methods of procuring wives and  
servants1 in the terms employed in      
describing the transactions1 and in  the
 prices paid for each1 are worthy of    
notice4 ,the highest price of  wives    
7virgins7 and servants was the same4    
,comp4 ,deut1 xxii4 #bh1 #bi1 and  ,ex4 
xxii4 #ag1 with ,lev4 xxvii4 #b-h4 ,the 
medium price of wives and  servants was 
the same4 ,comp4 ,hos4 iii4 #b1 with    
,ex4 xxi4 #cb4 ,hosea seems  to have    
paid one half in money and the other    
half in grain4 ,further1 the            
,israelitish female bought-servants were

 wives1 their husbands and  masters     
being the same persons4 ,ex4 xxi4 #h1   
,judg4 xix4 #c1 #bg4 ,if  buying        
servants proves them property1 buying   
wives proves them  property4 ,why not   
contend that the wives of the ancient   
fathers of the  faithful were their     
chattels1 and used as ready change at a 
pinch2 and  thence deduce the rights of 
modern husbands8 ,alas6 ,patriarchs and 
prophets are followed afar off6 ,when   
will pious husbands live up to  their   
,bible privileges1 and become partakers 
with ,old ,testament worthies  in the   
blessedness of a husband's rightful     
immunities6 ,refusing so to  do1 is     
questioning the morality of those good  
old slaveholders and  patriarchs1       
,abraham1 ,isaac1 and ,jacob4           
,footnote ,a3 ,in the verse preceding1  
,boaz says1 ,i have bought all  that was
 ,elimelech's 99 99 99 of the hand of   
,naomi4 ,in the original1 the  same word
 7kana7 is used in both verses4 ,in the 
#ith1 a parcel of  land is bought1 in   

the #ajth a wife is bought4 ,if the     
,israelites  had been as profound at    
inferences as our modern ,commentators1 
they  would have put such a fact as this
 to the rack till they had tortured  out
 of it a divine warrant for holding     
their wives as property and  speculating
 in the article whenever it happened to 
be scarce4      ,footnote ,b3 ,this     
custom still prevails in some eastern   
countries4 ,the  ,crim ,tartars1 who are
 poor1 serve an apprenticeship for their
 wives1  during which they live under   
the same roof with them and at the close
 of  it are adopted into the family4    
,this use of the word buy1 is not       
peculiar to the ,hebrew4 ,in the        
,syriac1  the common expression for the 
espoused1 is the bought4 ,even so late  
as the #afth century1 the common record 
of marriages in the old ,german         
,chronicles was1 ,a ,,bought ,b4    ,the
 word translated buy1 is1 like other    
words1 modified by the nature  of the   
subject to which it is applied4 ,eve    

said1 ,i have gotten  7bought7 a man    
from the ,lord4 ,she named him ,cain1   
that is bought4 ,he  that heareth       
reproof1 getteth 7buyeth7 understanding1
 ,prov4 xv4 #cb4 ,so  in ,isa4 xi4 #aa4 
,the ,lord shall set his hand again to  
recover 7to buy7  the remnant of his    
people4 ,so ,ps4 lxxviii4 #ed4 ,he      
brought them to his  mountain which his 
right hand had purchased1 7gotten47     
,neh4 v4 #h4 ,we  of our ability have   
redeemed 7bought7 our brethren the      
,jews1 that were  sold unto the heathen4
 ,here bought is not applied to persons 
reduced to servitude1 but to those taken
 out of it4 ,prov4 viii4 #bb4  ,the     
,lord possessed 7bought7 me in the      
beginning of his way4 ,prov4 xix4  #h4  
,he that getteth 7buyeth7 wisdom loveth 
his own soul4 ,finally1 to  buy is a    
secondary meaning of the ,hebrew word   
kana4    ,even at this day the word buy 
is used to describe the procuring of    
servants1 where slavery is abolished4   
,in the ,british ,west ,indies1 where   

slaves became apprentices in #ahcd1 they
 are still1 7#ahcg17 bought4  ,this is  
the current word in ,west ,india        
newspapers4 ,ten years since  servants  
were bought in ,new ,york1 and still are
 in ,new ,jersey1 as  really as in      
,virginia1 yet the different senses in  
which the word is  used in those states1
 puts no man in a quandary4 ,under the  
system of  legal indenture in ,illinois1
 servants now are bought4,a ,until      
recently immigrants to this country were
 bought in great numbers4 ,by  voluntary
 contract they engaged to work a given  
time to pay for their  passage4 ,this   
class of persons1 called redemptioners1 
consisted at one  time of thousands4    
,multitudes are bought out of slavery by
  themselves or others4 ,under the same 
roof with the writer is a servant       
bought with money4 ,a few weeks since1  
she was a slave2 when bought1  she was a
 slave no longer4 ,alas6 for our leading
 politicians if buying  men makes them  
chattels4 ,the ,whigs say1 that ,calhoun

 has been bought  by the administration2
 and the other party1 that ,clay and    
,webster have  been bought by the ,bank4
 ,the histories of the revolution tell  
us that  ,benedict ,arnold was bought by
 ,british gold1 and that ,williams1     
,paulding1 and ,van ,wert1 could not be 
bought by ,major ,andre4 ,when a        
northern clergyman marries a rich       
southern widow1 country gossip thus     
hits off the indecency1 ,the cotton bags
 bought him4 ,sir ,robert  ,walpole     
said1 ,every man has his price1 and     
whoever will pay it1 can  buy him1 and  
,john ,randolph said1 ,the northern     
delegation is in the  market2 give me   
money enough1 and ,i can buy them4 ,the 
temperance  publications tell us that   
candidates for office buy men with      
whiskey2  and the oracles of street     
tattle1 that the court1 district        
attorney1 and  jury1 in the late trial  
of ,robinson were bought1 yet we have no
  floating visions of chattels personal1
 man-auctions1 or coffles4    ,footnote 

,a3 ,the following statute is now in    
force in the free state of              
,illinois--,no negro1 mulatto1 or       
,indian1 shall at any time purchase  any
 servant other than of their own        
complexion3 and if any of the  persons  
aforesaid shall presume to purchase a   
white servant1 such  servant shall      
immediately become free1 and shall be so
 held1 deemed and  taken4    ,in        
,connecticut1 town paupers are bought by
 individuals1 who1 for a  stipulated sum
 become responsible to the town for     
their comfortable  support for one year4
 ,if these bought persons perform any   
labor for  those who buy them1 it is    
wholly voluntary4 ,it is hardly         
necessary  to add that they are in no   
sense the property of their             
purchasers4,a    ,footnote ,a3 ,the     
select-men of each town annually give   
notice1 that at  such a time and place1 
they will proceed to sell the poor of   
said  town4 ,the persons thus sold are  
bought by such persons1 approved by  the

 select-men1 as engage to furnish them  
with sufficient wholesome  food1        
adequate clothing1 shelter1 medicine1   
c41 for such a sum as the  parties may  
agree upon4 ,the ,connecticut papers    
frequently contain  advertisements like 
the following3 ,,notice--,the poor of   
the town of  ,chatham will be ,,sold on 
the first ,monday in ,april1 #ahcg1 at  
the house of  ,f4 ,penfield1 ,esq41 at  
#i o'clock in the forenoon1--,middletown
 ,sentinel1  ,feb4 #c1 #ahcg4     ,the  
transaction between ,joseph and the     
,egyptians gives a clue to the use  of  
buy and bought with money4 ,gen4 xlvii4 
#ah-bf4 ,the ,egyptians  proposed to    
,joseph to become servants4 ,when the   
bargain was closed1  ,joseph said1      
,behold ,i have bought you this day1 and
 yet it is plain  that neither party    
regarded the persons bought as articles 
of  property1 but merely as bound to    
labor on certain conditions1 to pay for 
their support during the famine4 ,the   
idea attached by both parties to  buy   

us1 and behold ,i have bought you1 was  
merely that of service  voluntarily     
offered1 and secured by contract1 in    
return1 for value  received1 and not at 
all that the ,egyptians were bereft of  
their  personal ownership1 and made     
articles of property4 ,and this buying  
of  services 7in this case it was but   
one-fifth part7 is called in  ,scripture
 usage1 buying the persons4 ,this case  
claims special notice1  as it is the    
only one where the whole transaction of 
buying servants is  detailed--the       
preliminaries1 the process1 the mutual  
acquiescence1 and  the permanent        
relation resulting therefrom4 ,in all   
other instances1 the  mere fact is      
stated without particulars4 ,in this    
case1 the whole process  is laid open4  
#a4 ,the persons bought1 sold           
themselves1 and of their  own accord4   
#b4 ,paying for the permanent service of
 persons1 or even a  portion of it1 is  
called buying those persons2 just as    
paying for the  use of land or houses   

for a number of years in succession is  
called in  ,scripture usage buying them4
 ,see ,lev4 xxv4 #bh1 #cc1 and xxvii4   
#bd4 ,the  objector1 at the outset1     
takes it for granted1 that servants were
 bought  of third persons2 and thence   
infers that they were articles of       
property4 ,both the alleged fact and the
 inference are sheer  assumptions4 ,no  
instance is recorded1 under the ,mosaic 
system1 in which  a master sold his     
servant4    ,that servants who were     
bought1 sold themselves1 is a fair      
inference  from various passages of     
,scripture4,a ,in ,leviticus xxv4 #dg1  
the case of  the ,israelite1 who became 
the servant of the stranger1 the words  
are1  ,if he ,,sell ,,himself unto the  
stranger4 ,yet the #east verse informs  
us  that this servant was ,,bought and  
that the price of his purchase was  paid
 to himself4 ,the same word1 and the    
same form of the word1  which1 in verse 
#dg1 is rendered sell himself1 is in    
verse #ci of the  same chapter1 rendered

 be sold2 in ,deut4 xxviii4 #fh1 the    
same word is  rendered be sold4 ,and    
there ye shall ,,be ,,sold unto your    
enemies for  bond-men and bond-women and
 ,,no ,,man ,,shall ,,buy ,,you4 ,how   
could they be  sold without being       
bought8 ,our translation makes it       
nonsense4 ,the  word ,makar rendered be 
sold is used here in ,hithpael          
conjugation1  which is generally        
reflexive in its force1 and like the    
middle voice in  ,greek1 represents what
 an individual does for himself1 and    
should  manifestly have been rendered ye
 shall offer yourselves for sale1 and   
there shall be no purchaser4 ,for a clue
 to ,scripture usage on this  point1 see
 #a ,kings xxi4 #bj4 #be4--,thou hast   
sold thyself to work  evil4 ,there was  
none like unto ,ahab which did sell     
himself to work  wickedness4--#b ,kings 
xvii4 #ag4 ,they used divination and    
enchantments1  and sold themselves to do
 evil4--,isa4 l4 #a4 ,for your          
iniquities have  ye sold yourselves4    

,isa4 lii4 #c1 ,ye have sold yourselves 
,,for  ,,nought1 and ye shall be        
redeemed without money4 ,see also1 ,jer4
 xxxiv4  #ad2 ,rom4 vii4 #ad1 vi4 #af2  
,john1 viii4 #cd1 and the case of       
,joseph and the  ,egyptians1 already    
quoted4 ,in the purchase of wives1      
though spoken of  rarely1 it is         
generally stated that they were bought  
of third persons4  ,if servants were    
bought of third persons1 it is strange  
that no  instance of it is on record4   
,footnote ,a3 ,those who insist that the
 servants which the ,israelites  were   
commanded to buy of the heathen which   
were round about them1 were  to be      
bought of third persons1 virtually      
charge ,god with the  inconsistency of  
recognizing and affirming the right of  
those very  persons to freedom1 upon    
whom1 say they1 he pronounced the doom  
of  slavery4 ,for they tell us1 that the
 sentence of death uttered against      
those heathen was commuted into slavery1
 which punishment ,god denounced        

against them4 ,now if the heathen round 
about were doomed to slavery1  the      
sellers were doomed as well as the sold4
 ,where1 we ask1 did the  sellers get   
their right to sell8 ,god by commanding 
the ,israelites to  ,,buy1 affirmed the 
right of somebody to sell1 and that the 
ownership of what was sold existed      
somewhere2 which right and  ownership he
 commanded them to recognize and        
respect4 ,we repeat the  question1 where
 did the heathen sellers get their right
 to sell1 since  they were dispossessed 
of their right to themselves and doomed 
to  slavery equally with those whom they
 sold4 ,did ,god's decree vest in them  
a right to others while it annulled     
their right to themselves8 ,if1  as the 
objector's argument assumes1 one part of
 the heathen round  about were already  
held as slaves by the other part1 such  
of course  were not doomed to slavery1  
for they were already slaves4 ,so also1 
if  those heathen who held them as      
slaves had a right to hold them1 which  

right ,god commanded the ,israelites to 
buy out1 thus requiring them to         
recognize it as a right1 and on no      
account to procure its transfer  to     
themselves without paying to the holders
 an equivalent1 surely1 these           
slaveholders were not doomed by ,god to 
be slaves1 for according to the         
objector1 ,god had himself affirmed     
their right to hold others as  slaves1  
and commanded his people to respect it4 
,we now proceed to inquire into the     
condition of servants under the         
patriarchal and ,mosaic systems4        
,i4 ,,the ,,rights ,,and ,,privileges   
,,of ,,servants4    ,the leading design 
of the laws defining the relations of   
master and  servant1 was the good of    
both parties--more especially the good  
of the  servants4 ,while the master's   
interests were guarded from injury1     
those  of the servants were promoted4   
,these laws made a merciful provision   
for the poorer classes1 both of the     
,israelites and ,strangers1 not laying  

on burdens1 but lightening them--they   
were a grant of privileges and  favors4 
,i4 ,,buying ,,servants ,,was ,,regarded
 ,,as ,a ,,kindness ,,to ,,the ,,persons
 ,,bought1 and  as establishing between 
them and their purchasers a bond of     
affection  and confidence4 ,this is     
plain from the frequent use of it to    
illustrate  the love and care of ,god   
for his chosen people4 ,deut4 xxxii4 #f2
 ,ex4 xv4  #af2 ,ps4 lxxiv4 #b2 ,prov4  
viii4 #bb4    ,,ii4 ,,no ,,stranger     
,,could ,,join ,,the ,,family ,,of ,,an 
,,israelite ,,without ,,becoming ,a     
,,proselyte4 ,compliance with this      
condition was the price of the          
privilege4 ,gen4 xvii4 #i-ad1 #bc1 #bg4 
,in other words1 to become a servant    
was virtually to become an ,israelite4,a
 ,in the light of this fact1 look  at   
the relation sustained by a proselyted  
servant to his master4 ,was it  a       
sentence consigning to punishment1 or a 
ticket of admission to  privileges8     
,footnote ,a3 ,the rites by which a     

stranger became a proselyte  transformed
 him into a ,jew4 ,compare #a ,chron4   
ii4 #ag1 with #b ,sam4 xvii4  #be4 ,in  
,esther viii4 #ag1 it is said ,many of  
the people of the land  became ,jews4   
,in the ,septuagint1 the passage is thus
 rendered1 ,many  of the heathen were   
circumcised and became ,jews4 ,the      
intimate union and  incorporation of the
 proselytes with the ,hebrews is shown  
by such  passages as ,isa4 lvi4 #f1 #g1 
#h2 ,eph4 ii4 #aa1 #bb2 ,num4 x4 #bi-cb4
 ,calmet1  ,art4 ,proselyte1 says ,they 
were admitted to all the prerogatives of
 the  people of the ,lord4 ,mahommed    
doubtless borrowed from the laws and    
usages of the ,jews1 his well known     
regulation for admitting to all civil   
and religious privileges1 all proselytes
 of whatever nation or  religion4       
,,iii4 ,,expulsion ,,from ,,the ,,family
 ,,was ,,the ,,deprivation ,,of ,a      
,,privilege ,,if ,,not  ,a ,,punishment4
 ,when ,sarah took umbrage at the       
conduct of ,hagar and  ,ishmael1 her    

servants1 ,she said unto ,abraham cast  
out this bond-woman  and her son4 99 99 
,and ,abraham rose up early in the      
morning and took  bread and a bottle of 
water and gave it unto ,hagar and the   
child1 and  sent her away4 ,gen4 xxi4   
#aj1 #ad2 in ,luke xvi4 #a-h1 our ,lord 
tells us  of the steward or head-servant
 of a rich man who defrauded his master1
  and was1 in consequence1 excluded from
 his household4 ,the servant            
anticipating such a punishment1 says1 ,i
 am resolved what to do1 that  when ,i  
am put out of the stewardship1 they may 
receive me into their  houses4 ,the case
 of ,gehazi1 the servant of ,elisha1    
appears to be a  similar one4 ,he was   
guilty of fraud in procuring a large sum
 of money  from ,naaman1 and of         
deliberate lying to his master1 on      
account of which  ,elisha seems to have 
discarded him4 #b ,kings v4 #bj-bg4 ,in 
this connection  we may add that if a   
servant neglected the observance of any 
ceremonial  rite1 and was on that       

account excommunicated from the         
congregation of  ,israel1 such          
excommunication excluded him also from  
the family of an  ,israelite4 ,in other 
words he could be a servant no longer   
than he was  an ,israelite4 ,to forfeit 
the latter distinction involved the     
forfeiture of the former                
privilege--which proves that it was a   
privilege4    ,,iv4 ,,the ,,hebrew      
,,servant ,,could ,,compel ,,his        
,,master ,,to ,,keep ,,him4    ,when the
 six years' contract had expired1 if the
 servant demanded it1  the law obliged  
the master to retain him permanently1   
however little  he might need his       
services4 ,deut4 xv4 #ab-ag2 ,ex4 xxi4  
#b-f4 ,this shows  that the system was  
framed to advance the interest and      
gratify the  wishes of the servant quite
 as much as those of the master4    ,v4 
,,servants ,,were ,,admitted ,,into     
,,covenant ,,with ,,god4 ,deut4 xxix4   
#aj-ac4    ,,vi4 ,,they ,,were ,,guests 
,,at ,,all ,,national ,,and ,,family    

,,festivals ,ex4 xii4  #dc-dd2 ,deut    
xii4 #ab1 #ah1 xvi4 #aj-af4    ,,vii4   
,,they ,,were ,,statedly ,,instructed   
,,in ,,morality ,,and ,,religion4 ,deut4
 xxxi4  #aj-ac2 ,josh4 viii4 #cc-ce2 #b 
,chron4 xvii4 #h-i1 xxxv4 #c1 and xxxiv4
 #cj4  ,neh4 viii4 #g1 #h4    ,,viii4   
,,they ,,were ,,released ,,from ,,their 
,,regular ,,labor ,,nearly ,,one ,,half 
,,of ,,the  ,,whole ,,time4 ,during     
which they had their entire support1 and
 the same  instruction that was provided
 for the other members of the ,hebrew   
community4 ,the ,law secured to them1   
#a4 ,every seventh year2 ,lev4 xxv4     
#c-f2 thus giving to those who were     
servants during the entire period       
between the jubilees1 eight whole       
years1 7including the jubilee year17 of 
unbroken rest4    #b4 ,every seventh    
day4 ,this in forty-two years1 the eight
 being  subtracted from the fifty1 would
 amount to just six years4    #c4 ,the  
three annual festivals4 ,ex4 xxiii4 #ag1
 xxxiv4 #bc4 ,the  ,passover1 which     

commenced on the #aeth of the #ast      
month1 and lasted  seven days1 ,deut4   
xvi4 #c1 #h4 ,the ,pentecost1 or ,feast 
of ,weeks1 which  began on the #fth day 
of the #c;d month1 and lasted seven     
days4 ,deut4 xvi4  #aj1 #aa4 ,the ,feast
 of ,tabernacles1 which commenced on the
 #aeth of the #gth  month1 and lasted   
eight days4 ,deut4 xvi4 #ac1 #ae2 ,lev4 
xxiii4 #cd-ci4 ,as  all met in one      
place1 much time would be spent on the  
journey4 ,cumbered  caravans move       
slowly4 ,after their arrival1 a day or  
two would be  requisite for divers      
preparations before the celebration1    
besides some  time at the close of it1  
in preparations for return4 ,if we      
assign three  weeks to each             
festival--including the time spent on   
the journeys1 and  the delays before and
 after the celebration1 together with   
the festival  week1 it will be a small  
allowance for the cessation of their    
regular  labor4 ,as there were three    
festivals in the year1 the main body of 

the  servants would be absent from their
 stated employments at least nine  weeks
 annually1 which would amount in        
forty-two years1 subtracting the        
sabbaths1 to six years and eighty-four  
days4    #d4 ,the new moons4 ,the       
,jewish year had twelve2 ,josephus says 
that the  ,jews always kept two days for
 the new moon4 ,see ,calmet on the      
,jewish  ,calendar1 and ,horne's        
,introduction2 also #a ,sam4 xx1 #ah1   
#ai1 #bg4 ,this1 in  forty-two years1   
would be two years #bhj days4    #e4    
,the feast of trumpets4 ,on the first   
day of the seventh month1 and  of the   
civil year4 ,lev4 xxiii4 #bd1 #be4      
#f4 ,the atonement day4 ,on the tenth of
 the seventh month ,lev4 xxiii4  #bg4   
,these two feasts would consume not less
 than sixty-five days not  reckoned     
above4    ,thus it appears that those   
who continued servants during the period
  between the jubilees1 were by law     
released from their labor1              
,,twenty-,,three ,,years ,,and          

,,sixty-,,four ,,days1 ,,out ,,of       
,,fifty ,,years1 and those  who remained
 a less time1 in nearly the same        
proportion4 ,in this  calculation1      
besides making a donation of all the    
fractions to the  objector1 we have left
 out those numerous local festivals to  
which  frequent allusion is made1 ,judg4
 xxi4 #ai2 #a ,sam4 ix4 #ab4 #bb4 etc41 
and  the various family festivals1 such 
as at the weaning of children2 at       
marriages2 at sheep shearings2 at       
circumcisions2 at the making of         
covenants1 c41 to which reference is    
often made1 as in #a ,sam1 xx4 #f4  #bh1
 #bi4 ,neither have we included the     
festivals instituted at a later  period 
of the ,jewish history--the feast of    
,purim1 ,esth4 ix4 #bh1 #bi2 and  of the
 ,dedication1 which lasted eight days4  
,john x4 #bb2 #a ,mac4 iv4 #ei4         
,finally1 the ,mosaic system secured to 
servants1 an amount of time which1  if  
distributed1 would be almost ,,one      
,,half ,,of ,,the ,,days ,,in ,,each    

,,year4  ,meanwhile1 they were          
supported1 and furnished with           
opportunities of  instruction4 ,if this 
time were distributed over every day1   
the  servants would have to themselves  
nearly one half of each day4    ,the    
service of those ,strangers who were    
national servants or  tributaries1 was  
regulated upon the same benevolent      
principle1 and  secured to them         
,,two-,,thirds of the whole year4 ,a    
month they were in  ,lebanon1 and two   
months they were at home4 #a ,kings1 v4 
#ac-ae4 ,compared  with #b ,chron4 #aa4 
#ag-ai1 viii4 #g-i2 #a ,kings1 ix #bj4  
#bb4 ,the regulations  under which the  
inhabitants of ,gibeon1 ,chephirah1     
,beeroth and  ,kirjath-jearim1          
7afterwards called ,nethinims7 performed
 service for  the ,israelites1 must have
 secured to them nearly the whole of    
their  time4 ,if1 as is probable1 they  
served in courses corresponding to those
  of their priests whom they assisted1  
they were in actual service less  than  

one month annually4    ,,ix4 ,,the      
,,servant ,,was ,,protected ,,by ,,law  
,,equally ,,with ,,the ,,other ,,members
 ,,of  ,,the ,,community                
,proof4--,judge righteously between     
every man and his brother and ,,the     
,,stranger ,,that ,,is ,,with ,,him4 ,ye
 shall not ,,respect ,,persons in       
judgment1  but ye shall hear the ,,small
 as well as the great4 ,deut4 i4 #af1   
#ai4 ,also  ,lev4 xix4 #ae4 xxiv4 #bb4  
,ye shall have one manner of law as well
 for the  ,,stranger1 as for one of your
 own country4 ,so ,num4 xv4 #bi4 ,ye    
shall  have ,,one ,,law for him that    
sinneth through ignorance1 both for him 
that  is born among the children of     
,israel and for the ,,stranger that     
sojourneth among them4 ,deut4 xxvii4    
#ai4 ,cursed be he that ,,perverteth    
,,the ,,judgment ,,of ,,the             
,,stranger4,a ,deut4 xxvii4 #ai4        
,footnote ,a3 ,in a work entitled1      
,instruction in the ,mosaic ,religion by
  ,professor ,jholson1 of the ,jewish   

seminary at ,frankfort-on-the-,main1    
translated into ,english by ,rabbi      
,leeser1 we find the following4--,sec4  
#afe4 ,question4 ,does holy writ any    
where make a difference between the     
,israelite and the other who is no      
,israelite1 in those laws and           
prohibitions which forbid us the        
committal of any thing against our      
fellow men8    ,answer4 ,no where we do 
find a trace of such a difference4 ,see 
,lev4 xix4  #cc-cf4    ,god says thou   
shalt not murder1 steal1 cheat1 c4 ,in  
every place the  action itself is       
prohibited as being an abomination to   
,god without  respect to the ,,persons  
against whom it is committed4     ,x4   
,,the ,,mosaic ,,system ,,enjoined ,,the
 ,,greatest ,,affection ,,and ,,kindness
  ,,towards ,,servants1 ,,foreign ,,as  
,,well ,,as ,,jewish4    ,the stranger  
that dwelleth with you shall be unto you
 as one born among  you1 and thou shalt 
love him as thyself4 ,lev4 xix4 #cd4    
,for the ,lord  your ,god 99 99         

,,regardeth ,,not ,,persons4 ,he doth   
execute the judgment of the  fatherless 
and widow1 and ,,loveth ,,the           
,,stranger1 in giving him food and      
raiment1 ,,love ,,ye ,,therefore ,,the  
,,stranger4 ,deut4 x4 #ag1 #ai4 ,thou   
shalt  neither vex a ,,stranger nor     
oppress him4 ,ex4 xxii4 #ba4 ,thou shalt
 not  oppress a ,,stranger1 for ye know 
the heart of a stranger4 ,ex4 xxiii4 #i4
  ,if thy brother be waxen poor thou    
shalt relieve him1 yea1 though he be  a 
,,stranger or a sojourner1 that he may  
live with thee1 take thou no  usury of  
him or increase1 but fear thy ,god4     
,lev4 xxv4 #ce1 #cf4 ,could  this same  
stranger be taken by one that feared his
 ,god1 and held as a  slave1 and robbed 
of time1 earnings1 and all his rights8  
,,xi4 ,,servants ,,were ,,placed ,,upon 
,a ,,level ,,with ,,their ,,masters ,,in
 ,,all ,,civil  ,,and ,,religious       
,,rights4 ,num4 xv4 #ae1 #af1 #bi2 ix4  
#ad2 ,deut4 i4 #af1 #ag2 ,lev4  xxiv4   
#bb4 ,to these may be added that        

numerous class of passages which        
represents ,god as regarding alike the  
natural rights of all men1 and  making  
for all an equal provision4 ,such as1 #b
 ,chron4 xix4 #g2 ,prov4  xxiv4 #bc1    
xxviii4 #ba2 ,job4 xxxiv4 #ai1 #b ,sam4 
xiv4 #ad2 ,acts x4 #ce2 ,eph4  vi4 #i4  
,finally--,with such watchful jealousy  
did the ,mosaic ,institutes guard the   
rights of servants1 as to make the mere 
fact of a servant's escape  from his    
master presumptive evidence that his    
master had oppressed  him2 and on that  
presumption1 annulled his master's      
authority over him1  gave him license to
 go wherever he pleased1 and commanded  
all to protect  him4 ,deut4 xxiii4 #ae1 
#af4 ,as this regulation will be        
examined under a  subsequent head1 where
 its full discussion more appropriately 
belongs1  we notice it here merely to   
point out its bearings on the topic     
under  consideration4    ,,these ,,are  
,,regulations ,,of ,,that ,,mosaic      
,,system ,,which ,,is ,,claimed ,,by    

,,slaveholders ,,as ,,the ,,prototype   
,,of ,,american ,,slavery4        ,,ii4 
,,were ,,persons ,,made ,,servants      
,,against ,,their ,,wills8    ,we argue 
that they became servants of their own  
accord1 because1    ,i4 ,,to ,,become ,a
 ,,servant ,,was ,,to ,,become ,a       
,,proselyte4 ,whoever of the  strangers 
became a servant1 he was required to    
abjure idolatry1 to enter  into covenant
 with ,god,a1 be circumcised in token of
 it1 be bound to  keep the ,sabbath1 the
 ,passover1 the ,pentecost1 and the     
,feast of  ,tabernacles1 and to receive 
instruction in the moral and ceremonial 
law4  ,were the servants forced through 
all these processes8 ,was the           
renunciation of idolatry compulsory8    
,were they dragged into covenant  with  
,god8 ,were they seized and circumcised 
by main strength8 ,were they  compelled 
mechanically to chew and swallow the    
flesh of the ,paschal  lamb1 while they 
abhorred the institution1 spurned the   
laws that  enjoined it1 detested its    

author and its executors1 and instead of
  rejoicing in the deliverance which it 
commemorated1 bewailed it as a          
calamity1 and cursed the day of its     
consummation8 ,were they driven  from   
all parts of the land three times in the
 year to the annual  festivals8 ,were   
they drugged with instruction which they
 nauseated8 ,were  they goaded through a
 round of ceremonies1 to them senseless 
and  disgusting mummeries2 and drilled  
into the tactics of a creed rank with   
loathed abominations8 ,we repeat it1 to 
become a servant1 was to become  a      
proselyte4 ,did ,god authorize his      
people to make proselytes at the  point 
of the bayonet8 by the terror of pains  
and penalties8 by  converting men into  
merchandise8 ,were proselyte and chattel
  synonymes in the ,divine vocabulary8  
,must a man be sunk to a thing  before  
taken into covenant with ,god8 ,was this
 the stipulated condition  of adoption8 
the sure and sacred passport to the     
communion of the  saints8    ,footnote  

,a3 ,maimonides1 a contemporary with    
,jarchi1 and who stands with  him at the
 head of ,jewish writers1 gives the     
following testimony on this  point3     
,whether a servant be born in the power 
of an ,israelite1 or  whether he be     
purchased from the heathen1 the master  
is to bring them  both into the         
covenant4    ,but he that is in the     
house is entered on the eighth day1 and 
he that  is bought with money1 on the   
day on which his master receives him1   
unless the slave be unwilling4 ,for if  
the master receive a grown  slave1 and  
he be unwilling1 his master is to bear  
with him1 to seek to  win him over by   
instruction1 and by love and kindness1  
for one year4  ,after which1 should he  
refuse so long1 it is forbidden to keep 
him  longer than a year4 ,and the master
 must send him back to the strangers    
from whence he came4 ,for the ,god of   
,jacob will not accept any other than   
the worship of a willing                
heart4--,maimon1 ,hilcoth ,miloth1      

,chap4 #a1  ,sec4 #h4    ,the ancient   
,jewish ,doctors assert that the servant
 from the ,strangers  who at the close  
of his probationary year1 refused to    
adopt the ,jewish  religion and was on  
that account sent back to his own       
people1 received a  full compensation   
for his services1 besides the payment of
 his  expenses4 ,but that postponement  
of the circumcision of the foreign      
servant for a year 7or even at all after
 he had entered the family of  an       
,israelite7 of which the ,mishnic       
doctors speak1 seems to have been a     
mere usage4 ,we find nothing of it in   
the regulations of the ,mosaic  system4 
,circumcision was manifestly a rite     
strictly initiatory4  ,whether it was a 
rite merely national or spiritual1 or   
both1 comes  not within the scope of    
this inquiry4     ,,ii4 ,,the           
,,surrender ,,of ,,fugitive ,,servants  
,,to ,,their ,,masters ,,was            
,,prohibited4  ,thou shalt not deliver  
unto his master the servant which is    

escaped  from his master unto thee4 ,he 
shall dwell with thee1 even among you1  
in  that place which he shall choose1 in
 one of thy gates where it liketh  him  
best2 thou shalt not oppress him4 ,deut4
 xxiii4 #ae1 #af4    ,as though ,god had
 said1 ,to deliver him up would be to   
recognize the  right of the master to   
hold him2 his fleeing shows his choice1 
proclaims his wrongs and his title to   
protection2 you shall not force  him    
back and thus recognize the right of the
 master to hold him in  such a condition
 as induces him to flee to others for   
protection4 ,it  may be said that this  
command referred only to the servants of
 heathen  masters in the surrounding    
nations4 ,we answer3 the terms of the   
command  are unlimited4 ,but the        
objection1 if valid1 would merely shift 
the  pressure of the difficulty to      
another point4 ,did ,god require them to
  protect the free choice of a single   
servant from the heathen1 and  yet      
authorize the same persons1 to crush the

 free choice of  thousands of servants  
from the heathen8 ,suppose a case4 ,a   
foreign  servant escapes to the         
,israelites2 ,god says1 ,he shall dwell 
with thee1  in that place which he shall
 choose1 in one of thy gates where it   
liketh him best4 ,now1 suppose this same
 servant1 instead of coming  into       
,israel of his own accord1 had been     
dragged in by some kidnapper1  who      
bought him of his master1 and forced him
 into a condition against  his will2    
would ,he who forbade such treatment of 
the stranger1 who  voluntarily came into
 the land1 sanction the same treatment  
of the  same person1 provided in        
addition to this last outrage1 the      
previous  one had been committed of     
forcing him into the nation against his 
will8  ,to commit violence on the free  
choice of a foreign servant is forsooth 
a  horrible enormity1 provided you begin
 the violence after he has come  among  
you4 ,but if you commit the first act on
 the other side of the  line2 if you    

begin the outrage by buying him from a  
third person  against his will1 and then
 tear him from home1 drag him across the
 line  into the land of ,israel1 and    
hold him as a slave--ah6 that alters the
  case1 and you may perpetrate the      
violence now with impunity6 ,would      
greater favor have been shown to this   
new comer than to the old               
residents--those who had been servants  
in ,jewish families perhaps for a       
generation8 ,were the ,israelites       
commanded to exercise towards him1      
uncircumcised and out of the covenant1 a
 justice and kindness denied to  the    
multitudes who were circumcised1 and    
within the covenant8 ,but1  the objector
 finds small gain to his argument on the
 supposition that  the covenant         
respected merely the fugitives from the 
surrounding  nations1 while it left the 
servants of the ,israelites in a        
condition  against their wills4 ,in that
 case1 the surrounding nations would    
adopt  retaliatory measures1 and become 

so many asylums for ,jewish fugitives4  
,as these nations were not only on every
 side of them1 but in their  midst1 such
 a proclamation would have been an      
effectual lure to men  whose condition  
was a constant counteraction of will4   
,besides the same  command which        
protected the servant from the power of 
his foreign  master1 protected him      
equally from the power of an ,israelite4
 ,it was  not1 merely ,thou shalt not   
deliver him unto his master1 but he     
shall dwell with thee1 in that place    
which he shall choose in one of  thy    
gates where it liketh him best4 ,every  
,israelite was forbidden to  put him in 
any condition against his will4 ,what   
was this but a  proclamation1 that all  
who chose to live in the land and obey  
the  laws1 were left to their own free  
will1 to dispose of their services at   
such a rate1 to such persons1 and in    
such places as they pleased8  ,besides1 
grant that this command prohibited the  
sending back of  foreign servants only1 

there was no law requiring the return of
  servants who had escaped from the     
,israelites4 ,property lost1 and  cattle
 escaped1 they were required to return1 
but not escaped  servants4 ,these verses
 contain1 #ast1 a command1 ,thou shalt  
not  deliver1 c41 #b;d4 a declaration of
 the fugitive's right of free  choice1  
and of ,god's will that he should       
exercise it at his own  discretion2 and 
#c;d1 a command guarding this right1    
namely1 ,thou shalt  not oppress him1 as
 though ,god had said1 ,if you restrain 
him from  exercising his own choice1 as 
to the place and condition of his       
residence1 it is oppression1 and shall  
not be tolerated4,a    ,footnote ,a3    
,perhaps it may be objected that this   
view of ,deut4 xxiii4  #ae1 #af1 makes  
nonsense of ,ex4 xxi4 #bg1 which        
provides that if a man  strikes out his 
servant's tooth he shall let him go     
free4 ,small favor  indeed if the       
servant might set himself free whenever 
he pleased6  ,answer--,the former       

passage might remove the servant from   
the master's  authority1 without        
annulling the master's legal claims upon
 the  servant1 if he had paid him in    
advance and had not received from him an
  equivalent1 and this equally1 whether 
his master were a ,jew or a  ,gentile4  
,the latter passage1 ,he shall let him  
go free for his tooth's  sake1 not only 
freed the servant from the master's     
authority1 but also  from any pecuniary 
claim which the master might have on    
account of  having paid his wages in    
advance2 and this as a compensation1 for
 the  loss of a tooth4    ,,iii4 ,,the  
,,servants ,,had ,,peculiar             
,,opportunities ,,and ,,facilities ,,for
 ,,escape4  ,three times every year1 all
 the males over twelve years1 were      
required  to attend the national feasts4
 ,they were thus absent from their homes
  not less than three weeks at each     
time1 making nine weeks annually4 ,as   
these caravans moved over the country1  
were there military scouts lining  the  

way1 to intercept deserters8--a         
corporal's guard at each pass of the    
mountains1 sentinels pacing the         
hilltops1 and light-horse scouring the  
defiles8 ,the ,israelites must have had 
some safe contrivance for taking  their 
slaves three times in a year to         
,jerusalem and back4 ,when a  body of   
slaves is moved any distance in our     
republic1 they are  handcuffed and      
chained together1 to keep them from     
running away1 or  beating their drivers'
 brains out4 ,was this the ,mosaic plan1
 or an  improvement introduced by       
,samuel1 or was it left for the wisdom  
of  ,solomon8 ,the usage1 doubtless1    
claims a paternity not less venerable   
and  biblical6 ,perhaps they were lashed
 upon camels1 and transported in        
bundles1 or caged up and trundled on    
wheels to and fro1 and while at the     
,holy ,city1 lodged in jail for safe    
keeping1 the ,sanhedrim appointing      
special religious services for their    
benefit1 and their drivers  officiating 

at ,,oral instruction4 ,meanwhile1 what 
became of the sturdy  handmaids left at 
home8 ,what hindered them from stalking 
off in a  body8 ,perhaps the            
,israelitish matrons stood sentry in    
rotation round the  kitchens1 while the 
young ladies scoured the country1 as    
mounted  rangers1 picking up stragglers 
by day1 and patrolled the streets1      
keeping a sharp look-out at night6      
,,iv4 ,,wilful ,,neglect ,,of           
,,ceremonial ,,rites ,,dissolved ,,the  
,,relation4    ,suppose the servants    
from the heathen had1 upon entering     
,jewish  families1 refused circumcision2
 if slaves1 how simple the process of   
emancipation6 ,their refusal did the    
job4 ,or1 suppose they had refused  to  
attend the annual feasts1 or had eaten  
leavened bread during the  ,passover1 or
 compounded the ingredients of the      
anointing oil1 or had  touched a dead   
body1 a bone1 or a grave1 or in any way 
had contracted  ceremonial uncleanness1 
and refused to be cleansed with the     

water of  separation1 they would have   
been cut off from the people2           
excommunicated4 ,ex4 xii4 #ai2 xxx4 #cc2
 ,num4 xix4 #af4    ,v4 ,,servants ,,of 
,,the ,,patriarchs ,,necessarily        
,,voluntary4    ,abraham's servants are 
an illustration4 ,at one time he had    
three hundred  and eighteen young men   
born in his house1 and many more not    
born  in his house4 ,his servants of all
 ages were probably ,,many ,,thousands4 
,how  did ,abraham and ,sarah contrive  
to hold fast so many thousand servants  
against their wills8 ,the most natural  
supposition is that the ,patriarch  and 
his wife took turns in surrounding them6
 ,the neighboring tribes1  instead of   
constituting a picket guard to hem in   
his servants1 would  have been far more 
likely to sweep them and him into       
captivity1 as they  did ,lot and his    
household4 ,besides1 there was neither  
constitution nor  compact1 to send back 
,abraham's fugitives1 nor a truckling   
police to  pounce upon them1 nor        

gentlemen-kidnappers1 suing for his     
patronage1  volunteering to howl on     
their track1 boasting their blood-hound 
scent1  and pledging their honour to    
hunt down and deliver up1 provided they 
had  a description of the flesh-marks1  
and were suitably stimulated by  pieces 
of silver4,a ,abraham seems also to have
 been sadly deficient in  all the       
auxiliaries of family government1 such  
as stocks1 hand-cuffs1  foot-chains1    
yokes1 gags1 and thumb-screws4 ,his     
destitution of these  patriarchal       
indispensables is the more afflicting1  
since he faithfully  trained his        
household to do justice and judgment1   
though so deplorably  destitute of the  
needful aids4    ,footnote ,a3 ,the     
following is a standing newspaper       
advertisement of one  of these          
professional man-catchers1 a member of  
the ,new ,york bar1 who  coolly plies   
his trade in the commercial emporium1   
sustained by the  complacent greetings  
and courtesies of ,,honorable ,,men6    

,,important ,,to  ,,the ,,south4--,f4,h4
 ,pettis1 native of ,orange ,county1    
,va41 being located in  the city of ,new
 ,york1 in the practice of law1         
announces to his friends  and the public
 in general1 that he has been engaged as
 ,counsel and  ,adviser in ,general for 
a party whose business it is in the     
northern  cities to arrest and secure   
runaway slaves4 ,he has been thus       
engaged for  several years1 and as the  
act of ,congress alone governs now in   
this  city1 in business of this sort1   
which renders it easy for the recovery  
of such property1 he invites post paid  
communications to him1 inclosing  a fee 
of #bj in each case1 and a power of     
,attorney minutely descriptive  of the  
party absconded1 and if in the northern 
region1 he1 or she will  soon be had4   
,mr4 ,pettis will attend promptly to all
 law business confided to him4    ,n4,b4
 ,new ,york ,city is estimated to       
contain #e1jjj ,runaway ,slaves4        
,,pettis4     ,probably ,job had even   

more servants than ,abraham4 ,see ,job4 
i4 #c1 #ad-ai1  and xlii4 #ab4 ,that his
 thousands of servants staid with him   
entirely of  their own accord1 is proved
 by the fact of their staying with him4 
,suppose they had wished to quit his    
service1 and so the whole army had      
filed off before him in full retreat1   
how could the patriarch have  brought   
them to halt8 ,doubtless with his wife1 
seven sons1 and three  daughters for    
allies1 he would have soon out-flanked  
the fugitive host  and dragged each of  
them back to his wonted chain and       
staple4    ,but the impossibility of    
,job's servants being held against their
 wills1  is not the only proof of their 
voluntary condition4 ,we have his own   
explicit testimony that he had not      
withheld from the poor their  desire4   
,job4 xxxi4 #af4 ,of course he could    
hardly have made them live  with him1   
and forced them to work for him against 
their desire4    ,when ,isaac sojourned 
in the country of the ,philistines he   

had great  store of servants4 ,and we   
have his testimony that the ,philistines
  hated him1 added to that of           
inspiration that they envied him4 ,of   
course they would hardly volunteer to   
organize patroles and committees  of    
vigilance to keep his servants from     
running away1 and to drive back  all who
 were found beyond the limits of his    
plantation without a pass6  ,if the     
thousands of ,isaac's servants were held
 against their wills1 who  held them8   
,the servants of the ,jews1 during the  
building of the wall of ,jerusalem1     
under ,nehemiah1 may be included under  
this head4 ,that they remained with     
their masters of their own accord1 we   
argue from the fact1 that the           
circumstances of the ,jews made it      
impossible for them to compel their     
residence and service4 ,they were few in
 number1 without resources1  defensive  
fortifications1 or munitions of war1 and
 surrounded withal by  a host of foes1  
scoffing at their feebleness and        

inviting desertion from  their ranks4   
,yet so far from the ,jews attempting in
 any way to restrain  their servants1 or
 resorting to precautions to prevent    
escape1 they put  arms into their hands1
 and enrolled them as a night-guard1 for
 the  defence of the city4 ,by          
cheerfully engaging in this service and 
in labor  by day1 when with entire ease 
they might all have left their masters1 
marched over to the enemy1 and been     
received with shoutings1 the  servants  
testified that their condition was one  
of their own choice1  and that they     
regarded their own interests as         
inseparably identified  with those of   
their masters4 ,neh4 iv4 #bc4    ,,vi4  
,,no ,,instances ,,of ,,israelitish     
,,masters ,,selling ,,servants4 ,neither
  ,abraham nor ,isaac seem ever to have 
sold one1 though they had great  store  
of servants4 ,jacob was himself a       
servant in the family of ,laban         
twenty-one years4 ,he had afterward a   
large number of servants4 ,joseph       

invited him to come into ,egypt1 and to 
bring all that he had with  him--thou   
and thy children1 and thy children's    
children1 and thy flocks  and thy herds1
 and ,,all ,,that ,,thou ,,hast4 ,gen4  
xlv4 #aj4 ,jacob took his  flocks and   
herds but no servants4 ,yet we are told 
that ,jacob took his  journey with all  
that he had4 ,gen4 xlvi4 #a4 ,and after 
his arrival in  ,egypt1 ,joseph said to 
,pharaoh my father1 and my brethren1 and
 their  flocks1 and their herds and all 
that they have1 are come4 ,gen4 xlvii4  
#a4 ,the servants doubtless1 served     
under their own contracts1 and when     
,jacob went into ,egypt1 they chose to  
stay in their own country4    ,the      
government might sell thieves1 if they  
had no property1 until  their services  
had made good the injury1 and paid the  
legal fine4 ,ex4  xxii4 #c4 ,but masters
 seem to have had no power to sell their
  servants4 ,to give the master a right 
to sell his servant1 would  annihilate  
the servant's right of choice in his own

 disposal2 but says  the objector1 to   
give the master a right to buy a        
servant1 equally  annihilates the       
servant's right of choice4 ,answer4 ,it 
is one thing to  have a right to buy a  
man1 and a quite another thing to have a
 right to  buy him of another man4,a    
,footnote ,a3 ,there is no evidence that
 masters had the power to dispose  of   
even the services of their servants1 as 
men hire out their laborers  whom they  
employ by the year2 but whether they had
 or not1 affects not  the argument4     
,though servants were not bought of     
their masters1 yet young females were   
bought of their fathers4 ,but their     
purchase as servants was their          
betrothal as ,,wives4 ,ex4 xxi4 #g1 #h4 
,if a man sell his daughter to be a     
maid-servant1 she shall not go out as   
the men-servants do4 ,if she please  not
 her master ,,who ,,hath ,,betrothed    
,,her ,,to ,,himself1 he shall let her  
be  redeemed4,b    ,footnote ,b3 ,the   
comment of ,maimonides on this passage  

is as  follows3--,a ,hebrew handmaid    
might not be sold but to one who laid   
himself under obligations1 to espouse   
her to himself or to his son1 when  she 
was fit to be                           
betrothed4--,maimonides--,hilcoth--,obed
im1 ,ch4 ,,iv4  ,sec4 ,,xi4 ,jarchi1 on 
the same passage1 says1 ,he is bound to 
espouse her  to be his wife1 for the    
money of her purchase is the money of   
her  espousal4    ,,vii4 ,,voluntary    
,,servants ,,from ,,the ,,strangers4    
,we infer that all the servants from the
 ,strangers were voluntary in  becoming 
such1 since we have direct testimony    
that some of them were so4  ,thou shalt 
not oppress an hired servant that is    
poor and needy1 whether  he be of thy   
brethren1 ,,or ,,of ,,thy ,,strangers   
that are in thy land within  thy gates4 
,deut4 xxiv4 #ad4 ,we learn from this   
that some of the  servants1 which the   
,israelites obtained from the strangers 
were procured  by presenting the        
inducement of wages to their free       

choice1 thus  recognizing their right to
 sell their services to others1 or not1 
at  their own pleasure4 ,did the        
,israelites1 when they went among the   
heathen  to procure servants1 take money
 in one hand and ropes in the other8    
,did  they ask one man to engage in     
their service1 and drag along with  them
 the next that they met1 in spite of his
 struggles4 ,did they knock  for        
admission at one door and break down the
 next8 ,did they go through  one village
 with friendly salutations and          
respectful demeanor1 and with  the air  
of those soliciting favors1 offer wages 
to the inhabitants as an  inducement to 
engage in their service--while they sent
 on their agents  to prowl through the  
next1 with a kidnapping posse at their  
heels1 to  tear from their homes as many
 as they could get within their         
clutches8    ,,viii4 ,,hebrew ,,servants
 ,,voluntary4    ,we infer that the     
,hebrew servant was voluntary in        
,,commencing his  service1 because he   

was preeminently so ,,in ,,continuing   
it4 ,if1 at the  year of release1 it was
 the servant's choice to remain with his
  master1 the law required his ear to be
 bored by the judges of the land1  thus 
making it impossible for him to be held 
against his will4 ,yea more1  his master
 was compelled to keep him1 however much
 he might wish to  get rid of him4      
,,ix4 ,,the ,,manner ,,of ,,procuring   
,,servants1 ,,an ,,appeal ,,to ,,choice4
    ,the ,israelites were commanded to  
offer them a suitable inducement1 and   
then leave them to decide4 ,they might  
neither seize them by force1 nor        
frighten them by threats1 nor wheedle   
them by false pretences1 nor  borrow    
them1 nor beg them2 but they were       
commanded to ,,buy  them,a--that is1    
they were to recognize the right of the 
individuals  to dispose of their own    
services1 and their right to refuse all 
offers1 and thus oblige those who made  
them1 to do their own work4  ,suppose   
all1 with one accord1 had refused to    

become servants1 what  provision did the
 ,mosaic law make for such an emergency8
 ,,none4    ,footnote ,a3 ,the case of  
thieves1 whose services were sold until 
they  had earned enough to make         
restitution to the person wronged1 and  
to pay  the legal penalty1 stands by    
itself1 and has nothing to do with the  
condition of servants4    ,x4           
,,incidental ,,corroboratives4 ,various 
incidental expressions corroborate  the 
idea that servants became such by their 
own contract4 ,job4 xli4 #d1  is an     
illustration1 ,will he 7,leviathan7 make
 a ,,covenant with thee8 wilt  thou take
 him for a ,,servant forever8 ,isa4 xiv4
 #a1 #b is also an  illustration4 ,the  
strangers shall be joined with them 7the
 ,israelites7  and they shall ,,cleave  
to the house of ,jacob1 and the house of
 ,israel  shall possess them in the land
 of the ,lord1 for servants and         
handmaids4    ,the transaction which    
made the ,egyptians the ,,servants ,,of 
,,pharaoh was  voluntary throughout4    

,see ,gen4 xlvii4 #ah-bf4 ,of their own 
accord they  came to ,joseph and said1  
,there is not aught left but our bodies 
and  our lands2 buy us2 then in the     
#beth verse1 ,we will be ,pharaoh's     
servants4 ,to these it may be added1    
that the sacrifices and offerings  which
 ,,all were required to present1 were to
 be made ,,voluntarily4 ,lev4 i4  #b4   
#c4    ,the pertinence and point of our 
,lord's declaration in ,luke xvi4 #ac1  
is  destroyed on the supposition that   
servants did not become such by their   
own choice4 ,no servant can serve two   
masters3 for either he will hate  the   
one and love the other1 or else he will 
hold to the one and despise  the other4 
,let it be kept in mind1 that our ,lord 
was a ,jew4 ,the lost  sheep of the     
house of ,israel were his flock4        
,wherever he went1 they were  around    
him3 whenever he spake1 they were his   
auditors4 ,his public  preaching and his
 private teaching and conversation1 were
 full of  references to their own       

institutions1 laws and usages1 and of   
illustrations drawn from them4 ,in the  
verse quoted1 he illustrates the        
impossibility of their making choice of 
,god as their portion1 and  becoming his
 servants1 while they chose the world1  
and were its  servants4 ,to make this   
clear1 he refers to one of their own    
institutions1 that of domestic service1 
with which1 in all its  relations1      
incidents and usages1 they were         
perfectly familiar4 ,he  reminds them of
 the well-known impossibility of any    
person being the  servant of two        
masters1 and declares the sole ground of
 that  impossibility to be1 the fact    
that the servant chooses the service of 
the one1 and spurns that of the other4  
,he shall hold to the one and  despise  
7reject7 the other4 ,as though our ,lord
 had said1 ,no one can  become the      
servant of another1 when his will       
revolts from his service1  and when the 
conditions of it tend to make him hate  
the man4 ,since the  fact that the      

servant spurns one of two masters1 makes
 it impossible  for him to serve that   
one1 if he spurned both it would make it
  impossible for him to serve either4   
,so1 also1 if the fact that an          
individual did not hold to or choose the
 service of another1 proves  that he    
could not become his servant1 then the  
question1 whether or not  he should     
become the servant of another was       
suspended on his own will4  ,further1   
the phraseology of the passage shows    
that the choice of the  servant decided 
the question4 ,he will ,,hold ,,to the  
one1--hence there is  no difficulty in  
the way of his serving him2 but no      
servant can  serve a master whom he does
 not hold to1 or cleave to1 whose       
service he does not choose4 ,this is the
 sole ground of the  impossibility      
asserted by our ,lord4    ,the last     
clause of the verse furnishes an        
application of the principle  asserted  
in the former part1 ,ye cannot serve    
,god and mammon4 ,now in  what does the 

impossibility of serving both ,god and  
the world consist8  ,solely in the fact 
that the will which chooses the one     
refuses the  other1 and the affections  
which hold to the one1 reject the other4
  ,thus the question1 ,which of the two 
is to be served1 is suspended alone     
upon the choice of the individual4      
,,xi4 ,,rich ,,strangers ,,did ,,not    
,,become ,,servants4 ,indeed1 so far    
were they  from becoming servants       
themselves1 that they bought and held   
,jewish  servants4 ,lev4 xxv4 #dg4      
,since rich strangers did not become    
servants  to the ,israelites1 we infer  
that those who did1 became such not     
because they were strangers1 but because
 they were poor1--not  because1 on      
account of their being heathen1 they    
were compelled by  force to become      
servants1 but because1 on account of    
their poverty1  they chose to become    
servants to better their condition4     
,,xii4 ,,instances ,,of ,,voluntary     
,,servants4 ,mention is often made of   

persons  becoming servants who were     
manifestly ,,voluntary4 ,as the ,prophet
 ,elisha4  #a ,kings xix4 #ba2 #b ,kings
 iii4 #aa4 ,elijah was his master4 #b   
,kings ii4  #e4 ,the word translated    
master1 is the same that is so rendered 
in almost  every instance where masters 
are spoken of under the ,mosaic and     
patriarchal systems4 ,moses was the     
servant of ,jethro4 ,ex4 iii4 #a2 iv4   
#aj4 ,joshua was the servant of ,moses4 
,ex4 xxxiii4 #aa4 ,num4 xi4 #bh4 ,jacob 
was the servant of ,laban4 ,gen4 xxix4  
#ah-bg4 ,see also the case of the       
,gibeonites who voluntarily became      
servants to the ,israelites and         
afterwards performed service for the    
house of ,god throughout the  subsequent
 ,jewish history1 were incorporate with 
the ,israelites1  registered in the     
genealogies1 and manifestly of their own
 accord  remained with them1 and clave  
to them4 ,neh4 x4 #bh1 #bi2 xi4 #c2 ,ez4
  vii4 #g4    ,finally1 in all the      
regulations respecting servants and     

their service1  no form of expression is
 employed from which it could be        
inferred1 that  servants were made such1
 and held in that condition by force4   
,add to  this the entire absence of all 
the machinery1 appurtenances and        
incidents of compulsion4    ,voluntary  
service on the part of servants would   
have been in keeping  with regulations  
which abounded in the ,mosaic system and
 sustained by a  multitude of analogies4
 ,compulsory service on the other hand1 
could have  harmonized with nothing1 and
 would have been the solitary disturbing
  force1 marring its design1            
counteracting its tendencies1 and       
confusing  and falsifying its types4    
,the directions given to regulate the   
performance of service for the public1  
lay great stress on the  willingness of 
those employed to perform it4 ,for the  
spirit and usages  that obtained under  
the ,mosaic system in this respect1 see 
#a ,chron4  xxviii4 #ba2 ,ex4 xxxv4 #e1 
#ba1 #bb1 #bi2 #a ,chron4 xxix4 #e1 #f1 

#i1 #ad1 #ag2 ,ex4  xxv4 #b2 ,judges v4 
#b2 ,lev4 xxii4 #bi2 #b ,chron4 xxxv4   
#h2 ,ezra i4 #f2 ,ex4  xxxv2 ,neh4 xi4  
#b4;,a    ,footnote ,a3 ,we should      
naturally infer that the directions     
which  regulated the rendering of       
service to individuals1 would proceed   
upon  the same principle in this respect
 with those which regulated the         
rendering of service to the public4     
,otherwise the ,mosaic system1  instead 
of constituting in its different parts a
 harmonious whole1  would be divided    
against itself2 its principles          
counteracting and  nullifying each      
other4    ,again1 the voluntariness of  
servants is a natural inference from the
  fact that the ,hebrew word ebedh1     
uniformly rendered servant1 is  applied 
to a great variety of classes and       
descriptions of persons under  the      
patriarchal and ,jewish dispensations1  
all of whom were voluntary  and most of 
them eminently so4 ,for instance1 it is 
applied to persons  rendering acts of   

worship about seventy times1 whereas it 
is applied  to servants not more than   
half that number of times4    ,to this  
we may add1 that the illustrations drawn
 from the condition and  service of     
servants and the ideas which the term   
servant is employed  to convey when     
applied figuratively to moral subjects  
would1 in most  instances1 lose all     
their force1 and often become           
absurdities if the  will of the servant 
resisted his service1 and he performed  
it only by  compulsion4 ,many passages  
will at once occur to those who are     
familiar  with the ,bible4 ,we give a   
single example4 ,to whom ,,ye ,,yield   
,,yourselves  servants to obey1 his     
servants ye are to whom ye obey4 ,rom4  
vi4 #af4 ,it  would hardly be possible  
to assert the voluntariness of servants 
more  strongly in a direct proposition  
than it is here asserted by             
implication4        ,,iii4 ,,were       
,,servants ,,forced ,,to ,,work         
,,without ,,pay    ,as the servants     

became and continued such of their own  
accord1 it  would be no small marvel if 
they chose to work without pay4 ,their  
becoming servants1 pre-supposes         
compensation as a motive4 ,that they    
were paid for their labor1 we argue4    
#a4 ,,because ,,god ,,rebuked ,,the     
,,using ,,of ,,service ,,without        
,,wages4 ,wo unto him  that buildeth his
 house by unrighteousness1 and his      
chambers by wrong2  ,,that ,,useth ,,his
 ,,neighbor',s ,,service ,,without      
,,wages1 ,,and ,,giveth ,,him ,,not     
,,for  ,,his ,,work4 ,jer4 xxii4 #ac4   
,the ,hebrew word rea1 translated       
neighbor1  means any one with whom we   
have to do--all descriptions of persons1
 even  those who prosecute us in        
lawsuits1 and enemies while in the act  
of  fighting us--,as when a man riseth  
against his ,,neighbor and slayeth  him4
 ,deut4 xxii4 #bf4 ,go not forth hastily
 to strive1 lest thou know  not what to 
do in the end thereof1 when thy         
,,neighbor hath put thee to  shame4     

,prov4 xxv4 #h4 ,thou shalt not bear    
false witness against thy  ,,neighbor4  
,ex4 xx4 #af4 ,if a man come            
presumptuously upon his ,,neighbor  to  
slay him with guile4 ,ex4 xxi4 #ad1 c4  
,the doctrine plainly  inculcated in    
this passage is1 that every man's labor1
 or service1  being his own property1 he
 is entitled to the profit of it1 and   
that for  another to use it without     
paying him the value of it1 is          
unrighteousness4 ,the last clause of the
 verse and giveth him not for  his work1
 reaffirms the same principle1 that     
every man is to be paid  for his work4  
,in the context1 the prophet contrasts  
the  unrighteousness of those who used  
the labor of others without pay1 with   
the justice and equity practiced by     
their patriarchal ancestor toward  the  
poor4 ,did not thy father eat and drink 
and do judgment and  justice1 and then  
it was well with him4 ,he judged the    
cause of the  poor and needy2 then it   
was well with him4 ,but thine eyes and  

thine  heart are not but for thy        
covetousness1 and for to shed innocent  
blood1 and for oppression1 and for      
violence to do it4 ,jer4 xxii4 #ae1     
#af4 #ag4;,a    ,footnote ,a3 ,paul lays
 down the same principle in the form of 
a precept  ,masters give unto your      
servants that which is ,,just and       
,,equal4 ,col4 iv4  #a4 ,thus not only  
asserting the right of the servant to an
 equivalent  for his labor1 and the duty
 of the master to render it1 but        
condemning  all those relations between 
master and servant which were not       
founded  upon justice and equality of   
rights4 ,the apostle ,james enforces the
 same  principle4 ,behold1 the hire of  
the laborers1 who have reaped down your 
fields1 which is of you kept back by    
fraud1 crieth4 ,james v4 #d4 ,as  though
 he had said1 wages are the right of    
laborers2 those who work  for you have a
 just claim on you for pay2 this you    
refuse to render1  and thus defraud them
 by keeping from them what belongs to   

them4  ,see also ,mal4 iii #e4    ,,ii4 
,,god ,,testifies ,,that ,,in ,,our     
,,duty ,,to ,,our ,,fellow ,,men1 ,,all 
,,the ,,law ,,and  ,,the ,,prophets     
,,hang ,,upon ,,this ,,command1 ,,thou  
,,shalt ,,love ,,thy ,,neighbor ,,as    
,,thyself4 ,our ,savior1 in giving this 
command1 quoted verbatim one of  the    
laws of the ,mosaic system4 ,lev4 xix4  
#ah4 ,in the #cdth verse of the  same   
chapter1 ,moses applies this law to the 
treatment of strangers1 ,the  stranger  
that dwelleth with you shall be unto you
 as one born among you1  and ,,thou     
,,shalt ,,love ,,him ,,as ,,thyself4 ,if
 it be loving others as  ourselves1 to  
make them work for us without pay2 to   
rob them of food and  clothing also1    
would be a stronger illustration still  
of the law of  love6                    
,super-disinterested benevolence6 ,and  
if it be doing unto others  as we would 
have them do to us1 to make them work   
for our own good  alone1 ,paul should be
 called to order for his hard sayings   

against human  nature1 especially for   
that libellous matter in ,eph4 v4 #bi1  
,no man ever  yet hated his own flesh1  
but nourisheth it and cherisheth it4    
,,iii4 ,,servants ,,were ,,often        
,,wealthy4 ,as persons became servants  
,,from  ,,poverty1 we argue that they   
were compensated1 since they frequently 
owned property1 and sometimes a large   
amount4 ,ziba1 the servant of           
,mephibosheth1 gave ,david ,two hundred 
loaves of bread1 and a hundred  bunches 
of raisins1 and a hundred of summer     
fruits1 and a bottle of  wine4 #b ,sam4 
xvi4 #a4 ,the extent of his possessions 
can be inferred from  the fact1 that    
though the father of fifteen sons1 he   
had twenty  servants4 ,in ,lev4 xxv4    
#dg-di1 where a servant1 reduced to     
poverty1 sold  himself1 it is declared  
that he may be redeemed1 either by his  
kindred1 or by ,,himself4 ,having been  
forced to sell himself from poverty1  he
 must have acquired considerable        
property after he became a servant4  ,if

 it had not been common for servants to 
acquire property over which  they had   
the control1 the servant of ,elisha     
would hardly have ventured  to take a   
large sum of money1 7nearly #cjjj;,a7   
from ,naaman1 #b ,kings v4  #bb1 #bc4   
,as it was procured by deceit1 he wished
 to conceal the means  used in getting  
it2 but if servants could own nothing1  
nor acquire  anything1 to embark in such
 an enterprise would have been          
consummate  stupidity4 ,the fact of     
having in his possession two talents of 
silver1  would of itself convict him of 
theft4,b ,but since it was common for   
servants to own property1 he might have 
it1 and invest or use it1  without      
attracting special attention1 and that  
consideration alone would  have been a  
strong motive to the act4 ,his master1  
though he rebuked him  for using such   
means to get the money1 not only does   
not take it from  him1 but seems to     
expect that he would invest it in real  
estate1 and  cattle1 and would procure  

servants with it4 #b ,kings v4 #bf4 ,we 
find the  servant of ,saul having money1
 and relieving his master in an         
emergency4  #a ,sam4 ix4 #h4 ,arza1 the 
servant of ,elah1 was the owner of a    
house4  ,that it was somewhat           
magnificent1 would be a natural         
inference from its  being a resort of   
the king4 #a ,kings xvi4 #i4 ,when      
,jacob became the  servant of ,laban1 it
 was evidently from poverty1 yet ,laban 
said to him1  ,tell me what shall thy   
wages be8 ,after ,jacob had been his    
servant  for ten years1 he proposed to  
set up for himself1 but ,laban said     
,appoint me thy wages and ,i will give  
it1 and he paid him his price4  ,during 
the twenty years that ,jacob was a      
servant1 he always worked for  wages and
 at his own price4 ,gen4 xxix4 #ae1 #ah2
 xxx4 #bh-cc4 ,the case of  the         
,gibeonites1 who1 after becoming        
servants1 still occupied their  cities1 
and remained in many respects1 a        
distinct people for  centuries2,c and   

that of the #aej1jjj ,canaanites1 the   
servants of  ,solomon1 who worked out   
their tribute of bond-service in levies1
  periodically relieving each other1 are
 additional illustrations of            
independence in the acquisition and     
ownership of property4    ,footnote ,a3 
,though we have not sufficient data to  
decide upon the  relative value of that 
sum1 then and now1 yet we have enough to
  warrant us in saying that two talents 
of silver1 had far more value  then than
 three thousand dollars have now4       
,footnote ,b3 ,whoever heard of the     
slaves in our southern states stealing  
a large amount of money8 ,they know how 
to take care of themselves  quite too   
well for that4 ,when they steal1 they   
are careful to do it on  such a small   
scale1 or in the taking of such things  
as will make  detection difficult4 ,no  
doubt they steal now and then1 and a    
gaping  marvel would it be if they did  
not4 ,why should they not follow in the 
footsteps of their masters and          

mistresses8 ,dull scholars indeed6 if1  
after so many lessons from proficients  
in the art1 who drive the  business by  
wholesale1 they should not occasionally 
copy their  betters1 fall into the      
fashion1 and try their hand in a small  
way1 at  a practice which is the only   
permanent and universal business carried
  on around them6 ,ignoble truly6 never 
to feel the stirrings of high  impulse1 
prompting to imitate the eminent pattern
 set before them in the  daily vocation 
of ,honorables and ,excellencies1 and to
 emulate the  illustrious examples of   
,doctors of ,divinity1 and ,right and   
,very  ,reverends6 ,hear ,president     
,jefferson's testimony4 ,in his ,notes  
on  ,virginia1 pp4 #bjg-h1 speaking of  
slaves1 he says1 ,that disposition to   
theft with which they have been branded1
 must be ascribed to their  situation1  
and not to any special depravity of the 
moral sense4 ,it is  a problem which ,i 
give the master to solve1 whether the   
religious  precepts against the         

violation of property were not framed   
for ,,him as  well as for his slave--and
 whether the slave may not as           
justifiably take  a little from one who 
has taken ,,all from him1 as he may slay
 one who  would slay him8      ,footnote
 ,c3 ,the ,nethinims1 which name was    
afterwards given to the  ,gibeonites on 
account of their being set apart for the
 service of the  tabernacle1 had their  
own houses and cities and dwelt every   
one in his  own possession4 ,neh4 xi4   
#c4 #ba2 ,ezra ii4 #gj2 #a ,chron4 ix4  
#b4    ,again4 ,the ,israelites often   
hired servants from the strangers4      
,deut4  xxiv4 #ag4    ,since then it is 
certain that they gave wages to a part  
of their  ,canaanitish servants1 thus   
recognizing their right to a reward for 
their labor1 we infer that they did not 
rob the rest of their earnings4    ,if  
,god gave them a license to make the    
strangers work for them without  pay--if
 this was good and acceptable in ,his   
sight1 and right and just  in itself1   

they must have been great fools to have 
wasted their money  by paying wages when
 they could have saved it1 by making the
 strangers  do all their work for       
nothing6 ,besides1 by refusing to avail 
themselves  of this ,divine license1    
they despised the blessing and cast     
contempt  on the giver6 ,but far be it  
from us to do the ,israelites injustice2
  perhaps they seized all the           
,canaanites they could lay their hands  
on1  and forced them to work without    
pay1 but not being able to catch enough 
to do their work1 were obliged to offer 
wages in order to eke out the  supply6  
,the parable of our ,lord1 contained in 
,mat4 xviii4 #bc-cd1 not only  derives  
its significance from the fact1 that    
servants can both own and  owe and earn 
property1 over which they had the       
control1 but would be  made a medley of 
contradictions on any other             
supposition4--#a4 ,their lord  at a set 
time proceeded to take account and      
reckon with his  servants2 the          

phraseology itself showing that the     
relations between the  parties1 were    
those of debt and credit4 #b4 ,as the   
reckoning went on1 one  of his servants 
was found to owe him ten thousand       
talents4 ,from the  fact that the       
servant owed this to his master1 we     
naturally infer1  that he must have been
 at some time1 and in some way1 the     
responsible  owner of that amount1 or of
 its substantial equivalent4 ,not that  
he  had had that amount put into his    
hands to invest1 or disburse1 in his    
master's name1 merely as his agent1 for 
in that case no claim of  debt for value
 received would lie1 but1 that having   
sustained the  responsibilities of legal
 proprietorship1 he was under the       
liabilities  resulting therefrom4 #c4   
,not having on hand wherewith to pay1 he
 says to  his master have patience with 
me and ,i will pay thee all4 ,if the    
servant had been his master's property1 
his time and earnings belonged  to the  
master as a matter of course1 hence the 

promise to earn and pay  over that      
amount1 was virtually saying to his     
master1 ,i will take money  out of your 
pocket with which to pay my debt to you1
 thus adding insult  to injury4 ,the    
promise of the servant to pay the debt  
on condition that  the time for payment 
should be postponed1 not only proceeds  
upon the  fact that his time was his    
own1 that he was constantly earning     
property  or in circumstances that      
enabled him to earn it1 and that he was 
the  proprietor of his earnings1 but    
that his master had full knowledge  of  
that fact4--,in a word1 the supposition 
that the master was the  owner of the   
servant1 would annihilate all legal     
claim upon him for  value received1 and 
that the servant was the property of the
 master1  would absolve him from all    
obligations of debt1 or rather would    
always  forestall such obligations--for 
the relations of owner and creditor in  
such case1 would annihilate each other1 
as would those of property and  debtor4 

,the fact that the same servant was the 
creditor of one of his  fellow servants1
 who owed him a considerable sum1 and   
that at last he  was imprisoned until he
 should pay all that was due to his     
master1 are  additional corroborations  
of the same point4    ,,iv4             
,,heirship4--,servants frequently       
inherited their master's property2      
especially if he had no sons1 or if they
 had dishonored the family4  ,eliezer1  
the servant of ,abraham1 ,gen4 xv4 #bc2 
,ziba1 the servant of  ,mephibosheth2   
,jarha1 the servant of ,sheshan1 who    
married his daughter1  and thus became  
his heir1 he having no sons1 and the    
husbandmen who  said of their master's  
son1 this is the ,,heir1 let us kill    
him1 and the  ,,inheritance ,,will ,,be 
,,ours1 are illustrations2 also ,prov4  
xxx4 #bc1 an  handmaid 7or              
maid-servant17 that is heir to her      
mistress2 also  ,prov4 xvii4 #b--;,a    
wise servant shall have rule over a son 
that causeth  shame1 and ,,shall ,,have 

,,part ,,of ,,the ,,inheritance ,,among 
,,the ,,brethren4 ,this  passage gives  
servants precedence as heirs1 even over 
the wives and  daughters of their       
masters4 ,did masters hold by force1 and
 plunder of  earnings1 a class of       
persons1 from which1 in frequent        
contingencies1  they selected both heirs
 for their property1 and husbands for   
their  daughters8    ,v4 ,,all ,,were   
,,required ,,to ,,present ,,offerings   
,,and ,,sacrifices4 ,deut4 xvi4 #af1    
#ag2 #b ,chron4 xv4 #i-aa2 ,numb4 ix4   
#ac1 #ad4 ,beside this1 every man from  
twenty years old and above1 was required
 to pay a tax of half a shekel  at the  
taking of the census2 this is called an 
offering unto the ,lord  to make an     
atonement for their souls4 ,ex4 xxx4    
#ab-af4 ,see also ,ex4  xxxiv4 #bj4     
,servants must have had permanently the 
means of acquiring  property to meet    
these expenditures4    ,,vi4 ,,servants 
,,who ,,went ,,out ,,at ,,the ,,seventh 
,,year1 ,,were ,,furnished  ,,liberally4

 ,deut4 xv4 #aj-ad4 ,thou shalt furnish 
him liberally out of  thy flock1 and out
 of thy floor1 and out of thy wine      
press1 of that  wherewith the ,lord thy 
,god hath blessed thee1 thou shalt give 
him4,a  ,if it be said that the servants
 from the ,strangers did not receive a  
like bountiful supply1 we answer1       
neither did the most honorable class  of
 ,israelitish servants1 the             
free-holders2 and for the same reason1  
they did not go out in the seventh year1
 but continued until the  jubilee4 ,if  
the fact that the ,gentile servants did 
not receive such a  gratuity proves that
 they were robbed of their earnings1 it 
proves  that the most valued class of   
,hebrew servants were robbed of theirs  
also2 a conclusion too stubborn for even
 pro-slavery masticators1  however      
unscrupulous4    ,footnote ,a3 ,the     
comment of ,maimonides on this passage  
is as  follows--',thou shalt furnish him
 liberally1' c4 ,that is to say1        
',loading1 ye shall load him1' likewise 

every one of his family with as  much as
 he can take with him--abundant         
benefits4 ,and if it be  avariciously   
asked1 ',how much must ,i give him8' ,i 
say unto you1 not  less than thirty     
shekels1 which is the valuation of a    
servant1 as  declared in ,ex4 xxi4      
#cb4--,maimonides1 ,hilcoth ,obedim1    
,chap4 ii4 ,sec4  #c4    ,,vii4         
,,servants ,,were ,,bought4 ,in other   
words1 they received compensation in    
advance4,a ,having shown1 under a       
previous head1 that servants sold       
themselves1 and of course received the  
compensation for themselves1  except in 
cases where parents hired out the time  
of their children till  they became of  
age1,b a mere reference to the fact is  
all that is  required for the purposes  
of this argument4 ,as all the strangers 
in the  land were required to pay an    
annual tribute to the government1 the   
,israelites might often buy them as     
family servants1 by stipulating  with   
them to pay their annual tribute4 ,this 

assumption of their  obligations to the 
government might cover the whole of the 
servant's  time of service1 or a part of
 it1 at the pleasure of the parties4    
,footnote ,a3 ,but1 says the objector1  
if servants received their pay in       
advance1 and if the ,israelites were    
forbidden to surrender the fugitive  to 
his master1 it would operate practically
 as a bounty offered to all  servants   
who would leave their master's service  
encouraging them to make  contracts1 get
 their pay in advance and then run away1
 thus cheating  their masters out of    
their money as well as their own        
services4--,we  answer1 the prohibition1
 ,deut xxiii4 #ae4 #af1 ,thou shalt not 
deliver  unto his master1 c41 sets the  
servant free from his authority and of  
course1 from all those liabilities of   
injury1 to which as his servant1  he was
 subjected1 but not from the obligation 
of legal contracts4 ,if the  servant had
 received pay in advance1 and had not   
rendered an equivalent  for this value  

received1 he was not absolved from his  
obligation to do  so1 but he was        
absolved from all obligations to pay his
 master in that  particular way1 that   
is1 by working for him as his servant4  
,footnote ,b3 ,among the ,israelites1   
girls became of age at twelve1 and  boys
 at thirteen years4    ,,viii4 ,,the    
,,right ,,of ,,servants ,,to            
,,compensation ,,is ,,recognised ,,in   
,ex4 xxi4  #bg4 ,and if he smite out his
 man-servant's1 or his maid-servant's   
tooth1  he shall let him go free for his
 tooth's sake4 ,this regulation is      
manifestly based upon the right of the  
servant to the use of himself  and all  
this powers1 faculties and personal     
conveniences1 and  consequently his just
 claim for remuneration1 upon him1 who  
should  however unintentionally1 deprive
 him of the use even of the least of    
them4 ,if the servant had a right to his
 tooth and the use of it1  upon the same
 principle1 he had a right to the rest  
of his body and the  use of it4 ,if he  

had a right to the fraction1 and if it  
was his to  hold1 to use1 and to have   
pay for2 he had a right to the sum      
total1  and it was his to hold1 to use1 
and to have pay for4    ,,ix4 ,,we      
,,find ,,masters ,,at ,,one ,,time      
,,having ,a ,,large ,,number ,,of       
,,servants1 ,,and  ,,afterwards ,,none1 
,,with ,,no ,,intimation ,,in ,,any     
,,case ,,that ,,they ,,were ,,sold4 ,the
  wages of servants would enable them to
 set up in business for  themselves4    
,jacob1 after being ,laban's servant for
 twenty-one years1  became thus an      
independent herdsman1 and had many      
servants4 ,gen4 xxx4  #dc2 xxxii4 #af4  
,but all these servants had left him    
before he went down  into ,egypt1 having
 doubtless acquired enough to commence  
business for  themselves4 ,gen4 xlv4    
#aj1 #aa2 xlvi4 #a-g1 #cb4 ,the case of 
,ziba1 the  servant of ,mephibosheth1   
who had twenty servants1 has been       
already  mentioned4    ,x4 ,,god',s     
,,testimony ,,to ,,the ,,character ,,of 

,,abraham4 ,gen4 xviii4 #ai4 ,for ,i    
know him that he will command his       
children and his household after him1   
and they shall keep ,,the ,,way ,,of    
,,the ,,lord ,,to ,,do ,,justice ,,and  
,,judgment4 ,god  here testifies that   
,abraham taught his servants the way of 
the ,lord4  ,what was the way of the    
,lord respecting the payment of wages   
where  service was rendered8 ,wo unto   
him that useth this neighbor's service  
,,without ,,wages6 ,jer4 xxii4 #ac4     
,masters1 give unto your servants that  
which is ,,just ,,and ,,equal4 ,col4 iv4
 #a4 ,render unto all their ,,dues4     
,rom4  xiii4 #g4 ,the laborer is        
,,worthy of ,,his ,,hire4 ,luke x4 #g4  
,how did ,abraham  teach his servants to
 do justice to others8 ,by doing        
injustice to  them8 ,did he exhort them 
to render to all their dues by keeping  
back  their own8 ,did he teach them that
 the laborer was worthy of his hire  by 
robbing them of theirs8 ,did he beget in
 them a reverence for  honesty by       

pilfering all their time and labor8 ,did
 he teach them not to  defraud others in
 any matter by denying them what was    
just and  equal8 ,if each of ,abraham's 
pupils under such a catechism did not   
become a very ,aristides in justice1    
then illustrious examples1  patriarchal 
dignity1 and practical lessons1 can make
 but slow headway  against human        
perverseness6    ,,xi4 ,,specific       
,,precepts ,,of ,,the ,,mosaic ,,law    
,,enforcing ,,general ,,principles4     
,out of many1 we select the following3  
7#a47 ,thou shalt not muzzle the ox     
when he treadeth out the corn4 ,deut4   
xxv4 #d4 ,here is a general  principle  
applied to a familiar case4 ,the ox     
representing all domestic  animals4     
,isa4 xxx4 #bd4 ,a particular kind of   
service1 all kinds2 and  a law requiring
 an abundant provision for the wants of 
an animal  ministering to man in a      
certain way1--a general principle of    
treatment  covering all times1 modes1   
and instrumentalities of service4 ,the  

object  of the law was2 not merely to   
enjoin tenderness towards brutes1 but to
  inculcate the duty of rewarding those 
who serve us2 and if such care be       
enjoined1 by ,god1 both for the ample   
sustenance and present enjoyment of  a  
brute1 what would be a meet return for  
the services of man8--,,man  with his   
varied wants1 exalted nature and        
immortal destiny6 ,paul says  expressly1
 that this principle lies at the bottom 
of the statute4 #a ,cor4  ix4 #i1 #aj1  
,for it is written in the law of ,moses1
 ,thou shalt not muzzle  the mouth of   
the ox that treadeth out the corn4 ,doth
 ,god take care for  oxen8 ,or saith he 
it altogether for ,,our sakes8 that he  
that ploweth  should plow in ,,hope1 and
 that he that thresheth in hope should  
be  ,,partaker ,,of ,,his ,,hope4 ,in   
the context1 ,paul innumerates the four 
grand  divisions of labor among the     
,jews in illustration of the principle  
that  the laborer1 whatever may be the  
service he performs1 is entitled to a   

reward4 ,the priests1 ,levites and all  
engaged in sacred things--the  military1
 those who tended flocks and herds1 and 
those who cultivated  the soil4 ,as the 
latter employment engaged the great body
 of the  ,israelites1 the ,apostle      
amplifies his illustration under that   
head by  much detail--and enumerates the
 five great departments of agricultural 
labor among the ,jews--vine-dressing1   
plowing1 sowing1 reaping and  threshing1
 as the representatives of universal    
labor4 ,in his epistle to  ,timothy4 #a 
,tim4 v4 #ah4 ,paul quotes again this   
precept of the ,mosaic law1  and        
connects with it the declaration of our 
,lord4 ,luke x4 #g4 ,the  laborer is    
worthy of his hire1--as both inculcating
 the same  doctrine1 that he who labors1
 whatever the employment1 or whoever the
  laborer1 is entitled to a reward4 ,the
 ,apostle thus declares the  principle  
of right respecting the performance of  
service for others1 and  the rule of    
duty towards those who perform it1 to be

 the same under both  dispensations4    
7#b47 ,if thy brother be waxen poor1 and
 fallen in decay  with thee1 then thou  
shalt relieve him1 ,,yea ,,though ,,he  
,,be ,a ,,stranger or a  ,,sojourner    
that he may live with thee4 ,take thou  
no usury of him1 or  increase1 but fear 
thy ,god4 ,thou shalt not give him thy  
money upon  usury1 nor lend him thy     
victuals for increase4 ,lev4 xxv4       
#ce-cg4 ,now1 we  ask1 by what process  
of pro-slavery legerdemain1 this        
regulation can be  made to harmonize    
with the doctrine of ,,work ,,without   
,,pay8 ,did ,god declare  the poor      
stranger entitled to ,,relief1 and in   
the same breath1 authorize  them to use 
his service without wages2 force him to 
work and ,,rob ,,him  ,,of ,,his        
,,earnings8        ,,iv4--,,were        
,,masters ,,the ,,proprietors ,,of      
,,servants ,,as ,,legal ,,property8     
,this topic has been unavoidably        
somewhat anticipated1 in the foregoing  
discussion1 but a variety of additional 

considerations remain to be  noticed4   
,i4 ,,servants ,,were ,,not ,,subjected 
,,to ,,the ,,uses ,,nor ,,liable ,,to   
,,the  ,,contingencies ,,of ,,property4 
#a ,they were never taken in payment for
 their  masters' debts4 ,children were  
sometimes taken 7without legal          
authority7  for the debts of a father4  
#b ,kings iv4 #a2 ,job xxiv4 #i2 ,isa4  
l4 #a2 ,matt4  xviii4 #be4 ,creditors   
took from debtors property of all kinds1
 to satisfy  their demands4 ,job xxiv4  
#c1 cattle are taken2 ,prov4 xxii4 #bg1 
household  furniture2 ,lev4 xxv4 #be-bh1
 the productions of the soil2 ,lev4 xxv4
  #bg-cj1 houses2 ,ex4 xxii4 #bf1 #bg2  
,deut4 xxiv4 #aj-ac2 ,matt4 v4 #dj1     
clothing2 but servants were taken in no 
instance4 #b4 ,servants were  never     
given as pledges4 ,property of all sorts
 was pledged for value  received2       
household furniture1 clothing1 cattle1  
money1 signets1  personal ornaments1 c41
 but no servants4 #c4 ,servants were not
 put into  the hands of others1 or      

consigned to their keeping4 ,the precept
 giving  directions how to proceed in a 
case where property that has life is    
delivered to another to keep1 and it die
 or be hurt or driven away1  enumerates 
oxen1 asses1 sheep or any beast1 but not
 servants4  ,ex4 xxii4 #aj4 #d4 ,all    
lost property was to be restored4 ,oxen1
 asses1  sheep1 raiment1 and all lost   
things1 are specified--servants not4    
,deut4 xxii #a-c4 ,besides1 the         
,israelites were forbidden to return the
  runaway servant4 ,deut4 xxiii1 #ae4   
#e4 ,servants were not sold4 ,when by   
flagrant misconduct1 unfaithfulness or  
from whatever cause1 they had  justly   
forfeited their privilege of membership 
in an ,israelitish family1  they were   
not sold1 but expelled from the         
household4 ,luke xvi4 #b-d2 #b  ,kings  
v4 #bj1 #bg2 ,gen4 xxi4 #ad4 #f ,the    
,israelites never received servants  as 
tribute4 ,at different times all the    
nations round about them were  their    
tributaries and paid them annually large

 amounts4 ,they received  property of   
all kinds in payment of tribute4 ,gold1 
silver1 brass1 iron1  precious stone1   
and vessels1 armor1 spices1 raiment1    
harness1 horses1  mules1 sheep1 goats1  
c41 are in various places enumerated1   
but  servants1 never4 #g4 ,the          
,israelites never gave away their       
servants as  presents4 ,they made costly
 presents1 of great variety4 ,lands1    
houses1  all kinds of domestic animals1 
beds1 merchandize1 family utensils1     
precious metals1 grain1 honey1 butter1  
cheese1 fruits1 oil1 wine1  raiment1    
armor1 c41 are among their recorded     
gifts4 ,giving presents  to superiors   
and persons of rank1 was a standing     
usage4 #a ,sam4 x4 #bg2  xvi4 #bj2 #b   
,chron4 xvii4 #e4 ,abraham to           
,abimelech1 ,gen4 xxi4 #bg2 ,jacob to   
the viceroy of ,egypt1 ,gen4 xliii4 #aa2
 ,joseph to his brethren and father1    
,gen4 xlv4 #bb1 #bc2 ,benhadad to       
,elisha1 #b ,kings viii4 #h1 #i2 ,ahaz  
to  ,tiglath ,pilezer1 #b ,kings vi4 #h2

 ,solomon to the ,queen of ,sheba1 #a   
,kings  x4 #ac2 ,jeroboam to ,ahijah1 #a
 ,kings xiv4 #c2 ,asa to ,benhadad1 #a  
,kings xv4  #ah1 #ai4 ,abigail the wife 
of ,nabal to ,david1 #a ,sam4 xxv4 #ah4 
,david to the  elders of ,judah1 #a     
,sam4 xxx4 #bf4 ,jehoshaphat to his     
sons1 #b4 ,chron4 xxi4  #c4 ,the        
,israelites to ,david1 #a4 ,chron4 xii4 
#ci1 #dj4 ,shobi ,machir and  ,barzillai
 to ,david1 #b ,sam4 xvii4 #bh1 #bi4    
,but no servants were given as          
presents1 though it was a prevailing    
fashion in the surrounding nations4     
,gen4 xii4 #af1 xx4 #ad4 ,in the last   
passage we are told that ,abimelech     
king of the ,philistines took sheep and 
oxen and men servants and women         
servants and gave them unto ,abraham4   
,not long after this ,abraham made      
,abimelech a present1 the same kind with
 that which he had received from  him   
except that he gave him no servants4    
,and ,abraham took sheep and  oxen and  
gave them unto ,abimelech4 ,gen4 xxi4   

#bg4 ,it may be objected  that ,laban   
,,gave handmaids to his daughters1      
,jacob's wives4 ,without  enlarging on  
the nature of the polygamy then         
prevalent1 suffice it to  say that the  
handmaids of wives were regarded as     
wives1 though of  inferior dignity and  
authority4 ,that ,jacob so regarded his 
handmaids1 is  proved by his curse upon 
,reuben1 ,gen4 xlix4 #d1 and #a ,chron4 
v4 #a2 also  by the equality of their   
children with those of ,rachel and      
,leah4 ,but had  it been otherwise--had 
,laban given them as articles of        
property1 then1  indeed1 the example of 
this good old slaveholder and patriarch1
 ,saint  ,laban1 would have been a      
forecloser to all argument4 ,ah6 we     
remember his  jealousy for religion--his
 holy indignation when he found that his
  ,,gods were stolen6 ,how he mustered  
his clan1 and plunged over the  desert  
in hot pursuit seven days by forced     
marches2 how he ransacked a  whole      
caravan1 sifting the contents of every  

tent1 little heeding such  small matters
 as domestic privacy1 or female         
seclusion1 for lo6 the zeal  of his     
,,images had eaten him up6 ,no wonder   
that slavery1 in its  ,bible-navigation1
 drifting dismantled before the free    
gusts1 should scud  under the lee of    
such a pious worthy to haul up and      
refit2 invoking his  protection1 and the
 benediction1 of his ,,gods6 ,again1 it 
may be  objected that1 servants were    
enumerated in inventories of property4  
,if  that proves servants property1 it  
proves wives property4 ,thou shall  not 
covet thy neighbor's house1 thou shall  
not covet thy neighbor's  ,,wife1 nor   
his man-servant1 nor his maid-servant1  
nor his ox1 nor his  ass1 nor any thing 
that is thy neighbor's4 ,ex4 xx4 #ag4   
,in inventories  of mere property1 if   
servants are included1 it is in such a  
way as to  show that they are not       
regarded as property4 ,eccl4 ii4 #g1 #h4
 ,but when  the design is to show1 not  
merely the wealth1 but the greatness and

  power of any one1 servants are spoken 
of1 as well as property4 ,in a  word1 if
 riches alone are spoken of1 no mention 
is made of servants2  if greatness1     
servants and property4 ,gen4 xiii4 #b1  
#e4 ,and ,abraham was  very rich in     
cattle1 in silver1 and in gold4 ,yet we 
are told1 in the  verse preceding1 that 
he came up out of ,egypt with all that  
he had4  ,and ,lot also had flocks1 and 
herds1 and tents4 ,in the seventh verse 
servants are mentioned1 ,and there was a
 strife between the ,,herdmen of        
,abraham's cattle and the ,,herdmen of  
,lot's cattle4 ,it is said of ,isaac4   
,and the man waxed great1 and went      
forward1 and grew until he became  very 
great4 ,for he had possession of flocks1
 and possession of herds1  and great    
store of servants4 ,in immediate        
connection with this we  find ,abimelech
 the king of the ,philistines saying to 
him4 ,thou art much  mightier than we4  
,shortly after this avowal1 ,isaac is   
waited upon by  a deputation consisting 

of ,abimelech1 ,phicol the chief captain
 of his  army1 and ,ahuzzath1 who says  
to him ,let there be now an oath betwixt
 us  and thee1 and let us make a        
covenant with thee1 that thou wilt do us
 no  hurt4 ,gen4 xxvi4 #ac1 #ad1 #af1   
#bf1 #bh1 #bi4--;,a plain concession of 
the  power which ,isaac had both for    
aggression and defence in his great     
store of servants2 that is1 of willing  
and affectionate adherents to  him as a 
just and benevolent prince4 ,when ,hamor
 and ,shechem speak to the  ,hivites of 
the riches of ,abraham and his sons1    
they say1 ,shall not  their cattle and  
their substance and every beast of      
theirs be  ours8 ,gen4 xxxiv4 #bc4 ,see 
also ,josh4 xxii4 #h2 ,gen4 xxxiv4 #bc2 
,job4  xlii4 #ab2 #b ,chron4 xxi4 #c2   
xxxii4 #bg-bi2 ,job4 i4 #c-e2 ,deut4    
viii4 #ab-ag2  ,gen4 xxiv4 #ce2 xxvi4   
#ac2 xxx4 #dc4 ,jacob's wives say to    
him1 ,all the  riches which ,god has    
taken from our father that is ours and  
our  children's4 ,then follows an       

inventory of property--,all his cattle1 
all his goods1 the cattle of his        
getting4 ,his numerous servants are  not
 included with his property4 ,comp4     
,gen4 xxx4 #dc1 with ,gen4 xxxi4        
#af-ah4 ,when ,jacob sent messengers to 
,esau1 wishing to impress him with  an  
idea of his state and sway1 he bade them
 tell him not only of his  ,,riches1 but
 of his ,,greatness2 that he had oxen1  
and asses1 and flocks1  and             
men-servants1 and maid-servants4 ,gen4  
xxxii4 #d1 #e4 ,yet in the  present     
which he sent1 there were no servants2  
though he manifestly  selected the most 
valuable kinds of property4 ,gen4 xxxii4
 #ad1 #ae2 see  also ,gen4 xxxvi4 #f1   
#g2 xxxiv4 #bc4 ,as flocks and herds    
were the staples  of wealth1 a large    
number of servants presupposed large    
possessions of  cattle1 which would     
require many herdsmen4 ,when ,jacob and 
his sons went  down into ,egypt it is   
repeatedly asserted that they took all  
that they  had4 ,their cattle and their 

goods which they had gotten in the land 
of  ,canaan1 ,their flocks and their    
herds are mentioned1 but no  servants4  
,and as we have besides a full catalogue
 of the household1  we know that he took
 with him no servants4 ,that ,jacob had 
many  servants before his migration into
 ,egypt1 we learn from ,gen1 xxx4 #dc2  
xxxii4 #e1 #af1 #ai4 ,that he was not   
the proprietor of these servants as  his
 property is a probable inference from  
the fact that he did not take  them with
 him1 since we are expressly told that  
he did take all his  property4 ,gen4    
xlv4 #aj2 xlvi4 #a1 #cb2 xlvii4 #a4     
,when servants are  spoken of in        
connection with mere property1 the terms
 used to express  the latter do not     
include the former4 ,the ,hebrew word   
mikne1 is an  illustration4 ,it is      
derived from kana1 to procure1 to buy1  
and its  meaning is1 a possession1      
wealth1 riches4 ,it occurs more than    
forty  times in the ,old ,testament1 and
 is applied always to mere property1    

generally to domestic animals1 but never
 to servants4 ,in some instances1       
servants are mentioned in distinction   
from the mikne4 ,and ,abraham  took     
,sarah his wife1 and ,lot his brother's 
son1 and all their ,,substance  that    
they had gathered2 and the souls that   
they had gotten in ,haran1 and  they    
went forth to go into the land of       
,canaan4 ,gen4 xii4 #e4 ,many will  have
 it1 that these souls were a part of    
,abraham's substance  7notwithstanding  
the pains here taken to separate them   
from it7--that  they were slaves taken  
with him in his migration as a part of  
his family  effects4 ,who but           
slaveholders1 either actually or in     
heart1 would  torture into the principle
 and practice of slavery1 such a        
harmless  phrase as the souls that they 
had gotten8 ,until the ,african slave   
trade breathed its haze into the eyes of
 the church and smote her with  palsy   
and decay1 commentators saw no slavery  
in1 ,the souls that they  had gotten4   

,in the ,targum of ,onkelos,a it is     
rendered1 ,the souls whom  they had     
brought to obey the law in ,haran4 ,in  
the ,targum of ,jonathan1  ,the souls   
whom they had made proselytes in ,haran4
 ,in the ,targum of  ,jerusalem1 ,the   
souls proselyted in ,haran4 ,jarchi1 the
 prince of ,jewish  commentators1 ,the  
souls whom they had brought under the   
,divine wings4  ,jerome1 one of the most
 learned of the ,christian fathers1 ,the
 persons  whom they had proselyted4 ,the
 ,persian version1 the ,vulgate1 the    
,syriac1  the ,arabic1 and the          
,samaritan all render it1 ,all the      
wealth which they  had gathered1 and the
 souls which they had made in ,haran4   
,menochius1 a  commentator who wrote    
before our present translation of the   
,bible1  renders it1 ,quas de           
idolatraria converterant4 ,those whom   
they had  converted from idolatry4      
,paulus ,fagius1,b ,quas instituerant in
  religione4 ,those whom they had       
established in religion4 ,luke ,francke1

  a ,german commentator who lived two   
centuries ago1 ,quas legi               
subjicerant4--,those whom they had      
brought to obey the law4 ,the same      
distinction is made between persons and 
property1 in the enumeration  of ,esau's
 household and the inventory of his     
effects4 ,and ,esau took his  wives and 
his sons and his daughters1 and all the 
persons of his  house1 and his cattle1  
and all his beasts1 and all his         
substance which  he had got in the land 
of ,canaan1 and went into the country   
from the  face of his brother ,jacob4   
,for their riches were more than that   
they  might dwell together2 and the land
 could not bear them because of their   
cattle4 ,gen4 xxxvi4 #f1 #g4            
,footnote ,a3 ,the ,targums are ,chaldee
 paraphrases of parts of the ,old       
,testament4 ,the ,targum of ,onkelos is1
 for the most part1 a very accurate  and
 faithful translation of the original1  
and was probably made at about  the     
commencement of the ,christian era4 ,the

 ,targum of ,jonathan ,ben  ,uzziel1    
bears about the same date4 ,the ,targum 
of ,jerusalem was probably  about five  
hundred years later4 ,the ,israelites1  
during their captivity  in ,babylon1    
lost1 as a body1 their own language4    
,these translations into  the ,chaldee1 
the language which they acquired in     
,babylon1 were thus  called for by the  
necessity of the case4      ,footnote   
,b3 ,this eminent ,hebrew scholar was   
invited to ,england to  superintend the 
translation of the ,bible into ,english1
 under the  patronage of ,henry the     
,eighth4 ,he had hardly commenced the   
work when he  died4 ,this was nearly a  
century before the date of our present  
translation4    ,,ii4 ,,the ,,condition 
,,and ,,social ,,estimation ,,of        
,,servants ,,make ,,the ,,doctrine      
,,that ,,they ,,were ,,commodities1 ,,an
 ,,absurdity4 ,as the head of a ,jewish 
family  possessed the same power over   
his wife1 children1 and grandchildren   
7if  they were in his family7 as over   

his servants1 if the latter were        
articles of property1 the former were   
equally such4 ,if there were  nothing   
else in the ,mosaic ,institutes or      
history establishing the social         
equality of the servants with their     
masters and their master's wives and    
children1 those precepts which required 
that they should be guests at  all the  
public feasts1 and equal participants in
 the family and social  rejoicings1     
would be quite sufficient to settle the 
question4 ,deut4 xii4  #ab1 #ah2 xvi4   
#aj1 #aa1 #ac1 #ad4 ,ex4 xii4 #dc1 #dd4 
,st4 ,paul's testimony in  ,gal4 iv4 #a1
 shows the condition of servants3 ,now  
,i say unto you1 that  the heir1 so long
 as he is a child1 ,,differeth ,,nothing
 ,,from ,a ,,servant1  though he be lord
 of all4 ,that the interests of         
,abraham's servants were  identified    
with those of their master's family1 and
 that the utmost  confidence was reposed
 in them1 is shown in their being armed4
 ,gen4 xiv4  #ad1 #ae4 ,when ,abraham's 

servant went to ,padanaram1 the young   
,princess  ,rebecca did not disdain to  
say to him4 ,drink1 ,,my ,,lord1 as she 
hasted  and let down her pitcher upon   
her hand1 and gave him drink4 ,laban1   
the  brother of ,rebecca1 ungirded his  
camels1 and brought him water to wash   
his feet1 and the men's feet that were  
with him6 ,in the arrangements of       
,jacob's household on his journey from  
,padanaram to ,canaan1 we find his  two 
maid servants treated in the same manner
 and provided with the same             
accommodations as ,rachel and ,leah4    
,each of them had a separate tent       
appropriated to her use4 ,gen4 xxxi4    
#cc4 ,the social equality of servants   
with their masters and other members of 
their master's families1 is an  obvious 
deduction from ,ex4 xxi4 #g1 #aj1 from  
which we learn that the sale  of a young
 ,jewish female as a servant1 was also  
betrothed as a wife1  either to her     
master1 or to one of his sons4 ,in #a   
,sam4 ix4 is an account  of a festival  

in the city of ,zuph1 at which ,samuel  
presided4 ,none but  those bidden1 sat  
down at the feast1 and only about thirty
 persons  were invited4 ,quite a select 
party6--the elite of the city4 ,saul and
 his  servant had just arrived at ,zuph1
 and both of them1 at ,samuel's         
solicitation1 accompany him as invited  
guests4 ,and ,samuel took ,saul and  his
 ,,servant1 and brought ,,them into the 
,,parlor 767 and made ,,them sit in  the
 ,,chiefest ,,seats among those that    
were bidden4 ,a servant invited by  the 
chief judge1 ruler1 and prophet in      
,israel1 to dine publicly with a  select
 party1 in company with his master1 who 
was at the same time  anointed ,king of 
,israel6 and this servant introduced by 
,samuel into the  ,,parlor1 and         
assigned1 with his master1 to the       
chiefest seat at the  table6 ,this was  
one of the servants of ,kish1 ,saul's   
father2 not the  steward or the chief of
 them--not at all a picked man1 but one 
of  the servants2 any one that could be 

most easily spared1 as no  endowments   
specially rare would be likely to find  
scope in looking after  asses4 ,david   
seems to have been for a time in all    
respects a servant in  ,saul's family4  
,he stood before him4 ,and ,saul sent to
 ,jesse1 saying1  let ,david1 ,i pray   
thee1 stand before me4 ,he was ,saul's  
personal  servant1 went on his errands1 
played on the harp for his amusement1   
bore  his armor for him1 and when he    
wished to visit his parents1 asked      
permission of ,jonathan1 ,saul's son4   
,saul also calls him my servant4 #a     
,sam4 xvi4 #ba-bc2 xviii4 #e2 xx4 #e1   
#f2 xxii4 #h4 ,yet ,david sat with the  
king at meat1 married his daughter1 and 
lived on terms of the closest  intimacy 
with the heir apparent of the throne4   
,abimelech1 who was first  elected king 
of ,shechem1 and afterwards reigned over
 all ,israel1 was  the son of a         
,,maid-,,servant4 ,his mother's family  
seems to have been of  much note in the 
city of ,shechem1 where her brothers    

manifestly held  great sway4 ,judg4 ix4 
#a-f1 #ah4 ,jarha1 an ,egyptian1 the    
servant of  ,sheshan1 married his       
daughter4 ,tobiah1 the servant and an   
,ammonite  married the daughter of      
,shecaniah one of the chief men among   
the ,jews in  ,jerusalem and was the    
intimate associate of ,sanballat the    
governor of  the ,samaritans4 ,we find  
,elah1 the ,king of ,israel1 at a       
festive  entertainment1 in the house of 
,arza1 his steward1 or head servant1    
with  whom he seems to have been on     
terms of familiarity4 #a ,kings xvi4 #h1
 #i4  ,see also the intercourse between 
,gideon and his servants4 ,judg4 vi4    
#bg1  and vii4 #aj1 #aa4 ,the ,levite of
 ,mount ,ephraim and his servant4 ,judg4
 xx4  #c1 #i1 #aa1 #ac1 #ai1 #ba1 #bb4  
,king ,saul and his servant ,doeg1 one  
of his  herdmen4 #a ,sam4 xx4 #a1 #g2   
xxii4 #i1 #ah1 #bb4 ,king ,david and    
,ziba1 the  servant of ,mephibosheth4 #b
 ,sam4 xvi4 #a-d4 ,jonathan and his     
servant4 #a  ,sam4 xiv4 #a-ad4 ,elisha  

and his servant1 ,gehazi4 #b ,kings iv4 
v4 vi4 ,also  between ,joram king of    
,israel and the servant of ,elisha4 #b  
,kings viii4 #d1  #e1 and between       
,naaman the ,captain of the host of the 
king of ,syria and  the same person4 #b 
,kings v4 #ba-bc4 ,the fact stated under
 a previous head  that servants were    
always invited guests at public and     
social festivals1  is in perfect keeping
 with the foregoing exemplifications of 
the  prevalent estimation in which      
servants were held by the ,israelites4  
,probably no one of the ,old ,testament 
patriarchs had more servants than  ,job2
 ,this man was the greatest man of all  
the men of the east4 ,job1 i4  #c4 ,we  
are not left in the dark as to the      
condition of his servants4  ,after      
asserting his integrity1 his strict     
justice1 honesty1 and equity1  in his   
dealings with his fellow men1 and       
declaring ,i delivered the  poor1 ,i was
 eyes to the blind and feet was ,i to   
the lame1 ,i was a  father to the poor1 

and the cause which ,i knew not ,i      
searched out1 99 99  99 he says ,if ,i  
did despise the cause of my man-servant 
or my  maid-servant when they           
,,contended with me 99 99 99 then let   
mine arm fall  from the shoulder blade1 
and mine arm be broken from the bone4   
,job4  xxix4 #ab1 #ae1 #af2 xxxi4 #ac1  
#bb4 ,the language employed in this     
passage is  the phraseology applied in  
judicial proceedings to those who       
implead one  another1 and whether it be 
understood literally or figuratively1   
shows  that whatever difference existed 
between ,job and his servants in other  
respects1 so far as rights are          
concerned1 they were on equal ground    
with him1 and that in the matter of     
daily intercourse1 there was not the    
least restraint on their free speech in 
calling in question all his             
transactions with them1 and that the    
relations and claims of both  parties   
were adjudicated on the principles of   
equity and reciprocal  right4 ,if ,i    

despised the cause of my man-servant1 c4
 ,in other  words1 if ,i treated it     
lightly1 as though servants were not    
men1 had not  rights1 and had not a     
claim for just dues and just estimation 
as human  beings4 ,when they contended  
with me1 that is1 when they plead their 
rights1 claimed what was due to them1 or
 questioned the justice of any  of my   
dealings with them4    ,in the context  
,job virtually affirms as the ground of 
his just and  equitable treatment of his
 servants1 that they had the same rights
 as he  had1 and were1 as human beings1 
entitled to equal consideration with    
himself4 ,by what language could he more
 forcibly utter his conviction of  the  
oneness of their common origin and of   
the identity of their common  nature1   
necessities1 attribute and rights8 ,as  
soon as he has said1 ,if ,i  did despise
 the cause of my man-servant1 c41 he    
follows it up with  ,what then shall ,i 
do when ,god raiseth up8 and when he    
visiteth1 what  shall ,i answer him8    

,did not he that made me in the womb1   
make him8 and  did not one fashion us in
 the womb4 ,in the next verse ,job      
glories in  the fact that he has not    
withheld from the poor their desire4 ,is
 it  the desire of the poor to be       
compelled by the rich to work for them1 
and without pay8    ,,iii4 ,,the ,,case 
,,of ,,the ,,gibeonites4 ,the condition 
of the inhabitants of  ,gibeon1         
,chephirah1 ,beeroth1 and               
,kirjathjearim1 under the ,hebrew       
commonwealth1 is quoted in triumph by   
the advocates of slavery2 and  truly    
they are right welcome to all the crumbs
 that can be gleaned from  it4 ,milton's
 devils made desperate snatches at fruit
 that turned to  ashes on their lips4   
,the spirit of slavery raves under      
tormenting  gnawings1 and casts about in
 blind phrenzy for something to ease1 or
  even to mock them4 ,but for this1 it  
would never have clutched at the        
,gibeonites1 for even the incantations  
of the demon cauldron could not  extract

 from their case enough to tantalize    
starvation's self4 ,but to  the         
question4 ,what was the condition of the
 ,gibeonites under the  ,israelites8 #a4
 ,it was voluntary4 ,their own          
proposition to ,joshua was  to become   
servants4 ,josh4 ix4 #h1 #aa4 ,it was   
accepted1 but the kind of  service which
 they should perform1 was not specified 
until their gross  imposition came to   
light2 they were then assigned to menial
 offices in  the ,tabernacle4 #b4 ,they 
were not domestic servants in the       
families of  the ,israelites4 ,they     
still resided in their own cities1      
cultivated  their own fields1 tended    
their flocks and herds1 and exercised   
the  functions of a distinct1 though not
 independent community4 ,they were      
subject to the ,jewish nation as        
tributaries4 ,so far from being         
distributed among the ,israelites and   
their internal organization as a        
distinct people abolished1 they remained
 a separate1 and1 in some  respects1 an 

independent community for many          
centuries4 ,when attacked by  the       
,amorites1 they applied to the          
,israelites as confederates for aid--it 
was rendered1 their enemies routed1 and 
themselves left unmolested in  their    
cities4 ,josh4 x4 #f-ah4 ,long          
afterwards1 ,saul slew some of them1    
and ,god sent upon ,israel a three      
years' famine for it4 ,david inquired of
  the ,gibeonites1 ,what shall ,i do for
 you1 and wherewith shall ,i make the   
atonement8 ,at their demand1 he         
delivered up to them seven of ,saul's   
descendants4 #b ,sam4 xxi4 #a-i4 ,the   
whole transaction was a formal          
recognition of the ,gibeonites as a     
distinct people4 ,there is no           
intimation that they served either      
families or individuals of the          
,israelites1 but only the house of ,god1
 or the ,tabernacle4 ,this was          
established first at ,gilgal1 a days'   
journey from their cities2 and then  at 
,shiloh1 nearly two days' journey from  

them2 where it continued about  #cej    
years4 ,during this period the          
,gibeonites inhabited their ancient     
cities and territory4 ,only a few1      
comparatively1 could have been absent   
at any one time in attendance on the    
,tabernacle4 ,wherever allusion is  made
 to them in the history1 the main body  
are spoken of as at home4  ,it is       
preposterous to suppose that all the    
inhabitants of these four  cities could 
find employment at the ,tabernacle4 ,one
 of them was a great  city1 as one of   
the royal cities2 so large1 that a      
confederacy of five  kings1 apparently  
the most powerful in the land1 was      
deemed necessary  for its destruction4  
,it is probable that the men were       
divided into  classes1 ministering in   
rotation--each class a few days or weeks
 at a  time4 ,as the priests whose      
assistants they were1 served by courses 
in  rotation a week at a time2 it is not
 improbable that their periods of       
service were so arranged as to          

correspond4 ,this service was their     
national tribute to the ,israelites1 for
 the privilege of residence and         
protection under their government4 ,no  
service seems to have been  required of 
the females4 ,as these ,gibeonites were 
,canaanites1 and as  they had greatly   
exasperated the ,israelites by impudent 
imposition and  lying1 we might         
assuredly expect that they would reduce 
them to the  condition of chattels1 if  
there was any case in which ,god        
permitted  them to do so4    ,,iv4      
,,egyptian ,,bondage ,,analyzed4        
,throughout the ,mosaic system1 ,god    
warns  the ,israelites against holding  
their servants in such a condition as   
they were held in by the ,egyptians4    
,how often are they pointed back to  the
 grindings of their prison-house6 ,what 
motives to the exercise of  justice and 
kindness towards their servants1 are    
held out to their fears  in threatened  
judgments2 to their hopes in promised   
good2 and to all  within them that could

 feel1 by those oft repeated words of   
tenderness  and terror6 ,for ye were    
bondmen in the land of ,egypt--waking   
anew the  memory of tears and anguish1  
and of the wrath that avenged them4 ,but
  what was the bondage of the           
,israelites in ,egypt8 ,of what rights  
were  they plundered and what did they  
retain8    #a4 ,they were not dispersed 
among the families of ,egypt1,a but     
formed a  separate community4 ,gen4     
xlvi4 #cd4 ,ex4 viii4 #bb1 #bd2 ix4 #bf2
 x4 #bc2 xi4  #g2 iv4 #bi2 ii4 #i2 xvi4 
#bb2 xvii4 #e2 vi4 #ad4 #b4 ,they had   
the exclusive  possession of the land of
 ,goshen1,b the best part of the land of
  ,egypt4 ,gen4 xlv4 #ah2 xlvii4 #f1    
#aa1 #bg2 ,ex4 viii4 #bb2 ix4 #bf2 xii4 
#d4  ,goshen must have been at a        
considerable distance from those parts  
of  ,egypt inhabited by the ,egyptians2 
so far at least as to prevent their     
contact with the ,israelites1 since the 
reason assigned for locating them  in   
,goshen was1 that shepherds were an     

abomination to the ,egyptians2  besides1
 their employments would naturally lead 
them out of the settled  parts of ,egypt
 to find a free range of pasturage for  
their immense  flocks and herds4 #c4    
,they lived in permanent dwellings4     
,these were  houses1 not tents4 ,in ,ex4
 xii4 #g1 #bb1 the two side posts1 and  
the  upper door posts1 and the lintel of
 the houses are mentioned4 ,each  family
 seems to have occupied a house by      
itself4 ,acts vii4 #bj4 ,ex4  xii4      
#d--;and judging from the regulation    
about the eating of the  ,passover1 they
 could hardly have been small ones1 ,ex4
 xii4 #d2 probably  contained separate  
apartments1 as the entertainment of     
sojourners seems  to have been a common 
usage4 ,ex4 iii4 #bc2 and also places   
for  concealment4 ,ex4 ii4 #b1 #c2 ,acts
 vii4 #bj4 ,they appear to have been    
well  apparelled4 ,ex4 xii4 #aa4 #d4    
,they owned flocks and herds1 and very  
much cattle4 ,ex4 xii4 #d1 #f1 #cb1 #cg1
 #ch4 ,from the fact that every  man was

 commanded to kill either a lamb or a   
kid1 one year old1 for  the ,passover1  
before the people left ,egypt1 we infer 
that even the  poorest of the           
,israelites owned a flock either of     
sheep or goats4  ,further1 the immense  
multitude of their flocks and herds may 
be judged  of from the expostulation of 
,moses with ,jehovah4 ,num4 xii4 #ba1   
#bb4 ,the  people among whom ,i am are  
six hundred thousand footmen1 and thou  
hast  said ,i will give them flesh that 
they may eat a whole month2 shall the   
flocks and the herds be slain for them  
to suffice them4 ,as these six  hundred 
thousand were only the men from twenty  
years old and upward1  that were able to
 go forth to war1 ,ex4 i4 #de1 #df2 the 
whole number of  the ,israelites could  
not have been less than three millions  
and a half4  ,flocks and herds to       
suffice all these for food1 might surely
 be called  very much cattle4 #e4 ,they 
had their own form of government1 and   
preserved their tribe and family        

divisions1 and their internal           
organization throughout1 though still a 
province of ,egypt1 and  tributary to   
it4 ,ex4 ii4 #a2 xii4 #ai1 #ba2 vi4 #ad1
 #be2 v4 #ai2 iii4 #af1  #ah4 #f4 ,they 
had in a considerable measure1 the      
disposal of their own  time4 ,ex4 iii4  
#af1 #ah2 xii4 #f2 ii4 #i2 and iv4 #bg1 
#bi-ca4 ,they seem to  have practised   
the fine arts4 ,ex4 xxxii4 #d2 xxxv4    
#bb1 #ce4 #g4 ,they were  all armed4    
,ex4 xxxii4 #bg4 #h4 ,they held their   
possessions  independently1 and the     
,egyptians seem to have regarded them as
  inviolable4 ,no intimation is given   
that the ,egyptians dispossessed them   
of their habitations1 or took away their
 flocks1 or herds1 or crops1 or         
implements of agriculture1 or any       
article of property4 #i4 ,all the       
females seem to have known something of 
domestic refinements4 ,they were        
familiar with instruments of music1 and 
skilled in the working of fine  fabrics4
 ,ex4 xv4 #bj2 xxxv4 #be1 #bf2 and both 

males and females were able  to read and
 write4 ,deut4 xi4 #ah-bj2 xvii4 #ai2   
xxvii4 #c4 #aj4 ,service  seems to have 
been exacted from none but adult males4 
,nothing is said  from which the bond   
service of females could be inferred2   
the hiding of  ,moses three months by   
his mother1 and the payment of wages to 
her by  ,pharaoh's daughter1 go against 
such a supposition4 ,ex4 ii4 #bi4 #aa4  
,their food was abundant and of great   
variety4 ,so far from being fed  upon a 
fixed allowance of a single article1 and
 hastily prepared1 they  sat by the     
flesh-pots1 and did eat bread to the    
full4 ,ex4 xvi4 #c2 and  their bread was
 prepared with leaven4 ,ex4 xii4 #ae1   
#ci4 ,they ate the  fish freely1 the    
cucumbers1 and the melons1 and the      
leeks1 and the  onions1 and the garlic4 
,num4 xi4 #d1 #e2 xx4 #e4 ,probably but 
a small  portion of the people were in  
the service of the ,egyptians at any one
  time4 ,the extent and variety of their
 own possessions1 together with  such a 

cultivation of their crops as would     
provide them with bread1 and  such care 
of their immense flocks and herds1 as   
would secure their  profitable increase1
 must have kept at home the main body of
 the nation4  ,during the plague of     
darkness1 ,god informs us that ,,all the
 children of  ,israel had light in their
 dwellings4 ,we infer that they were    
there to  enjoy it4 ,see also ,ex4 ix4  
#bf4 ,it seems improbable that the      
making of  brick1 the only service named
 during the latter part of their sojourn
 in  ,egypt1 could have furnished       
permanent employment for the bulk of the
  nation4 ,see also ,ex4 iv4 #bi-ca4    
,besides1 when ,eastern nations employed
  tributaries1 it was as now1 in the use
 of the levy1 requiring them to  furnish
 a given quota1 drafted off             
periodically1 so that comparatively  but
 a small portion of the nation would be 
absent at any one time4 ,the  adult     
males of the ,israelites were probably  
divided into companies1  which relieved 

each other at stated intervals of weeks 
or months4 ,it  might have been during  
one of these periodical furloughs from  
service  that ,aaron performed the      
journey to ,horeb4 ,ex4 iv4 #bg4 ,at the
 least  calculation this journey must   
have consumed eight weeks4 ,probably    
one-fifth part of the proceeds of their 
labor was required of the  ,israelites  
in common with the ,egyptians4 ,gen4    
xlvii4 #bd1 #bf4 ,instead of  taking it 
from their crops1 7,goshen being better 
for pasturage7 they  exacted it of them 
in brick making2 and labor might have   
been exacted  only from the poorer      
,israelites1 the wealthy being able to  
pay their  tribute in money4 ,the fact  
that all the elders of ,israel seem to  
have  controlled their own time1 7,see  
,ex4 iv4 #bi2 iii4 #af2 v4 #bj17 favors 
the  supposition4 ,ex4 iv4 #bg1 #ca4    
,contrast this bondage of ,egypt with   
,american slavery4 ,have our slaves     
flocks and herds even very much  cattle8
 ,do they live in commodious houses of  

their own1 sit by the  flesh-pots1 eat  
fish freely1 and eat bread to the full8 
,do they  live in a separate community1 
in their distinct tribes1 under their   
own  rulers1 in the exclusive occupation
 of an extensive tract of country for   
the culture of their crops1 and for     
rearing immense herds of their own      
cattle--and all these held inviolable by
 their masters8 ,are our female  slaves 
free from exactions of labor and        
liabilities of outrage8 or when         
employed1 are they paid wages1 as was   
the ,israelitish woman by the  king's   
daughter8 ,have they the disposal of    
their own time1 and the means  for      
cultivating social refinements1 for     
practising the fine arts1 and  for      
personal improvement8 ,,the ,,israelites
 ,,under ,,the ,,bondage ,,of ,,egypt1  
,,enjoyed ,,all ,,these ,,rights ,,and  
,,privileges4 ,true1 all the service    
wherein  they made them serve was with  
rigor4 ,but what was this when compared 
with the incessant toil of ,american    

slaves2 the robbery of all their  time  
and earnings1 and even the power to own 
any thing1 or acquire any  thing8 a     
quart of corn a-day1 the legal allowance
 of food6,c their  only clothing for one
 half the year1 one shirt and one pair  
of  pantaloons6,dtwo hours and a half   
only1 for rest and refreshment in  the  
twenty-four6,e--their dwellings1 hovels1
 unfit for human  residence1 with but   
one apartment1 where both sexes and all 
ages herd  promiscuously at night1 like 
the beasts of the field4,f ,add to this1
  the ignorance1 and degradation2,g the 
daily sunderings of kindred1 the        
revelries of lust1 the lacerations and  
baptisms of blood1 sanctioned by  law1  
and patronized by public sentiment4     
,what was the bondage of ,egypt  when   
compared with this8 ,and yet for her    
oppression of the poor1 ,god  smote her 
with plagues1 and trampled her as the   
mire1 till she passed  away in his      
wrath1 and the place that knew her in   
her pride1 knew her no  more4 ,ah6 ,i   

have seen the afflictions of my people1 
and ,i have heard  their groanings1 and 
am come down to deliver them4 ,,he ,,did
 ,,come1 and  ,egypt sank a ruinous     
heap1 and her blood closed over her4 ,if
 such was  ,god's retribution for the   
oppression of heathen ,egypt1 of how    
much sorer  punishment shall a          
,christian people be thought worthy1 who
 cloak with  religion a system1 in      
comparison with which the bondage of    
,egypt  dwindles to nothing8 ,let those 
believe who can1 that ,god commissioned 
his people to rob others of all their   
rights1 while he denounced  against them
 wrath to the uttermost1 if they        
practised the far lighter  oppression of
 ,egypt--which robbed its victims of    
only the least and  cheapest of their   
rights1 and left the females unplundered
 even of  these4 ,what6 ,is ,god divided
 against himself8 ,when ,he had just    
turned  ,egypt into a funeral pile2     
while his curse yet blazed upon her     
unburied  dead1 and his bolts still     

hissed amidst her slaughter1 and the    
smoke of  her torment went upwards      
because she had ,,robbed ,,the ,,poor1  
did ,he  license the ,,victims of       
robbery to rob the poor of ,,all8 ,as   
,lawgiver1  did he create a system      
tenfold more grinding than that for     
which he  had just hurled ,pharaoh      
headlong1 and overwhelmed his princes   
and his  hosts1 till hell was moved to  
meet them at their coming8    ,footnote 
,c3 ,see law of ,north ,carolina1       
,haywood's ,manual #ebd-e4 ,to show     
that slaveholders are not better than   
their laws4 ,we give a few  testimonies4
 ,rev4 ,thomas ,clay1 of ,georgia1 7a   
slaveholder17 in an  address before the 
,georgia presbytery1 in #ahcd1 speaking 
of the slave's  allowance of food1      
says3--,the quantity allowed by custom  
is a peck of  corn a week4 ,the         
,maryland ,journal and ,baltimore       
,advertiser of ,may #cj1  #aghh1 says1 a
 single peck of corn a week1 or the like
 measure of  rice1 is the ordinary      

quantity of provision for a hard-working
 slave2  to which a small quantity of   
meat is occasionally1 though rarely1    
added4    ,the ,gradual ,emancipation   
,society of ,north ,carolina1 in their  
,report for  #ahcf1 signed ,moses       
,swaim1 ,president1 and ,william ,swaim1
 ,secretary1 says1  in describing the   
condition of slaves in the ,eastern part
 of that ,state1  ,the master puts the  
unfortunate wretches upon short         
allowances1  scarcely sufficient for    
their sustenance1 so that a great part  
of them  go half naked and half starved 
much of the time4 ,see ,minutes of the  
,american ,convention1 convened in      
,baltimore1 ,oct4 #be1 #ahbf4    ,rev4  
,john ,rankin1 a native of ,tennessee1  
and for many years a preacher  in slave 
states1 says of the food of slaves1 ,it 
often happens that  what will barely    
keep them alive1 is all that a cruel    
avarice will  allow them4 ,hence1 in    
some instances1 their allowance has been
 reduced  to a single pint of corn each1

 during the day and night4 ,and some    
have  no better allowance than a small  
portion of cotton seed2 while perhaps   
they are not permitted to taste meat so 
much as once in the course of  seven    
years4 ,thousands of them are pressed   
with the gnawings of cruel  hunger      
during their whole lives4 ,rankin's     
,letters on ,slavery1 pp4 #eg1  #eh4    
,hon4 ,robert ,j4 ,turnbull1 of         
,charleston1 ,s4,c41 a slaveholder1     
says1 ,the  subsistence of the slaves   
consists1 from ,march until ,august1 of 
corn  ground into grits1 or meal1 made  
into what is called hominy1 or baked    
into corn bread4 ,the other six months1 
they are fed upon the sweet  potatoe4   
,meat1 when given1 is only by way of    
indulgence or favor4  ,see ,refutation  
of the ,calumnies circulated against the
 ,southern and  ,western ,states1 by a  
,south ,carolinian4 ,charleston1 #ahbb4 
,asa ,a4 ,stone1 a theological student1 
residing at ,natchez1 ,mississippi1     
wrote a letter to the editor of the ,new

 ,york ,evangelist in #ahce1 in  which  
he says1 ,on almost every plantation1   
the hands suffer more or  less from     
hunger at some seasons of almost every  
year4 ,there is always a  good deal of  
suffering from hunger4 ,on many         
plantations1 and  particularly in       
,louisiana1 the slaves are in a         
condition of almost  utter famishment   
during a great portion of the year4     
,at the commencement of his letter1 ,mr4
 ,s4 says1 ,intending1 as ,i do1  that  
my statements shall be relied on1 and   
knowing that1 should you  think fit to  
publish this communication1 they will   
come to this country1  where their      
correctness may be tested by comparison 
with real life1 ,i  make them with the  
utmost care and precaution4             
,president ,edwards1 the younger1 in a  
sermon preached half a century ago1  at 
,new ,haven1 ,conn41 says1 speaking of  
the allowance of food given to          
slaves--,they are supplied with barely  
enough to keep them from  starving4     

,in the debate on the ,missouri question
 in the ,u4,s4 ,congress1 #ahai-bj1  the
 admission of ,missouri to the ,union1  
as a slave state1 was urged1  among     
other grounds as a measure of humanity  
to the slaves of the south4  ,mr4       
,smyth1 a member of ,congress1 from     
,virginia1 and a large slaveholder1     
said1 ,the plan of our opponents seems  
to be to confine the slave  population  
to the southern states1 to the countries
 where sugar1 cotton1  and tobacco are  
cultivated4 ,but1 sir1 by confining the 
slaves to a part  of the country where  
crops are raised for exportation1 and   
the bread and  meat are purchased1 you  
doom them to scarcity and hunger4 ,is it
 not  obvious that the way to render    
their situation more comfortable is to  
allow them to be taken where there is   
not the same motive to force the  slave 
to ,,incessant ,,toil that there is in  
the country where cotton1  sugar1 and   
tobacco are raised for exportation4 ,it 
is proposed to hem in  the blacks where 

they are ,,hard ,,worked and ,,ill      
,,fed1 that they may be  rendered       
unproductive and the race be prevented  
from increasing4  99  99  99  ,the      
proposed measure would be ,,extreme     
,,cruelty to the blacks4  99  99  99    
,you would  99  99  99 doom them to     
,,scarcity and ,,hard ,,labor4--,speech 
of  ,mr4 ,smyth1 of ,va41 ,jan4 #bh1    
#ahbj4--,see ,national ,intelligencer4  
,footnote ,d3 ,see law of ,louisiana1   
,martin's ,digest1 #f1 #aj4 ,mr4        
,bouldin1  a ,virginia slaveholder1 in a
 speech in ,congress1 ,feb4 #af1 #ahce1 
7see  ,national ,intelligencer of that  
date17 said he knew that many negroes   
had died from exposure to weather4 ,mr4 
,b4 adds1 they are clad in a  flimsy    
fabric that will turn neither wind nor  
water4 ,rev4 ,john ,rankin  says1 in his
 ,letters on slavery1 page #eg1 ,in     
every slaveholding state1  many slaves  
suffer extremely1 both while they labor 
and while they  sleep1 for want of      
clothing to keep them warm4 ,often they 

are driven  through frost and snow      
without either stocking or shoe1 until  
the path  they tread is died with their 
blood4 ,and when they return to their   
miserable huts at night1 they find not  
there the means of comfortable  rest2   
but on the cold ground they must lie    
without covering1 and shiver  while they
 slumber4       ,footnote ,e3 ,see law  
of ,louisiana1 act of ,july #g1 #ahjf1  
,martin's ,digest1  #f1 #aj-ab4 ,the law
 of ,south ,carolina permits the master 
to compel his  slaves to work fifteen   
hours in the twenty-four1 in summer1 and
 fourteen  in the winter--which would be
 in winter1 from daybreak in the morning
  until four hours after sunset6--,see  
#b ,brevard's ,digest1 #bdc4 ,the       
preamble of this law commences thus3    
,whereas1 many owners of slaves  do     
confine them so closely to hard labor   
that they have not sufficient  time for 
natural rest3 be it therefore enacted1  
c4 ,in a work entitled  ,travels in     
,louisiana in #ahjb1 translated from the

 ,french1 by ,john  ,davis1 is the      
following testimony under this head3--  
,the labor of ,slaves in ,louisiana is  
not severe1 unless it be at the  rolling
 of sugars1 an interval of from two to  
three months1 then they  work both night
 and day4 ,abridged of their sleep1 they
 scarce retire  to rest during the whole
 period4 ,see page #ha4 ,on the #hgth   
page of the  same work1 the writer says1
 ,both in summer and winter the slaves  
must  be in the field by the first dawn 
of day4 ,and yet he says1 the  labor of 
the slave is not severe1 except at the  
rolling of sugars6  ,the work abounds in
 eulogies of slavery4    ,in the        
,history of ,south ,carolina and        
,georgia1 vol4 #a1 p4 #abj1 is the      
following3 ,so laborious is the task of 
raising1 beating1 and cleaning  rice1   
that had it been possible to obtain     
,european servants in  sufficient       
numbers1 thousands and tens of thousands
 ,,must ,,have  ,,perished4    ,in an   
article on the agriculture of           

,louisiana1 published in the second     
number of the ,western ,review is the   
following3--,the work is admitted  to be
 severe for the hands1 7slaves7         
requiring1 when the process of  making  
sugar is commenced1 ,,to ,,be ,,pressed 
,,night ,,and ,,day4    ,mr4 ,philemon  
,bliss1 of ,ohio1 in his letters from   
,florida1 in #ahce1 says1  ,the negroes 
commence labor by daylight in the       
morning1 and excepting  the plowboys1   
who must feed and rest their horses1 do 
not leave the  field till dark in the   
evening4    ,mr4 ,stone1 in his letter  
from ,natchez1 an extract of which was  
given  above1 says1 ,it is a general    
rule on all regular plantations1 that   
the  slaves rise in season in the       
morning1 to be in the field as soon as  
it  is light enough for them to see to  
work1 and remain there until it is  so  
dark that they cannot see4 ,this is the 
case at all seasons of the  year4       
,president ,edwards1 in the sermon      
already extracted from1 says1 ,the      

slaves are kept at hard labor from five 
o'clock in the morning till  nine at    
night1 excepting time to eat twice      
during the day4    ,hon4 ,r4,j4         
,turnbull1 a ,south ,carolina           
slaveholder1 already quoted1  speaking  
of the harvesting of cotton1 says3 ,all 
the pregnant women  even1 on the        
plantation1 and weak and sickly negroes 
incapable of  other labor1 are then in  
requisition4 99 99 99 ,see ,refutation  
of the  ,calumnies circulated against   
the ,southern and ,western ,states1 by a
  ,south ,carolinian4       ,footnote   
,f3 ,a late number of the ,western      
,medical ,reformer contains a           
dissertation by a ,kentucky physician1  
on ,cachexia ,africana1 or ,african     
consumption1 in which the writer says-- 
,this form of disease deserves more     
attention from the medical  profession  
than it has heretofore elicited4 ,among 
the causes may be  named the mode and   
manner in which the negroes live4 ,they 
are crowded  together in a small hut1   

sometimes having an imperfect1 and      
sometimes  no floor--and seldom raised  
from the ground1 illy ventilated1 and   
surrounded with filth4 ,their diet and  
clothing1 are also causes which  might  
be enumerated as exciting agents4 ,they 
live on a coarse1 crude and  unwholesome
 diet1 and are imperfectly clothed1 both
 summer and winter2  sleeping upon      
filthy and frequently damp beds4        
,hon4 ,r4,j4 ,turnbull1 of ,south       
,carolina1 whose testimony on another   
point  has been given above1 says of the
 slaves1 that they live in clay  cabins1
 with clay chimneys1 c4 ,mr4 ,clay1 a   
,georgia slaveholder1 from  whom an     
extract has been given already1 says1   
speaking of the dwellings  of the       
slaves1 ,too many individuals of both   
sexes are crowded into one  house1 and  
the proper separation of apartments     
cannot be observed4  ,that the slaves   
are insensible to the evils arising from
 it1 does not in  the least lessen the  
unhappy consequences4 ,clay's ,address  

before the  ,presbytery of              
,georgia4--,p4 #ac4       ,footnote ,g3 
,rev4 ,c4,c4 ,jones1 late of ,georgia1  
now ,professor in the  ,theological     
,seminary at ,columbia1 ,south          
,carolina1 made a report before  the    
presbytery of ,georgia1 in #ahcc1 on the
 moral condition of the slave           
population1 which report was published  
under the direction of the  presbytery4 
,in that report ,mr4 ,jones says1 ,they1
 the slaves1 are shut  out from our     
sympathies and efforts as immortal      
beings1 and are educated  and           
disciplined as creatures of profit1 and 
of profit only1 for this  world4 ,in a  
sermon preached by ,mr4 ,jones1 before  
two associations of  planters1 in       
,georgia1 in #ahca1 speaking of the     
slaves he says1 ,they are  a nation of  
,,heathen in our very midst4 ,what have 
we done for our poor  negroes8 ,with    
shame we must confess that we have done 
,,nothing6 ,how can  you pray for       
,christ's kingdom to come while you are 

neglecting a people  perishing for lack 
of vision around your very doors4 ,we   
withhold the  ,bible from our servants  
and keep them in ignorance of it1 while 
we  will not use the means to have it   
read and explained to them4 ,jones'     
,sermon1 pp4 #g1 #i4    ,an official    
report of the ,presbyterian ,synod of   
,south ,carolina and  ,georgia1 adopted 
at its session in ,columbia1 ,s4,c41 and
 published in the  ,charleston ,observer
 of ,march #bb1 #ahcd1 speaking of the  
slaves1 says1  ,there are over two      
millions of human beings1 in the        
condition of  ,,heathen1 and1 in some   
respects1 in a worse condition6 99 99 99
 ,from  long continued and close        
observation1 we believe that their moral
 and  religious condition is such1 as   
that they may justly be considered the  
heathen of this ,christian country1 and 
will bear comparison with  heathen in   
any country in the world4 99 99 99 ,the 
negroes are destitute  of the privileges
 of the gospel1 and ever will be under  

the present  state of things4 ,report1  
c41 p4 #d4    ,a writer in the ,church  
,advocate1 published in ,lexington1     
,ky41 says1 ,the  poor negroes are left 
in the ways of spiritual darkness1 no   
efforts are  being made for their       
enlightenment1 no seed is being sown1   
nothing but a  moral wilderness is seen1
 over which the soul sickens--the heart 
of  ,christian sympathy bleeds4 ,here   
nothing is presented but a moral waste1 
as extensive as our influence1 as       
appalling as the valley of death4       
,the following is an extract of a letter
 from ,bishop ,andrew of the  ,methodist
 ,episcopal ,church1 to ,messrs4 ,garrit
 and ,maffit1 editors of the  ,western  
,methodist1 then published at           
,nashville1 ,tennessee4    ,augusta1    
,jan4 #bi1 #ahce4    ,the ,christians of
 the ,south owe a heavy debt to slaves  
on their  plantations1 and the ministers
 of ,christ especially are debtors to   
the  whole slave population4 ,i fear a  
cry goes up to heaven on this subject   

against us2 and how1 ,i ask1 shall the  
scores who have left the ministry  of   
the ,word1 that they may make corn and  
cotton1 and buy and sell1 and  get gain1
 meet this cry at the bar of ,god8 and  
what shall the hundreds  of money-making
 and money-loving masters1 who have     
grown rich by the  toil and sweat of    
their slaves1 and left their souls to   
perish1 say  when they go with them to  
the judgment of the great day8    ,the  
,kentucky ,union for the moral and      
religious improvement of the  colored   
race1--an association composed of some  
of the most influential  ministers and  
laymen of ,kentucky1 says in a general  
circular to the  religious public1 ,to  
the female character among the black    
population1  we cannot allude but with  
feelings of the bitterest shame4 ,a     
similar  condition of moral pollution1  
and utter disregard of a pure and       
virtuous  reputation1 is to be found    
only without the pale of ,christendom4  
,that  such a state of society should   

exist in a ,christian nation1 without   
calling forth any particular attention  
to its existence1 though ever  before   
our eyes and in our families1 is a moral
 phenomenon at once  unaccountable and  
disgraceful4    ,rev4 ,james ,a4 ,thome1
 a native of ,kentucky1 and still       
residing there1  said in a speech in    
,new ,york1 ,may #ahcd1 speaking of     
licentiousness among  the slaves1 ,i    
would not have you fail to understand   
that this is a  general evil4 ,sir1 what
 ,i now say1 ,i say from deliberate     
conviction of  its truth2 that the slave
 states are ,sodoms1 and almost every   
village  family is a brothel4 7,in this1
 ,i refer to the inmates of the kitchen1
  and not to the whites47    ,a writer  
in the ,western ,luminary1 published in 
,lexington1 ,ky41 made  the following   
declaration to the same point in the    
number of that paper  for ,may #g1      
#ahce3 ,there is one topic to which ,i  
will allude1 which will  serve to       
establish the heathenism of this        

population4 ,i allude to the            
,,universal ,,licentiousness which      
prevails4 ,chastity is no virtue among  
them--its violation neither injures     
female character in their own           
estimation1 or that of their master or  
mistress--no instruction is ever  given1
 no censure pronounced4 ,i speak not of 
the world4 ,i ,,speak ,,of  ,,christian 
,,families ,,generally4    ,rev4 ,mr4   
,converse1 long a resident of ,virginia1
 and agent of the  ,colonization        
,society1 said1 in a sermon before the  
,vt4 ,c4,s4--,almost  nothing is done to
 instruct the slaves in the principles  
and duties of  the ,christian religion4 
99 99 99 ,the majority are emphatically 
heathens4  99 99 ,pious masters 7with   
some honorable exceptions7 are          
criminally  negligent of giving         
religious instruction to their slaves4  
99  99  99  ,they  can and do instruct  
their own children1 and perhaps their   
house  servants2 while those called     
field hands live1 and labor1 and die1   

without being told by their pious       
masters 787 that ,jesus ,christ died  to
 save sinners4    ,the page is already  
so loaded with references that we       
forbear4 ,for  testimony from the mouths
 of slaveholders to the terrible        
lacerations  and other nameless outrages
 inflicted on the slaves1 the reader is 
referred to the number of the           
,anti-,slavery ,record for ,jan4 #ahcg4 
,we now proceed to examine the various  
objections which will doubtless be  set 
in array against all the foregoing      
conclusions4        ,,objections        
,,considered4    ,the advocates of      
slavery find themselves at their wit's  
end in pressing  the ,bible into their  
service4 ,every movement shows them hard
 pushed4  ,their ever-varying shifts1   
their forced constructions and blind    
guesswork1 proclaim both their cause    
desperate1 and themselves4  ,meanwhile  
their invocations for help to those good
 old slaveholders and  patriarchs1      
,abraham1 ,isaac1 and ,jacob1,a sent up 

without ceasing from  the midst of their
 convulsions1 avail as little as did the
 screams and  lacerations of the        
prophets of ,baal to bring an answer of 
fire4 ,the  ,bible defences thrown      
around slavery by the professed         
ministers of the  ,gospel1 do so torture
 common sense1 ,scripture1 and          
historical facts it  were hard to tell  
whether absurdity1 fatuity1 ignorance1  
or blasphemy1  predominates1 in the     
compound2 each strives so lustily for   
the mastery1  it may be set down a drawn
 battle4 ,how often has it been bruited 
that  the color of the negro is the     
,cain-mark1 propagated downward4 ,cain's
  posterity started an opposition to the
 ark1 forsooth1 and rode out the  flood 
with flying streamers6 ,how could       
miracle be more worthily  employed1 or  
better vindicate the ways of ,god to man
 than by pointing  such an argument1 and
 filling out for slaveholders a ,divine 
title-deed6    ,footnote ,a3 ,the       
,presbytery of ,harmony1 ,south         

,carolina1 at their meeting  in         
,wainsborough1 ,s4,c41 ,oct4 #bh1 #ahcf1
 appointed a special committee to       
report on slavery4 ,the following       
resolution is a part of the report      
adopted by the ,presbytery4 ,resolved1  
,that slavery has existed from the  days
 of those ,,good ,,old ,,slaveholders   
,,and ,,patriarchs1 ,abraham1 ,isaac and
  ,jacob1 who are now in the kingdom of 
,heaven4    ,abraham receives abundant  
honor at the hands of slave-holding     
divines4  ,not because he was the father
 of the faithful1 forsook home and      
country for the truth's sake1 was the   
most eminent preacher and  practiser of 
righteousness in his day2 nay1 verily1  
for all this he gets  faint praise2 but 
then he had ,,servants ,,bought ,,with  
,,money666 ,this is  the finishing touch
 of his character1 and its effect on    
slaveholders is  electrical4 ,prose     
fledges into poetry1 cold compliments   
warm into  praise1 eulogy rarifies into 
panegyric and goes off in rhapsody4 ,in 

their ecstasies over ,abraham1 ,isaac's 
paramount claims to their homage  are   
lamentably lost sight of4 ,it is quite  
unaccountable1 that in their  manifold  
oglings over ,abraham's servants bought 
with money1 no  slaveholder is ever     
caught casting loving side-glances at   
,gen4 xxvii4  #bi1 #cg1 where ,isaac1   
addressing ,jacob1 says1 ,be lord over  
thy  brethren and let thy mother's sons 
bow down to thee4 ,and afterwards1      
addressing ,esau1 he says1 speaking of  
the birth-right immunities  confirmed to
 ,jacob1 ,behold ,i have made him thy   
,lord and all his  brethren have ,i     
,,given ,,to ,,him ,,for ,,servants6    
,here is a charter for slaveholding1    
under the sign manual of that good  old 
slaveholder and patriarch1 ,isaac4 ,yea1
 more--a ,divine ,warrant for  a father 
holding his children as slaves and      
bequeathing them as  property to his    
heirs6 ,better still1 it proves that the
 favorite  practice amongst our         
slaveholders of bequeathing their       

colored  children to those of a         
different hue1 was a ,divine            
institution1 for  ,isaac gave ,esau1 who
 was red all over1 to ,jacob1 as a      
servant4 ,now gentlemen1 honor to whom  
honor4 ,let ,isaac no longer be  stinted
 of the glory that is his due as the    
great prototype of that  peculiar       
domestic institution1 of which you are  
eminent patrons1 that  nice             
discrimination1 by which a father1 in   
his will1 makes part of his  children   
property1 and the rest1 their           
proprietors1 whenever the  propriety of 
such a disposition is indicated1 as in  
the case of ,jacob  and ,esau1 by the   
decisive tokens of ,,color and ,,hair1  
7for1 to show that  ,esau was ,jacob's  
rightful property after he was given to 
him by  ,isaac for a servant1 the       
difference in hair as well as color1 is 
expressly stated by inspiration67       
,one prominent feature of patriarchal   
example has been quite overlooked  by   
slaveholders4 ,we mean the special care 

of ,isaac to inform ,jacob that  those  
given to him as servants were ,,his     
,,brethren1 7twice repeated47  ,the deep
 veneration of slaveholders for every   
thing patriarchal1 clears  them from all
 suspicion of designedly neglecting this
 authoritative  precedent1 and their    
admirable zeal to perpetuate patriarchal
 fashions1  proves this seeming neglect1
 a mere oversight3 and is an            
all-sufficient guarantee that           
henceforward they will religiously      
illustrate in their own practice1 the   
beauty of this hitherto neglected       
patriarchal usage4 ,true1 it would be an
 odd codicil to a will1 for a           
slaveholder1 after bequeathing to some  
of his children1 all his  slaves1 to add
 a supplement1 informing them that such 
and such and such  of them were their   
brothers and sisters4 ,doubtless it     
would be at  first a sore trial also1   
but what pious slaveholder would not be 
sustained under it by the reflection    
that he was humbly following in the     

footsteps of his illustrious patriarchal
 predecessors6    ,great reformers must 
make great sacrifices1 and if the world 
is to be  brought back to the purity of 
patriarchal times1 upon whom will the   
ends  of the earth come1 to whom will   
all trembling hearts and failing eyes   
spontaneously turn as leaders to conduct
 the forlorn hope through the           
wilderness to that promised land1 if not
 to slaveholders1 those  disinterested  
pioneers whose self-denying labors have 
founded far and  wide the patriarchal   
institution of concubinage1 and through 
evil  report and good report1 have      
faithfully stamped their own image and  
superscription1 in variegated hues1 upon
 the faces of a swarming progeny  from  
generation to generation4               
,,objection ,i4 ,cursed be ,canaan1 a   
servant of servants shall he be unto    
his brethren4 ,gen4 ix4 #be4    ,this   
prophecy of ,noah is the vade mecum of  
slaveholders1 and they  never venture   
abroad without it2 it is a pocket-piece 

for sudden  occasion1 a keepsake to dote
 over1 a charm to spell-bind opposition1
 and  a magnet to draw to their standard
 whatsoever worketh abomination or      
maketh a lie4 ,but cursed be ,canaan is 
a poor drug to ease a throbbing         
conscience--a mocking lullaby to unquiet
 tossings4 ,those who justify  negro    
slavery by the curse on ,canaan1 assume 
as usual all the points  in debate4 #a4 
,that slavery was prophesied1 rather    
than mere service  to others1 and       
individual bondage rather than national 
subjection  and tribute4 #b4 ,that the  
prediction of crime justifies it2 or at 
least  absolves those whose crimes      
fulfil it4 ,how piously the ,pharaohs   
might  have quoted the prophecy1 ,thy   
seed shall be a stranger in a land that 
is not theirs1 and they shall afflict   
them four hundred years4 ,and  then1    
what saints were those that crucified   
the ,lord of glory6 #c4 ,that  the      
,africans are descended from ,canaan4   
,africa was peopled from ,egypt  and    

,ethiopia1 which countries were settled 
by ,mizraim and ,cush4 ,for the         
location and boundaries of ,canaan's    
posterity1 see ,gen4 x4 #ae-ai4 ,so a   
prophecy of evil to one people1 is      
quoted to justify its infliction upon   
another4 ,perhaps it may be argued that 
,canaan includes all ,ham's  posterity4 
,if so1 the prophecy is yet unfulfilled4
 ,the other sons of ,ham  settled ,egypt
 and ,assyria1 and1 conjointly with     
,shem1 ,persia1 and  afterward1 to some 
extent1 the ,grecian and ,roman empires4
 ,the history of  these nations gives no
 verification of the prophecy4 ,whereas1
 the  history of ,canaan's descendants  
for more than three thousand years1 is a
  record of its fulfillment4 ,first1    
they were put to tribute by the         
,israelites2 then by the ,medes and     
,persians2 then by the ,macedonians1    
,grecians and ,romans1 successively2 and
 finally1 were subjected by the         
,ottoman dynasty1 where they yet remain4
 ,thus ,canaan has been for ages  the   

servant mainly of ,shem and ,japhet1 and
 secondarily of the other sons  of ,ham4
 ,it may still be objected1 that though 
,canaan alone is named1  yet the #bb;d  
and #bdth verses show the posterity of  
,ham in general to be  meant4 ,and ,ham1
 the father of ,canaan1 saw the         
nakedness of his father1  and told his  
two brethren without4 ,and ,noah awoke  
from his wine1 and  knew what his       
,,younger son had done unto him1 and    
said1 c4 ,it is argued  that this       
younger son cannot be ,canaan1 as he was
 the grandson of  ,noah1 and therefore  
it must be ,ham4 ,we answer1 whoever    
that younger  son was1 ,canaan alone was
 named in the curse4 ,besides1 the      
,hebrew word  ,ben1 signifies son1      
grandson1 or any one of the posterity of
 an  individual4,a ,know ye ,laban1 the 
,,son 7grandson7 of ,nahor8 ,gen4  xxix4
 #e4 ,mephibosheth the ,,son 7grandson7 
of ,saul4 #b ,sam4 xix4 #bd2  #b ,sam4  
ix4 #f4 ,the driving of ,jehu the ,,son 
7grandson7 of ,nimshi4 #b  ,kings ix4   

#bj4 ,see also ,ruth iv4 #ag2 #b ,sam4  
xxi4 #f2 ,gen4 xxxi4 #ee4 ,shall  we    
forbid the inspired writer to use the   
same word when speaking of  ,noah's     
grandson8 ,further1 ,ham was not the    
younger son4 ,the order of  enumeration 
makes him the second son4 ,if it be said
 that ,bible usage  varies1 the order of
 birth not always being observed in     
enumerations2  the reply is1 that1      
enumeration in that order1 is the rule1 
in any  other order the exception4      
,besides1 if a younger member of a      
family  takes precedence of older ones  
in the family record1 it is a mark of   
pre-eminence1 either in endowments1 or  
providential instrumentality4  ,abraham1
 though sixty years younger than his    
eldest brother1 stands  first in the    
family genealogy4 ,nothing in ,ham's    
history shows him  pre-eminent2 besides1
 the ,hebrew word ,hakkatan rendered the
  younger1 means the little1 small4 ,the
 same word is used in ,isa4 lx4  #bb4 ,a
 ,,little ,,one shall become a thousand4

 ,isa4 xxii4 #bd4 ,all  vessels of      
,,small quantity4 ,ps4 cxv4 #ac4 ,he    
will bless them that  fear the ,lord    
both ,,small and great4 ,ex4 xviii1 #bb4
 ,but every  ,,small matter they shall  
judge4 ,it would be a literal rendering 
of  ,gen4 ix4 #bd1 if it were translated
 thus1 when ,noah knew what his little  
son1,b or grandson 7,beno ,hakkatan7 had
 done unto him1 he said  cursed be      
,canaan1 c4 ,further1 even if the       
,africans were the  descendants of      
,canaan1 the assumption that their      
enslavement fulfils  this prophecy1     
lacks even plausibility1 for1 only a    
fraction of the  inhabitants of ,africa 
have at any time been the slaves of     
other nations4  ,if the objector say in 
reply1 that a large majority of the     
,africans have  always been slaves at   
home1 we answer3 ,it is false in point  
of fact1  though zealously bruited often
 to serve a turn2 and if it were true1  
how does it help the argument8 ,the     
prophecy was1 ,cursed be ,canaan1 a     

servant of servants shall he be unto his
 ,,brethren41 not unto  himself6        
,footnote ,a3 ,so av1 the ,hebrew word  
for father1 signifies any  ancestor1    
however remote4 #b ,chron4 xvii4 #c2    
xxviii4 #a2 xxxiv4 #b2 ,dan4 v4  #b4    
,footnote ,b3 ,the ,french follows the  
same analogy2 grandson being  petit fils
 7little son47    ,,objection ,,ii4--,if
 a man smite his servant or his maid    
with a rod1 and  he die under his hand1 
he shall surely be punished4            
,notwithstanding1 if  he continue a day 
or two1 he shall not be punished1 for he
 is his  money4 ,ex4 xxi4 #bj1 #ba4     
,what was the design of this regulation8
 ,was it  to grant masters an indulgence
 to beat servants with impunity1 and an 
assurance1 that if they beat them to    
death1 the offence should not be        
capital8 ,this is substantially what    
commentators tell us4 ,what ,deity  do  
such men worship8 ,some blood-gorged    
,moloch1 enthroned on human  hecatombs1 
and snuffing carnage for incense8 ,did  

,he who thundered from  ,sinai's flames1
 ,,thou ,,shalt ,,not ,,kill1 offer a   
bounty on murder8  ,whoever analyzes the
 ,mosaic system1 will often find a moot 
court in  session1 trying law points1   
settling definitions1 or laying down    
rules  of evidence4 ,num4 xxxv4 #aj-bb2 
,deut4 xix4 #d-f2 ,lev4 xxiv4 #ai-bb2   
,ex4  xxi4 #ah1 #ai1 are some of the    
cases stated1 with tests furnished the  
judges by which to detect the intent1 in
 actions brought before them4  ,their   
ignorance of judicial proceedings1 laws 
of evidence1 c41 made  such instructions
 necessary4 ,the detail gone into1 in   
the verses quoted1  is manifestly to    
enable them to get at the motive and    
find out whether  the master designed to
 kill4 #a4 ,if a man smite his servant  
with a  rod4--,the instrument used1     
gives a clue to the intent4 ,see ,num4  
xxxv4 #af-ah4 ,a rod1 not an axe1 nor a 
sword1 nor a bludgeon1 nor any  other   
death-weapon--hence1 from the kind of   
instrument1 no design to  kill would be 

inferred2 for intent to kill would      
hardly have taken a  rod for its weapon4
 ,but if the servant die under his hand1
 then  the unfitness of the instrument1 
is point blank against him2 for1        
striking with a rod so as to cause      
death1 presupposed very many blows  and 
great violence1 and this kept up till   
the death-gasp1 showed an  intent to    
kill4 ,hence ,he shall surely be        
punished4 ,but if he  continued a day or
 two1 the length of time that he lived1 
the kind  of instrument used1 and the   
master's pecuniary interest in his life1
  7he is his money17 all made a strong  
case of presumptive evidence1  showing  
that the master did not design to kill4 
,further1 the word  nakam1 here rendered
 punished1 occurs thirty-five times in  
the ,old  ,testament1 and in almost     
every place is translated avenge1 in a  
few1  to take vengeance1 or to revenge1 
and in this instance ,,alone1  punish4  
,as it stands in our translation1 the   
pronoun preceding it1  refers to the    

master1 whereas it should refer to the  
crime1 and the  word rendered punished1 
should have been rendered avenged4 ,the 
meaning is this3 ,if a man smite his    
servant or his maid with a rod1 and  he 
die under his hand1 ,,it 7the death7    
shall surely be avenged1 or  literally1 
by avenging it shall be avenged2 that   
is1 the death of  the servant shall be  
avenged by the death of the master4 ,so 
in the  next verse1 ,if he continue a   
day or two1 his death is not to be      
avenged by the death of the master1 as  
in that case the crime was to  be       
adjudged manslaughter1 and not murder4  
,in the following verse1  another case  
of personal injury is stated1 for which 
the injurer is to  pay a sum of money2  
and yet our translators employ the same 
phraseology in both places6 ,one1 an    
instance of deliberate1 wanton1  killing
 by piecemeal2 the other1 an accidental1
 and comparatively slight  injury--of   
the inflicter1 in both cases1 they say  
the same thing6 ,now1  just the         

discrimination to be looked for where   
,,god legislates1 is marked  in the     
original4 ,in the case of the servant   
wilfully murdered1 ,he says1  ,it 7the  
death7 shall surely be avenged1 that is1
 the life of the  wrong doer shall      
expiate the crime4 ,the same word is    
used in the ,old  ,testament1 when the  
greatest wrongs are redressed1 by       
devoting the  perpetrators to           
destruction4 ,in the case of the        
unintentional injury1  in the following 
verse1 ,god says1 ,he shall surely be   
fined1  7anash47 ,he shall pay as the   
judges determine4 ,the simple meaning   
of the word anash1 is to lay a fine4 ,it
 is used in ,deut4 xxii4 #ai3  ,they    
shall amerce him in one hundred shekels1
 and in #b ,chron4 xxxvi4  #c3 ,he      
condemned 7mulcted7 the land in a       
hundred talents of silver and  a talent 
of gold4 ,that avenging the death of the
 servant1 was neither  imprisonment1 nor
 stripes1 nor a fine but that it was    
taking the  master's life we infer1 #a4 

,from the use of the word nakam4 ,see   
,gen4  iv4 #bd2 ,josh4 x4 #ac2 ,judg4   
xv4 #g2 xvi4 #bh2 #a ,sam4 xiv4 #bd2    
xviii4 #be2  xxv4 #ca2 #b ,sam4 iv4 #h2 
,judg4 v4 #b2 #a ,sam4 xxv4 #bf-cc4 #b4 
,from the  express statute1 ,lev4 xxiv4 
#ag3 ,he that killeth ,,any man shall   
surely be  put to death4 ,also1 ,num4   
xxxv4 #cj1 #ca3 ,whoso killeth ,,any    
person1 the  murderer shall be put to   
death4 ,moreover1 ye shall take ,,no    
,,satisfaction  for the life of a       
murderer which is guilty of death1 but  
he shall surely  be put to death4 #c4   
,the ,targum of ,jonathan gives the     
verse thus1 ,death  by the sword shall  
surely be adjudged4 ,the ,targum of     
,jerusalem1  ,vengeance shall be taken  
for him to the uttermost4 ,jarchi1 the  
same4  ,the ,samaritan version3 ,he     
shall die the death4 ,again1 the clause 
for  he is his money1 is quoted to prove
 that the servant is his master's       
property1 and therefore1 if he died1 the
 master was not to be punished4  ,the   

assumption is1 that the phrase1 ,,he    
,,is ,,his ,,money1 proves not only     
that the servant is worth money to the  
master1 but that he is an  article of   
property4 ,if the advocates of slavery  
insist upon taking  this principle of   
interpretation into the ,bible1 and     
turning it loose1  let them stand and   
draw in self-defence4 ,if they endorse  
for it at one  point1 they must stand   
sponsors all around the circle4 ,it will
 be too  late to cry for quarter when   
its stroke clears the table1 and tilts  
them  among the sweepings beneath4 ,the 
,bible abounds with such expressions as 
the following3 ,this 7bread7 is my body2
 all they 7the ,israelites7  are brass  
and tin2 this 7water7 is the blood of   
the men who went in  jeopardy of their  
lives2 the ,lord ,god is a sun2 the     
seven good  ears are seven years2 the   
tree of the field is man's life2 ,god   
is a consuming fire2 he is his money1 c4
 ,a passion for the exact  literalities 
of the ,bible is too amiable1 not to be 

gratified in this  case4 ,the words in  
the original are 7,kspo-hu17 his silver 
is he4  ,the objector's principle of    
interpretation is a philosopher's stone6
 ,its  miracle touch transmutes five    
feet eight inches of flesh and bones    
into  solid silver6 ,quite a permanent  
servant1 if not so nimble               
withal--reasoning against forever1 is   
forestalled henceforth1 and1  ,deut4    
xxiii4 #ae1 quite outwitted4 ,the       
obvious meaning of the phrase1  ,he is  
his money1 is1 he is worth money to his 
master1 and since1  if the master had   
killed him1 it would have taken money   
out of his  pocket1 the pecuniary loss1 
the kind of instrument used1 and the    
fact of his living sometime after the   
injury1 7if the master meant to  kill1  
he would be likely to do it while about 
it47 all together make a  strong case of
 presumptive evidence clearing the      
master from intent to  kill4 ,but let us
 look at the objector's inferences4 ,one
 is1 that as  the master might dispose  

of his property as he pleased1 he was   
not to  be punished1 if he destroyed it4
 ,whether the servant died under the    
master's hand1 or after a day or two1 he
 was equally his property1 and  the     
objector admits that in the first case  
the master is to be surely  punished for
 destroying his own property6 ,the other
 inference is1  that since the          
continuance of a day or two1 cleared the
 master of  intent to kill1 the loss of 
the servant would be a sufficient       
punishment for inflicting the injury    
which caused his death4 ,this  inference
 makes the ,mosaic law false to its own 
principles4 ,a pecuniary  loss was no   
part of the legal claim1 where a person 
took the life of  another4 ,in such     
case1 the law spurned money1 whatever   
the sum4 ,god  would not cheapen human  
life1 by balancing it with such a       
weight4 ,ye  shall take ,,no            
,,satisfaction for the life of a        
murderer1 but he shall  surely be put to
 death4 ,num4 xxxv4 #ca4 ,even in       

excusable homicide1  where an axe       
slipped from the helve and killed a man1
 no sum of money  availed to release    
from confinement in the city of refuge1 
until the  death of the ,high ,priest4  
,num4 xxxv4 #cb4 ,the doctrine that the 
loss of  the servant would be a penalty 
adequate to the desert of the master1   
admits his guilt and his desert of some 
punishment1 and it  prescribes a kind of
 punishment1 rejected by the law1 in all
 cases where  man took the life of man1 
whether with or without intent to kill4 
,in  short1 the objector annuls an      
integral part of the system--makes a new
  law1 and coolly metes out such penalty
 as he thinks fit4 ,divine  legislation 
revised and improved6 ,the master who   
struck out his  servant's tooth1 whether
 intentionally or not1 was required to  
set him  free4 ,the pecuniary loss to   
the master was the same as though he had
  killed him4 ,look at the two cases4 ,a
 master beats his servant so that he    
dies of his wounds2 another accidentally

 strikes out his servant's  tooth1--the 
pecuniary loss of both masters is the   
same4 ,if the loss of  the servant's    
services is punishment sufficient for   
the crime of killing  him1 would ,god   
command the same punishment for the     
accidental knocking  out of a tooth8    
,indeed1 unless the injury was done     
inadvertently1  the loss of the         
servant's services was only a part of   
the  punishment--mere reparation to the 
individual for injury done2 the  main   
punishment1 that strictly judicial1 was 
reparation to the  community4 ,to set   
the servant free1 and thus proclaim his 
injury1  his right to redress1 and the  
measure of it--answered not the ends of 
public justice4 ,the law made an example
 of the offender1 that those  that      
remain might hear and fear4 ,if a man   
cause a blemish in his  neighbor1 as he 
hath done1 so shall it be done unto him4
 ,breach for  breach1 eye for eye1 tooth
 for tooth4 ,ye shall have one manner of
 law as  well for the ,,stranger as for 

one of your own country4 ,lev4 xxiv4    
#ai1  #bj1 #bb4 ,finally1 if a master   
smote out his servant's tooth1 the law  
smote out his tooth--thus redressing the
 public wrong2 and it  cancelled the    
servant's obligation to the master1 thus
 giving some  compensation for the      
injury done1 and exempting him from     
perilous  liabilities in future4        
,,objection ,,iii4 ,both thy bondmen and
 bondmaids which thou shalt have1  shall
 be of the heathen that are round about 
you1 of them shall ye buy  bondmen and  
bondmaids4 ,moreover of the children of 
the strangers that do  sojourn among    
you1 of them shall ye buy1 and of their 
families that are  with you1 which they 
begat in your land1 and they shall be   
your  possession4 ,and ye shall take    
them as an inheritance for your children
  after you1 to inherit them for a      
possession2 they shall be your bondmen  
forever4 ,lev4 xxv4 #dd-df4    ,the     
points in these verses1 urged as proof1 
that the ,mosaic system  sanctioned     

slavery1 are #a4 ,the word ,,bondmen4   
#b4 ,,buy4 #c4 ,,inheritance  ,,and     
,,possession4 #d4 ,,forever4    ,we will
 now ascertain what sanction to slavery 
is derivable from these  terms4    #a4  
,,bondmen4 ,the fact that servants from 
the heathen are called  bondmen1 while  
others are called servants1 is quoted as
 proof  that the former were slaves4 ,as
 the caprices of ,king ,james'          
translators  were not inspired1 we need 
stand in no special awe of them4 ,the   
word  here rendered bondmen is uniformly
 rendered servants elsewhere4 ,the      
,hebrew word ebedh1 the plural of which 
is here translated  bondmen1 is often   
applied to ,christ4 ,behold my servant  
7bondman1  slave87 whom ,i uphold4 ,isa4
 xlii4 #a4 ,behold my servant 7,christ7 
shall deal prudently4 ,isa4 lii4 #ac4   
,and he said it is a light thing  that  
thou 7,christ7 shouldst be my servant4  
,isa4 xlix4 #f4 ,to a  servant of       
rulers4 ,isa4 xlix4 #g4 ,by his         
knowledge shall my righteous  servant   

7,christ7 justify many4 ,is4 liii4 #aa4 
,behold ,i will bring  forth my servant 
the ,,branch4 ,zech4 iii4 #h4 ,in #a    
,kings xii4 #f1 #g1 it  is applied to   
,king ,rehoboam4 ,and they spake unto   
him1 saying if thou  wilt be a servant  
unto this people1 then they will be thy 
servants  forever4 ,in #b ,chron4 xii4  
#g1 #h1 #i1 #ac1 to the king and all the
 nation4  ,the word is used to designate
 those who perform service for          
individuals  or families1 about         
thirty-five times in the ,old           
,testament4 ,to designate  tributaries  
about twenty-five times4 ,to designate  
the subjects of  government1 about      
thirty-three times4 ,to designate the   
worshippers both  of the true ,god1 and 
of false gods1 about seventy times4 ,it 
is also used  in salutations and        
courteous addresses nearly one hundred  
times4 ,in  fine1 the word is applied to
 all persons doing service for others1  
and  that merely to designate them as   
the performers of such service1         

whatever it might be1 or whatever the   
ground on which it might be  rendered4  
,to argue from the fact1 of this word   
being used to designate  domestic       
servants1 that they were made servants  
by force1 worked  without pay1 and held 
as articles of property1 is such a gross
  assumption and absurdity as to make   
formal refutation ridiculous4 ,we       
repeat what has been shown above1 that  
the word rendered bondmen in ,lev4  xxv4
 #dd1 is used to point out persons      
rendering service for others1  totally  
irrespective of the principle on which  
that service was  rendered2 as is       
manifest from the fact that it is       
applied  indiscriminately to            
tributaries1 to domestics1 to all the   
subjects of  governments1 to            
magistrates1 to all governmental        
officers1 to younger  sons--defining    
their relation to the first born1 who is
 called lord  and ruler--to prophets1 to
 kings1 and to the ,messiah4 ,to argue  
from  the meaning of the word ebedh as  

used in the ,old ,testament1 that those 
to whom it was applied rendered service 
against their will1 and without  pay1   
does violence to the scripture use of   
the term1 sets at nought all  rules of  
interpretation1 and outrages common     
sense4 ,if any inference  as to the     
meaning of the term is to be drawn from 
the condition and  relations of the     
various classes of persons1 to whom it  
is applied1 the  only legitimate one    
would seem to be1 that the term         
designates a person  who renders service
 to another in return for something of  
value received  from him4 ,the same     
remark applies to the ,hebrew verb      
abadh1 to serve1  answering to the noun 
ebedh 7servant74 ,it is used in the ,old
 ,testament  to describe the serving of 
tributaries1 of worshippers1 of         
domestics1  of ,levites1 of sons to a   
father1 of younger brothers to the      
elder1 of  subjects to a ruler1 of      
hirelings1 of soldiers1 of public       
officers to  the government1 of a host  

to his guests1 c4 ,of these it is used  
to  describe the serving of worshippers 
more than forty times1 of  tributaries1 
about thirty five1 and of servants or   
domestics1 about  ten4    ,if the       
,israelites not only held slaves1 but   
multitudes of them1 if  ,abraham had    
thousands1 and if they abounded under   
the ,mosaic system1 why  had their      
language no word that meant slave8 ,that
 language must be  wofully              
poverty-stricken1 which has no signs to 
represent the most  common and familiar 
objects and conditions4 ,to represent by
 the same  word1 and without figure1    
property1 and the owner of that         
property1 is a  solecism4 ,ziba was an  
ebedh1 yet he owned 767 twenty ebedhs6  
,in our language1 we have both servant  
and slave4 ,why8 ,because we  have both 
the things1 and need signs for them4 ,if
 the tongue had a  sheath1 as swords    
have scabbards1 we should have some name
 for it3 but  our dictionaries give us  
none4 ,why8 ,because there is no such   

thing4  ,but the objector asks1 ,would  
not the ,israelites use their word ebedh
  if they spoke of the slave of a       
heathen8 ,answer4 ,their national       
servants or tributaries1 are spoken of  
frequently1 but domestics  servants so  
rarely1 that no necessity existed1 even 
if they were slaves1  for coining a new 
word4 ,besides1 the fact of their being 
domestics1  under heathen laws and      
usages1 proclaimed their liabilities2   
their  locality made a specific term    
unnecessary4 ,but if the ,israelites had
  not only servants1 but a multitude of 
slaves1 a word meaning  slave1 would    
have been indispensible for every day   
convenience4  ,further1 the laws of the 
,mosaic system were so many sentinels on
 the  outposts to warn off foreign      
practices4 ,the border ground of        
,canaan1 was  quarantine ground1        
enforcing the strictest non-intercourse 
in usages  between the without and the  
within4    #b4 ,,buy4 ,the buying of    
servants1 is discussed at length4 pp4   

#ag-bc4  ,to that discussion the reader 
is referred4 ,we will add in this place 
but  a single consideration4 ,this      
regulation requiring the ,israelites to 
buy servants of the heathen1 prohibited 
their taking them without  buying4      
,buying supposes two parties3 a price   
demanded by one and  paid by the other1 
and consequently1 the consent of both   
buyer and  seller1 to the transaction4  
,of course the command to the           
,israelites to  buy servants of the     
heathen1 prohibited their getting them  
unless they  first got somebody's       
consent to the transaction1 and paid to 
somebody a fair equivalent4 ,now1 who   
were these somebodies8 ,this at  least  
is plain1 they were not ,israelites1 but
 heathen4 ,of them  shall ye buy4 ,who  
then were these somebodies1 whose right 
was so  paramount1 that their consent   
must be got and the price paid must go  
into their pockets8 ,were they the      
persons themselves who became  servants1
 or some other persons4 ,some other     

persons to be sure1  says the objector1 
the countrymen or the neighbors of those
 who become  servants4 ,ah6 this then is
 the import of the ,divine command to   
the  ,israelites4    ,when you go among 
the heathen round about to get a man to 
work for you1  ,i straightly charge you 
to go first to his neighbors1 get their 
consent that you may have him1 settle   
the terms with them1 and pay to  them a 
fair equivalent4 ,if it is not their    
choice to let him go1 ,i  charge you not
 to take him on your peril4 ,if they    
consent1 and you pay  them the full     
value of his labor1 then you may go and 
catch the man  and drag him home with   
you1 and make him work for you1 and ,i  
will bless  you in the work of your     
hands and you shall eat of the fat of   
the land4  ,as to the man himself1 his  
choice is nothing1 and you need give him
  nothing for his work3 but take care   
and pay his neighbors well for  him1 and
 respect their free choice in taking    
him1 for to deprive a  heathen man by   

force and without pay of the use of     
himself is well  pleasing in my sight1  
but to deprive his heathen neighbors of 
the use of  him is that abominable thing
 which my soul hateth4    #c4 ,,forever4
 ,this is quoted to prove that servants 
were to serve during  their life time1  
and their posterity from generation to  
generation4,a  ,no such idea is         
contained in the passage4 ,the word     
forever1 instead of  defining the length
 of individual service1 proclaims the   
permanence of  the regulation laid down 
in the two verses preceding1 namely1    
that their  permanent domestics should  
be of the ,strangers1 and not of the    
,israelites2 it declares the duration of
 that general provision4 ,as if  ,god   
had said1 ,you shall always get your    
permanent laborers from the  nations    
round about you2 your servants shall    
always be of that class  of persons4 ,as
 it stands in the original1 it is       
plain--,forever of  them shall ye serve 
yourselves4 ,this is the literal        

rendering4    ,footnote ,a3 ,one would  
think that the explicit testimony of our
 ,lord  should for ever forestall all   
cavil on this point4 ,the servant       
abideth  not in the house ,,for ,,ever1 
but the ,son1 abideth ever4 ,john viii4 
#ce4    ,that forever refers to the     
permanent relations of a community1     
rather than to the services of          
individuals1 is a fair inference from   
the form of the expression1 ,both thy   
bondmen1 c41 shall be of the  heathen4  
,,of ,,them shall ye buy4 ,they shall be
 your possession4 ,,they  shall be your 
bondmen forever4 ,but over your brethren
 the ,,children ,,of  ,,israel1 c4 ,to  
say nothing of the uncertainty of these 
individuals  surviving those after whom 
they are to live1 the language used     
applies  more naturally to a body of    
people1 than to individual servants4    
,besides perpetual service cannot be    
argued from the term forever4  ,the     
ninth and tenth verses of the same      
chapter limit it absolutely by  the     

jubilee4 ,then thou shalt cause the     
trumpet of the jubilee to sound  99 99  
throughout ,,all your land4 ,and ye     
shall proclaim liberty throughout  all  
the land unto ,,all the inhabitants     
thereof4 ,it may be objected that       
inhabitants here means ,israelitish     
inhabitants alone4 ,the command  is1    
,proclaim liberty throughout all the    
land unto ,,all the inhabitants         
thereof4 ,besides1 in the sixth verse1  
there is an enumeration of the          
different classes of the inhabitants1 in
 which servants and ,strangers  are     
included2 and in all the regulations of 
the jubilee1 and the  sabbatical year1  
the ,strangers are included in the      
precepts1  prohibitions1 and promises4  
,again3 the year of jubilee was ushered 
in by  the day of atonement4 ,what did  
these institutions show forth8 ,the day 
of  atonement prefigured the atonement  
of ,christ1 and the year of jubilee1    
the gospel jubilee4 ,and did they       
prefigure an atonement and a jubilee to 

,jews only8 ,were they types of sins    
remitted1 and of salvation  proclaimed  
to the nation of ,israel alone8 ,is     
there no redemption for us  ,gentiles in
 these ends of the earth1 and is our    
hope presumption and  impiety8 ,did that
 old partition wall survive the shock   
that made earth  quake1 and hid the sun1
 burst graves and rocks1 and rent the   
temple  veil8 and did the ,gospel only  
rear it higher to thunder direr         
perdition  from its frowning battlements
 on all without8 ,no6 ,the ,god of ,,our
  salvation lives4 ,good tidings of     
great joy shall be to ,,all people4 ,one
  shout shall swell from all the        
ransomed1 ,thou hast redeemed us unto   
,god  by thy blood out of ,,every       
kindred1 and tongue1 and people1 and    
nation4    ,to deny that the blessings  
of the jubilee extended to the servants 
from  the ,gentiles1 makes ,christianity
 ,judaism4,a ,it not only eclipses  the 
glory of the ,gospel1 but strikes out   
its sun4 ,the refusal to release        

servants at the jubilee falsified and   
disannulled a grand leading type  of the
 atonement1 and was a libel on the      
doctrine of ,christ's  redemption4 ,but 
even if forever did refer to individual 
service1 we  have ample precedents for  
limiting the term by the jubilee4 ,the  
same  word defines the length of time   
which ,jewish servants served who did   
not go out at the end of their six      
years' term4 ,and all admit that they   
went out at the jubilee4 ,ex4 xxi4 #b-f2
 ,deut4 xv4 #ab-ag4 ,the #bc;d verse of 
the same chapter is quoted to prove that
 forever in the #dfth verse  extends    
beyond the jubilee4 ,the land shall not 
be sold ,,forever1 for the  land is     
mine--since it would hardly be used in  
different senses in the  same general   
connection4 ,as forever1 in the #dfth   
verse1 respects the  general            
arrangement1 and not individual service 
the objection does  not touch the       
argument4 ,besides1 in the #dfth verse1 
the word used is  ,olam1 meaning        

throughout the period1 whatever that may
 be4 ,whereas  in the #bc;d verse1 it is
 ,tsemithuth1 meaning1 a cutting off1 or
 to  be cut off2 and the import of it   
is1 that the owner of an inheritance    
shall not forfeit his proprietorship of 
it2 though it may for a time  pass from 
his control into the hands of his       
creditors or others1 yet the  owner     
shall be permitted to redeem it1 and    
even if that be not done1  it shall not 
be cut off1 but shall revert to him at  
the jubilee4    ,footnote ,a3 ,so far   
from the ,strangers not being released  
by the  proclamation of liberty on the  
morning of the jubilee1 they were the   
only persons who were1 as a body1       
released by it4 ,the rule regulating    
the service of ,hebrew servants was1    
,six years shall he serve1 and in  the  
seventh year he shall go out free4 ,the 
free holders who had  fallen into decay1
 and had in consequence mortgaged their 
inheritances  to their more prosperous  
neighbors1 and become in some sort their

  servants1 were released by the        
jubilee1 and again resumed their        
inheritances4 ,this was the only class  
of ,jewish servants 7and it could  not  
have been numerous17 which was released 
by the jubilee2 all others  went out at 
the close of their six years' term4     
#c4 ,,inheritance ,,and ,,possession4   
,ye shall take them as an ,,inheritance 
for your children after you to inherit  
them for a ,,possession4 ,this1 as  has 
been already remarked refers to the     
nations1 and not to the  individual     
servants procured from the senations4   
,the holding of  servants as a          
possession is discussed at large pp4    
#dg-fd4 ,to what is  there advanced we  
here subjoin a few brief considerations4
 ,we have  already shown1 that servants 
could not he held as a property         
possession1 and inheritance2 that they  
became such of their own  accord1 were  
paid wages1 released from their regular 
labor nearly half  the days in each     
year1 thoroughly instructed and         

protected in all  their personal1       
social1 and religious rights1 equally   
with their  masters4 ,all remaining1    
after these ample reservations1 would be
 small  temptation1 either to the lust  
of power or of lucre2 a profitable      
possession and inheritance1 truly6 ,what
 if our ,american slaves were  all      
placed in just such a condition6 ,alas1 
for that soft1 melodious                
circumlocution1 ,,our ,,peculiar species
 of property6 ,verily1 emphasis  would  
be cadence1 and euphony and irony meet  
together6 ,what eager  snatches at mere 
words1 and bald technics1 irrespective  
of connection1  principles of           
construction1 ,bible usages1 or         
limitations of meaning by  other        
passages--and all to eke out such a     
sense as sanctifies existing  usages1   
thus making ,god pander for lust4 ,the  
words nahal and nahala1  inherit and    
inheritance1 by no means necessarily    
signify articles of  property4 ,the     
people answered the king and said1 we   

have none  inheritance in the son of    
,jesse4 #b ,chron4 x4 #af4 ,did they    
mean  gravely to disclaim the holding of
 their king as an article of  property8 
,children are an heritage 7inheritance7 
of the ,lord4 ,ps4  cxxvii4 #c4 ,pardon 
our iniquity1 and take us for thine     
inheritance4  ,ex4 xxxiv4 #i4 ,when ,god
 pardons his enemies1 and adopts them as
 children1  does he make them articles  
of property8 ,are forgiveness1 and      
chattel-making1 synonymes8 ,i am their  
inheritance4 ,ezek4 xliv4 #bh4  ,i shall
 give thee the heathen for thine        
inheritance4 ,ps4 ii4 #ah4 ,see  also   
,deut4 iv4 #bj2 ,josh4 xiii4 #cc2 ,ps4  
lxxxii4 #h2 lxxviii4 #fb1 #ga2 ,prov4   
xiv4 #ah4    ,the question whether the  
servants were a ,,property-possession1  
has  been already discussed1 pp4 #dg-fd1
 we need add in this place but a word4  
,as an illustration of the condition of 
servants from the heathen that  were the
 possession of ,israelitish families1   
and of the way in which  they became    

servants1 the reader is referred to     
,isa4 xiv4 #a1 #b4 ,for the  ,lord will 
have mercy on ,jacob1 and will yet      
choose ,israel1 and set them  in their  
own land2 and the strangers will be     
joined with them1 and  they shall       
,,cleave to the house of ,jacob4 ,and   
the people shall take  them and bring   
them to their place1 and the house of   
,israel shall  possess them in the land 
of the ,lord for servants and handmaids2
 and  they shall take them captives1    
whose captives they were2 and they shall
  rule over the oppressors4    ,we learn
 from these verses1 #ast4 ,that these   
servants which were to be  possessed by 
the ,israelites1 were to be joined with 
them1 i4e41  become proselytes to their 
religion4 #b;d4 ,that they should       
,,cleave to the  house of ,jacob1 i4e41 
that they would forsake their own people
  voluntarily1 attach themselves to the 
,israelites as servants1 and of  their  
own free choice leave home and friends1 
to accompany them on their  return1 and 

to take up their permanent abode with   
them1 in the same  manner that ,ruth    
accompanied ,naomi from ,moab to the    
land of ,israel1 and  that the souls    
gotten by ,abraham in ,padanaram1       
accompanied him when he  left it and    
went to ,canaan4 ,and the house of      
,israel shall possess  them for         
servants1 i4e4 shall have them for      
servants4    ,in the passage under      
consideration1 they shall be your       
possession1  the original word          
translated possession is ahuzza4 ,the   
same word is  used in ,gen4 xlvii4 #aa4 
,and ,joseph placed his father and his  
brethren1  and gave them a possession in
 the land of ,egypt4 ,gen4 xlvii4 #aa4  
,in  what sense was ,goshen the         
possession of the ,israelites8 ,answer1 
in the  sense of having it to live in1  
not in the sense of having it as        
owners4 ,in what sense were the         
,israelites to possess these nations1   
and take them as an inheritance for     
their children8 ,answer1 they  possessed

 them as a permanent source of supply   
for domestic or household  servants4    
,and this relation to these nations was 
to go down to posterity  as a standing  
regulation1 having the certainty and    
regularity of a  descent by inheritance4
 ,the sense of the whole regulation may 
be given  thus3 ,thy permanent          
domestics1 which thou shalt have1 shall 
be of the  nations that are round about 
you1 of them shall ye buy male and      
female  domestics4 ,moreover of the     
children of the foreigners that do      
sojourn  among you1 of them shall ye    
buy1 and of their families that are with
  you1 which they begat in your land1   
and they shall be your permanent        
resource4 ,and ye shall take them as a  
perpetual source of supply to  whom your
 children after you shall resort for    
servants4 ,,always1 of  them shall ye   
serve yourselves4 ,the design of the    
passage is manifest  from its structure4
 ,so far from being a permission to     
purchase slaves1  it was a prohibition  

to employ ,israelites for a certain term
 and in a  certain grade of service1 and
 to point out the class of persons from 
which they were to get their supply of  
servants1 and the way in which  they    
were to get them4,a    ,footnote ,a3    
,rabbi ,leeser1 who translated from the 
,german the work  entitled ,instruction 
in the ,mosaic ,religion by ,professor  
,jholson of  the ,jewish seminary at    
,frankfort-on-the-,main1 in his comment 
on these  verses1 says1 ,it must be     
observed that it was prohibited to      
,,subject a  ,stranger to slavery4 ,the 
buying of slaves alone is permitted1 but
  not stealing them4    ,now whatever we
 call that condition in which servants  
were1 whether  servitude or slavery1 and
 whatever we call the persons in that   
condition1 whether servants or slaves1  
we have at all events1 the  testimony   
that the ,israelites were prohibited to 
subject a ,stranger to  that condition1 
or in other words1 the free choice of   
the servant was  not to be compelled4   

,,objection ,,iv4 ,if thy brother that  
dwelleth by thee be waxen poor1 and  be 
sold unto thee1 thou shalt not compel   
him to serve as a ,,bond-,,servant  but 
as an ,,hired-,,servant1 and as a       
sojourner shall he be with thee1 and    
shall serve thee unto the year of       
jubilee4 ,lev4 xxv4 #ci1 #dj4    ,as    
only one class is called hired1 it is   
inferred that servants of  the other    
class were not paid for their labor4    
,that ,god1 while  thundering anathemas 
against those who used their neighbor's 
service  without wages1 granted a       
special indulgence to his chosen people 
to  force others to work1 and rob them  
of earnings1 provided always1 in        
selecting their victims1 they spared the
 gentlemen of property and  standing1   
and pounced only upon the strangers and 
the common people4  ,the inference that 
hired is synonymous with paid1 and that 
those  servants not called hired1 were  
not paid for their labor1 is a  mere    
assumption4 ,the meaning of the ,english

 verb to hire1 is to  procure for a     
temporary use at a certain price--to    
engage a person to  temporary service   
for wages4 ,that is also the meaning of 
the ,hebrew word  saukar4 ,it is not    
used when the procurement of permanent  
service  is spoken of4 ,now1 we ask1    
would permanent servants1 those who     
constituted a stationary part of the    
family1 have been designated by the     
same term that marks temporary servants8
 ,the every-day distinctions in  this   
matter1 are familiar as table-talk4 ,in 
many families the domestics  perform    
only the regular work4 ,whatever is     
occasional merely1 as the  washing of a 
family1 is done by persons hired        
expressly for the purpose4  ,the        
familiar distinction between the two    
classes1 is servants1 and  hired help1  
7not paid help47 ,both classes are paid4
 ,one is  permanent1 and the other      
occasional and temporary1 and therefore 
in  this case called hired4,a ,a variety
 of particulars are recorded            

distinguishing1 hired from bought       
servants4 #a4 ,hired servants were  paid
 daily at the close of their work4 ,lev4
 xix4 #ac2 ,deut4 xxiv4 #ad1 #ae2  ,job4
 vii4 #b2 ,matt4 xx4 #h4 ,bought        
servants were paid in advance1 7a       
reason for their being called bought17  
and those that went out at the  seventh 
year received a gratuity4 ,deut4 xv4    
#ab1 #ac4 #b4 ,the hired  were paid in  
money1 the bought received their        
gratuity1 at least1  in grain1 cattle1  
and the product of the vintage4 ,deut4  
xv4 #ad4 #c4 ,the  hired lived in their 
own families1 the bought were a part of 
their  masters' families4 #d4 ,the hired
 supported their families out of their  
wages2 the bought and their families    
were supported by the master  beside    
their wages4 #e4 ,hired servants were   
expected to work more  constantly1 and  
to have more working hours in the day   
than the  bought servants4 ,this we     
infer from the fact1 that a hireling's  
day1  was a sort of proverbial phrase1  

meaning a full day4 ,no subtraction of  
time being made from it4 ,so a          
hireling's year signifies an entire year
  without abatement4 ,job4 vii4 #a2 xiv4
 #f2 ,isa4 xvi4 #ad2 xxi4 #af4          
,footnote ,a3 ,to suppose a servant     
robbed of his earnings because he is    
not called a hired servant1 is profound 
induction6 ,if ,i employ a man  at      
twelve dollars a month to work my farm1 
he is my hired man1 but  if ,i give him 
such a portion of the crop1 or in other 
words1 if he  works my farm on shares1  
every farmer knows that he is no longer 
called a hired man4 ,yet he works the   
same farm1 in the same way1 at  the same
 times1 and with the same teams and     
tools2 and does the same  amount of work
 in the year1 and perhaps clears twenty 
dollars a month1  instead of twelve4    
,now as he is no longer called hired1   
and as he  still works my farm1 suppose 
my neighbors sagely infer1 that since he
 is  not my hired laborer1 ,i rob him of
 his earnings1 and with all the  gravity

 of owls1 pronounce their oracular      
decision1 and hoot it abroad4  ,my      
neighbors are deep divers6 like some    
theological professors1 they go  not    
only to the bottom but come up covered  
with the tokens4    ,the bought         
servants1 were1 as a class1 superior to 
the hired--were  more trust-worthy1 were
 held in higher estimation1 had greater 
privileges1 and occupied a more elevated
 station in society4 #a4 ,they  were    
intimately incorporated with the family 
of the master1 were guests  at family   
festivals1 and social solemnities1 from 
which hired servants  were excluded4    
,lev4 xxii4 #aj1 #aa2 ,ex4 xii4 #dc1    
#de4 #b4 ,their interests  were far more
 identified with those of their masters'
 family4 ,they were  often1 actually or 
prospectively1 heirs of their masters'  
estates1 as in  the case of ,eliezer1 of
 ,ziba1 and the sons of ,bilhah1 and    
,zilpah4 ,when  there were no sons1 or  
when they were unworthy1 bought servants
 were  made heirs4 ,prov4 xvii4 #b4 ,we 

find traces of this usage in the ,new   
,testament4 ,but when the husbandmen saw
 him1 they reasoned among  themselves   
saying1 this is the heir1 come let us   
kill him1 that the  inheritance may be  
ours4 ,luke xx4 #ad4 ,in no instance    
does a hired  servant inherit his       
master's estate4 #c4 ,marriages took    
place between  servants and their       
master's daughters4 ,sheshan had a      
servant1 an  ,egyptian1 whose name was  
,jarha4 ,and ,sheshan gave his daughter 
to ,jarha  his servant to wife4 #a      
,chron4 ii4 #cd1 #ce4 ,there is no      
instance of a  hired servant forming    
such an alliance4 #d4 ,bought servants  
and their  descendants were treated with
 the same affection and respect as the  
other members of the family4,a ,the     
treatment of ,abraham's servants4  ,gen4
 xxiv4 and xviii4 #a-g2 the intercourse 
between ,gideon and ,phurah  ,judg4 vii4
 #aj1 #aa2 ,saul and his servant1 #a    
,sam4 ix4 #e1 #bb2 ,jonathan and  his   
servant1 #a ,sam4 xiv4 #a-ad1 and       

,elisha and ,gehazi are illustrations4  
,the tenderness exercised towards       
home-born servants or the children of   
handmaids1 and the strength of the tie  
that bound them to the family1  are     
employed by the ,psalmist to illustrate 
the regard of ,god for him1  his care   
over him1 and his own endearing relation
 to him1 when in the  last extremity he 
prays1 ,save the son of thy handmaid4   
,ps4 lxxxvi4  #af4 ,so also in ,ps4     
cxvi4 #af4 ,oh ,lord1 truly ,i am thy   
servant2 ,i am thy  servant1 and the son
 of thy handmaid4 ,also1 ,jer4 ii4 #ad4 
,is ,israel a  servant8 ,is he a        
home-born8,b ,,why ,,is ,,he ,,spoiled8 
,no such tie seems to  have existed     
between hired servants and their        
masters4 ,their  untrustworthiness was  
proverbial4 ,john x4 #ab1 #ac4 ,they    
were reckoned at  but half the value of 
bought servants4 ,deut4 xv4 #ah4 ,none  
but the  lowest class of the people     
engaged as hired servants1 and the kinds
 of  labor assigned to them required    

little knowledge and skill4 ,no persons 
seem to have become hired servants      
except such as were forced to it from   
extreme poverty4 ,the hired servant is  
called poor and needy1 and the  reason  
assigned by ,god why he should be paid  
as soon as he had finished  his work is1
 ,for he is poor1 and setteth his heart 
upon it4 ,deut4  xxiv4 #ad1 #ae4 ,see   
also1 #a ,sam4 ii4 #e4 ,various passages
 show the low  repute and trifling      
character of the class from which they  
were hired4  ,judg4 ix4 #d2 #a ,sam4 ii4
 #e4 ,the superior condition of bought  
servants is  manifest in the high trust 
confided to them1 and in their dignity  
and  authority in the household4 ,in no 
instance is a hired servant thus        
distinguished4 ,the bought servant is   
manifestly the master's  representative 
in the family1 sometimes with           
plenipotentiary powers over  adult      
children1 even negotiating marriage for 
them4 ,abraham adjured his  servant1 not
 to take a wife for ,isaac of the       

daughters of the  ,canaanites4 ,the     
servant himself selected the individual4
 ,servants  exercised discretionary     
power in the management of their        
masters'  estates1 ,and the servant took
 ten camels of the camels of his master1
  for all the goods of his master were  
in his hand4 ,gen4 xxiv4 #aj4 ,the      
reason assigned is not that such was    
,abraham's direction1 but that the      
servant had discretionary control4      
,servants had also discretionary power  
in the disposal of property4 ,gen4 xxiv4
 #bb1 #cj1 #ec4 ,the condition of  ,ziba
 in the house of ,mephibosheth1 is a    
case in point4 ,so is ,prov4 xvii4  #b4 
,distinct traces of this estimation are 
to be found in the ,new  ,testament1    
,matt4 xxiv4 #de2 ,luke xii4 #db1 #dd4  
,so in the parable of the  talents1 the 
master seems to have set up each of his 
servants in trade  with a large capital4
 ,the unjust steward had large          
discretionary  power1 was accused of    
wasting his master's goods1 and         

manifestly  regulated with his debtors  
the terms of settlement4 ,luke xvi4     
#d-h4  ,such trusts were never reposed  
in hired servants4    ,footnote ,a3 ,for
 the purchased servant who is an        
,israelite1 or  proselyte1 shall fare as
 his master4 ,the master shall not eat  
fine  bread1 and his servant bread of   
bran4 ,nor yet drink old wine1 and give 
his servant new3 nor sleep on soft      
pillows1 and bedding1 and his servant   
on straw4 ,i say unto you1 that he that 
gets a purchased servant does  well to  
make him as his friend1 or he will prove
 to his employer as if  he got himself a
 master4--,maimonides1 in ,mishna       
,kiddushim4 ,chap4 #a1  ,sec4 #b4       
,footnote ,b3 ,our translators in       
rendering it ,is he a home-born ,,slave1
  were wise beyond what is written4     
,the inferior condition of hired        
servants1 is illustrated in the  parable
 of the prodigal son4 ,when he came to  
himself1 the memory of his  home1 and of
 the abundance enjoyed by even the      

lowest class of  servants in his        
father's household1 while he was        
perishing with hunger  among the swine  
and husks1 so filled him with anguish at
 the contrast1  that he exclaimed1 ,how 
many hired servants of my father1 have  
bread  enough and to spare1 and ,i      
perish with hunger4 ,his proud heart    
broke4  ,i will arise1 he cried1 and go 
to my father2 and then to assure his    
father of the depth of his humility1    
resolved to add2 ,make me as one of  thy
 hired servants4 ,if hired servants were
 the superior class--to  bespeak the    
situation1 savored little of that sense 
of unworthiness that  seeks the dust    
with hidden face1 and cries unclean4    
,unhumbled nature  climbs2 or if it     
falls1 clings fast1 where first it may4 
,humility  sinks of its own weight1 and 
in the lowest deep1 digs lower4 ,the    
design  of the parable was to illustrate
 on the one hand1 the joy of ,god1 as he
  beholds afar off1 the returning sinner
 seeking an injured father's  face1 who 

runs to clasp and bless him with an     
unchiding welcome2 and on  the other1   
the contrition of the penitent1 turning 
homeward with tears  from his           
wanderings1 his stricken spirit breaking
 with its ill-desert he  sobs aloud1    
,the lowest place1 the lowest place1 ,i 
can abide no  other4 ,or in those       
inimitable words1 ,father ,i have sinned
 against  ,heaven1 and in thy sight1 and
 am no more worthy to be called thy son2
  make me as one of thy ,,hired         
servants4 ,the supposition that hired   
servants were the highest class1 takes  
from the parable an element of  winning 
beauty and pathos4    ,it is manifest to
 every careful student of the ,bible1   
that one class  of servants1 was on     
terms of equality with the children and 
other  members of the family4 ,hence the
 force of ,paul's declaration1 ,gal4 iv4
  #a1 ,now ,i say unto you1 that the    
heir1 so long as he is a child1         
,,differeth ,,nothing ,,from ,a         
,,servant1 though he be lord of all4 ,if

 this  were the hired class1 the        
prodigal was a sorry specimen of        
humility4  ,would our ,lord have put    
such language upon the lips of one held 
up by  himself1 as a model of gospel    
humility1 to illustrate its deep sense  
of  all ill-desert8 ,if this is         
humility1 put it on stilts1 and set it a
  strutting1 while pride takes lessons1 
and blunders in aping it4    ,israelites
 and ,strangers belonged                
indiscriminately to each class of  the  
servants1 the bought and the hired4     
,that those in the former  class1       
whether ,jews or ,strangers1 rose to    
honors and authority in the  family     
circle1 which were not conferred on     
hired servants1 has been  shown4 ,it    
should be added1 however1 that in the   
enjoyment of privileges1  merely        
political1 the hired servants from the  
,israelites1 were more  favored than    
even the bought servants from the       
,strangers4 ,no one from  the           
,strangers1 however wealthy or highly   

endowed1 was eligible to the  highest   
office1 nor could he own the soil4 ,this
 last disability seems to  have been one
 reason for the different periods of    
service required of  the two classes of 
bought servants4 ,the ,israelite was to 
serve six  years--the ,stranger until   
the jubilee4 ,as the ,strangers could   
not own  the soil1 nor houses1 except   
within walled towns1 they would         
naturally  attach themselves to         
,israelitish families4 ,those who were  
wealthy1 or  skilled in manufactures1   
instead of becoming servants would need 
servants for their own use1 and as      
inducements for the ,strangers to       
become servants to the ,israelites1 were
 greater than persons of their  own     
nation could hold out to them1 these    
wealthy ,strangers would  naturally     
procure the poorer ,israelites for      
servants4 ,lev4 xxv4 #dg4 ,in a  word1  
such was the political condition of the 
,strangers1 that the ,jewish  polity    
offered a virtual bounty1 to such as    

would become permanent  servants1 and   
thus secure those privileges already    
enumerated1 and for  their children in  
the second generation a permanent       
inheritance4 ,ezek4  xlvii4 #ba-bc4     
,none but the monied aristocracy would  
be likely to decline  such offers4 ,on  
the other hand1 the ,israelites1 owning 
all the soil1 and  an inheritance of    
land being a sacred possession1 to hold 
it free of  incumbrance was with every  
,israelite1 a delicate point1 both of   
family  honor and personal character4 #a
 ,kings xxi4 #c4 ,hence1 to forego the  
control of one's inheritance1 after the 
division of the paternal domain1  or to 
be kept out of it after having acceded  
to it1 was a burden  grievous to be     
borne4 ,to mitigate as much as possible 
such a calamity1  the law released the  
,israelitish servant at the end of six,a
 years2 as1  during that time--if of the
 first class--the partition of the      
patrimonial land might have taken place 
or1 if of the second1 enough  money     

might have been earned to disencumber   
his estate1 and thus he  might assume   
his station as a lord of the soil4 ,if  
neither contingency  had occurred1 then 
after another six years the opportunity 
was again  offered1 and so on1 until the
 jubilee4 ,so while strong motives urged
 the  ,israelite to discontinue his     
service as soon as the exigency had     
passed  which made him a servant1 every 
consideration impelled the ,stranger to 
prolong his term of service2,b and the  
same kindness which dictated  the law of
 six years' service for the ,israelite1 
assigned as the general  rule1 a much   
longer period to the ,gentile servant1  
who had every  inducement to protract   
the term4 ,it should be borne in mind1  
that adult  ,jews ordinarily became     
servants1 only as a temporary expedient 
to  relieve themselves from             
embarrassment1 and ceased to be such    
when that  object was effected4 ,the    
poverty that forced them to it was a    
calamity1  and their service was either 

a means of relief1 or a measure of      
prevention2 not pursued as a permanent  
business1 but resorted to on            
emergencies--a sort of episode in the   
main scope of their lives4 ,whereas     
with the ,stranger1 it was a permanent  
employment1 pursued both as a  means of 
bettering their own condition1 and that 
of their posterity1  and as an end for  
its own sake1 conferring on them        
privileges1 and a  social estimation not
 otherwise attainable4    ,footnote ,a3 
,another reason for protracting the     
service until the  seventh year1 seems  
to have been the coincidence of that    
period with  other arrangements1 in the 
,jewish economy4 ,its pecuniary         
responsibilities1 social relations1 and 
general internal structure1 were        
graduated upon a septennial scale4      
,besides1 as those ,israelites who  had 
become servants through poverty1 would  
not sell themselves1 till  other        
expedients to recruit their finances had
 failed--7,lev4 xxv4  #ce7--their       

becoming servants proclaimed such a     
state of their affairs1  as demanded the
 labor of a course of years fully to    
reinstate them4      ,footnote ,b3 ,the 
,stranger had the same inducements to   
prefer a long term  of service that     
those have who cannot own land1 to      
prefer a long  lease4    ,we see from   
the foregoing1 why servants purchased   
from the heathen1 are  called by way of 
distinction1 the servants1 7not         
bondmen17 #a4 ,they  followed it as a   
permanent business4 #b4 ,their term of  
service was  much longer than that of   
the other class4 #c4 ,as a class1 they  
doubtless greatly outnumbered the       
,israelitish servants4 #d4 ,all the     
,strangers that dwelt in the land were  
tributaries1 required to pay an  annual 
tax to the government1 either in money1 
or in public service1  7called a tribute
 of bond-service27 in other words1 all  
the  ,strangers were national servants1 
to the ,israelites1 and the same        
,hebrew word used to designate          

individual servants1 equally designates 
national servants or tributaries4 #b    
,sam4 viii4 #b1 #f1 #ad2 #b ,chron4     
viii4 #g-i2 ,deut1 xx4 #aa2 #b ,sam4 x4 
#ai2 #a ,kings ix4 #ba1 #bb2 #a ,kings  
iv4  #ba2 ,gen4 xxvii4 #bi4 ,the same   
word is applied to the ,israelites1 when
  they paid tribute to other nations4 #b
 ,kings xvii4 #c42 ,judg4 iii4 #h1 #ad2 
,gen4 xlix4 #ae4 ,another distinction   
between the ,jewish and ,gentile bought 
servants1 was in their kinds of service4
 ,the servants from the  ,strangers were
 properly the domestics1 or household   
servants1 employed  in all family work1 
in offices of personal attendance1 and  
in such  mechanical labor1 as was       
required by increasing wants and needed 
repairs4 ,the ,jewish bought servants   
seem almost exclusively  agricultural4  
,besides being better fitted for it by  
previous habits1  agriculture1 and the  
tending of cattle1 were regarded by the 
,israelites  as the most honorable of   
all occupations4 ,after ,saul was       

elected king1  and escorted to ,gibeah1 
the next report of him is1 ,and behold  
,saul  came after the herd out of the   
field4 #a ,sam4 xi4 #e4 ,elisha was     
plowing with twelve yoke of oxen4 #a    
,kings xix4 #ai4 ,king ,uzziah loved    
husbandry4 #b ,chron4 xxvi4 #aj4 ,gideon
 was threshing wheat when  called to    
lead the host against the ,midianites4  
,judg4 vi4 #aa4 ,the  superior          
honorableness of agriculture is shown1  
in that it was protected  and supported 
by the fundamental law of the           
theocracy--,god indicating it  as the   
chief prop of the government4 ,the      
,israelites were like permanent         
fixtures on their soil1 so did they     
cling to it4 ,to be agriculturists on   
their own patrimonial inheritances1 was 
with them the grand claim to  honorable 
estimation4 ,when ,ahab proposed to     
,naboth that he should sell  him his    
vineyard1 king though he was1 he might  
well have anticipated  from an          
,israelitish freeholder1 just such an   

indignant burst as that  which his      
proposal drew forth1 ,and ,naboth said  
to ,ahab1 the ,lord forbid  it me that  
,i should give the inheritance of my    
fathers unto thee4 #a  ,kings xxi4 #b1  
#c4 ,agriculture being pre-eminently a  
,jewish employment1  to assign a native 
,israelite to other employments as a    
business1 was to  break up his habits1  
do violence to cherished predilections1 
and put him  to a kind of labor in which
 he had no skill1 and which he deemed   
degrading4,c ,in short1 it was in the   
earlier ages of the ,mosaic system1     
practically to unjew him1 a hardship and
 a rigor grievous to be borne1  as it   
annihilated a visible distinction       
between the descendants of  ,abraham and
 the ,strangers4 ,to guard this and     
another fundamental  distinction1 ,god  
instituted the regulation1 ,if thy      
brother that  dwelleth by thee be waxen 
poor1 and be sold unto thee1 thou shalt 
not  compel him to serve as a           
bond-servant4 ,in other words1 thou     

shalt not  put him to servant's work--to
 the business1 and into the condition of
  domestics4 ,in the ,persian version it
 is translated1 ,thou shalt not  assign 
to him the work of servitude4 ,in the   
,septuagint1 ,he shall not  serve thee  
with the service of a domestic4 ,in the 
,syriac1 ,thou shalt  not employ him    
after the manner of servants4 ,in the   
,samaritan1 ,thou  shalt not require him
 to serve in the service of a servant4  
,in the  ,targum of ,onkelos1 ,he shall 
not serve thee with the service of a    
household servant4 ,in the ,targum of   
,jonathan1 ,thou shalt not cause him  to
 serve according to the usages of the   
servitude of servants4,d ,the  meaning  
of the passage is1 thou shalt not assign
 him to the same grade1  nor put him to 
the same service1 with permanent        
domestics4 ,the  remainder of the       
regulation is--,but as an hired servant 
and as a  sojourner shall he be with    
thee4 ,hired servants were not          
incorporated  into the families of their

 masters2 they still retained their own 
family  organization1 without the       
surrender of any domestic privilege1    
honor1 or  authority2 and this1 even    
though they resided under the same roof 
with  their master4 ,the same           
substantially may be said of the        
sojourner though  he was not the owner  
of the land which he cultivated1 and of 
course had  not the control of an       
inheritance1 yet he was not in a        
condition that  implied subjection to   
him whose land he tilled1 or that       
demanded the  surrender of any right1 or
 exacted from him any homage1 or stamped
 him  with any inferiority2 unless1 it  
be supposed that a degree of            
inferiority would naturally attach to a 
state of dependence however  qualified4 
,while bought servants were associated  
with their master's  families at meals1 
at the ,passover1 and at other family   
festivals1 hired  servants and          
sojourners were not4 ,ex4 xii4 #dd1 #de2
 ,lev4 xxii4 #aj1 #aa4  ,hired servants 

were not subject to the authority of    
their masters in any  such sense as the 
master's wife1 children1 and bought     
servants4 ,hence  the only form of      
oppressing hired servants spoken of in  
the ,scriptures  as practicable to      
masters1 is that of keeping back their  
wages4 ,to  have taken away such        
privileges in the case under            
consideration1 would  have been         
pre-eminent rigor2 for it was not a     
servant born in the  house of a master1 
nor a minor1 whose minority had been    
sold by the  father1 neither was it one 
who had not yet acceded to his          
inheritance1  nor finally1 one who had  
received the assignment of his          
inheritance1  but was working off from  
it an incumbrance1 before entering upon 
its  possession and control4 ,but it was
 that of the head of a family1 who  had 
known better days1 now reduced to       
poverty1 forced to relinquish the  loved
 inheritance of his fathers1 with the   
competence and respectful  consideration

 its possession secured to him1 and to  
be indebted to a  neighbor for shelter1 
sustenance1 and employment4 ,so sad a   
reverse1  might well claim sympathy2 but
 one consolation cheers him in the house
  of his pilgrimage2 he is an           
,israelite--,abraham is his father and  
now  in his calamity he clings closer   
than ever1 to the distinction conferred 
by his birth-right4 ,to rob him of this1
 were the unkindest cut of all4  ,to    
have assigned him to a grade of service 
filled only by those whose  permanent   
business was serving1 would have been to
 rule over him with  peculiar rigor4    
,thou shalt not compel him to serve as a
  bond-servant1 or literally1 thou shalt
 not serve thyself with him1  with the  
service of a servant1 guaranties his    
political privileges1 and  a kind and   
grade of service comporting with his    
character and relations  as an          
,israelite4 ,and as a hired servant1 and
 as a sojourner shall he  be with thee1 
secures to him his family organization1 

the respect and  authority due to its   
head1 and the general consideration     
resulting from  such a station4 ,being  
already in possession of his            
inheritance1 and the  head of a         
household1 the law so arranged the      
conditions of his service  as to        
alleviate as much as possible the       
calamity which had reduced him  from    
independence and authority1 to penury   
and subjection4 ,the import of  the     
command which concludes this topic in   
the forty-third verse1 7,thou  shalt not
 rule over him with rigor17 is          
manifestly this1 you shall not          
disregard those differences in previous 
associations1 station1  authority1 and  
political privileges1 upon which this   
regulation is  based2 for to hold this  
class of servants irrespective of these 
distinctions1 and annihilating them1 is 
to rule with rigor4 ,the same  command  
is repeated in the forty-sixth verse1   
and applied to the  distinction between 
servants of ,jewish1 and those of       

,gentile extraction1  and forbids the   
overlooking of distinctive ,jewish      
peculiarities1 the  disregard of which  
would be rigorous in the extreme4,e ,the
  construction commonly put upon the    
phrase rule with rigor1 and the         
inference drawn from it1 have an air    
vastly oracular4 ,it is interpreted  to 
mean1 you shall not make him a chattel1 
and strip him of legal  protection1 nor 
force him to work without pay4 ,the     
inference is like  unto it1 viz41 since 
the command forbade such outrages upon  
the  ,israelites1 it permitted and      
commissioned their infliction upon the  
,strangers4 ,such impious and shallow   
smattering captivates scoffers and      
libertines2 its flippancy and blasphemy1
 and the strong scent of its            
loose-reined license works like a charm 
upon them4 ,what boots it to  reason    
against such rampant affinities6 ,in    
,ex4 i4 #ac1 it is said that  the       
,egyptians1 made the children of ,israel
 to serve with rigor4 ,this  rigor is   

affirmed of the amount of labor extorted
 and the mode of  the exaction4 ,the    
expression serve with rigor1 is never   
applied to the  service of servants     
under the ,mosaic system4 ,the phrase1  
thou shall not  ,,rule over him with    
rigor1 does not prohibit unreasonable   
exactions of  labor1 nor inflictions of 
cruelty4 ,such were provided against    
otherwise4  ,but it forbids confounding 
the distinctions between a ,jew and a   
,stranger1 by assigning the former to   
the same grade of service1 for the  same
 term of time and under the same        
political disabilities as the  latter4  
,footnote ,c3 ,the ,babylonish captivity
 seems to have greatly modified  ,jewish
 usage in this respect4 ,before that    
event1 their cities were  comparatively 
small1 and few were engaged in          
mechanical or mercantile  employments4  
,afterward their cities enlarged apace  
and trades  multiplied4      ,footnote  
,d3 ,jarchi's comment on ,thou shalt not
 compel him to serve as  a bond-servant 

is1 ,the ,hebrew servant is not to be   
required to do any  thing which is      
accounted degrading--such as all offices
 of personal  attendance1 as loosing his
 master's shoe-latchet1 bringing him    
water to  wash his hands and feet1      
waiting on him at table1 dressing him1  
carrying  things to and from the bath4  
,the ,hebrew servant is to work with his
  master as a son or brother1 in the    
business of his farm1 or other labor1   
until his legal release4      ,footnote 
,e3 ,the disabilities of the ,strangers1
 which were distinctions1  based on a   
different national descent1 and         
important to the preservation  of nation
 characteristics1 and a national        
worship1 did not at all affect  their   
social estimation4 ,they were regarded  
according to their  character and worth 
as persons1 irrespective of their       
foreign origin1  employments and        
political condition4        ,we are now 
prepared to review at a glance1 the     
condition of the  different classes of  

servants1 with the modifications        
peculiar to each4    ,in the possession 
of all fundamental rights1 all classes  
of servants  were on an absolute        
equality1 all were equally protected by 
law in their  persons1 character1       
property and social relations2 all were 
voluntary1  all were compensated for    
their labor1 and released from it nearly
 one  half of the days in each year2 all
 were furnished with stated             
instruction2 none in either class were  
in any sense articles of  property1 all 
were regarded as men1 with the rights1  
interests1 hopes  and destinies of men4 
,in all these respects1 all classes of  
servants  among the ,israelites1 formed 
but ,,one ,,class4 ,the different       
classes1 and  the differences in each   
class1 were1 #a4 ,hired ,servants4 ,this
 class  consisted both of ,israelites   
and ,strangers4 ,their employments were 
different4 ,the ,israelite was an       
agricultural servant4 ,the ,stranger was
  a domestic and personal servant1 and  

in some instances mechanical2  both were
 occasional and temporary4 ,both lived  
in their own families1  their wages were
 money1 and they were paid when their   
work was done4  #b4 ,bought ,servants1  
7including those born in the house47    
,this class  also1 consisted of         
,israelites and ,strangers1 the same    
difference in  their kinds of employment
 as noticed before4 ,both were paid in  
advance1,a and neither was temporary4   
,the ,israelitish servant1 with the     
exception of the freeholder1 completed  
his term in six years4 ,the  ,stranger  
was a permanent servant1 continuing     
until the jubilee4 ,a marked            
distinction obtained also between       
different classes of ,jewish bought     
servants4 ,ordinarily1 they were merged 
in their master's family1 and1  like his
 wife and children1 subject to his      
authority2 7and1 like them1  protected  
by law from its abuse47 ,but the        
freeholder was an exception2  his family
 relations and authority remained       

unaffected1 nor was he  subjected as an 
inferior to the control of his master1  
though dependent  on him for employment4
    ,footnote ,a3 ,the payment in       
advance1 doubtless lessened the price of
  the purchase2 the servant thus having 
the use of the money1 and the  master   
assuming all the risks of life1 and     
health for labor2 at the  expiration of 
the six years' contract1 the master     
having suffered no  loss from the risk  
incurred at the making of it1 was       
obliged by law to  release the servant  
with a liberal gratuity4 ,the reason    
assigned for  this is1 he hath been     
worth a double hired servant unto thee  
in serving  thee six years1 as if it had
 been said1 as you have experienced no  
loss  from the risks of life1 and       
ability to labor1 incurred in the       
purchase1  and which lessened the price1
 and as1 by being your servant for six  
years1 he has saved you the time and    
trouble of looking up and hiring        
laborers on emergencies1 therefore1 thou

 shalt furnish him liberally1  c4 ,this 
gratuity at the close of the service    
shews the principle of  the relation2   
equivalent for value received4     ,it  
should be kept in mind1 that both       
classes of servants1 the  ,israelite and
 the ,stranger1 not only enjoyed equal1 
natural and  religious rights1 but all  
the civil and political privileges      
enjoyed  by those of their own people   
who were not servants4 ,they also shared
  in common with them the political     
disabilities which appertained to all   
,strangers1 whether servants of ,jewish 
masters1 or masters of ,jewish          
servants4 ,further1 the disabilities of 
the servants from the ,strangers  were  
exclusively political and national4 #a4 
,they1 in common with all  ,strangers1  
could not own the soil4 #b4 ,they were  
ineligible to civil  offices4 #c4 ,they 
were assigned to employments less       
honorable than those  in which          
,israelitish servants engaged2          
agriculture being regarded as           

fundamental to the existence of the     
state1 other employments were in  less  
repute1 and deemed unjewish4            
,finally1 the ,strangers1 whether       
servants or masters1 were all protected 
equally with the descendants of         
,abraham4 ,in respect to political      
privileges1 their condition was much    
like that of unnaturalized  foreigners  
in the ,united ,states2 whatever their  
wealth or intelligence1  or moral       
principle1 or love for our institutions1
 they can neither go to  the ballot-box1
 nor own the soil1 nor be eligible to   
office4 ,let a  native ,american1 be    
suddenly bereft of these privileges1 and
 loaded with  the disabilities of an    
alien1 and what to the foreigner would  
be a light  matter1 to him1 would be the
 severity of rigor4 ,the recent         
condition  of the ,jews and ,catholics  
in ,england1 is another illustration4   
,rothschild1 the late banker1 though the
 richest private citizen in the  world1 
and perhaps master of scores of ,english

 servants1 who sued for  the smallest   
crumbs of his favor1 was1 as a subject  
of the government1  inferior to the     
lowest among them4 ,suppose an          
,englishman of the  ,established        
,church1 were by law deprived of power  
to own the soil1 of  eligibility to     
office and of the electoral franchise1  
would ,englishmen  think it a           
misapplication of language1 if it were  
said1 the government  rules over him    
with rigor8 ,and yet his person1        
property1 reputation1  conscience1 all  
his social relations1 the disposal of   
his time1 the  right of locomotion at   
pleasure1 and of natural liberty in all 
respects1  are just as much protected by
 law as the ,lord ,chancellor's4        
,,finally4--,as the ,mosaic system was a
 great compound type1 rife with  meaning
 in doctrine and duty2 the practical    
power of the whole1 depended  upon the  
exact observance of those distinctions  
and relations which  constituted its    
significancy4 ,hence1 the care to       

preserve inviolate the  distinction     
between a descendant of ,abraham and a  
,stranger1 even  when the ,stranger was 
a proselyte1 had gone through the       
initiatory  ordinances1 entered the     
congregation1 and become incorporated   
with the  ,israelites by family         
alliance4 ,the regulation laid down in  
,ex4 xxi4 #b-f1  is an illustration4 ,in
 this case1 the ,israelitish servant1   
whose term  expired in six years1       
married one of his master's permanent   
female  domestics2 but her marriage did 
not release her master from his part  of
 the contract for her whole term of     
service1 nor from his legal  obligation 
to support and educate her children4    
,neither did it do away  that           
distinction1 which marked her national  
descent by a specific  grade and term of
 service1 nor impair her obligation to  
fulfil her  part of the contract4 ,her  
relations as a permanent domestic grew  
out of  a distinction guarded with great
 care throughout the ,mosaic system4 ,to

  render it void1 would have been to    
divide the system against itself4  ,this
 ,god would not tolerate4 ,nor1 on the  
other hand1 would he permit the  master 
to throw off the responsibility of      
instructing her children1 nor  the care 
and expense of their helpless infancy   
and rearing4 ,he was bound  to support  
and educate them1 and all her children  
born afterwards during  her term of     
service4 ,the whole arrangement         
beautifully illustrates that  wise and  
tender regard for the interests of all  
the parties concerned1  which arrays the
 ,mosaic system in robes of glory1 and  
causes it to shine  as the sun in the   
kingdom of our ,father4,b ,by this law1 
the children  had secured to them a     
mother's tender care4 ,if the husband   
loved his  wife and children1 he could  
compel his master to keep him1 whether  
he  had any occasion for his services or
 not4 ,if he did not love them1 to be   
rid of him was a blessing2 and in that  
case1 the regulation would prove  an act

 for the relief of an afflicted family4 
,it is not by any means to  be inferred1
 that the release of the servant in the 
seventh year1 either  absolved him from 
the obligations of marriage1 or shut him
 out from the  society of his family4   
,he could doubtless procure a service at
 no great  distance from them1 and might
 often do it1 to get higher wages1 or a 
kind of employment better suited to his 
taste and skill4 ,the great  number of  
days on which the law released servants 
from regular labor1  would enable him to
 spend much more time with his family1  
than can be  spent by most of the agents
 of our benevolent societies with their 
families1 or by many merchants1 editors1
 artists1 c41 whose daily  business is  
in ,new ,york1 while their families     
reside from ten to one  hundred miles in
 the country4    ,footnote ,b3 ,whoever 
profoundly studies the ,mosaic          
,institutes with a  teachable and       
reverential spirit1 will feel the truth 
and power of that  solemn appeal and    

interrogatory of ,god to his people     
,israel1 when he had  made an end of    
setting before them all his statutes and
 ordinances4  ,what nation is there so  
great1 that hath statutes and judgments 
,,so  ,,righteous1 as all this law which
 ,i set before you this day4 ,deut4 iv4 
#h4        ,we conclude this inquiry by 
touching upon an objection1 which1      
though  not formally stated1 has been   
already set aside by the tenor of the   
foregoing argument4 ,it is this1--,the  
slavery of the ,canaanites by the       
,israelites1 was appointed by ,god as a 
commutation of the punishment of  death 
denounced against them for their sins4,a
 ,if the absurdity of a  sentence       
consigning persons to death1 and at the 
same time to perpetual  slavery1 did not
 sufficiently laugh at itself2 it would 
be small  self-denial1 in a case so     
tempting1 to make up the deficiency by a
  general contribution4 ,only one       
statute was ever given respecting the   
disposition to be made of the           

inhabitants of ,canaan4 ,if the sentence
 of  death was pronounced against them1 
and afterwards commuted1 when8  where8  
by whom8 and in what terms was the      
commutation1 and where is it  recorded8 
,grant1 for argument's sake1 that all   
the ,canaanites were  sentenced to      
unconditional extermination2 how can a  
right to enslave  them1 be drawn from   
such premises8 ,the punishment of death 
is one of the  highest recognitions of  
man's moral nature possible4 ,it        
proclaims him  rational1 accountable1   
guilty1 deserving death for having done 
his  utmost to cheapen human life1 when 
the proof of its priceless worth  lived 
in his own nature4 ,but to make him a   
slave1 cheapens to nothing  universal   
human nature1 and instead of healing a  
wound1 gives a  death-stab4 ,what6      
repair an injury to rational being in   
the robbery of  one of its rights1 not  
only by robbing it of all1 but by       
annihilating  their foundation1 the     
everlasting distinction between persons 

and  things8 ,to make a man a chattel1  
is not the punishment1 but the          
annihilation of a human being1 and1 so  
far as it goes1 of all  human beings4   
,this commutation of the punishment of  
death1 into  perpetual slavery1 what a  
fortunate discovery6 ,alas6 for the     
honor of  ,deity1 if commentators had   
not manned the forlorn hope1 and by a   
timely  movement rescued the ,divine    
character1 at the very crisis of its    
fate1  from the perilous position in    
which inspiration had carelessly left   
it6  ,here a question arises of         
sufficient importance for a separate    
dissertation2 but must for the present  
be disposed of in a few  paragraphs4    
,,were ,,the ,,canaanites ,,sentenced   
,,by ,,god ,,to ,,individual ,,and      
,,unconditional ,,extermination8 ,as the
 limits of this inquiry forbid our      
giving all the grounds of dissent from  
commonly received opinions1 the         
suggestions made1 will be thrown out    
merely as ,,queries1 rather than laid   

down as doctrines4 ,the directions as to
 the disposal of the  ,canaanites1 are  
mainly in the following passages1 ,ex4  
xxiii4 #bc-cc2  xxxiv4 #aa2 ,deut4 vii4 
#af-bd2 ix4 #c2 xxxi4 #c-e4 ,in these   
verses1 the  ,israelites are commanded  
to destroy the ,canaanites1 to drive    
out1  consume1 utterly overthrow1 put   
out1 dispossess them1 c4 ,did  these    
commands enjoin the unconditional and   
universal destruction of the            
individuals1 or merely of the body      
politic8 ,the word haram1 to  destroy1  
signifies national1 as well as          
individual destruction2 the  destruction
 of political existence1 equally with   
personal2 of  governmental organization1
 equally with the lives of the subjects4
  ,besides1 if we interpret the words   
destroy1 consume1 overthrow1 c41 to     
mean personal destruction1 what meaning 
shall we give to the  expressions1 drive
 out before thee1 cast out before thee1 
expel1  put out1 dispossess1 c41 which  
are used in the same and in parallel    

passages8 ,in addition to those quoted  
above1 see ,josh4 iii4 #aj2 xvii4  #ah2 
xxiii4 #e2 xxiv4 #ah2 ,judg4 i4 #bj1    
#bi-ce2 vi4 #i4 ,i will destroy all  the
 people to whom thou shalt come1 and ,i 
will make all thine enemies  turn their 
backs unto thee4 ,ex4 xxiii4 #bg4 ,here 
all their enemies  were to turn their   
backs1 and all the people to be         
destroyed4  ,does this mean that ,god   
would let all their enemies escape1 but 
kill  their friends1 or that he would   
first kill all the people and ,,then    
make them turn their backs1 an army of  
runaway corpses8 ,in ,josh4 xxiv4  #h1  
,god says1 speaking of the ,amorites1 ,i
 destroyed them from before  you4 ,in   
the #ahth verse of the same chapter1 it 
is said1 ,the ,lord  drave out from     
before us all the people1 even the      
,amorites which dwelt  in the land4 ,in 
,num4 xxxii4 #ci1 we are told that the  
children of  ,machir the son of         
,manasseh1 went to ,gilead1 and took it1
 and  dispossessed the ,amorite which   

was in it4 ,if these commands required  
the destruction of all the individuals1 
the ,mosaic law was at war with  itself1
 for directions as to the treatment of  
native residents form a  large part of  
it4 ,see ,lev4 xix4 #cd2 xxv4 #ce1 #cf2 
xxiv4 #bb42 ,ex4 xxiii4  #i2 xxii4 #ba2 
,deut4 i4 #af1 #ag2 x4 #ag1 #ai2 xxvii4 
#ai4 ,we find1 also1 that  provision was
 made for them in the cities of refuge1 
,num4 xxxv4 #ae1--the  gleanings of the 
harvest and vintage were theirs1 ,lev4  
xix4 #i1 #aj2  xxiii4 #bb2--the         
blessings of the ,sabbath1 ,ex4 xx4     
#aj2--the privilege of  offering        
sacrifices secured1 ,lev4 xxii4 #ah2 and
 stated religious  instruction provided 
for them4 ,deut4 xxxi4 #i1 #ab4 ,now    
does this same law  require the         
individual extermination of those whose 
lives and  interests it thus protects8  
,these laws were given to the           
,israelites1  long before they entered  
,canaan2 and they must have inferred    
from  them1 that a multitude of the     

inhabitants of the land were to continue
  in it1 under their government4 ,again 
,joshua was selected as the leader  of  
,israel to execute ,god's threatenings  
upon ,canaan4 ,he had no  discretionary 
power4 ,god's commands were his official
 instructions4  ,going beyond them would
 have been usurpation2 refusing to carry
 them  out1 rebellion and treason4 ,saul
 was rejected from being king for       
disobeying ,god's commands in a single  
instance4 ,now if ,god commanded the    
individual destruction of all the       
,canaanites ,joshua disobeyed him in    
every instance4 ,for at his death1 the  
,israelites still dwelt among  them1 and
 each nation is mentioned by name4      
,judg4 i4 #bg-cf1 and yet we  are told  
that ,joshua left nothing undone of all 
that the ,lord commanded  ,moses2 and   
that he took all that land4 ,josh4 xi4  
#ae-bb4 ,also1 that  there stood not a  
man of all their enemies before them4   
,josh4 xxi4  #dd4 ,how can this be if   
the command to destroy1 destroy utterly1

 c41  enjoined individual extermination1
 and the command to drive out1          
unconditional expulsion from the        
country1 rather than their expulsion    
from the possession or ownership of it1 
as the lords of the soil8  ,that the    
latter is the true sense to be attached 
to those terms1 we  argue1 further from 
the fact that the same terms are        
employed by ,god to  describe the       
punishment which he would inflict upon  
the ,israelites if  they served other   
,gods4 ,ye shall utterly perish1 be     
utterly  destroyed1 consumed1 c41 are   
some of them4--,see ,deut4 iv4 #bj2     
viii4  #ai1 #bj4;,b ,josh4 xxiii4 #ab1  
#ac-af2 #a4 ,sam4 xii4 #be4 ,the        
,israelites did  serve other ,gods1 and 
,jehovah did execute upon them his      
threatenings--and thus himself          
interpreted these threatenings4 ,he     
subverted their government1 dispossessed
 them of their land1 divested  them of  
national power1 and made them           
tributaries1 but did not  exterminate   

them4 ,he destroyed them utterly as an  
independent body  politic1 but not as   
individuals4 ,multitudes of the         
,canaanites were  slain1 but not a case 
can be found in which one was either    
killed or  expelled who acquiesced in   
the transfer of the territory1 and its  
sovereignty1 from the inhabitants of the
 land to the ,israelites4 ,witness  the 
case of ,rahab and her kindred1 and that
 of the ,gibeonites4,c ,the  ,canaanites
 knew of the miracles wrought for the   
,israelites2 and that  their land had   
been transferred to them as a judgment  
for their sins4  ,josh4 ii4 #i-aa2 ix4  
#i1 #aj1 #bd4 ,many of them were awed by
 these wonders1  and made no resistance4
 ,others defied ,god and came out to    
battle4 ,these  last occupied the       
fortified cities1 were the most         
inveterate  heathen--the aristocracy of 
idolatry1 the kings1 the nobility and   
gentry1 the priests1 with their crowds  
of satellites1 and retainers that  aided
 in idolatrous rites1 and the military  

forces1 with the chief  profligates of  
both sexes4 ,many facts corroborate the 
general position4  ,witness that command
 7,deut4 xxiii4 #ae1 #af17 which1 not   
only prohibited  the surrender of the   
fugitive servant to his master1 but     
required the  ,israelites to receive him
 with kindness1 permit him to dwell     
where he  pleased1 and to protect and   
cherish him4 ,whenever any servant1 even
 a  ,canaanite1 fled from his master to 
the ,israelites1 ,jehovah1 so far from  
commanding them to kill him1 straitly   
charged them1 ,he shall dwell  with     
thee1 even among you1 in that place     
which he shall choose--in one  of thy   
gates where it liketh him best--thou    
shalt not oppress him4  ,deut4 xxiii4   
#af4 ,the ,canaanitish servant by thus  
fleeing to the  ,israelites1 submitted  
himself as a dutiful subject to their   
national  government1 and pledged his   
allegiance4 ,suppose all the ,canaanites
 had  thus submitted themselves to the  
,jewish theocracy1 and conformed to the 

requirements of the ,mosaic institutes1 
would not all have been spared  upon the
 same principle that one was8 ,again1   
look at the multitude of  tributaries in
 the midst of ,israel1 and that too1    
after they had  waxed strong1 and the   
uttermost nations quaked at the terror  
of their  name--the ,canaanites1        
,philistines and others1 who became     
proselytes--as  the ,nethenims1 ,uriah  
the ,hittite--,rahab1 who married one of
 the princes  of ,judah--,jether1 an    
,ishmaelite1 who married ,abigail the   
sister of ,david  and was the father of 
,amasa1 the captain of the host of      
,israel4 ,comp4 #a  ,chron4 ii4 #ag1    
with #b ,sam4 xvii4 #be4--;,ittai--the  
six hundred ,gittites1  ,david's body   
guard4 #b4 ,sam xv4 #ah1 #ba4 ,obededom 
the ,gittite1 adopted  into the tribe of
 ,levi4 ,comp4 #b ,sam4 vi4 #aj1 #aa1   
with #a ,chron4 xv4 #ah1  and xxvi4 #d1 
#e--;,jaziz1 and ,obil4 #a ,chron1      
xxvii4 #cj1 #ca4 ,jephunneh the         
,kenezite1 ,josh4 xiv4 #f1 and father of

 ,caleb a ruler of the tribe of  ,judah4
 ,numb4 xiii4 #b1 #f--the ,kenites      
registered in the genealogies of  the   
tribe of ,judah1 ,judg4 i4 #af2 #a      
,chron4 ii4 #ee1 and the one hundred    
and fifty thousand ,canaanites1 employed
 by ,solomon in the building of  the    
,temple4,d ,besides1 the greatest       
miracle on record1 was wrought to  save 
a portion of those very ,canaanites1 and
 for the destruction of  those who would
 exterminate them4 ,josh4 x4 #ab-ad4    
,further--the terms  employed in the    
directions regulating the disposal of   
the ,canaanites1  such as drive out1 put
 out1 cast out1 expel1 dispossess1 c41  
seem used interchangeably with consume1 
destroy1 overthrow1 c41  and thus       
indicate the sense in which the latter  
words are used4 ,as an  illustration of 
the meaning generally attached to these 
and similar  terms1 we refer to the     
history of the ,amalekites4 ,i will     
utterly put  out the remembrance of     
,amalek from under heaven4 ,ex4 xvii4   

#ad4 ,thou  shalt blot out the          
remembrance of ,amalek from under       
heaven2 thou shalt  not forget it4      
,deut4 xxv4 #ai4 ,smite ,amalek and     
utterly destroy all  that they have1 and
 spare them not1 but slay both man and  
woman1 infant  and suckling1 ox and     
sheep4 #a ,sam4 xv4 #b1 #c4 ,saul smote 
the  ,amalekites1 and he took ,agag the 
king of the ,amalekites1 alive and      
,,utterly ,,destroyed ,,all ,,the       
,,people with the edge of the sword4    
,verses #g1  #h4 ,in verse #bj1 ,saul   
says1 ,i have brought ,agag1 the king of
 ,amalek1 and  have utterly destroyed   
the ,amalekites4 ,in #a ,sam4 xxx4 #a1  
#b1 we find  the ,amalekites marching an
 army into ,israel1 and sweeping        
everything  before them--and this in    
about eighteen years after they had all 
been  ,,utterly ,,destroyed6 ,in #a     
,kings ii4 #ae-ag1 is another           
illustration4 ,we  are informed that    
,joab remained in ,edom six months with 
all ,israel1  until he had cut off every

 male in ,edom4 ,in the next verse we   
learn  that ,hadad and certain ,edomites
 were not slain4 ,deut4 xx4 #af1 #ag1   
will  probably be quoted against the    
preceding view4 ,we argue that the      
command  in these verses1 did not       
include all the individuals of the      
,canaanitish  nations1 but only the     
inhabitants of the cities1 7and even    
those  conditionally17 because1 only the
 inhabitants of cities are              
specified--of the cities of these people
 thou shalt save alive  nothing that    
breatheth4 ,cities then1 as now1 were   
pest-houses of vice1  they reeked with  
abominations little practised in the    
country4 ,on this  account1 their       
influence would be far more perilous to 
the ,israelites  than that of the       
country4 ,besides1 they were the centres
 of  idolatry--there were the temples   
and altars1 and idols1 and priests1     
without number4 ,even their buildings1  
streets1 and public walks were so  many 
visibilities of idolatry4 ,the reason   

assigned in the #ahth verse for         
exterminating them1 strengthens the     
idea--that they teach you not to do     
after all the abominations which they   
have done unto their gods4 ,this  would 
be a reason for exterminating all the   
nations and individuals  around them1 as
 all were idolaters2 but ,god commanded 
them1 in certain  cases1 to spare the   
inhabitants4 ,contact with any of them  
would be  perilous--with the inhabitants
 of the cities peculiarly1 and of the   
,canaanitish cities pre-eminently so4   
,the #ajth and #aath verses contain  the
 general rule prescribing the method in 
which cities were to be  summoned to    
surrender4 ,they were first to receive  
the offer of peace--if  it was accepted1
 the inhabitants became tributaries--but
 if they came  out against ,israel in   
battle1 the men were to be killed1 and  
the woman  and little ones saved alive4 
,the #aeth verse restricts this lenient 
treatment to the inhabitants of the     
cities afar off4 ,the #afth directs  as 

to the disposal of the inhabitants of   
the ,canaanitish cities4 ,they  were to 
save alive nothing that breathed4 ,the  
common mistake has been1  in supposing  
that the command in the #aeth verse     
refers to the whole  system of          
directions preceding1 commencing with   
the #ajth1 whereas it  manifestly refers
 only to the inflictions specified in   
the #abth1 #acth1  and1 #adth1 making a 
distinction between those ,canaanitish  
cities that  fought1 and the cities afar
 off that fought--in one case destroying
  the males and females1 and in the     
other1 the males only4 ,the offer of    
peace1 and the conditional preservation1
 were as really guarantied to           
,canaanitish cities as to others4 ,their
 inhabitants were not to be             
exterminated unless they came out       
against ,israel in battle4 ,whatever be 
the import of the commands respecting   
the disposition to be made of the       
,canaanites1 all admit the fact that the
 ,israelites did not utterly            

exterminate them4 ,now1 if entire and   
unconditional extermination was the     
command of ,god1 it was never obeyed by 
the ,israelites1 consequently  the truth
 of ,god stood pledged to consign them  
to the same doom which  he had          
pronounced upon the ,canaanites1 but    
which they had refused to  visit upon   
them4 ,if ye will not drive out all the 
inhabitants of the  land from before    
you1 then it shall come to pass that 99 
99 ,i shall do  unto you as ,i thought  
to do unto them4 ,num4 xxxiii4 #ee1 #ef4
 ,as the  ,israelites were not          
exterminated1 we infer that ,god did not
 pronounce  that doom upon them2 and as 
he did pronounce upon them the same     
doom1 whatever it was1 which they should
 refuse to visit upon the  ,canaanites1 
it follows that the doom of             
unconditional extermination  was not    
pronounced against the ,canaanites4 ,but
 let us settle this  question by the law
 and the testimony4 ,there was not a    
city that made  peace with the children 

of ,israel save the ,hivites1 the       
inhabitants of  ,gibeon2 all others they
 took in battle4 ,for it was of the     
,lord to harden  their hearts1 that they
 should ,,come ,,out ,,against ,,israel 
,,in ,,battle1 that  he might destroy   
them utterly1 and that they might have  
no favor1 but  that he might destroy    
them1 as the ,lord commanded ,moses4    
,josh4 xi4 #ai4  #bj4 ,that is1 if they 
had not come out against ,israel in     
battle1 they  would have had favor shown
 them1 and would not have been destroyed
  utterly4 ,the great design was to     
transfer the territory of the           
,canaanites to the ,israelites1 and     
along with it1 absolute sovereignty  in 
every respect2 to annihilate their      
political organizations1 civil  polity1 
and jurisprudence1 and their system of  
religion1 with all its  rights and      
appendages2 and to substitute therefor1 
a pure theocracy1  administered by      
,jehovah1 with the ,israelites as ,his  
representatives and  agents4 ,in a word 

the people were to be denationalized1   
their  political existence annihilated1 
their idol temples1 altars1 groves1     
images1 pictures1 and heathen rites     
destroyed1 and themselves put under     
tribute4 ,those who resisted the        
execution of ,jehovah's purpose were to 
be killed1 while those who quietly      
submitted to it were to be spared4  ,all
 had the choice of these alternatives1  
either free egress out of the  land2,e  
or acquiescence in the decree1 with life
 and residence as  tributaries1 under   
the protection of the government2 or    
resistance to  the execution of the     
decree1 with death4 ,and it shall come  
to pass1 if  they will diligently learn 
the ways of my people1 to swear by my   
name1  the ,lord liveth1 as they taught 
my people to swear by ,baal2 ,,then     
,,shall  ,,they ,,be ,,built ,,in ,,the 
,,midst ,,of ,,my ,,people4    ,footnote
 ,a3 ,in the prophecy1 ,gen4 ix4 #be1   
the subjection of the  ,canaanites as a 
conquered people rendering tribute to   

other nations1 is  foretold by          
inspiration4 ,the fulfilment of this    
prediction1 seems to  have commenced in 
the subjection of the ,canaanites to the
 ,israelites as  tributaries4 ,if the   
,israelites had exterminated them1 as   
the objector  asserts they were         
commanded to do2 the prediction would   
have been  falsified4      ,footnote ,b3
 ,these two verses are so explicit we   
quote them entire--,and  it shall be if 
thou do at all forget the ,lord they    
,god and walk after  other ,gods and    
serve them1 and worship them1 ,i testify
 against you this  day that ye shall    
surely perish1 as the nations which the 
,lord  destroyed before your face1 so   
shall ye perish4 ,the following         
passages are1 if possible still more    
explicit--,the ,lord shall send upon    
thee cursing1 vexation and rebuke in all
 that thou settest thine hand  unto for 
to do1 until thou be destroyed1 and     
until thou perish  quickly4 ,the ,lord  
shall make the pestilence cleave unto   

thee until he  have consumed thee4 ,they
 7the 'sword1' 'blasting1' c47 shall    
pursue  thee until thou perish4 ,from   
heaven shall it come down upon thee     
until thou be destroyed4 ,all these     
curses shall come upon thee till  thou  
be destroyed4 ,he shall put a yoke of   
iron upon thy neck until  he have       
destroyed thee4 ,the ,lord shall bring a
 nation against thee1  a nation of      
fierce countenance1 which shall not     
regard the person of the  old1 nor show 
favor to the young1 99 99 until he have 
destroyed thee4  ,all these1 with other 
similar threatenings of destruction1 are
  contained in the twenty-eighth chapter
 of ,deut4 ,see verses #bj-be1 #de1     
#dh1 #ea4 ,in the same chapter ,god     
declares that as a punishment for the   
same transgressions1 the ,israelites    
shall be removed into all the  kingdoms 
of the earth1 thus showing that the     
terms employed in the  other verses1    
destroy1 perish1 perish quickly1        
consume1 c41  instead of signifying     

utter1 personal destruction doubtless   
meant their  destruction as an          
independent nation4 ,in ,josh4 xxiv4 #h1
 #ah1 destroyed  and drave out1 are used
 synonymously4      ,footnote ,c3       
,perhaps it will be objected1 that the  
preservation of the  ,gibeonites1 and of
 ,rahab and her kindred1 was a violation
 of the command  of ,god4 ,we answer1 if
 it had been1 we might expect some such 
intimation4  ,if ,god had straitly      
commanded them to exterminate all the   
,canaanites1  their pledge to save them 
alive1 was neither a repeal of the      
statute1  nor absolution for the breach 
of it4 ,if unconditional destruction was
  the import of the command1 would ,god 
have permitted such an act to pass      
without rebuke8 ,would he have          
established such a precedent when       
,israel  had hardly passed the threshold
 of ,canaan1 and was then striking the  
first blow of a half century war8 ,what 
if they had passed their word  to ,rahab
 and the ,gibeonites8 ,was that more    

binding than ,god's command8  ,so ,saul 
seems to have passed his word to ,agag2 
yet ,samuel hewed him in  pieces1       
because in saving his life1 ,saul had   
violated ,god's command4  ,when ,saul   
sought to slay the ,gibeonites in his   
zeal for the children of  ,israel and   
,judah1 ,god sent upon ,israel a three  
years' famine for it4  ,when ,david     
inquired of them what atonement he      
should make1 they say1  ,the man that   
devised against us1 that we should be   
destroyed from  remaining in any of the 
coast of ,israel1 let seven of his sons 
be  delivered1 c4 #b ,sam4 xxi4 #a-f4   
,footnote ,d3 ,if the ,canaanites were  
devoted by ,god to unconditional        
extermination1 to have employed them in 
the erection of the  temple1--what was  
it but the climax of impiety8 ,as well  
might they  pollute its altars with     
swine's flesh or make their sons pass   
through  the fire to ,moloch4           
,footnote ,e3 ,suppose all the          
,canaanitish nations had abandoned their

  territory at the tidings of ,israel's 
approach1 did ,god's command require    
the ,israelites to chase them to ends of
 the earth1 and hunt them out1  until   
every ,canaanite was destroyed8 ,it is  
too preposterous for belief1  and yet it
 follows legitimately from that         
construction1 which interprets  the     
terms consume1 destroy1 destroy utterly1
 c4 to mean  unconditional1 individual  
extermination4    ,the original design  
of the preceding ,inquiry embraced a    
much wider  range of topics4 ,it was    
soon found1 however1 that to fill up the
 outline  would be to make a volume4    
,much of the foregoing has therefore    
been  thrown into a mere series of      
indices1 to trains of thought and       
classes  of proof1 which1 however       
limited or imperfect1 may perhaps1      
afford some  facilities to those who    
have little leisure for protracted      
investigation4            ,,no4 #e4     
,,the      ,,anti-,,slavery ,,examiner4 
,,the      ,,power ,,of ,,congress      

,,over ,,the    ,,district ,,of         
,,columbia4             99       99     
99       99       99      ,,reprinted   
,,from ,,the ,,new-,,york ,,evening     
,,post1 ,,with ,,additions ,,by ,,the   
,,author4             99       99       
99       99       99                    
,,new-,,york3    ,,published ,,by ,,the 
,,american ,,anti-,,slavery ,,society1  
,,no4 #adc ,,nassau-,,street4    #ahch4 
99       99       99       99       99  
,this periodical contains #c #a_/b      
sheets4--,postage under #ajj miles1 #f  
cts42  over #ajj1 #aj cts4              
,,power ,,of ,,congress      ,,over     
,,the      ,,district ,,of ,,columbia4  
,a civilized community presupposes a    
government of law4 ,if that  government 
be a republic1 its citizens are the sole
 sources1 as well  as the subjects of   
its power4 ,its constitution is their   
bill of  directions to their own        
agents--a grant authorizing the exercise
 of  certain powers1 and prohibiting    
that of others4 ,in the ,constitution of

  the ,united ,states1 whatever else may
 be obscure1 the clause granting  power 
to ,congress over the ,federal ,district
 may well defy  misconstruction4 ,art4  
#a1 ,sec4 #f1 ,clause #ah3 ,the         
,congress shall have  power to exercise 
exclusive legislation1 in all cases     
whatsoever1 over  such ,district4       
,congress may make laws for the         
,district in all  cases1 not of all     
kinds2 not all laws whatsoever1 but laws
 in  all cases whatsoever4 ,the grant   
respects the subjects of  legislation1  
not the moral nature of the laws4 ,the  
law-making power  every where is subject
 to moral restrictions1 whether limited 
by  constitutions or not4 ,no           
legislature can authorize murder1 nor   
make  honesty penal1 nor virtue a crime1
 nor exact impossibilities4 ,in these   
and similar respects1 the power of      
,congress is held in check by           
principles1 existing in the nature of   
things1 not imposed by the              
,constitution1 but presupposed and      

assumed by it4 ,the power of ,congress  
over the ,district is restricted only by
 those principles that limit  ordinary  
legislation1 and1 in some respects1 it  
has even wider scope4    ,in common with
 the legislatures of the ,states1       
,congress cannot  constitutionally pass 
ex post facto laws in criminal cases1   
nor suspend  the writ of habeas corpus1 
nor pass a bill of attainder1 nor       
abridge the  freedom of speech and of   
the press1 nor invade the right of the  
people  to be secure in their persons1  
houses1 papers1 and effects1 nor enact  
laws respecting an establishment of     
religion4 ,these are general            
limitations4 ,congress cannot do these  
things any where4 ,the exact  import1   
therefore1 of the clause in all cases   
whatsoever1 is1 on all  subjects within 
the appropriate sphere of legislation4  
,some  legislatures are restrained by   
constitutions1 from the exercise of     
powers strictly within the proper sphere
 of legislation4 ,congressional  power  

over the ,district has no such          
restraint4 ,it traverses the whole      
field of legitimate legislation4 ,all   
the power which any legislature has     
within its own jurisdiction1 ,congress  
holds over the ,district of  ,columbia4 
,it has been objected that the clause in
 question respects merely police        
regulations1 and that its sole design   
was to enable ,congress to protect      
itself against popular tumults4 ,but if 
the convention that framed the          
,constitution aimed to provide for a    
single case only1 why did they  provide 
for all cases whatsoever8 ,besides1 this
 clause was opposed  in many of the     
state conventions1 because the grant of 
power was  extended to all cases        
whatsoever1 instead of being restricted 
to  police regulations alone4 ,in the   
,virginia ,convention1 ,george ,mason1  
the father of the ,virginia             
,constitution1 ,patrick ,henry1 ,mr4    
,grayson1 and  others1 assailed it on   
that ground4 ,mr4 ,mason said1 ,this    

clause gives  an unlimited authority in 
every possible case within the          
,district4 ,he  would willingly give    
them exclusive power as far as respected
 the police  and good government of the 
place1 but he would give them no more4  
,mr4  ,grayson exclaimed against so     
large a grant of power--said that       
control  over the police was            
all-sufficient1 and that the            
,continental ,congress  never had an    
idea of exclusive legislation in all    
cases4 ,patrick ,henry  said3 ,shall we 
be told1 when about to grant such       
illimitable authority1  that it will    
never be exercised8 ,is it consistent   
with any principle of  prudence or good 
policy1 to grant unlimited1 unbounded   
authority8 ,mr4  ,madison said in reply3
 ,i did conceive that the clause under  
consideration was one of those parts    
which would speak its own praise4 ,i    
cannot comprehend that the power of     
legislation over a small ,district1     
will involve the dangers which he       

apprehends4 ,when any power is given1   
it's delegation necessarily involves    
authority to make laws to execute  it4  
99 99 99 99 ,the powers which are found 
necessary to be given1 are  therefore   
delegated generally1 and particular and 
minute specification  is left to the    
,legislature4 99 99 99 ,it is not within
 the limits of human  capacity to       
delineate on paper all those particular 
cases and  circumstances1 in which      
legislation by the general legislature1 
would be  necessary4 ,governor ,randolph
 said3 ,holland has no ten miles square1
  but she has the ,hague where the      
deputies of the ,states assemble4 ,but  
the  influence which it has given the   
province of ,holland1 to have the seat  
of government within its territory1     
subject in some respects to its         
control1 has been injurious to the other
 provinces4 ,the wisdom of the          
convention is therefore manifest in     
granting to ,congress exclusive         
jurisdiction over the place of their    

session4 7,see debates in the  ,virginia
 ,convention1 p4 #cbj47 ,in the         
forty-third number of the  ,federalist1 
,mr4 ,madison says3 ,the indispensable  
necessity of  complete authority at the 
seat of government1 carries its own     
evidence  with it4    ,finally1 that the
 grant in question is to be interpreted 
according to  the obvious import of its 
terms1 and not in such a way as to      
restrict  it to police regulations1 is  
proved by the fact1 that the ,state of  
,virginia proposed an amendment to the  
,united ,states ,constitution at the    
time of its adoption1 providing that    
this clause should be so construed  as  
to give power only over the police and  
good government of said  ,district1     
which amendment was rejected4 ,fourteen 
other amendments1  proposed at the same 
time by ,virginia1 were adopted4    ,the
 former part1 of the clause under       
consideration1 ,congress shall have     
power to exercise exclusive legislation1
 gives sole jurisdiction1 and  the      

latter part1 in all cases whatsoever1   
defines the extent of it4  ,since1 then1
 ,congress is the sole legislature      
within the ,district1 and  since its    
power is limited only by the checks     
common to all  legislatures1 it follows 
that what the law-making power is       
intrinsically  competent to do any      
where1 ,congress is competent to do in  
the ,district  of ,columbia4            
,,statement ,,of ,,the ,,question ,,at  
,,issue4    ,having disposed of         
preliminaries1 we proceed to argue the  
real  question at issue4 ,is the        
law-making power competent to abolish   
slavery  when not restricted in that    
particular by constitutional            
provisions--or1  ,is the abolition of   
slavery within the appropriate sphere of
  legislation8    ,in every government1 
absolute sovereignty exists somewhere4  
,in the  ,united ,states it exists      
primarily with the people1 and ultimate 
sovereignty always exists with them4 ,in
 each of the ,states1 the  legislature  

possesses a representative sovereignty1 
delegated by the  people through the    
,constitution--the people thus          
committing to the  legislature a portion
 of their sovereignty1 and specifying in
 their  constitutions the amount and the
 conditions of the grant4 ,that the     
people in any state where slavery       
exists1 have the power to abolish  it1  
none will deny4 ,if the legislature have
 not the power1 it is because  the      
people have reserved it to themselves4  
,had they lodged with the  legislature  
power to exercise exclusive legislation 
in all cases  whatsoever1 they would    
have parted with their sovereignty over 
the  legislation of the ,state1 and so  
far forth the legislature would have    
become the people1 clothed with all     
their functions1 and as such  competent1
 during the continuance of the grant1 to
 do whatever the  people might have done
 before the surrender of their power3   
consequently1 they would have the power 
to abolish slavery4 ,the  sovereignty of

 the ,district of ,columbia exists      
somewhere--where is it  lodged8 ,the    
citizens of the ,district have no       
legislature of their own1  no           
representation in ,congress1 and no     
political power whatever4 ,maryland  and
 ,virginia have surrendered to the      
,united ,states their full and  absolute
 right and entire sovereignty1 and the  
people of the ,united  ,states have     
committed to ,congress by the           
,constitution1 the power to  exercise   
exclusive legislation in all cases      
whatsoever over such  ,district4        
,thus1 the sovereignty of the ,district 
of ,columbia1 is shown to reside  solely
 in the ,congress of the ,united        
,states2 and since the power of the     
people of a state to abolish slavery    
within their own limits1 results  from  
their entire sovereignty within the     
state1 so the power of ,congress  to    
abolish slavery in the ,district1       
results from its entire  sovereignty    
within the ,district4 ,if it be objected

 that ,congress can  have no more power 
over the ,district1 than was held by the
 legislatures  of ,maryland and         
,virginia1 we ask what clause in the    
constitution  graduates the power of    
,congress by the standard of a state    
legislature8  ,was the ,united ,states  
constitution worked into its present    
shape under  the measuring line and     
square of ,virginia and ,maryland8 and  
is its power  to be bevelled down till  
it can run in the grooves of state      
legislation8  ,there is a deal of       
prating about constitutional power over 
the ,district1  as though ,congress were
 indebted for it to ,maryland and       
,virginia4 ,the  powers of those states1
 whether few or many1 prodigies or      
nullities1  have nothing to do with the 
question4 ,as well thrust in the powers 
of  the ,grand ,lama to join issue upon1
 or twist papal bulls into              
constitutional tether1 with which to    
curb congressional action4 ,the         
,constitution of the ,united ,states    

gives power to ,congress1 and takes it  
away1 and it alone4 ,maryland and       
,virginia adopted the ,constitution     
before they ceded to the united ,states 
the territory of the ,district4  ,by    
their acts of cession1 they abdicated   
their own sovereignty over the          
,district1 and thus made room for that  
provided by the ,united ,states         
constitution1 which sovereignty was to  
commence as soon as a cession of        
territory by states1 and its acceptance 
by ,congress furnished a sphere  for its
 exercise4    ,that the abolition of    
slavery is within the sphere of         
legislation1 ,i  argue1 secondly1 from  
the fact1 that slavery as a legal       
system1 is  the creature of legislation4
 ,the law by creating slavery1 not only 
affirmed its existence to be within the 
sphere and under the control  of        
legislation1 but equally1 the conditions
 and terms of its  existence1 and the   
question whether or not it should exist4
 ,of  course legislation would not      

travel out of its sphere1 in abolishing 
what is within it1 and what was         
recognised to be within it1 by its own  
act4 ,cannot legislatures repeal their  
own laws8 ,if law can take from a  man  
his rights1 it can give them back again4
 ,if it can say1 your body  belongs to  
your neighbor1 it can say1 it belongs to
 yourself1 and ,i  will sustain your    
right4 ,if it can annul a man's right to
 himself1 held  by express grant from   
his ,maker1 and can create for another  
an  artificial title to him1 can it not 
annul the artificial title1 and  leave  
the original owner to hold himself by   
his original title8    #c4 ,the         
abolition of slavery has always been    
considered within the  appropriate      
sphere of legislation4 ,almost every    
civilized nation has  abolished slavery 
by law4 ,the history of legislation     
since the revival  of letters1 is a     
record crowded with testimony to the    
universally  admitted competency of the 
law-making power to abolish slavery4 ,it

 is so  manifestly an attribute not     
merely of absolute sovereignty1 but even
 of  ordinary legislation1 that the     
competency of a legislature to exercise 
it1 may well nigh be reckoned among the 
legal axioms of the civilized  world4   
,even the night of the dark ages was not
 dark enough to make this  invisible4   
,the ,abolition decree of the great     
council of ,england was passed in #aajb4
  ,the memorable ,irish decree1 that all
 the ,english slaves in the whole of    
,ireland1 be immediately emancipated and
 restored to their former  liberty1 was 
issued in #aaga4 ,slavery in ,england   
was abolished by a  general charter of  
emancipation in #acha4 ,passing over    
many instances of  the abolition of     
slavery by law1 both during the middle  
ages and since  the reformation1 we find
 them multiplying as we approach our own
 times4  ,in #aggf slavery was abolished
 in ,prussia by special edict4 ,in ,st4 
,domingo1 ,cayenne1 ,guadaloupe and     
,martinique1 in #agid1 where more than  

#fjj1jjj slaves were emancipated by the 
,french government4 ,in ,java1 #ahaa2   
in ,ceylon1 #ahae2 in ,buenos ,ayres1   
#ahaf2 in ,st4 ,helena1 #ahai2 in       
,colombia1 #ahba2 by the ,congress of   
,chili in #ahba2 in ,cape ,colony1      
#ahbc2  in ,malacca1 #ahbe2 in the      
southern provinces of ,birmah1 in #ahbf2
 in  ,bolivia1 #ahbf2 in ,peru1         
,guatemala1 and ,monte ,video1 #ahbh1 in
 ,jamaica1  ,barbadoes1 ,bermudas1      
,bahamas1 the ,mauritius1 ,st4          
,christopher's1 ,nevis1  the ,virgin    
,islands1 ,antigua1 ,montserrat1        
,dominica1 ,st4 ,vincents1  ,grenada1   
,berbice1 ,tobago1 ,st4 ,lucia1         
,trinidad1 ,honduras1 ,demarara1 and    
the ,cape of ,good ,hope1 on the #ast of
 ,august1 #ahcd4 ,but waving details1   
suffice it to say1 that ,england1       
,france1 ,spain1 ,portugal1 ,sweden1    
,denmark1 ,austria1 ,prussia1 and       
,germany1 have all and often given their
  testimony to the competency of the law
 to abolish slavery4 ,in our own        

country1 the ,legislature of            
,pennsylvania passed an act of abolition
 in  #aghj1 ,connecticut1 in #aghd2     
,rhode ,island1 #aghd2 ,new-,york1      
#agii2  ,new-,jersey1 in #ahjd2         
,vermont1 by ,constitution1 in #aggg2   
,massachusetts1  in #aghj2 and ,new     
,hampshire1 in #aghd4    ,when the      
competency of the law-making power to   
abolish slavery1 has thus  been         
recognised every where and for ages1    
when it has been embodied in  the       
highest precedents1 and celebrated in   
the thousand jubilees of  regenerated   
liberty1 is it forsooth an achievement  
of modern discovery1  that such a power 
is a nullity8--that all these acts of   
abolition are  void1 and that the       
millions disenthralled by them1 are1    
either  themselves or their posterity1  
still legally in bondage8    #d4        
,legislative power has abolished slavery
 in its parts4 ,the law of  ,south      
,carolina prohibits the working of      
slaves more than fifteen hours  in the  

twenty-four4 ,see,brevard's ,digest1    
#bec4 ,in other words1 it  takes from   
the slaveholder his power over nine     
hours of the slave's time  daily2 and if
 it can take nine hours it may take     
twenty-four--if  two-fifths1 then       
five-fifths4 ,the laws of ,georgia      
prohibit the working  of slaves on the  
first day of the week2 and if they can  
do it for the  first1 they can for the  
six following4 ,laws embodying the same 
principle  have existed for ages in     
nearly all governments that have        
tolerated  slavery4    ,the law of      
,north ,carolina prohibits the          
immoderate correction of  slaves4 ,if it
 has power to prohibit immoderate       
correction1 it can  prohibit moderate   
correction--all correction1 which would 
be virtual  emancipation2 for1 take from
 the master the power to inflict pain1  
and  he is master no longer4 ,cease to  
ply the slave with the stimulus of      
fear1 and he is free4 ,laws similar to  
this exist in slaveholding  governments 

generally4    ,the ,constitution of     
,mississippi gives the ,general         
,assembly power to make  laws to oblige 
the owners of slaves to treat them with 
humanity4 ,the  ,constitution of        
,missouri has the same clause1 and an   
additional one  making it the ,,duty of 
the legislature to pass such laws as may
 be  necessary to secure the humane     
treatment of the slaves4 ,this grant of 
power to those legislatures empowers    
them to decide what is and what  is not 
humane treatment4 ,otherwise it gives no
 power--the clause  is mere waste paper1
 and flouts in the face of a mocked and 
befooled  legislature4 ,a clause giving 
power to require humane treatment covers
  all the particulars of such           
treatment--gives power to exact it in   
all  respects--requiring certain acts1  
and prohibiting others--maiming1        
branding1 chaining together1 allowing   
each but a quart of corn a day1,a  and  
but one shirt and one pair of pantaloons
 in six  months,b--separating families1 

destroying marriages1 floggings for     
learning the alphabet and reading the   
,bible--robbing them of their oath1  of 
jury trial1 and of the right to worship 
,god according to  conscience--the      
legislature has power to specify each of
 these  acts--declare that it is not    
humane treatment1 and ,,prohibit        
it4--,the  legislature may also believe 
that driving men and women into the     
field1  and forcing them to work without
 pay as long as they live1 is not       
humane treatment1 and being             
constitutionally bound to oblige        
masters to practise humane              
treatment--they have the power to       
prohibit such treatment1 and are bound  
to do it4    ,footnote ,a3 ,law of      
,north ,carolina1 ,haywood's ,manual1   
#ebd-e4      ,footnote ,b3 ,law of      
,louisiana1 ,martin's ,digest1 #faj4    
,the law of ,louisiana makes slaves real
 estate1 prohibiting the holder1  if he 
be also a land holder1 to separate them 
from the soil4,c ,if it  has power to   

prohibit the sale without the soil1 it  
can prohibit the  sale with it2 and if  
it can prohibit the sale as property1 it
 can  prohibit the holding as property4 
,similar laws exist in the ,french1     
,spanish1 and ,portuguese colonies4     
,footnote ,c3 ,virginia made slaves real
 estate by a law passed in #agje4       
7,beverly's ,hist4 of ,va41 p4 #ih47 ,i 
do not find the precise time when  this 
law was repealed1 probably when         
,virginia became the chief slave        
breeder for the cotton-growing and      
sugar-planting country1 and made  young 
men and women from fifteen to           
twenty-five the main staple  production 
of the ,state4    ,the law of ,louisiana
 requires the master to give his slaves 
a certain  amount of food and clothing1 
7,martin's ,digest1 #faj47 ,if it can   
oblige  the master to give the slave one
 thing1 it can oblige him to give him   
another3 if food and clothing1 then     
wages1 liberty1 his own body4 ,such     
laws exist in most slaveholding         

governments4    ,by the slave laws of   
,connecticut1 under which slaves are now
 held1 7for  even ,connecticut is still 
a slave ,state17 slaves might receive   
and hold  property1 and prosecute suits 
in their own name as plaintiffs3 ,this  
last was also the law of ,virginia in   
#agie4 ,see ,tucker's ,dissertation on  
,slavery1 p4 #gc4 ,there were also laws 
making marriage contracts legal1  in    
certain contingencies1 and punishing    
infringements of them1  ,reeve's ,law of
 ,baron and ,femme1 p4 #caj-a4 ,each of 
the laws  enumerated above1 does1 in    
principle1 abolish slavery2 and all of  
them  together abolish it in fact4      
,true1 not as a whole1 and at a  stroke1
 nor all in one place2 but in its parts1
 by piecemeal1 at  divers times and     
places2 thus showing that the abolition 
of slavery is  within the boundary of   
legislation4    #e4,the competency of   
the law-making power to abolish slavery 
has been  recognized by all the         
slaveholding ,states1 either directly or

 by  implication4 ,some ,states         
recognize it in their ,constitutions1 by
  giving the legislature power to       
emancipate such slaves as may have      
rendered the state some distinguished   
service1 and others by express          
prohibitory restrictions4 ,the          
,constitutions of ,mississippi1         
,arkansas1  and other ,states1 restrict 
the power of the legislature in this    
respect4  ,why this express prohibition1
 if the law-making power cannot abolish 
slavery8 ,a stately farce1 indeed1      
formally to construct a special  clause1
 and with appropriate rites induct it   
into the ,constitution1 for  the express
 purpose of restricting a nonentity6--to
 take from the  lawmaking power what it 
never had1 and what cannot pertain to   
it6  ,the legislatures of those ,states 
have no power to abolish slavery1       
simply because their ,constitutions have
 expressly taken away that  power4 ,the 
people of ,arkansas1 ,mississippi1 c41  
well knew the  competency of the        

law-making power to abolish slavery1 and
 hence their  zeal to restrict it4 ,the 
fact that these and other ,states have  
inhibited their legislatures from the   
exercise of this power1 shows that  the 
abolition of slavery is acknowledged to 
be a proper subject of  legislation1    
when ,constitutions impose no           
restrictions4    ,the slaveholding      
,states have recognised this power in   
their laws4 ,the  ,virginia ,legislature
 passed a law in #aghf to prevent the   
further  importation of ,slaves1 of     
which the following is an extract3 ,and 
be it  further enacted that every slave 
imported into this commonwealth         
contrary to the true intent and meaning 
of this act1 shall upon such            
importation become free4 ,by a law of   
,virginia1 passed ,dec4 #ag1 #agib1  a  
slave brought into the state and kept   
there a year1 was free4 ,the  ,maryland 
,court of ,appeals at the ,december term
 #ahac 7see case of ,stewart  vs4       
,oakes17 decided that a slave owned in  

,maryland1 and sent by his  master into 
,virginia to work at different periods1 
making one year in  the whole1 became   
free1 being emancipated by the law of   
,virginia  quoted above4 ,north         
,carolina and ,georgia in their acts of 
cession1  transferring to the ,united   
,states the territory now constituting  
the  ,states of ,tennessee1 ,alabama and
 ,mississippi1 made it a condition of   
the  grant1 that the provisions of the  
ordinance of '#hg1 should be secured to 
the inhabitants with the exception of   
the sixth article which prohibits       
slavery2 thus conceding1 both the       
competency of law to abolish slavery1   
and the power of ,congress to do it1    
within its jurisdiction4 ,besides1      
these acts show the prevalent belief at 
that time1 in the slaveholding  ,states1
 that the general government had adopted
 a line of policy aiming  at the        
exclusion of slavery from the entire    
territory of the ,united  ,states1 not  
included within the original ,states1   

and that this policy  would be pursued  
unless prevented by specific and formal 
stipulation4    ,slaveholding states    
have asserted this power in their       
judicial  decisions4 ,in numerous cases 
their highest courts have decided that  
if  the legal owner of slaves takes them
 into those ,states where slavery has   
been abolished either by law or by the  
constitution1 such removal  emancipates 
them1 such law or constitution          
abolishing their slavery4  ,this        
principle is asserted in the decision of
 the ,supreme ,court of  ,louisiana1 in 
the case of ,lunsford vs4 ,coquillon1   
#ad ,martin's ,la4  ,reps4 #dja4 ,also  
by the ,supreme ,court of ,virginia1 in 
the case of ,hunter  vs4 ,fulcher1 #a   
,leigh's ,reps4 #agb4 ,the same doctrine
 was laid down by  ,judge ,washington1  
of the ,united ,states ,supreme ,court1 
in the case of  ,butler vs4 ,hopper1    
,washington's ,circuit ,court ,reps4    
#ejh4 ,this  principle was also decided 
by the ,court of ,appeals in ,kentucky2 

case of  ,rankin vs4 ,lydia1 #b         
,marshall's ,reps4 #djg2 see also1      
,wilson vs4  ,isbell1 #e ,call's ,reps4 
#dbe1 ,spotts vs4 ,gillespie1 #f        
,randolph's ,reps4  #eff4 ,the ,state   
vs4 ,lasselle1 #a ,blackford's ,reps4   
#fj1 ,marie ,louise  vs4 ,mariot1 #h    
,la4 ,reps4 #dge4 ,in this case1 which  
was tried in #ahcf1  the slave had been 
taken by her master to ,france and      
brought back2 ,judge  ,mathews1 of the  
,supreme ,court of ,louisiana1 decided  
that residence for  one moment under the
 laws of ,france emancipated her4    #f4
 ,eminent statesmen1 themselves         
slaveholders1 have conceded this  power4
 ,washington1 in a letter to ,robert    
,morris1 dated ,april #ab1 #aghf1  says3
 ,there is not a man living1 who wishes 
more sincerely than ,i do1  to see a    
plan adopted for the abolition of       
slavery2 but there is only  one proper  
and effectual mode by which it can be   
accomplished1 and that  is by           
legislative authority4 ,in a letter to  

,lafayette1 dated ,may #aj1  #aghf1 he  
says3 ,it 7the abolition of slavery7    
certainly might1 and  assuredly ought to
 be effected1 and that too by           
legislative  authority4 ,in a letter to 
,john ,fenton ,mercer1 dated ,sept4 #i1 
#aghf1 he  says3 ,it is among my first  
wishes to see some plan adopted by which
  slavery in this country may be        
abolished by law4 ,in a letter to ,sir  
,john ,sinclair1 he says3 ,there are in 
,pennsylvania1 laws for the  gradual    
abolition of slavery1 which neither     
,maryland nor ,virginia have  at        
present1 but which nothing is more      
certain that that they must  have1 and  
at a period not remote4 ,speaking of    
movements in the  ,virginia ,legislature
 in #aggg1 for the passage of a law     
emancipating the  slaves1 ,mr4          
,jefferson says3 ,the principles of the 
amendment were agreed  on1 that is to   
say1 the freedom of all born after a    
certain day2 but it  was found that the 
public mind would not bear the          

proposition1 yet the  day is not far    
distant1 when it must bear and adopt    
it4--,jefferson's  ,memoirs1 v4 #a1 p4  
#ce4 ,it is well known that ,jefferson1 
,pendleton1 ,mason1  ,wythe and ,lee1   
while acting as a committee of the      
,virginia ,house of  ,delegates to      
revise the ,state ,laws1 prepared a plan
 for the gradual  emancipation of the   
slaves by law4 ,these men were the great
 lights of  ,virginia4 ,mason1 the      
author of the ,virginia ,constitution2  
,pendleton1 the  ,president of the      
memorable ,virginia ,convention in      
#aghg1 and ,president of  the ,virginia 
,court of ,appeals2 ,wythe was the      
,blackstone of the ,virginia  bench1 for
 a quarter of a century ,chancellor of  
the ,state1 the professor  of law in the
 ,university of ,william and ,mary1 and 
the preceptor of  ,jefferson1 ,madison1 
and ,chief ,justice ,marshall4 ,he was  
author of the  celebrated remonstrance  
to the ,english ,house of ,commons on   
the subject  of the stamp act4 ,as to   

,jefferson1 his name is his biography4  
,every slaveholding member of ,congress 
from the ,states of ,maryland1          
,virginia1 ,north and ,south ,carolina1 
and ,georgia1 voted for the  celebrated 
ordinance of #aghg1 which abolished the 
slavery then  existing in the ,northwest
 ,territory4 ,patrick ,henry1 in his    
well known  letter to ,robert           
,pleasants1 of ,virginia1 ,january #ah1 
#aggc1 says3 ,i  believe a time will    
come when an opportunity will be offered
 to  abolish this lamentable evil4      
,william ,pinkney1 of ,maryland1        
advocated  the abolition of slavery by  
law1 in the legislature of that ,state1 
in  #aghi4 ,luther ,martin urged the    
same measure both in the ,federal       
,convention1 and in his report to the   
,legislature of ,maryland4 ,in #agif1   
,st4 ,george ,tucker1 professor of law  
in the ,university of ,william and      
,mary1 and ,judge of the ,general       
,court1 published an elaborate          
dissertation on slavery1 addressed to   

the ,general ,assembly of the ,state1   
and urging upon them the abolition of   
slavery by law4    ,john ,jay1 while    
,new-,york was yet a slave ,state1 and  
himself in law a  slaveholder1 said in a
 letter from ,spain1 in #aghf1 ,an      
excellent law  might be made out of the 
,pennsylvania one1 for the gradual      
abolition of  slavery4 ,were ,i in your 
legislature1 ,i would present a bill for
 the  purpose1 drawn up with great care1
 and ,i would never cease moving it     
till it became a law1 or ,i ceased to be
 a member4    ,daniel ,d4 ,tompkins1 in 
a message to the ,legislature of        
,new-,york1 ,january  #h1 #ahab1 said3  
,to devise the means for the gradual and
 ultimate  extermination from amongst us
 of slavery1 is work worthy the         
representatives of a polished and       
enlightened nation4    ,the ,virginia   
,legislature asserted this power in     
#ahcb4 ,at the close of a  month's      
debate1 the following proceedings were  
had4 ,i extract from an  editorial      

article of the ,richmond ,whig1 of      
,january #bf1 #ahcb4    ,the report of  
the ,select ,committee1 adverse to      
legislation on the  subject of          
,abolition1 was in these words3         
,resolved1 as the opinion of  this      
,committee1 that it is ,,inexpedient    
,,for ,,the ,,present1 to make any      
legislative enactments for the abolition
 of ,slavery4 ,this ,report ,mr4        
,preston moved to reverse1 and thus to  
declare that it was expedient1  now to  
make ,legislative enactments for the    
abolition of slavery4 ,this  was meeting
 the question in its strongest form4 ,it
 demanded action1 and  immediate action4
 ,on this proposition the vote was #eh  
to #gc4 ,many of the  most decided      
friends of abolition voted against the  
amendment2 because  they thought public 
opinion not sufficiently prepared for   
it1 and that  it might prejudice the    
cause to move too rapidly4 ,the vote on 
,mr4  ,witcher's motion to postpone the 
whole subject indefinitely1 indicates   

the true state of opinion in the        
,house4--,that was the test question1   
and  was so intended and proclaimed by  
its mover4 ,that motion was  negatived1 
#ga to #fj2 showing a majority of #aa1  
who by that vote1  declared their belief
 that at the proper time1 and in the    
proper mode1  ,virginia ought to        
commence a system of gradual abolition4 
#h4 ,the ,congress of the ,united       
,states have asserted this power4 ,the  
ordinance of '#hg1 declaring that there 
should be neither slavery nor           
involuntary servitude1 in the ,north    
,western territory1 abolished the       
slavery then existing there4 ,the       
,supreme ,court of ,mississippi1 in its 
decision in the case of ,harvey vs4     
,decker1 ,walker's ,mi4 ,reps4 #cf1     
declared that the ordinance emancipated 
the slaves then held there4 ,in  this   
decision the question is argued ably and
 at great length4 ,the  ,supreme ,court 
of ,louisiana made the same decision in 
the case of ,forsyth  vs4 ,nash1 #d     

,martin's ,la4 ,reps #che4 ,the same    
doctrine was laid down by  ,judge       
,porter1 7late ,united ,states ,senator 
from ,louisiana17 in his  decision at   
the ,march term of the ,la4 ,supreme    
,court1 #ahcj1 in the case  of ,merry   
vs4 ,chexnaider1 #bj ,martin's ,reps4   
#fii4    ,that the ordinance abolished  
the slavery then existing1 is also shown
 by  the fact1 that persons holding     
slaves in the territory petitioned for  
the repeal of the article abolishing    
slavery1 assigning that as a  reason4   
,the petition of the citizens of        
,randolph and ,st4 ,clair counties  in  
the ,illinois country1 stating that they
 were in possession of slaves1  and     
praying the repeal of that act 7the #fth
 article of the ordinance of  '#hg7 and 
the passage of a law legalizing slavery 
there4 ,am4 ,state  papers1 ,public     
,lands1 v4 #a4 p4 #fi1 ,congress passed 
this ordinance  before the ,united      
,states ,constitution was adopted1 when 
it derived all  its authority from the  

articles of ,confederation1 which       
conferred powers  of legislation far    
more restricted than those conferred on 
,congress over  the ,district and       
,territories by the ,united ,states     
,constitution4 ,now1 we  ask1 how does  
the ,constitution abridge the powers    
which ,congress  possessed under the    
articles of confederation8    ,the      
abolition of the slave trade by         
,congress1 in #ahjh1 is another         
illustration of the competency of       
legislative power to abolish slavery4   
,the ,african slave trade has become    
such a mere technic1 in common          
parlance1 that the fact of its being    
proper slavery is overlooked4 ,the      
buying and selling1 the transportation1 
and the horrors of the middle  passage1 
were mere incidents of the slavery in   
which the victims were  held4 ,let      
things be called by their own names4    
,when ,congress abolished  the ,african 
slave trade1 it abolished               
,,slavery--supreme slavery--power       

frantic with license1 trampling a whole 
hemisphere scathed with its  fires1 and 
running down with blood4 ,true1         
,congress did not1 in the  abolition of 
the slave trade1 abolish all the slavery
 within its  jurisdiction1 but it did   
abolish all the slavery in one part of  
its  jurisdiction4 ,what has rifled it  
of power to abolish slavery in  another 
part of its jurisdiction1 especially in 
that part where it has  exclusive       
legislation in all cases whatsoever8    
#i4 ,the ,constitution of the ,united   
,states recognizes this power by the    
most conclusive implication4 ,in ,art4  
#a1 sec4 #c1 clause #a1 it prohibits    
the abolition of the slave trade        
previous to #ahjh3 thus implying the    
power of ,congress to do it at once1 but
 for the restriction2 and its  power to 
do it unconditionally1 when that        
restriction ceased4 ,again3  ,in ,art4  
#d1 sec4 #b1 ,no person held to service 
or labor in one state  under the laws   
thereof1 escaping into another1 shall in

 consequence of  any law or regulation  
therein1 be discharged from said service
 or  labor4 ,this clause was inserted1  
as all admit1 to prevent the runaway    
slave from being emancipated by the laws
 of the free states4 ,if these  laws had
 no power to emancipate1 why this       
constitutional guard to  prevent it8    
,the insertion of the clause1 was the   
testimony of the eminent jurists  that  
framed the ,constitution1 to the        
existence of the power1 and their       
public proclamation1 that the abolition 
of slavery was within the  appropriate  
sphere of legislation4 ,the right of the
 owner to that which  is rightfully     
property1 is founded on a principle of  
universal law1  and is recognised and   
protected by all civilized nations2     
property in  slaves is1 by general      
consent1 an exception2 hence            
slaveholders  insisted upon the         
insertion of this clause in the ,united 
,states  ,constitution that they might  
secure by an express provision1 that    

from  which protection is withheld1 by  
the acknowledged principles of          
universal law4,a ,by demanding this     
provision1 slaveholders consented  that 
their slaves should not be recognised as
 property by the ,united  ,states       
,constitution1 and hence they found     
their claim1 on the fact of  their being
 persons1 and held to service4          
,footnote ,a3 ,the fact1 that under the 
articles of ,confederation1             
slaveholders1 whose slaves had escaped  
into free states1 had no legal  power to
 force them back1--that now they have no
 power to recover1 by  process of law1  
their slaves who escape to ,canada1 the 
,south ,american  ,states1 or to        
,europe--the case already cited in which
 the ,supreme ,court  of ,louisiana     
decided1 that residence for one moment1 
under the laws  of ,france emancipated  
an ,american slave--the case of ,fulton1
 vs4  ,lewis1 #c ,har4 and ,john's      
,reps41 #ef1 where the slave of a ,st4  
,domingo  slaveholder1 who brought him  

to ,maryland in '#ic1 was pronounced    
free by  the ,maryland ,court of        
,appeals--these1 with other facts and   
cases too  numerous to mention1 are     
illustrations of the acknowledged truth 
here  asserted1 that by the consent of  
the civilized world1 and on the         
principles of universal law1 slaves are 
not property1 but  self-proprietors1 and
 that whenever held as property under   
law1 it  is only by positive legislative
 acts1 forcibly setting aside the law   
of nature1 the common law1 and the      
principles of universal justice and     
right between man and man1--principles  
paramount to all law1 and from  which   
alone law derives its intrinsic         
authoritative sanction4    ,but waiving 
all concessions1 whether of             
constitutions1 laws1 judicial           
decisions1 or common consent1 ,i take   
the position that the power of          
,congress to abolish slavery in the     
,district1 follows from the fact1 that  
as the sole legislature there1 it has   

unquestionable power to adopt the       
,common ,law1 as the legal system within
 its exclusive jurisdiction4 ,this  has 
been done1 with certain restrictions1 in
 most of the ,states1 either  by        
legislative acts or by constitutional   
implication4 ,,the ,,common ,,law       
,,knows ,,no ,,slaves4 ,its principles  
annihilate slavery wherever they touch  
it4 ,it is a universal1 unconditional1  
abolition act4 ,wherever slavery is  a  
legal system1 it is so only by statute  
law1 and in violation of  common law4   
,the declaration of ,lord ,chief        
,justice ,holt1 that by the  common law1
 no man can have property in another1 is
 an acknowledged  axiom1 and based upon 
the well known common law definition of 
property4  ,the subjects of dominion or 
property are things1 as                 
contra-distinguished from persons4 ,let 
,congress adopt the common law  in the  
,district of ,columbia1 and slavery     
there is at once abolished4  ,congress  
may well be at home in common law       

legislation1 for the common  law is the 
grand element of the ,united ,states    
,constitution4 ,all its  fundamental    
provisions are instinct with its spirit2
 and its  existence1 principles and     
paramount authority1 are presupposed and
  assumed throughout the whole4 ,the    
preamble of the ,constitution plants    
the standard of the ,common ,law        
immovably in its foreground4 ,we1 the   
people of the ,united ,states1 in order 
to ,,establish ,,justice1 c41 do  ordain
 and establish this ,constitution2 thus 
proclaiming devotion to  justice1 as the
 controlling motive in the organization 
of the  ,government1 and its secure     
establishment the chief object of its   
aims4  ,by this most solemn recognition1
 the common law1 that grand legal       
embodiment of justice and fundamental   
right was made the groundwork  of the   
,constitution1 and intrenched behind its
 strongest munitions4 ,the  second      
clause of ,sec4 #i1 ,art4 #a2 ,sec4 #d1 
,art4 #b1 and the last clause of  ,sec4 

#b1 ,art4 #c1 with ,articles #g1 #h1 #i1
 and #ac of the ,amendments1 are  also  
express recognitions of the common law  
as the presiding ,genius of  the        
,constitution4    ,by adopting the      
common law within its exclusive         
jurisdiction ,congress  would carry out 
the principles of our glorious          
,declaration1 and follow  the highest   
precedents in our national history and  
jurisprudence4 ,it is  a political maxim
 as old as civil legislation1 that laws 
should be  strictly homogeneous with the
 principles of the government whose will
  they express1 embodying and carrying  
them out--being indeed the  principles  
themselves1 in preceptive               
form--representatives alike of  the     
nature and the power of the             
,government--standing illustrations of  
its genius and spirit1 while they       
proclaim and enforce its authority4     
,who needs be told that slavery is in   
antagonism to the principles of the     
,declaration1 and the spirit of the     

,constitution1 and that these and the   
principles of the common law gravitate  
toward each other with  irrepressible   
affinities1 and mingle into one8 ,the   
common law came  hither with our pilgrim
 fathers2 it was their birthright1 their
 panoply1  their glory1 and their song  
of rejoicing in the house of their      
pilgrimage4 ,it covered them in the day 
of their calamity1 and their  trust was 
under the shadow of its wings4 ,from the
 first settlement of  the country1 the  
genius of our institutions and our      
national spirit have  claimed it as a   
common possession1 and exulted in it    
with a common  pride4 ,a century ago1   
,governor ,pownall1 one of the most     
eminent  constitutional jurists of      
colonial times1 said of the common law1 
,in  all the colonies the common law is 
received as the foundation and main     
body of their law4 ,in the ,declaration 
of ,rights1 made by the  ,continental   
,congress at its first session in '#gd1 
there was the  following resolution3    

,resolved1 ,that the respective colonies
 are  entitled to the common law of     
,england1 and especially to the great   
and  inestimable privilege of being     
tried by their peers of the vicinage    
according to the course of that law4    
,soon after the organization of the     
general government1 ,chief ,justice     
,ellsworth1 in one of his decisions on  
the bench of the ,united ,states        
,supreme ,court1 said3 ,the common law  
of  this country remains the same as it 
was before the revolution4 ,chief       
,justice ,marshall1 in his decision in  
the case of ,livingston vs4  ,jefferson1
 said3 ,when our ancestors migrated to  
,america1 they brought  with them the   
common law of their native country1 so  
far as it was  applicable to their new  
situation and ,i do not conceive that   
the  revolution in any degree changed   
the relations of man to man1 or the law 
which regulates them4 ,in breaking our  
political connection with the  parent   
state1 we did not break our connection  

with each other4  ,see,hall's ,law      
,journal1 new series4 ,mr4 ,duponceau1  
in his  ,dissertation on the            
,jurisdiction of ,courts in the ,united 
,states1 says1  ,i consider the common  
law of ,england the jus commune of the  
,united  ,states4 ,i think ,i can lay it
 down as a correct principle1 that the  
common law of ,england1 as it was at the
 time of the declaration of             
,independence1 still continues to be the
 national law of this country1 so  far  
as it is applicable to our present      
state1 and subject to the  modifications
 it has received here in the course of  
nearly half a  century4 ,chief ,justice 
,taylor of ,north ,carolina1 in his     
decision in the  case of the ,state vs4 
,reed1 in #ahbc1 ,hawkes' ,n4,c4 ,reps4 
#ded1 says1 a  law of paramount         
obligation to the statute was violated  
by the  offence--,,common ,,law1 founded
 upon the law of nature1 and confirmed  
by  revelation4 ,the legislation of the 
,united ,states abounds in  recognitions

 of the principles of the common law1   
asserting their  paramount binding      
power4 ,sparing details1 of which our   
national state  papers are full1 we     
illustrate by a single instance4 ,it was
 made a  condition of the admission of  
,louisiana into the ,union1 that the    
right  of trial by jury should be       
secured to all her citizens1--the       
,united  ,states government thus        
employing its power to enlarge the      
jurisdiction  of the common law in this 
its great representative4    ,having    
shown that the abolition of slavery is  
within the competency of  the law-making
 power1 when unrestricted by            
constitutional provisions1  and that the
 legislation of ,congress over the      
,district is thus  unrestricted1 its    
power to abolish slavery there is       
established4    ,besides this general   
ground1 the power of ,congress to       
abolish slavery in  the ,district may be
 based upon another equally tenable4 ,we
 argue it from  the fact1 that slavery  

exists there now by an act of ,congress4
 ,in the  act of #afth ,july1 #agij1    
,congress accepted portions of territory
 offered  by the states of ,maryland and
 ,virginia1 and enacted that the laws1  
as  they then were1 should continue in  
force1 until ,congress shall  otherwise 
by law provide2 thus making the slave   
codes of ,maryland and  ,virginia its   
own4 ,under these laws1 adopted by      
,congress1 and in effect  re-enacted and
 made laws of the ,district1 the slaves 
there are now held4    ,is ,congress so 
impotent in its own exclusive           
jurisdiction that it  cannot otherwise  
by law provide8 ,if it can say1 what    
shall be  considered property1 it can   
say what shall not be considered        
property4  ,suppose a legislature       
enacts1 that marriage contracts shall be
 mere  bills of sale1 making a husband  
the proprietor of his wife1 as his bona 
fide property2 and suppose husbands     
should herd their wives in droves  for  
the market as beasts of burden1 or for  

the brothel as victims of  lust1 and    
then prate about their inviolable legal 
property1 and deny the  power of the    
legislature1 which stamped them         
property1 to undo its own  wrong1 and   
secure to wives by law the rights of    
human beings4 ,would such  cant about   
legal rights be heeded where reason and 
justice held sway1  and where law1 based
 upon fundamental morality1 received    
homage8 ,if a  frantic legislature      
pronounces woman a chattel1 has it no   
power1 with  returning reason1 to take  
back the blasphemy8 ,is the impious     
edict  irrepealable8 ,be it1 that with  
legal forms it has stamped wives wares4 
,can no legislation blot out the brand8 
,must the handwriting of ,deity on      
human nature be expunged for ever8 ,has 
law no power to stay the erasing  pen1  
and tear off the scrawled label that    
covers up the ,,image ,,of ,,god8 ,we   
now proceed to show that        ,,the   
,,power ,,of ,,congress ,,to ,,abolish  
,,slavery ,,in ,,the ,,district ,,has   

,,been1 ,,till  ,,recently1             
,,universally ,,conceded4    #a4 ,it has
 been assumed by ,congress itself4 ,the 
following record stands  on the journals
 of the ,house of ,representatives for  
#ahjd1 p4 #bbe3 ,on  motion made and    
seconded that the ,house do come to the 
following  resolution3 ',resolved1 ,that
 from and after the #dth day of ,july1  
#ahje1  all blacks and people of color  
that shall be born within the ,district 
of  ,columbia1 or whose mothers shall be
 the property of any person residing    
within said ,district1 shall be free1   
the males at the age of ----1 and  the  
females at the age of ----4 ,the main   
question being taken that the  ,house do
 agree to said motion as originally     
proposed1 it was negatived  by a        
majority of #df4' ,though the motion was
 lost1 it was on the ground  of its     
alleged inexpediency alone1 and not     
because ,congress lacked the            
constitutional power4 ,in the debate    
which preceded the vote1 the power  of  

,congress was conceded4 ,in ,march1     
#ahaf1 the ,house of ,representatives   
passed the following                    
resolution3--,resolved1 ,that a         
committee be  appointed to inquire into 
the existence of an inhuman and illegal 
traffic in slaves1 carried on in and    
through the ,district of ,columbia1  and
 to report whether any and what measures
 are necessary for putting a  stop to   
the same4    ,on the #ith of ,january1  
#ahbi1 the ,house of ,representatives   
passed the  following resolution by a   
vote of #aad to #ff3 ,resolved1 ,that   
the  ,committee on the ,district of     
,columbia be instructed to inquire into 
the  expediency of providing by law for 
the gradual abolition of slavery  within
 the ,district1 in such manner that the 
interests of no individual  shall be    
injured thereby4 ,among those who voted 
in the affirmative were  ,messrs4       
,barney of ,md41 ,armstrong of ,va41    
,a4,h4 ,shepperd of ,n4,c41 ,blair of   
,tenn41 ,chilton and ,lyon of ,ky41     

,johns of ,delaware1 and others from    
slave  states4    #b4 ,it has been      
conceded directly1 or impliedly1 by all 
the committees on  the ,district of     
,columbia that have reported on the     
subject4 ,in a report  of the committee 
on the ,district1 ,jan4 #aa1 #ahcg1 by  
their chairman1 ,mr4  ,powell of        
,virginia1 there is the following       
declaration ,the ,congress of  the      
,united ,states1 has by the constitution
 exclusive jurisdiction over  the       
,district1 and has power upon this      
subject1 7slavery7 as upon all  other   
subjects of legislation1 to exercise    
unlimited discretion4  ,reps4 of ,comms4
 #b;d ,session1 #aith ,cong4 v4 ,i4 ,no4
 #dc4 ,in ,february1 #ahbi1  the        
committee on the ,district1 ,mr4        
,alexander of ,virginia1 ,chairman1 in  
their report pursuant to ,mr4 ,miner's  
resolutions1 recognize a contingent     
abolition proceeding upon the consent of
 the people4 ,in ,december1 #ahca1  the 
committee on the ,district1 ,mr4        

,doddridge of ,virginia1 ,chairman1     
reported1 ,that until the adjoining     
states act on the subject 7slavery7  it 
would be 7not unconstitutional but7     
unwise and impolitic1 if not  unjust1   
for ,congress to interfere4 ,in ,april1 
#ahcf1 a special committee  on abolition
 memorials reported the following       
resolutions by their  ,chairman1 ,mr4   
,pinckney of ,south ,carolina3          
,resolved1 that ,congress  possesses no 
constitutional authority to interfere in
 any way with the  institution of       
slavery in any of the states of this    
confederacy4    ,resolved1 ,that        
,congress ought not to interfere in any 
way with  slavery in the ,district of   
,columbia4 ,ought not to interfere1     
carefully avoiding the phraseology of   
the first resolution1 and thus in       
effect conceding the constitutional     
power4 ,in a widely circulated  ,address
 to the electors of the ,charleston     
,district1 ,mr4 ,pinckney is  thus      
denounced by his own constituents3 ,he  

has proposed a resolution  which is     
received by the plain common sense of   
the whole country as a  concession that 
,congress has authority to abolish      
slavery in the  ,district of ,columbia4 
#c4 ,it has been conceded by the        
citizens of the ,district4 ,a petition  
for the gradual abolition of slavery in 
the ,district1 signed by nearly  eleven 
hundred of its citizens1 was presented  
to ,congress1 ,march #bd1  #ahcg4 ,among
 the signers to this petition1 were     
,chief ,justice ,cranch1  ,judge ,van   
,ness1 ,judge ,morsel1 ,prof4 ,j4,m4    
,staughton1 ,rev4 ,dr4 ,balch1 ,rev4    
,dr4 ,keith1 ,john ,m4 ,munroe1 and a   
large number of the most influential    
inhabitants of the ,district4 ,mr4      
,dickson1 of ,new ,york1 asserted on the
  floor of ,congress in #ahce1 that the 
signers of this petition owned more     
than half of the property in the        
,district4 ,the accuracy of this        
statement has never been questioned4    
,this power has been conceded by grand  

juries of the ,district4 ,the  grand    
jury of the county of ,alexandria1 at   
the ,march term #ahjb1  presented the   
domestic slave trade as a grievance1 and
 said1 ,we  consider these grievances   
demanding legislative redress4 ,jan4    
#ai1  #ahbi1 ,mr4 ,alexander1 of        
,virginia1 presented a representation of
 the  grand jury in the city of         
,washington1 remonstrating against any  
measure  for the abolition of slavery   
within said ,district1 unless           
accompanied by  measures for the removal
 of the emancipated from the same2 thus1
 not  only conceding the power to       
emancipate slaves1 but affirming an     
additional power1 that of excluding them
 when free4 ,see ,journal ,h4,r4        
#ahbh-i1 p4 #agd4    #d4 ,this power has
 been conceded by ,state ,legislatures4 
,in #ahbh the  ,legislature of          
,pennsylvania instructed their ,senators
 in ,congress to  procure1 if           
practicable1 the passage of a law to    
abolish slavery in the  ,district of    

,columbia4 ,jan4 #bh1 #ahbi1 the ,house 
of ,assembly of ,new ,york  passed a    
resolution1 that their ,senators in     
,congress be instructed to  make every  
possible exertion to effect the passage 
of a law for the  abolition of ,slavery 
in the ,district of ,columbia4 ,in      
,february1 #ahcg1  the ,senate of       
,massachusetts ,resolved1 ,that         
,congress having exclusive  legislation 
in the ,district of ,columbia1 possess  
the right to abolish  slavery and the   
slave trade therein1 and that the early 
exercise of such  right is demanded by  
the enlightened sentiment of the        
civilized world1  by the principles of  
the revolution1 and by humanity4 ,the   
,house of  ,representatives passed the  
following resolution at the same        
session3  ,resolved1 ,that ,congress    
having exclusive legislation in the     
,district of  ,columbia1 possess the    
right to abolish slavery in said        
,district1 and  that its exercise should
 only be restrained by a regard to the  

public  good4    ,november #a1 #ahcg1   
the ,legislature of ,vermont1 ,resolved1
 that ,congress  have the full power by 
the constitution to abolish slavery and 
the slave  trade in the ,district of    
,columbia1 and in the territories4 ,the 
,legislature of ,vermont passed in      
substance the same resolution1 at its   
session in #ahcf4    ,may #cj1 #ahcf1 a 
committee of the ,pennsylvania          
,legislature reported the  following    
resolution3 ,resolved1 ,that ,congress  
does possess the  constitutional power1 
and it is expedient to abolish slavery  
and the  slave trade within the         
,district of ,columbia4    ,in ,january1
 #ahcf1 the ,legislature of ,south      
,carolina ,resolved1 ,that we  should   
consider the abolition of slavery in the
 ,district of ,columbia as  a violation 
of the rights of the citizens of that   
,district derived from  the implied     
conditions on which that territory was  
ceded to the  ,general ,government4     
,instead of denying the constitutional  

power1 they  virtually admit its        
existence1 by striving to smother it    
under an  implication4 ,in ,february1   
#ahcf1 the ,legislature of ,north       
,carolina  ,resolved1 ,that1 although by
 the ,constitution all legislative power
 over  the ,district of ,columbia is    
vested in the ,congress of the ,united  
,states1  yet we would deprecate any    
legislative action on the part of that  
body  towards liberating the slaves of  
that ,district1 as a breach of faith    
towards those ,states by whom the       
territory was originally ceded1 and     
will regard such interference as the    
first step towards a general            
emancipation of the slaves of the       
,south4 ,here is a full concession of   
the power1 ,february #b1 #ahcf1 the     
,virginia ,legislature passed           
unanimously the following resolution3   
,resolved1 by the ,general ,assembly  of
 ,virginia1 that the following article  
be proposed to the several  states of   
this ,union1 and to ,congress1 as an    

amendment of the  ,constitution of the  
,united ,states3 ',the powers of        
,congress shall not be  so construed as 
to authorize the passage of any law for 
the emancipation  of slaves in the      
,district of ,columbia1 without the     
consent of the  individual proprietors  
thereof1 unless by the sanction of the  
,legislatures of ,virginia and          
,maryland1 and under such conditions as 
they  shall by law prescribe4'    ,fifty
 years after the formation of the       
,united ,states constitution the  states
 are solemnly called upon by the        
,virginia ,legislature1 to amend  that  
instrument by a clause asserting that1  
in the grant to ,congress of  exclusive 
legislation in all cases whatsoever over
 the ,district1 the  case of slavery is 
not included66 ,what could have dictated
 such a  resolution but the conviction  
that the power to abolish slavery is an 
irresistible interference from the      
constitution as it is4 ,the fact  that  
the same legislature passed afterward a 

resolution1 though by no  means         
unanimously1 that ,congress does not    
possess the power1 abates not  a tittle 
of the testimony in the first           
resolution4 ,march #bc;d1 #ahbd1 ,mr4   
,brown presented the resolutions of the 
,general ,assembly of ,ohio1            
recommending to ,congress the           
consideration of a system for the       
gradual  emancipation of persons of     
color held in servitude in the ,united  
,states4 ,on the same day1 ,mr4 ,noble1 
of ,indiana1 communicated a  resolution 
from the legislature of that state1     
respecting the gradual  emancipation of 
slaves within the ,united ,states4      
,journal of the ,united  ,states        
,senate1 for #ahbd-e1 p4 #bca4    ,the  
,ohio and ,indiana resolutions1 by      
taking for granted the general  power of
 ,congress over the subject of slavery1 
do virtually assert its  special power  
within its exclusive jurisdiction4      
#e4 ,the power of ,congress to abolish  
slavery in the ,district1 has been      

conceded by bodies of citizens in the   
slave states4 ,the petition of  eleven  
hundred citizens of the ,district of    
,columbia1 in #ahbg1 has been  already  
mentioned4 ,march #e1 #ahcj1 ,mr4       
,washington presented a memorial  of    
inhabitants of the county of ,frederick1
 in the state of ,maryland1  praying    
that provision may be made for the      
gradual abolition of slavery  in the    
,district of ,columbia4 ,journal ,h4,r4 
#ahbi-cj1 p4 #ceh4    ,march #cj1 #ahbh4
 ,mr4 ,a4,h4 ,shepperd1 of ,north       
,carolina1 presented a  memorial of     
citizens of that state1 praying         
,congress to take measures  fur the     
entire abolition of slavery in the      
,district of ,columbia4  ,journal ,h4,r4
 #ahbi-cj1 p4 #cgi4    ,january #ad1    
#ahbb4 ,mr4 ,rhea1 of ,tennessee1       
presented a memorial of  citizens of    
that state1 praying that provision may  
be made1 whereby all  slaves which may  
hereafter be born in the ,district of   
,columbia1 shall be  free at a certain  

period of their lives4 ,journal ,h4,r4  
#ahba-bb1 p4 #adb4    ,december #ac1    
#ahbd4 ,mr4 ,saunders of ,north         
,carolina1 presented a memorial  of     
citizens of that state1 praying that    
measures may be taken for the  gradual  
abolition of slavery in the ,united     
,states4 ,journal ,h4,r4  #ahbd-be1 p4  
#bg4    ,december #af1 #ahbh4 ,mr4      
,barnard presented the memorial of the  
,american  ,convention for promoting the
 abolition of slavery1 held in          
,baltimore1  praying that slavery may be
 abolished in the ,district of          
,columbia4  ,journal ,u4,s4 ,senate1    
#ahbh-bi1 p4 #bd4    #f4 ,distinguished 
statesmen and jurists in the            
slaveholding states1 have  conceded the 
power of ,congress to abolish slavery in
 the ,district4 ,the  testimony of      
,messrs4 ,doddridge1 ,powell1 and       
,alexander1 of ,virginia1  ,chief       
,justice ,cranch1 and ,judges ,morsell  
and ,van ,ness1 of the ,district1  has  
already been given4 ,in the debate in   

,congress on the memorial of the        
,society of ,friends1 in #agij1 ,mr4    
,madison1 in speaking of the territories
  of the ,united ,states1 explicitly    
declared1 from his own knowledge of the 
views of the members of the convention  
that framed the constitution1 as  well  
as from the obvious import of its terms1
 that in the territories  ,congress have
 certainly the power to regulate the    
subject of slavery4  ,congress can have 
no more power over the territories than 
that of  exclusive legislation in all   
cases whatsoever1 consequently1         
according  to ,mr4 ,madison1 it has     
certainly the power to regulate the     
subject of  slavery in the ,district4   
,in ,march1 #ahaf1 ,john ,randolph      
introduced a  resolution for putting a  
stop to the domestic slave trade within 
the  ,district4 ,december #ab1 #ahbg1   
,mr4 ,barney1 of ,maryland1 presented a 
memorial for abolition in the ,district1
 and moved that it be printed4  ,mr4    
,mc,duffie1 of ,south ,carolina1        

objected to the printing1 but  expressly
 admitted the right of ,congress to     
grant to the people of the  ,district   
any measures which they might deem      
necessary to free themselves  from the  
deplorable evil4--7,see letter of ,mr4  
,claiborne1 of  ,mississippi1 to his    
constituents1 published in the          
,washington ,globe1 ,may  #i1 #ahcf47   
,the sentiments of ,henry ,clay on the  
subject are well known4 ,in  a speech   
before the ,u4,s4 ,senate1 in #ahcf1 he 
declared the power of  ,congress to     
abolish slavery in the ,district        
unquestionable4 ,messrs4  ,blair1 of    
,tennessee1 ,chilton1 ,lyon1 and        
,richard ,m4 ,johnson1 of ,kentucky1    
,a4,h4 ,shepperd1 of ,north ,carolina1  
,messrs4 ,armstrong and ,smyth1 of      
,virginia1 ,messrs4 ,dorsey1 ,archer1   
and ,barney1 of ,maryland1 and ,johns1  
of  ,delaware1 with numerous others from
 slave states1 have asserted the  power 
of ,congress to abolish slavery in the  
,district4 ,in the speech of  ,mr4      

,smyth1 of ,virginia1 on the ,missouri  
question1 ,january #bh1 #ahbj1 he  says 
on this point3 ,if the future freedom of
 the blacks is your real  object1 and   
not a mere pretence1 why do you not     
begin here8 ,within the  ten miles      
square1 you have undoubted power to     
exercise exclusive  legislation4        
,produce a bill to emancipate the slaves
 in the ,district of  ,columbia1 or1 if 
you prefer it1 to emancipate those born 
hereafter4    ,to this may be added the 
testimony of the present ,vice          
,president of the  ,united ,states1     
,hon4 ,richard ,m4 ,johnson1 of         
,kentucky4 ,in a speech before  the     
,united ,states' ,senate1 ,february #a1 
#ahbj1 7,national ,intelligencer1       
,april #bi1 #ahbj17 he says3 ,congress  
has the express power stipulated by  the
 ,constitution1 to exercise exclusive   
legislation over this ,district  of ten 
miles square4 ,here slavery is          
sanctioned by law4 ,in the ,district  of
 ,columbia1 containing a population of  

#cj1jjj souls1 and probably as  many    
slaves as the whole territory of        
,missouri1 ,,the ,,power ,,of           
,,providing  ,,for ,,their              
,,emancipation ,,rests ,,with ,,congress
 ,,alone4 ,why1 then1 let me ask1  ,mr4 
,president1 why all this                
sensibility--this commiseration--this   
heart-rending sympathy for the slaves of
 ,missouri1 and this cold               
insensibility1 this eternal apathy1     
towards the slaves in the ,district  of 
,columbia8    ,it is quite unnecessary  
to add1 that the most distinguished     
northern  statesmen of both political   
parties1 have always affirmed the power 
of  ,congress to abolish slavery in the 
,district4 ,president ,van ,buren in his
  letter of ,march #f1 #ahcf1 to a      
committee of gentlemen in ,north        
,carolina1  says1 ,i would not1 from the
 light now before me1 feel myself safe  
in  pronouncing that ,congress does not 
possess the power of abolishing  slavery
 in the ,district of ,columbia4 ,this   

declaration of the ,president  is       
consistent with his avowed sentiments   
touching the ,missouri question1  on    
which he coincided with such men as     
,daniel ,d4 ,tompkins1 ,de ,witt        
,clinton1 and others1 whose names are a 
host4,a ,it is consistent also1  with   
his recommendation in his late message  
on the #eth of last month1 in  which1   
speaking of the ,district1 he strongly  
urges upon ,congress a  thorough and    
careful revision of its local           
government1 speaks of the  entire       
dependence of the people of the         
,district upon ,congress1  recommends   
that a uniform system of local          
government be adopted1 and  adds1 that  
although it was selected as the seat of 
the ,general  ,government1 the site of  
its public edifices1 the depository of  
its  archives1 and the residence of     
officers intrusted with large amounts of
  public property1 and the management of
 public business1 yet it never has  been
 subjected to1 or received1 that special

 and comprehensive  legislation which   
these circumstances peculiarly demanded4
    ,footnote ,a3 ,mr4 ,van ,buren1 when
 a member of the ,senate of ,new-,york1 
voted for the following preamble and    
resolutions1 which passed               
unanimously3--,jan4 #bhth1 #ahbj4       
,whereas1 the inhibiting the further    
extension of slavery in the ,united     
,states1 is a subject of deep concern   
to the people of this state3 and        
whereas1 we consider slavery as an evil 
much to be deplored1 and that every     
constitutional barrier should be        
interposed to prevent its further       
extension3 and that the constitution  of
 the ,united ,states clearly gives      
congress the right to require new       
states1 not comprised within the        
original boundary of the ,united        
,states1  to make the prohibition of    
slavery a condition of their admission  
into  the ,union3 ,therefore1           
,resolved1 ,that our ,senators be       
instructed1 and our members of ,congress

  be requested1 to oppose the admission 
as a state into the ,union1 of any      
territory not comprised as aforesaid1   
without making the prohibition of       
slavery therein an indispensable        
condition of admission4     ,the tenor  
of ,senator ,tallmadge's speech on the  
right of petition1 in the  last         
,congress1 and of ,mr4 ,webster's on the
 reception of abolition  memorials1 may 
be taken as universal exponents of the  
sentiments of  northern statesmen as to 
the power of ,congress to abolish       
slavery in the  ,district of ,columbia4 
,after presenting this array of         
evidence1 direct testimony to show that 
the power of ,congress to abolish       
slavery in the ,district1 has always    
till recently been universally conceded1
 is perhaps quite superfluous4  ,we     
subjoin2 however1 the following3    ,the
 ,vice-,president of the ,united ,states
 in his speech on the ,missouri         
question1 quoted above1 after contending
 that the restriction of slavery  in    

,missouri would be unconstitutional1    
adds1 ,but ,i am at a loss to  conceive 
why gentlemen should arouse all their   
sympathies upon this  occasion1 when    
they permit them to lie dormant upon the
 same subject1 in  relation to other    
sections of country1 in which ,,their   
,,power ,,could ,,not ,,be              
,,questioned4 ,then follows immediately 
the assertion of congressional  power to
 abolish slavery in the ,district1 as   
already quoted4 ,in the  speech of ,mr4 
,smyth1 of ,va41 also quoted above1 he  
declares the power of  ,congress to     
abolish slavery in the ,district to be  
,,undoubted4    ,mr4 ,sutherland1 of    
,pennsylvania1 in a speech in the ,house
 of  ,representatives1 on the motion to 
print ,mr4 ,pinckney's ,report1 is thus 
reported in the ,washington ,globe1 of  
,may #ith1 '#cf4 ,he replied to the     
remark that the report conceded that    
,congress had a right to legislate  upon
 the subject in the ,district of        
,columbia1 and said that ,,such ,a      

,,right  ,,had ,,never ,,been1 ,,till   
,,recently1 ,,denied4    ,the ,american 
,quarterly ,review1 published at        
,philadelphia1 with a large  circulation
 and list of contributors in the slave  
states1 holds the  following language in
 the ,september ,no4 #ahcc1 p4 #ee3     
,under this  'exclusive jurisdiction1'  
granted by the constitution1 ,congress  
has  power to abolish slavery and the   
slave trade in the ,district of         
,columbia4 ,it would hardly be necessary
 to state this as a distinct            
proposition1 had it not been            
occasionally questioned4 ,the truth of  
the  assertion1 however1 is too obvious 
to admit of argument--and we believe    
,,has ,,never ,,been ,,disputed ,,by    
,,persons ,,who ,,are ,,familiar ,,with 
,,the  ,,constitution4    ,finally--an  
explicit1 and unexpected admission1 that
 an over-whelming  majority of the      
present ,congress concede the power to  
abolish  slavery in the ,district1 has  
just been made by a member of ,congress 

from  ,south ,carolina1 in a letter     
published in the ,charleston ,mercury of
 ,dec4  #bg1 well known as the          
mouth-piece of ,mr4 ,calhoun4 ,the      
following is an  extract3    ,the time  
has arrived when we must have new       
guarantees under the  constitution1 or  
the union must be dissolved4 ,our views 
of the  constitution are not those of   
the majority4 ,an overwhelming majority 
think that by the constitution1         
,congress may abolish slavery in the    
,district of ,columbia--may abolish the 
slave trade between the ,states2  that  
is1 it may prohibit their being carried 
out of the ,state in which  they        
are--and prohibit it in all the         
territories1 ,florida among them4  ,they
 think1 ,,not ,,without ,,strong        
,,reasons1 that the power of ,congress  
extends to all of these subjects4    ,in
 another letter1 the same correspondent 
says3    ,the fact is1 it is vain to    
attempt1 ,,as ,,the ,,constitution ,,is 
,,now1 to  keep the question of slavery 

out of the halls of ,congress1--until1  
by  some decisive action1 ,,we ,,compel 
,,silence1 or alter the constitution1   
agitation and insult is our eternal fate
 in the confederacy4        ,,objections
 ,,to ,,the ,,foregoing ,,conclusions   
,,considered4    ,we now proceed to     
notice briefly the main arguments that  
have been  employed in ,congress and    
elsewhere against the power of ,congress
 to  abolish slavery in the ,district4  
,one of the most plausible1 is that the 
conditions on which ,maryland and       
,virginia ceded the ,district to the    
,united ,states1 would be violated1 if  
,congress should abolish slavery  there4
 ,the reply to this is1 that ,congress  
had no power to accept a  cession       
coupled with conditions restricting the 
power given it by the  constitution4    
,nothing short of a convention of the   
states1 and an  alteration of the       
constitution1 abridging its grant of    
power1 could have  empowered ,congress  
to accept a territory on any other      

conditions than  that of exercising     
exclusive legislation1 in all cases     
whatsoever1  over it4    ,to show the   
futility of the objection1 here follow  
the acts of cession4  ,the cession of   
,maryland was made in ,november1 #aghh1 
and is as follows3  ,an act to cede to  
,congress a district of ten miles square
 in this state  for the seat of the     
government of the ,united ,states4      
,be it enacted1 by the ,general         
,assembly of ,maryland1 that the        
representatives of this state in the    
,house of ,representatives of the       
,congress of the ,united ,states1       
appointed to assemble at ,new-,york1 on 
the  first ,wednesday of ,march next1   
be1 and they are hereby authorized and  
required on the behalf of this state1 to
 cede to the ,congress of the  ,united  
,states1 any district in this state1 not
 exceeding ten miles  square1 which the 
,congress may fix upon1 and accept for  
the seat of  government of the ,united  
,states4 ,laws of ,maryland1 vol4 #b1   

chap4 #df4    ,the cession from         
,virginia was made by act of the        
,legislature of that  ,state on the #c;d
 of ,december1 #aghh1 in the following  
words3    ,be it enacted by the ,general
 ,assembly1 ,that a tract of country1   
not  exceeding ten miles square1 or any 
lesser quantity1 to be located within   
the limits of the ,state1 and in any    
part thereof1 as ,congress may1 by  law1
 direct1 shall be1 and the same is      
hereby for ever ceded and  relinquished 
to the ,congress and ,government of the 
,united ,states1 in  full and absolute  
right1 and exclusive jurisdiction1 as   
well of soil1 as  of persons residing or
 to reside thereon1 pursuant to the     
tenor and  effect of the eighth section 
of the first article of the government  
of  the constitution of the ,united     
,states4    ,but were there no provisos 
to these acts8 ,the ,maryland act had   
none4  ,that part of the ,district      
therefore1 which includes the cities of 
,washington and ,georgetown1 can lay    

claim to nothing with which to ward  off
 the power of ,congress4 ,the ,virginia 
act had this proviso3 ,sect4 #b4        
,provided1 that nothing herein          
contained1 shall be construed to vest in
  the ,united ,states any right of      
property in the soil1 or to affect the  
rights of individuals therein1 otherwise
 than the same shall or may be          
transferred by such individuals to the  
,united ,states4    ,this specification 
touching the soil was merely definitive 
and  explanatory of that clause in the  
act of cession1 full and absolute       
right4 ,instead of restraining the power
 of ,congress on slavery and  other     
subjects1 it even gives it wider scope2 
for exceptions to parts  of a rule1 give
 double confirmation to those parts not 
embraced in the  exceptions4 ,if it was 
the design of the proviso to restrict   
congressional action on the subject of  
slavery1 why is the soil  alone         
specified8 ,as legal instruments are not
 paragons of economy in  words1 might   

not ,john ,doe1 out of his abundance1   
and without spoiling  his style1 have   
afforded an additional word--at least a 
hint--that  slavery was meant1 though   
nothing was said about it8 ,the subject 
must have been too delicate1 even for   
the most distant allusion6 ,the  mystery
 of silence is solved66    ,but again1  
,maryland and ,virginia1 in their acts  
of cession1 declare them  to be in      
pursuance of that clause of the         
constitution which gives to  ,congress  
exclusive legislation in all cases      
whatsoever over the ten  miles          
square--thus1 instead of restricting    
that clause1 both ,states  gave an      
express and decided confirmation of it4 
,now1 their acts of  cession either     
accorded with that clause of the        
constitution1 or they  conflicted with  
it4 ,if they conflicted with it1        
accepting the cessions  was a violation 
of the constitution4 ,if they accorded1 
the objector has  already had his       
answer4 ,the fact that ,congress        

accepted the cessions1  proves that in  
its view their terms did not conflict   
with the  constitutional grant of power 
to exercise exclusive legislation in all
  cases whatsoever over such ,district4 
,the inquiry whether these acts of      
cession were consistent or inconsistent 
with the ,united ,states  constitution1 
is totally irrelevant to the question at
 issue4 ,what saith  the ,,constitution8
 ,that is the question4 ,not1 what saith
 ,virginia1 or  ,maryland1 or--equally  
to the point--,john ,bull6 ,if ,maryland
 and ,virginia  had been the authorized 
interpreters of the constitution for the
 ,union1  these acts of cession could   
hardly have been magnified more than    
they  were by ,messrs4 ,garland and     
,wise in the last ,congress4 ,a true    
understanding of the constitution can be
 had1 forsooth1 only by holding  it up  
in the light of ,maryland and ,virginia 
legislation6    ,we are told1 again1    
that those ,states would not have ceded 
the ,district  if they had supposed the 

constitution gave ,congress power to    
abolish  slavery in it4    ,this comes  
with an ill grace from ,maryland and    
,virginia4 ,they knew the  constitution4
 ,they were parties to it4 ,they had    
sifted it1 clause by  clause1 in their  
,state conventions4 ,they had weighed   
its words in the  balance--they had     
tested them as by fire2 and finally1    
after long  pondering1 they adopted the 
constitution4 ,and afterward1           
self-moved1  they ceded the ten miles   
square1 and declared the cession made in
  pursuance of that oft-cited clause1   
,congress shall have power to  exercise 
exclusive legalisation in all cases     
whatsoever over such  ,district1 c4 ,and
 now verily they would not have ceded if
 they had  supposed6 c4 ,cede it they   
did1 and in full and absolute right     
both of soil and persons4 ,congress     
accepted the cession--state power  over 
the ,district ceased1 and congressional 
power over it commenced--and  now1 the  
sole question to be settled is1 the     

amount of power over the  ,district1    
lodged in ,congress by the constitution4
 ,the constitution--the                 
,,constitution--that is the point4      
,maryland and ,virginia suppositions    
must be potent suppositions1 to abrogate
 a clause in the ,united ,states        
,constitution6 ,that clause either gives
 ,congress power to abolish slavery  in 
the ,district1 or it does not--and that 
point is to be settled1 not  by state   
suppositions1 nor state usages1 nor     
state legislation1 but  by the terms of 
the clause themselves4    ,southern     
members of ,congress1 in the recent     
discussions1 have conceded  the power of
 a contingent abolition in the          
,district1 by suspending it  upon the   
consent of the people4 ,such a doctrine 
from declaimers like  ,messrs4 ,alford1 
of ,georgia1 and ,walker1 of            
,mississippi1 would excite no  surprise2
 but that it should be honored with the 
endorsement of such men  as ,mr4 ,rives 
and ,mr4 ,calhoun1 is quite             

unaccountable4 ,are attributes of       
sovereignty mere creatures of           
contingency8 ,is delegated authority    
mere conditional permission8 ,is a      
constitutional power to be  exercised by
 those who hold it1 only by popular     
sufferance8 ,must it  lie helpless at   
the pool of public sentiment1 waiting   
the gracious  troubling of its waters8  
,is it a lifeless corpse1 save only when
 popular  consent deigns to put breath  
into its nostrils8 ,besides1 if the     
consent of the people of the ,district  
be necessary1 the consent of the  whole 
people must be had--not that of a       
majority1 however large4  ,majorities1  
to be authoritative1 must be legal--and 
a legal majority  without legislative   
power1 right of representation1 or even 
the  electoral franchise1 would be an   
anomaly4 ,in the ,district of ,columbia1
  such a thing as a majority in a legal 
sense is unknown to law4 ,to talk  of   
the power of a majority1 or the will of 
a majority there1 is mere  mouthing4 ,a 

majority8 ,then it has an authoritative 
will--and an organ to  make it          
known--and an executive to carry it into
 effect--,where are they8  ,we repeat   
it--if the consent of the people of the 
,district be necessary1  the consent of 
every one is necessary--and universal   
consent will  come only with the ,greek 
,kalends and a perpetual motion4 ,a     
single  individual might thus perpetuate
 slavery in defiance of the expressed   
will of a whole people4 ,the most common
 form of this fallacy is given by  ,mr4 
,wise1 of ,virginia1 in his speech1     
,february #af1 #ahce1 in which he       
denied the power of ,congress to abolish
 slavery in the ,district1 unless  the  
inhabitants owning slaves petitioned for
 it66 ,southern members of  ,congress at
 the present session ring changes almost
 daily upon the same  fallacy4 ,what6   
pray ,congress to use a power which it  
has not8 ,it is  required of a man      
according to what he hath1 saith the    
,scripture4 ,i  commend ,mr4 ,wise to   

,paul for his ethics4 ,would that he had
 got his  logic of him6 ,if ,congress   
does not possess the power1 why taunt it
  with its weakness1 by asking its      
exercise8 ,why mock it by demanding     
impossibilities8 ,petitioning1 according
 to ,mr4 ,wise1 is1 in matters of       
legislation1 omnipotence itself2 the    
very source of all constitutional       
power2 for1 asking ,congress to do what 
it cannot do1 gives it the  power--to   
pray the exercise of a power that is    
not1 creates it4 ,a  beautiful theory6  
,let us work it both ways4 ,if to       
petition for the  exercise of a power   
that is not1 creates it--to petition    
against the  exercise of a power that   
is1 annihilates it4 ,as southern        
gentlemen are  partial to summary       
processes1 pray1 sirs1 try the virtue of
 your own  recipe on exclusive          
legislation in all cases whatsoever2 a  
better  subject for experiment and test 
of the prescription could not be had4   
,but if the petitions of the citizens of

 the ,district give ,congress the  right
 to abolish slavery1 they impose the    
duty2 if they confer  constitutional    
authority1 they create constitutional   
obligation4 ,if  ,congress may abolish  
because of an expression of their will1 
it must  abolish at the bidding of that 
will4 ,if the people of the ,district   
are a  source of power to ,congress1    
their expressed will has the force of a 
constitutional provision1 and has the   
same binding power upon the  ,national  
,legislature4 ,to make ,congress        
dependent on the ,district for          
authority1 is to make it a subject of   
its authority1 restraining the  exercise
 of its own discretion1 and sinking it  
into a mere organ of the  ,district's   
will4 ,we proceed to another objection4 
,the southern states would not have     
ratified the constitution1 if they  had 
supposed that it gave this power4 ,it is
 a sufficient answer to this  objection1
 that the northern states would not have
 ratified it1 if they  had supposed that

 it withheld the power4 ,if suppositions
 are to take  the place of the          
constitution--coming from both sides1   
they neutralize  each other4 ,to argue a
 constitutional question by guessing at 
the  suppositions that might have been  
made by the parties to it1 would  find  
small favor in a court of law4 ,but even
 a desperate shift is some  easement    
when sorely pushed4 ,if this question is
 to be settled by  suppositions1        
suppositions shall be forth coming1 and 
that without  stint4    ,first1 then1 ,i
 affirm that the ,north ratified the    
constitution1  supposing that slavery   
had begun to wax old1 and would speedily
 vanish  away1 and especially that the  
abolition of the slave trade1 which by  
the  constitution was to be surrendered 
to ,congress after twenty years1 would  
cast it headlong4    ,would the ,north  
have adopted the constitution1 giving   
three-fifths of  the slave property a   
representation1 if it has supposed that 
the  slaves would have increased from   

half a million to two millions and a    
half by #ahch--;and that the census of  
#ahdj would give to the slave  states1  
#cj representatives of slave property8  
,if they had supposed that this         
representation would have controlled    
the legislation of the government1 and  
carried against the ,north every        
question vital to its interests1 would  
,alexander ,hamilton1 ,benjamin         
,franklin1 ,roger ,sherman1 ,elbridge   
,gerry1 ,william ,livingston1 ,john     
,langdon1 and ,rufus ,king have been    
such madmen1 as to sign the             
constitution1 and the ,northern ,states 
such suicides as to ratify it8  ,every  
self-preserving instinct would have     
shrieked at such an infatuate           
immolation4 ,at the adoption of the     
,united ,states constitution1 slavery   
was regarded as a fast waning system4   
,this conviction was universal4         
,washington1 ,jefferson1 ,patrick       
,henry1 ,grayson1 ,st4 ,george ,tucker1 
,madison1 ,wythe1 ,pendleton1 ,lee1     

,blair1 ,mason1 ,page1 ,parker1 ,edmund 
,randolph1 ,iredell1 ,spaight1 ,ramsey1 
,william ,pinckney1 ,luther ,martin1    
,james ,mc,henry1 ,samuel ,chase1 and   
nearly all the illustrious names south  
of the ,potomac1 proclaimed it before   
the sun1 that the days of slavery  were 
beginning to be numbered4 ,a reason     
urged in the convention that  formed the
 ,united ,states constitution1 why the  
word slave should not be  used in it1   
was1 that when slavery should cease     
there might remain  upon the ,national  
,charter no record that it had even     
been4 7,see speech  of ,mr4 ,burrill1 of
 ,r4,i41 on the ,missouri question47    
,i now proceed to show by testimony1    
that at the date of the ,united  ,states
 constitution1 and for several years    
before and after that period1  slavery  
was rapidly on the wane2 that the       
,american ,revolution with the  great   
events preceding accompanying1 and      
following it1 had wrought an  immense   
and almost universal change in the      

public sentiment of the  nation of the  
subject1 powerfully impelling it toward 
the entire  abolition of the system--and
 that it was the general belief that    
measures for its abolition throughout   
the ,union1 would be commenced by  the  
individual ,states generally before the 
lapse of many years4 ,a great  mass of  
testimony establishing this position is 
at hand and might be  presented1 but    
narrow space1 little time1 the patience 
of readers1 and  the importance of      
speedy publication1 counsel brevity4    
,let the following  proofs suffice4     
,first1 a few dates as points of        
observation4    ,the first general      
,congress met in #aggd4 ,the            
revolutionary war  commenced in '#ge4   
,independence was declared in '#gf4 ,the
 articles of  confederacy were adopted  
by the thirteen states in '#gh4         
,independence  acknowledged in '#hc4    
,the convention for forming the ,u4,s4  
constitution  was held in '#hg1 the     
state conventions for considering it in 

'#hg1 and  '#hh4 ,the first ,congress   
under the constitution in '#hi4    ,dr4 
,rush1 of ,pennsylvania1 one of the     
signers of the ,declaration of          
,independence1 in a letter to the       
celebrated ,granville ,sharpe1 ,may #a1 
#aggc1 says3 ,a spirit of humanity and  
religion begins to awaken in  several of
 the colonies in favor of the poor      
negroes4 ,the clergy begin  to bear a   
public testimony against this violation 
of the laws of nature  and christianity4
 ,great events have been brought about  
by small  beginnings4 ,anthony ,benezet 
stood alone a few years ago in opposing 
negro slavery in ,philadelphia1 and     
,,now ,,three-,,fourths ,,of ,,the      
,,province ,,as  ,,well ,,as ,,of ,,the 
,,city ,,cry ,,out ,,against            
,,it4--7,stuart's ,life of ,sharpe1 p4  
#ba47    ,in the preamble to the act    
prohibiting the importation of slaves   
into  ,rhode ,island1 ,june #aggd1 is   
the following3 ,whereas1 the inhabitants
 of  ,america are generally engaged in  

the preservation of their own rights    
and liberties1 among which that of      
personal freedom must be considered  the
 greatest1 and as those who are desirous
 of enjoying all the  advantages of     
liberty themselves1 should be willing to
 extend personal  liberty to others1    
therefore1 c4    ,october #bj1 #aggd1   
the ,continental ,congress passed the   
following3 ,we1  for ourselves and the  
inhabitants of the several colonies whom
 we  represent1 firmly agree and        
associate under the sacred ties of      
virtue1  honor1 and love of our country1
 as follows3    #b;d ,article4 ,we will 
neither import nor purchase any slaves  
imported  after the first day of        
,december next1 after which time we will
 wholly  discontinue the slave trade1   
and we will neither be concerned in it  
ourselves1 nor will we hire our vessels1
 nor sell our commodities or            
manufactures to those who are concerned 
in it4    ,the ,continental ,congress1  
in #agge1 setting forth the causes and  

the  necessity for taking up arms1 say3 
,if it were possible for men who        
exercise their reason to believe that   
the ,divine ,author of our existence    
intended a part of the human race to    
hold an absolute property in1 and       
unbounded power over others1 marked out 
by infinite goodness and  wisdom as     
objects of a legal domination1 never    
rightfully resistible1  however severe  
and oppressive1 the inhabitants of these
 colonies might  at least require from  
the ,parliament of ,great ,britain some 
evidence that  this dreadful authority  
over them has been granted to that body4
    ,in #aggf1 the celebrated ,dr4      
,hopkins1 then at the head of ,new      
,england  divines1 published a pamphlet 
entitled1 ,an ,address to the owners of 
negro slaves in the ,american colonies1 
from which the following is an  extract3
 ,the conviction of the                 
unjustifiableness of this practice      
7slavery7 has been increasing1 and      
greatly spreading of late1 and  many who

 have had slaves1 have found themselves 
so unable to justify  their own conduct 
in holding them in bondage1 as to be    
induced to set  them at liberty4 ,may   
this conviction soon reach every owner  
of slaves  in ,north ,america6 ,slavery 
is1 in every instance1 wrong1           
unrighteous1  and oppressive--a very    
great and crying sin--there being       
nothing of the  kind equal to it on the 
face of the earth4    ,the same year the
 ,american ,congress issued a solemn    
,,manifesto to the  world4 ,these were  
its first words3 ,we hold these truths  
to be  self-evident1 that all men are   
created equal1 that they are endowed by 
their ,creator with certain inalienable 
rights2 that among these are  life1     
liberty1 and the pursuit of happiness4  
,once1 these were words  of power2 now1 
a rhetorical flourish4    ,the          
celebrated ,patrick ,henry of ,virginia1
 in a letter1 of ,jan4 #ah1 #aggc1  to  
,robert ,pleasants1 afterwards president
 of the ,virginia ,abolition  ,society1 

says3 ,believe me1 ,i shall honor the   
,quakers for their noble  efforts to    
abolish slavery4 ,it is a debt we owe to
 the purity of our  religion to show    
that it is at variance with that law    
that warrants  slavery4 ,i exhort you to
 persevere in so worthy a resolution4   
,in #aggi1 the ,continental ,congress   
ordered a pamphlet to be published1     
entitled1 ,observations on the ,american
 ,revolution1 from which the  following 
is an extract3 ,the great principle 7of 
government7 is and  ever will remain in 
force1 that men are by nature free2 as  
accountable  to him that made them1 they
 must be so2 and so long as we have any 
idea  of divine justice1 we must        
associate that of human freedom4        
,whether  men can part with their       
liberty1 is among the questions which   
have  exercised the ablest writers2 but 
it is conceded on all hands1 that the   
right to be free ,,can ,,never ,,be     
,,alienated--still less is it           
practicable  for one generation to      

mortgage the privileges of another4     
,extract from the ,pennsylvania act for 
the ,abolition of ,slavery1 passed      
,march #a1 #aghj3  99  99  99  ,we      
conceive that it is our duty1 and we    
rejoice that it is in our power1 to     
extend a portion of that freedom to     
others which has been extended to us4   
,weaned by a long course of  experience 
from those narrow prejudices and        
partialities we have  imbibed1 we find  
our hearts enlarged with kindness and   
benevolence  towards men of all         
conditions and nations3  99  99  99     
,therefore be it  enacted1 that no child
 born hereafter be a slave1 c4          
,jefferson1 in his ,notes on ,virginia1 
written just before the close of  the   
,revolutionary ,war1 says3 ,i think a   
change already perceptible since  the   
origin of the present revolution4 ,the  
spirit of the master is  abating1 that  
of the slave is rising from the dust1   
his condition  mollifying1 the way ,i   
hope preparing under the auspices of    

heaven1 ,,for  ,a ,,total               
,,emancipation1 and that this is        
disposed1 in the order of events1  to be
 with the consent of the masters1 rather
 than by their  extirpation4    ,in a   
letter to ,dr4 ,price1 of ,london1 who  
had just published a pamphlet  in favor 
of the abolition of slavery1 ,mr4       
,jefferson1 then ,minister at  ,paris1  
7,august #g1 #aghe17 says3 ,from the    
mouth to the head of the  ,chesapeake1  
the bulk of the people will approve of  
your pamphlet in  theory1 and it will   
find a respectable minority ready to    
adopt it in  practice--a minority which1
 for weight and worth of character1     
preponderates against the greater       
number4 ,speaking of ,virginia1 he      
says3 ,this is the next state to which  
we may turn our eyes for the            
interesting spectacle of justice in     
conflict with avarice and               
oppression1--a conflict in which ,,the  
,,sacred ,,side ,,is ,,gaining ,,daily  
,,recruits4 ,be not1 therefore          

discouraged--what you have written will 
do a  great deal of good2 and could you 
still trouble yourself with our         
welfare1 no man is more able to give aid
 to the laboring side4 ,the  ,college of
 ,william and ,mary1 in ,williamsburg1  
since the remodelling of  its plan1 is  
the place where are collected together  
all the young men of  ,virginia1 under  
preparation for public life4 ,they are  
there under the  direction 7most of     
them7 of a ,mr4 ,wythe1 one of the most 
virtuous of  characters1 and whose      
sentiments on the subject of slavery are
  unequivocal4 ,i am satisfied1 if you  
could resolve to address an  exhortation
 to those young men with all the        
eloquence of which you are  master that 
its influence on the future decision of 
this important  question would be great1
 perhaps decisive4 ,thus1 you see1 that 
so far  from thinking you have cause to 
repent of what you have done1 ,i wish   
you to do more1 and wish it on an       
assurance of its  effect4--,jefferson's 

,posthumous ,works1 vol4 #a1 p4 #bfh4   
,in #aghf1 ,john jay1 afterward ,chief  
,justice of the ,united ,states1 drafted
  and signed a petition to the          
,legislature of ,new ,york1 on the      
subject of  slavery1 beginning with     
these words3    ,your memorialists being
 deeply affected by the situation of    
those1 who1  although ,,free ,,by ,,the 
,,laws ,,of ,,god1 are held in slavery  
by the laws of the  ,state1 c4    ,this 
memorial bore also the signature of the 
celebrated ,alexander  ,hamilton2       
,robert ,r4 ,livingston1 afterward      
,secretary of ,foreign ,affairs  of the 
,united ,states1 and ,chancellor of the 
,state of ,new ,york2 ,james  ,duane1   
,mayor of the ,city of ,new ,york1 and  
many others of the most  eminent        
individuals in the ,state4    ,in the   
preamble of an instrument1 by which ,mr4
 ,jay emancipated a slave  in #aghd1 is 
the following passage3    ,whereas1 the 
children of men are by nature equally   
free1 and cannot1  without injustice1 be

 either reduced to or ,,held in slavery4
    ,in his letter while ,minister at   
,spain1 in #aghf1 he says1 speaking of  
the  abolition of slavery3 ,till        
,america comes into this measure1 her   
prayers  to heaven will be ,,impious4   
,this is a strong expression1 but it is 
just4  ,i believe ,god governs the      
world2 and ,i believe it to be a maxim  
in his1  as in our court1 that those who
 ask for equity ought to do it4    ,in  
#aghe1 the ,new ,york ,manumission      
,society was formed4 ,john ,jay was     
chosen its first ,president1 and held   
the office five years4 ,alexander       
,hamilton was its second ,president1 and
 after holding the office one  year1    
resigned upon his removal to            
,philadelphia as ,secretary of the      
,united ,states' ,treasury4 ,in #aghg1  
the ,pennsylvania ,abolition ,society   
was  formed4 ,benjamin ,franklin1 warm  
from the discussions of the convention  
that formed the ,united ,states         
constitution1 was chosen ,president1 and

  ,benjamin ,rush1 ,secretary--both     
signers of the ,declaration of          
,independence4 ,in #aghi1 the ,maryland 
,abolition ,society was formed4 ,among  
its officers were ,samuel ,chace1 ,judge
 of the ,united ,states ,supreme        
,court1 and ,luther ,martin1 a member of
 the convention that formed the  ,united
 ,states constitution4 ,in #agij1 the   
,connecticut ,abolition ,society  was   
formed4 ,the first ,president was ,rev4 
,dr4 ,stiles1 ,president of ,yale       
,college1 and the ,secretary1 ,simeon   
,baldwin1 7the late ,judge ,baldwin of  
,new ,haven47 ,in #agia1 this ,society  
sent a memorial to ,congress1 from      
which the following is an extract3      
,from a sober conviction of the         
unrighteousness of slavery1 your        
petitioners have long beheld1 with      
grief1 our fellow men doomed to         
perpetual bondage1 in a country which   
boasts of her freedom4 ,your            
petitioners are fully of opinion1 that  
calm reflection will at last  convince  

the world1 that the whole system of     
,african slavery is unjust  in its      
nature--impolitic in its                
principles--and1 in its consequences1   
ruinous to the industry and enterprise  
of the citizens of these ,states4  ,from
 a conviction of these truths1 your     
petitioners were led1 by  motives1 we   
conceive1 of general philanthropy1 to   
associate ourselves  for the protection 
and assistance of this unfortunate part 
of our fellow  men2 and1 though this    
,society has been lately established1 it
 has now  become generally extensive    
through this state1 and1 we fully       
believe1  embraces1 on this subject1 the
 sentiments of a large majority of its  
citizens4    ,the same year the         
,virginia ,abolition ,society was       
formed4 ,this ,society1  and the        
,maryland ,society1 had auxiliaries in  
different parts of those  ,states4 ,both
 societies sent up memorials to         
,congress4 ,the memorial of  the        
,virginia ,society is headed--,the      

memorial of the ,virginia ,society1  for
 promoting the ,abolition of ,slavery1  
c4 ,the following is an  extract3       
,your memorialists1 fully believing that
 'righteousness exalteth a  nation1' and
 that slavery is not only an odious     
degradation1 but an  outrageous         
violation of one of the most essential  
rights of human  nature1 and utterly    
repugnant to the precepts of the gospel1
 which  breathes 'peace on earth1 good  
will to men2' lament that a practice1 so
  inconsistent with true policy and the 
inalienable rights of men1 should       
subsist in so enlightened an age1 and   
among a people professing1 that  all    
mankind are1 by nature1 equally entitled
 to freedom4    ,about the same time a  
,society was formed in ,new-,jersey4 ,it
 had an acting  committee of five       
members in each county in the ,state4   
,the following is  an extract from the  
preamble to its constitution3    ,it is 
our boast1 that we live under a         
government founded on principles  of    

justice and reason1 wherein life1       
liberty1 and the pursuit of  happiness1 
are recognised as the universal rights  
of men2 and whilst we  are anxious to   
preserve these rights to ourselves1 and 
transmit them  inviolate1 to our        
posterity1 we abhor that inconsistent1  
illiberal1 and  interested policy1 which
 withholds those rights1 from an        
unfortunate and  degraded class of our  
fellow creatures4    ,among other       
distinguished individuals who were      
efficient officers of  these ,abolition 
,societies1 and delegates from their    
respective state  societies1 at the     
annual meetings of the ,american        
convention for  promoting the abolition 
of slavery1 were ,hon4 ,uriah ,tracy1   
,united  ,states' ,senator1 from        
,connecticut2 ,hon4 ,zephaniah ,swift1  
,chief ,justice  of the same ,state2    
,hon4 ,cesar ,a4 ,rodney1 ,attorney     
,general of the ,united  ,states2 ,hon4 
,james ,a4 ,bayard1 ,united ,states     
,senator1 from ,delaware2  ,governor    

,bloomfield1 of ,new ,jersey2 ,hon4 ,wm4
 ,rawle1 the late venerable  head of the
 ,philadelphia bar2 ,dr4 ,casper        
,wistar1 of ,philadelphia2  ,messrs4    
,foster and ,tillinghast1 of ,rhode     
,island2 ,messrs4 ,ridgeley1  ,buchanan1
 and ,wilkinson1 of ,maryland2 and      
,messrs4 ,pleasants1 ,mc,lean1 and      
,anthony1 of ,virginia4    ,in ,july1   
#aghg1 the old ,congress passed the     
celebrated ordinance1  abolishing       
slavery in the northwestern territory1  
and declaring that it  should never     
thereafter exist there4 ,this ordinance 
was passed while the  convention that   
formed the ,united ,states constitution 
was in session4 ,at  the first session  
of ,congress under the constitution1    
this ordinance was  ratified by a       
special act4 ,washington1 fresh from the
 discussions of the  convention1 in     
which more than forty days had been     
spent in adjusting  the question of     
slavery1 gave it his approval4 ,the act 
passed with only  one dissenting voice1 

7that of ,mr4 ,yates1 of ,new-,york17   
the ,south  equally with the ,north     
avowing the fitness and expediency of   
the measure  of general considerations1 
and indicating thus early the line of   
national policy1 to be pursued by the   
,united ,states ,government on the      
subject of slavery4    ,in the debates  
in the ,north ,carolina ,convention1    
,mr4 ,iredell1 afterward  a ,judge of   
the ,united ,states' ,supreme ,court1   
said1 ,when the entire  abolition of    
slavery takes place1 it will be an event
 which must be  pleasing to every       
generous mind and every friend of human 
nature4 ,mr4  ,galloway said1 ,i wish to
 see this abominable trade put an end   
to4 ,i  apprehend the clause 7touching  
the slave trade7 means to bring forward 
manumission4 ,luther ,martin1 of ,md41 a
 member of the convention that  formed  
the ,united ,states constitution1 said1 
,we ought to authorize the  ,general    
,government to make such regulations as 
shall be thought most  advantageous for 

the gradual abolition of slavery1 and   
the  emancipation of the slaves which   
are already in the ,states4 ,judge      
,wilson1 of ,pennsylvania1 one of the   
framers of the constitution1 said1  in  
the ,pennsylvania convention of '#hg1   
,deb4 ,pa4 ,con4 p4 #cjc1 #aef3 ,i      
consider this 7the clause relative to   
the slave trade7 as laying the          
foundation for banishing slavery out of 
this country4 ,it will produce  the same
 kind of gradual change which was       
produced in ,pennsylvania2 the  new     
states which are to be formed will be   
under the control of ,congress  in this 
particular1 and slaves will never be    
introduced among them4 ,it  presents us 
with the pleasing prospect that the     
rights of mankind will  be acknowledged 
and established throughout the ,union4  
,yet the lapse of  a few years1 and     
,congress will have power to exterminate
 slavery  within our borders4 ,in the   
,virginia convention of '#hg1 ,mr4      
,mason1  author of the ,virginia        

constitution1 said1 ,the augmentation of
 slaves  weakens the ,states1 and such a
 trade is diabolical in itself1 and     
disgraceful to mankind4 ,as much as ,i  
value a union of all the states1 ,i     
would not admit the southern states1    
7i4e41 ,south ,carolina and ,georgia17  
into the union1 unless they agree to a  
discontinuance of this  disgraceful     
trade4 ,mr4 ,tyler opposed with great   
power the clause  prohibiting the       
abolition of the slave trade till #ahjh1
 and said1 ,my  earnest desire is1 that 
it shall he handed down to posterity    
that ,i  oppose this wicked clause4 ,mr4
 ,johnson said1 ,the principle of       
emancipation has begun since the        
revolution4 ,let us do what we will1 it 
will come round4--,deb4 ,va4 ,con4 p4   
#dfc4 ,patrick ,henry1 arguing the      
power of ,congress under the ,united    
,states constitution to abolish  slavery
 in the ,states1 said1 in the same      
convention1 ,another thing will         
contribute to bring this event 7the     

abolition of slavery7 about4 ,slavery   
is detested4 ,we feel its fatal effects2
 we deplore it with all the  pity of    
humanity4--,deb4 ,va4 ,con4 p4 #dca4 ,in
 the ,mass4 ,con4 of '#hh1  ,judge      
,dawes said1 ,although slavery is not   
smitten by an apoplexy1 yet  it has     
received a mortal wound1 and will die of
 consumption4--,deb4  ,mass4 ,con4 p4   
#fj4 ,general ,heath said that1 ,slavery
 was confined to  the ,states now       
existing1 it could not be extended4 ,by 
their ordinance1  ,congress had declared
 that the new ,states should be         
republican ,states1  and have no        
slavery4--p4 #adg4    ,in the debate in 
the first ,congress1 ,february #aath and
 #abth1 #aghi1 on  the petitions of the 
,society of ,friends1 and the           
,pennsylvania ,abolition  ,society1 ,mr4
 ,parker1 of ,virginia1 said1 ,i hope1  
,mr4 ,speaker1 the  petition of these   
respectable people will be attended to  
with all the  readiness the importance  
of its object demands2 and ,i cannot    

help  expressing the pleasure ,i feel in
 finding so considerable a part of  the 
community attending to matters of such a
 momentous concern to the  future       
prosperity and happiness of the people  
of ,america4 ,i think it  my duty1 as a 
citizen of the ,union1 to espouse their 
cause4    ,mr4 ,page1 of ,virginia1     
7afterward ,governor7--,was in favor of 
the  commitment2 he hoped that the      
designs of the respectable memorialists 
would not be stopped at the threshold1  
in order to preclude a fair  discussion 
of the prayer of the memorial4 ,with    
respect to the alarm that  was          
apprehended1 he conjectured there was   
none2 but there might be just  cause1 if
 the memorial was not taken into        
consideration4 ,he placed  himself in   
the case of a slave1 and said1 that on  
hearing that ,congress  had refused to  
listen to the decent suggestions of a   
respectable part of  the community1 he  
should infer1 that the general          
government1 from which  was expected    

great good would result to ,,every      
,,class of citizens1 had  shut their    
ears against the voice of humanity1 and 
he should despair of  any alleviation of
 the miseries he and his posterity had  
in prospect2 if  any thing could induce 
him to rebel1 it must be a stroke like  
this1  impressing on his mind all the   
horrors of despair4 ,but if he was told1
  that application was made in his      
behalf1 and that ,congress were willing 
to hear what could be urged in favor of 
discouraging the practice of  importing 
his fellow-wretches1 he would trust in  
their justice and  humanity1 and wait   
the decision patiently4    ,mr4 ,scott1 
of ,pennsylvania3 ,i cannot1 for my     
part1 conceive how any  person can be   
said to acquire a property in another2  
but enough of  those who reduce men to  
the state of transferable goods1 or use 
them  like beasts of burden1 who deliver
 them up as the property or patrimony   
of another man4 ,let us argue on        
principles countenanced by reason1 and  

becoming humanity4 ,i do not know how   
far ,i might go1 if ,i was one of  the  
judges of the ,united ,states1 and those
 people were to come before me  and     
claim their emancipation1 but ,i am sure
 ,i would go as far as ,i  could4       
,mr4 ,burke1 of ,south ,carolina1 said1 
,he saw the disposition of the  ,house1 
and he feared it would be referred to a 
committee1 maugre all  their opposition4
    ,mr4 ,smith1 of ,south ,carolina1   
said1 ,that on entering into this       
government1 they 7,south ,carolina and  
,georgia7 apprehended that the other    
states1 not knowing the necessity the   
citizens of the ,southern states  were  
under to hold this species of property1 
would1 from motives of  humanity and    
benevolence1 be led to vote for a       
general emancipation2  and had they not 
seen1 that the constitution provided    
against the effect  of such a           
disposition1 ,i may be bold to say1 they
 never would have  adopted it4    ,in   
the debate1 at the same session1 ,may   

#acth1 #aghi1 on the petition of  the   
,society of ,friends respecting the     
slave trade1 ,mr4 ,parker1 of           
,virginia1 said1 ,he hoped ,congress    
would do all that lay in their power  to
 restore to human nature its inherent   
privileges1 and if possible1  wipe off  
the stigma1 which ,america labored      
under4 ,the inconsistency in  our       
principles1 with which we are justly    
charged should be done away1  that we   
may show by our actions the pure        
beneficence of the doctrine we  held out
 to the world in our ,declaration of    
,independence4    ,mr4 ,jackson of      
,georgia1 said1 ,,it ,,was ,,the        
,,fashion ,,of ,,the ,,day ,,to ,,favor 
,,the ,,liberty ,,of ,,the ,,slaves4  99
  99  99  99  99  ,what is to be done   
for  compensation8 ,will ,virginia set  
all her negroes free8 ,will they give up
  the money they have cost them2 and to 
whom8 ,when this practice comes to  be  
tried1 then the sound of liberty will   
lose those charms which make it         

grateful to the ravished ear4    ,mr4   
,madison of ,virginia1--,the dictates of
 humanity1 the principles of  the       
people1 the national safety and         
happiness1 and prudent policy1  require 
it of us4 ,the constitution has         
particularly called our attention  to   
it4  99  99  99  99  99  ,i conceive the
 constitution in this particular  was   
formed in order that the ,government1   
whilst it was restrained from  having a 
total prohibition1 might be able to give
 some testimony of the  sense of        
,america1 with respect to the ,african  
trade4  99  99  99  99  99  ,it  is to  
be hoped1 that by expressing a national 
disapprobation of this  trade1 we may   
destroy it1 and save ourselves from     
reproaches1 ,,and ,,our  ,,posterity    
,,the ,,imbecility ,,ever ,,attendant   
,,on ,a ,,country ,,filled ,,with       
,,slaves4  ,i do not wish to say any    
thing harsh to the hearing of gentlemen 
who  entertain different sentiments from
 me1 or different sentiments from  those

 ,i represent4 ,but if there is any one 
point in which it is clearly  the policy
 of this nation1 so far as we           
constitutionally can1 to vary  the      
practice obtaining under some of the    
state governments1 it is this4  ,but it 
is certain a majority of the states are 
opposed to this  practice4--,cong4 ,reg4
 v4 #a1 p4 #cjh-ab4    ,a writer in the 
,gazette of the ,united ,states1 ,feb4  
#bjth1 #agij1 7then  the government     
paper17 who opposes the abolition of    
slavery1 and avows  himself a           
slaveholder1 says1 ,i have seen in the  
papers accounts of  large associations1 
and applications to ,government for the 
abolition  of slavery4 ,religion1       
humanity1 and the generosity natural to 
a free  people1 are the noble principles
 which dictate those measures4  ,,such  
,,motives ,,command ,,respect1 ,,and    
,,are ,,above ,,any ,,eulogium ,,words  
,,can ,,bestow4    ,it is well known1   
that in the convention that formed the  
constitution of  ,kentucky in #aghj1 the

 effort to prohibit slavery was nearly  
successful4  ,the writer has frequently 
heard it asserted in ,kentucky1 and has 
had it  from some who were members of   
that convention1 that a decided majority
  of that body would have voted for its 
exclusion but for the great  efforts and
 influence of two large                 
slaveholders--men of commanding  talents
 and sway--,messrs4 ,breckenridge and   
,nicholas4 ,the following  extract from 
a speech made in that convention by a   
member of it1 ,mr4  ,rice1 a native     
,virginian1 is a specimen of the free   
discussion that  prevailed on that      
delicate subject4 ,said ,mr4 ,rice3 ,i  
do a man greater  injury1 when ,i       
deprive him of his liberty1 than when ,i
 deprive him of  his property4 ,it is   
vain for me to plead that ,i have the   
sanction of  law2 for this makes the    
injury the greater--it arms the         
community  against him1 and makes his   
case desperate4 ,the owners of such     
slaves  then are licensed robbers1 and  

not the just proprietors of what they   
claim4 ,freeing them is not depriving   
them of property1 but restoring it  to  
the right owner4 ,in ,america1 a slave  
is a standing monument of the  tyranny  
and inconsistency of human governments4 
,the master is the enemy  of the slave2 
he has made open war upon him1 ,,and    
,,is ,,daily ,,carrying ,,it  ,,on in   
unremitted efforts4 ,can any one        
imagine1 then1 that the slave is        
indebted to his master1 and bound to    
serve him8 ,whence can the  obligation  
arise8 ,what is it founded upon8 ,what  
is my duty to an enemy  that is carrying
 on war against me8 ,i do not deny1 but 
in some  circumstances1 it is the duty  
of the slave to serve2 but it is a duty 
he  owes himself1 and not his master4   
,president ,edwards1 the younger1 said1 
in a sermon preached before the         
,connecticut ,abolition ,society1 ,sept4
 #ae1 #agia3 ,thirty years ago1         
scarcely a man in this country thought  
either the slave trade or the  slavery  

of negroes to be wrong2 but now how many
 and able advocates in  private life1 in
 our legislatures1 in ,congress1 have   
appeared1 and have  openly and          
irrefragably pleaded the rights of      
humanity in this as well  as other      
instances8 ,and if we judge of the      
future by the past1 within  fifty years 
from this time1 it will be as shameful  
for a man to hold a  negro slave1 as to 
be guilty of common robbery or theft4   
,in #agid1 the ,general ,assembly of the
 ,presbyterian church adopted its       
,scripture proofs1 notes1 comments1 c4  
,among these was the following3         
#a ,tim4 i4 #aj4 ,the law is made for   
manstealers4 ,this crime among      the 
,jews exposed the perpetrators of it to 
capital punishment4      ,exodus xxi4   
#af4 ,and the apostle here classes them 
with sinners      of the first rank4    
,the word he uses1 in its original      
import      comprehends all who are     
concerned in bringing any of the human  
race into slavery1 or in retaining them 

in it4 ,stealers of      men are all    
those who bring off slaves or freemen1  
and keep1      sell1 or buy them4       
,in #agid1 ,dr4 ,rush declared3         
,domestic slavery is repugnant to the   
principles of ,christianity4 ,it        
prostrates every benevolent and just    
principle of action in the human heart4 
,it is rebellion against the  authority 
of a common ,father4 ,it is a practical 
denial of the extent and  efficacy of   
the death of a common ,savior4 ,it is an
 usurpation of the  prerogative of the  
great ,sovereign of the universe1 who   
has solemnly  claimed an exclusive      
property in the souls of men4    ,in    
#agie1 ,mr4 ,fiske1 then an officer of  
,dartmouth ,college1 afterward a  ,judge
 in ,tennessee1 said1 in an oration     
published that year1 speaking of        
slaves3 ,i steadfastly maintain1 that we
 must bring them to an equal  standing1 
in point of privileges1 with the whites6
 ,they must enjoy all  the rights       
belonging to human nature4    ,when the 

petition on the abolition of the slave  
trade was under  discussion in the      
,congress of '#hi1 ,mr4 ,brown4 of      
,north ,carolina1 said1  ,the           
emancipation of the slaves will be      
effected in time2 it ought to  be a     
gradual business1 but he hoped that     
,congress would not  precipitate it to  
the great injury of the southern        
,states4 ,mr4  ,hartley1 of             
,pennsylvania said1 in the sane debate1 
,he was not a little  surprised to hear 
the cause of slavery advocated in that  
house4  ,,washington1 in a letter to    
,sir ,john ,sinclair1 says1 ,there are1 
in  ,pennsylvania1 laws for the gradual 
abolition of slavery which neither      
,maryland nor ,virginia have at present1
 but which nothing is more  certain than
 that they must have1 and at a period   
,,not ,,remote4 ,in  #aghb1 ,virginia   
passed her celebrated manumission act4  
,within nine years  from that time      
nearly eleven thousand slaves were      
voluntarily  emancipated by their       

masters4 ,judge ,tucker's ,dissertation 
on ,slavery1  p4 #gb4 ,in #aghg1        
,maryland passed an act legalizing      
manumission4 ,mr4  ,dorsey1 of          
,maryland1 in a speech in ,congress1    
,december #bgth1 #ahbf1  speaking of    
manumissions under that act1 said1 that 
,the progress of  emancipation was      
astonishing1 the ,state became crowded  
with a free  black population4    ,the  
celebrated ,william ,pinkney1 in a      
speech before the ,maryland ,house of   
,delegates1 in #aghi1 on the            
emancipation of slaves1 said1 ,sir1 by  
the  eternal principles of natural      
justice1 no master in the state has a   
right to hold his slave in bondage for a
 single hour4 ,i would as soon  believe 
the incoherent tale of a schoolboy1 who 
should tell me he had  been frightened  
by a ghost1 as that the grant of this   
permission 7to  emancipate7 ought in any
 degree to alarm us4 ,are we            
apprehensive that  these men will become
 more dangerous by becoming freemen8    

,are we  alarmed1 lest by being admitted
 into the enjoyment of civil rights1    
they  will be inspired with a deadly    
enmity against the rights of others8    
,strange1 unaccountable paradox6 ,how   
much more rational would it be1 to      
argue that the natural enemy of the     
privileges of a freeman1 is he who  is  
robbed of them himself6 ,dishonorable to
 the species is the idea that  they     
would ever prove injurious to our       
interests--released from the  shackles  
of slavery1 by the justice of government
 and the bounty of  individuals--the    
want of fidelity and attachment would be
 next to  impossible4    ,hon4 ,james   
,campbell1 in an address before the     
,pennsylvania ,society of  the          
,cincinnati1 ,july #d1 #aghg1 said1 ,our
 separation from ,great ,britain  has   
extended the empire of humanity4 ,the   
time is not far distant  when our sister
 states1 in imitation of our example1   
shall turn their  vassals into freemen4 
,the ,convention that formed the ,united

 ,states'  constitution being then in   
session1 attended at the delivery of    
this  oration with ,general ,washington 
at their head4    ,a ,baltimore paper of
 ,september #hth1 #aghj1 contains the   
following notice  of ,major ,general    
,gates3 ,a few days ago passed through  
this town the  ,hon4 ,general ,gates and
 lady4 ,the ,general1 previous to       
leaving ,virginia1  summoned his        
numerous family of slaves about him1 and
 amidst their tears  of affection and   
gratitude1 gave them their ,,freedom4   
,in #agia the university of ,william and
 ,mary1 in ,virginia1 conferred upon    
,granville ,sharpe the degree of ,doctor
 of ,laws4 ,sharpe was at that time  the
 acknowledged head of ,british          
abolitionists4 ,his indefatigable       
exertions1 prosecuted for years in the  
case of ,somerset1 procured that        
memorable decision in the ,court of     
,king's ,bench1 which settled the       
principle that no slave could be held in
 ,england4 ,he was most  uncompromising 

in his opposition to slavery1 and for   
twenty years  previous he had spoken1   
written1 and accomplished more against  
it than  any man living4    ,in the     
,memoirs of the ,revolutionary ,war in  
the ,southern ,department1 by  ,gen4    
,lee1 of ,va41 ,commandant of the       
,partizan ,legion1 is the following3    
,the ,constitution of the ,united       
,states1 adopted lately with so much    
difficulty1 has effectually provided    
against this evil1 7by importation7     
after a few years4 ,it is much to be    
lamented that having done so much in    
this way1 a provision had not been made 
for the gradual abolition of            
slavery4--p4 #bcc1 #d4    ,mr4 ,tucker1 
of ,virginia1 ,judge of the ,supreme    
,court of that state1 and  professor of 
law in the ,university of ,william and  
,mary1 addressed a  letter to the       
,general ,assembly of that state1 in    
#agif1 urging the  abolition of slavery2
 from which the following is an extract4
 ,speaking  of the slaves in ,virginia1 

he says3 ,should we not1 at the time of 
the  revolution1 have loosed their      
chains and broken their fetters2 or if  
the  difficulties and dangers of such an
 experiment prohibited the attempt1     
during the convulsions of a revolution1 
is it not our duty1 to embrace  the     
first moment of constitutional health   
and vigor to effectuate so  desirable an
 object1 and to remove from us a stigma 
with which our  enemies will never fail 
to upbraid us1 nor consciences to       
reproach us8    ,mr4 ,faulkner1 in a    
speech before the ,virginia             
,legislature1 ,jan4 #bj1  #ahcb1        
said3--,the idea of a gradual           
emancipation and removal of the  slaves 
from this commonwealth1 is coeval with  
the declaration of our  independence    
from the ,british yoke4 ,it sprung into 
existence during the  first session of  
the ,general ,assembly1 subsequent to   
the formation of  your republican       
government4 ,when ,virginia stood       
sustained in her  legislation by the    

pure and philosophic intellect of       
,pendleton--by the  patriotism of ,mason
 and ,lee--by the searching vigor and   
sagacity of  ,wythe1 and by the         
all-embracing1 all-comprehensive genius 
of ,thomas  ,jefferson6 ,sir1 it was a  
committee composed of those five        
illustrious  men1 who1 in #aggg1        
submitted to the general assembly of    
this state1 then  in session1 a plan for
 the gradual emancipation of the slaves 
of this  commonwealth4    ,hon4         
,benjamin ,watkins ,leigh1 late ,united 
,states' senator from ,virginia1  in his
 letters to the people of ,virginia1 in 
#ahcb1 signed ,appomattox1 p4  #dc1     
says3 ,i thought1 till very lately1 that
 it was known to every body  that during
 the ,revolution1 and for many years    
after1 the abolition of  slavery was a  
favorite topic with many of our ablest  
statesmen1 who  entertained1 with       
respect1 all the schemes which wisdom or
 ingenuity  could suggest for           
accomplishing the object4 ,mr4 ,wythe1  

to the day of his  death1 was for a     
simple abolition1 considering the       
objection to color  as founded in       
prejudice4 ,by degrees1 all projects of 
the kind were  abandoned4 ,mr4          
,jefferson retained his opinion1 and now
 we have these  projects revived4       
,governor ,barbour1 of ,virginia1 in his
 speech in the ,u4,s4 ,senate1 on the   
,missouri question1 ,jan4 #ahbj1        
said3--,we are asked why has ,virginia  
changed her policy in reference to      
slavery8 ,that the sentiments of  our   
most distinguished men1 for thirty years
 entirely corresponded  with the course 
which the friends of the restriction 7of
 slavery in  ,missouri7 now advocated2  
and that the ,virginia delegation1 one  
of which  was the late ,president of the
 ,united ,stance1 voted for the         
restriction1  7of slavery7 in the       
northwestern territory1 and that ,mr4   
,jefferson has  delineated a gloomy     
picture of the baneful effects of       
slavery4 ,when it  is recollected that  

the ,notes of ,mr4 ,jefferson were      
written during the  progress of the     
revolution1 it is no matter of surprise 
that the writer  should have imbibed a  
large portion of that enthusiasm which  
such an  occasion was so well calculated
 to produce4 ,as to the consent of the  
,virginia delegation to the restriction 
in question1 whether the result  of a   
disposition to restrain the slave trade 
indirectly1 or the  influence of that   
enthusiasm to which ,i have just        
alluded1  99  99  99  99  it is not now 
important to decide4 ,we have witnessed 
its effects4 ,the  liberality of        
,virginia1 or1 as the result may prove1 
her folly1 which  submitted to1 or1 if  
you will1 ,,proposed this measure1      
7abolition of  slavery in the ,n4,w4    
territory7 has eventuated in effects    
which speak a  monitory lesson4 ,how is 
the representation from this quarter on 
the  present question8    ,mr4 ,imlay1  
in his early history of ,kentucky1 p4   
#ahe1 says3 ,we have  disgraced the fair

 face of humanity1 and trampled upon the
 sacred  privileges of man1 at the very 
moment that we were exclaiming against  
the tyranny of your 7the ,english7      
ministry4 ,but in contending for the    
birthright of freedom1 we have learned  
to feel for the bondage of  others1 and 
in the libations we offer to the goddess
 of liberty1 we  contemplate an         
emancipation of the slaves of this      
country1 as  honorable to themselves as 
it will be glorious to us4    ,in the   
debate in ,congress1 ,jan4 #bj1 #ahjf1  
on ,mr4 ,sloan's motion to lay a  tax on
 the importation of slaves1 ,mr4 ,clark 
of ,va4 said3 ,he was no  advocate for a
 system of slavery4 ,mr4 ,marion1 of ,s4
 ,carolina1 said3 ,he  never had        
purchased1 nor should he ever purchase a
 slave4 ,mr4 ,southard  said3 ,not      
revenue1 but an expression of the       
national sentiment is the  principal    
object4 ,mr4 ,smilie--,i rejoice that   
the word 7slave7 is not  in the         
,constitution2 its not being there does 

honor to the worthies who  would not    
suffer it to become a part of it4 ,mr4  
,alston1 of ,n4  ,carolina--,in two     
years we shall have the power to        
prohibit the trade  altogether4 ,then   
this ,house will be ,,unanimous4 ,no one
 will object to our  exercising our full
 constitutional powers4 ,national       
,intelligencer1  ,jany4 #bd1 #ahjf4     
,these witnesses need no vouchers to    
entitle them to credit--nor their       
testimony comments to make it           
intelligible--their names are their     
endorsers and their strong words their  
own interpreters4 ,we wave all          
comments4 ,our readers are of age4      
,whosoever hath ears to hear1 let him   
,,hear4 ,and whosoever will not hear the
 fathers of the revolution1 the         
founders of the government1 its chief   
magistrates1 judges1 legislators  and   
sages1 who dared and periled all under  
the burdens1 and in the heat  of the day
 that tried men's souls--then neither   
will he be persuaded  though ,,they rose

 from the dead4    ,some of the points  
established by the testimony are--,the  
universal  expectation that the moral   
influence of ,congress1 of state        
legislatures1 of seminaries of learning1
 of churches1 of the ministers  of      
religion1 and of public sentiment widely
 embodied in abolition  societies1 would
 be exerted against slavery1 calling    
forth by argument  and appeal the moral 
sense of the nation1 and creating a     
power of  opinion that would abolish the
 system throughout the union4 ,in a     
word1  that free speech and a free press
 would be wielded against slavery       
without ceasing and without restriction4
 ,full well did the south know1  not    
only that the national government would 
probably legislate against  slavery     
wherever the constitution placed it     
within its reach1 but she  knew also    
that ,congress had already marked out   
the line of national  policy to be      
pursued on the subject--had committed   
itself before the  world to a course of 

action against slavery1 wherever she    
could move  upon it without encountering
 a conflicting jurisdiction--that the   
nation  had established by solemn       
ordinance memorable precedent for       
subsequent  action1 by abolishing       
slavery in the northwest territory1 and 
by  declaring that it should never      
thenceforward exist there2 and this too1
  as soon as by cession of ,virginia and
 other states1 the territory came  under
 ,congressional control4 ,the south knew
 also that the sixth article  in the    
ordinance prohibiting slavery was first 
proposed by the largest  slaveholding   
state in the confederacy--that the      
chairman of the  committee that reported
 the ordinance was a slaveholder--that  
the  ordinance was enacted by ,congress 
during the session of the convention    
that formed the ,united ,states         
,constitution--that the provisions of   
the  ordinance were1 both while in      
prospect1 and when under discussion1    
matters of universal notoriety and      

approval with all parties1 and when     
finally passed1 received the vote of    
every member of ,congress from each  of 
the slaveholding states4 ,the south also
 had every reason for  believing that   
the first ,congress under the           
constitution would ratify  that         
ordinance--as it did unanimously4    ,a 
crowd of reflections1 suggest by the    
preceding testimony1 press for          
utterance4 ,the right of petition       
ravished and trampled by its            
constitutional guardians1 and insult and
 defiance hurled in the faces of  the   
,,sovereign ,,people while calmly       
remonstrating with their ,,servants  for
 violence committed on the nation's     
charter and their own dearest  rights6  
,add to this the right of peaceably     
assembling violently  wrested--the      
rights of minorities1 rights no         
longer--free speech  struck dumb--free  
men outlawed and murdered--free presses 
cast into  the streets and their        
fragments strewed with shoutings1 or    

flourished in  triumph before the gaze  
of approving crowds as proud members of 
prostrate law6    ,the spirit and power 
of our fathers1 where are they8 ,their  
deep homage  always and every where     
rendered to ,,free ,,thought1 with its  
inseparable  signs--free speech and a   
free press--their reverence for justice1
  liberty1 rights and all-pervading law1
 where are they8    ,but we turn from   
these considerations--though the times  
on which we have  fallen1 and those     
towards which we are borne with headlong
 haste1 call  for their discussion as   
with the voices of departing life--and  
proceed  to topics relevant to the      
argument before us4    ,the seventh     
article of the amendments to the        
constitution is alleged to  withhold    
from ,congress the power to abolish     
slavery in the ,district4 ,no  person   
shall be deprived of life1 liberty1 or  
property1 without due  process of law4  
,all the slaves in the ,district have   
been deprived of  liberty by legislative

 acts4 ,now1 these legislative acts     
depriving  them of liberty1 were either 
due process of law1 or they were not4   
,if they were1 then a legislative act1  
taking from the master that  property   
which is the identical liberty          
previously taken from the  slave1 would 
be due process of law also1 and of      
course a  constitutional act2 but if the
 legislative acts depriving them of     
liberty were not due process of law1    
then the slaves were deprived  of       
liberty unconstitutionally1 and these   
acts are void4 ,in that case  the       
constitution emancipates them4    ,if   
the objector reply1 by saying that the  
import of the phrase due  process of    
law1 is judicial process solely1 it is  
granted1 and that  fact is our          
rejoinder2 for no slave in the ,district
 has been deprived  of his liberty by a 
judicial process1 or1 in other words1 by
 due  process of law2 consequently1 upon
 the objector's own admission1 every    
slave in the ,district has been deprived

 of liberty unconstitutionally1  and is 
therefore free by the constitution4     
,this is asserted only of  the slaves   
under the exclusive legislation of      
,congress4    ,the last clause of the   
article under consideration is quoted   
for the  same purpose3 ,nor shall       
private property be taken for public use
  without just compensation4 ,each of   
the state constitutions has a clause  of
 similar purport4 ,the abolition of     
slavery in the ,district by  ,congress1 
would not1 as we shall presently show1  
violate this clause  either directly or 
by implication4 ,granting for argument's
 sake1 that  slaves are private         
property1 and that to emancipate them1  
would be to  take private property for  
public use1 the objector admits the     
power  of ,congress to do this1 provided
 it will do something else1 that is1    
pay for them4 ,thus1 instead of denying 
the power1 the objector not  only       
admits1 but affirms it1 as the ground of
 the inference that  compensation must  

accompany it4 ,so far from disproving   
the existence of  one power1 the        
objector asserts the existence of       
two--one1 the power  to take the slaves 
from their masters1 the other1 the power
 to take the  property of the ,united   
,states to pay for them4    ,if         
,congress cannot constitutionally impair
 the right of private  property1 or take
 it without compensation1 it cannot     
constitutionally1  legalize the         
perpetration of such acts1 by others1   
nor protect  those who commit them4     
,does the power to rob a man of his     
earnings1 rob  the earner of his right  
to them8 ,who has a better right to the 
product than the producer8--to the      
interest1 than the owner of the         
principal8--to the hands and arms1 than 
he from whose shoulders they  swing8--to
 the body and soul1 than he whose they  
are8 ,congress not  only impairs but    
annihilates the right of private        
property1 while it  withholds from the  
slaves of the ,district their title to  

themselves4  ,what6 ,congress powerless 
to protect a man's right to himself1    
when it  can make inviolable the right  
to a dog8 ,but1 waving this1 ,i deny    
that  the abolition of slavery in the   
,district would violate this clause4    
,what  does the clause prohibit8 ,the   
taking of private property for public   
use4 ,suppose ,congress should          
emancipate the slaves in the ,district1 
what would it take8 ,nothing4 ,what     
would it hold8 ,nothing4 ,what  would it
 put to public use8 ,nothing4 ,instead  
of taking private  property1 ,congress1 
by abolishing slavery1 would say private
 property  shall not be taken2 and those
 who have been robbed of it already1    
shall be kept out of it no longer2 and  
since every man's right to his  own body
 is paramount1 he shall be protected in 
it4 ,true1 ,congress  may not           
arbitrarily take property1 as property1 
from one man and give  it to            
another--and in the abolition of slavery
 no such thing is done4 ,a  legislative 

act changes the condition of the        
slave--makes him his own  proprietor    
instead of the property of another4 ,it 
determines a  question of original right
 between two classes of persons--doing  
an  act of justice to one1 and          
restraining the other from acts of      
injustice2  or1 in other words1         
preventing one from robbing the other1  
by granting  to the injured party the   
protection of just and equitable laws4  
,congress1 by an act of abolition1 would
 change the condition of seven  thousand
 persons in the ,district1 but would    
take nothing4 ,to  construe this        
provision so as to enable the citizens  
of the ,district to  hold as property1  
and in perpetuity1 whatever they please1
 or to hold it  as property in all      
circumstances--all necessity1 public    
welfare1 and the  will and power of the 
government to the contrary              
notwithstanding--is a  total perversion 
of its whole intent4 ,the design of the 
provision1  was to throw up a barrier   

against ,governmental aggrandizement4   
,the right  to take property for ,state 
uses is one thing2--the right so to     
adjust the tenures by which property is 
held1 that each may have his  own       
secured to him1 is another thing1 and   
clearly within the scope of             
legislation4 ,besides1 if ,congress were
 to take the slaves in the  ,district1  
it would be adopting1 not abolishing    
slavery--becoming a  slaveholder itself1
 instead of requiring others to be such 
no longer4  ,the clause in question1    
prohibits the taking of individual      
property  for public uses1 to be        
employed or disposed of as property for 
governmental purposes4 ,congress1 by    
abolishing slavery in the ,district1    
would do no such thing4 ,it would merely
 change the condition of that  which has
 been recognised as a qualified property
 by congressional acts1  though         
previously declared persons by the      
constitution4 ,more than this  is done  
continually by ,congress and every other

 ,legislature4 ,property  the most      
absolute and unqualified1 is annihilated
 by legislative acts4  ,the embargo and 
non-intercourse act1 prostrated at a    
stroke1 a forest of  shipping1 and sank 
millions of capital4 ,to say nothing of 
the power of  ,congress to take hundreds
 of millions from the people by direct  
taxation1 who doubts its power to       
abolish at once the whole tariff        
system1 change the seat of ,government1 
arrest the progress of national  works1 
prohibit any branch of commerce with the
 ,indian tribes or with  foreign        
nations1 change the locality of forts1  
arsenals1 magazines1 dock  yards1 c41 to
 abolish the ,post ,office system1 the  
privilege of patents  and copyrights1 c4
 ,by such acts ,congress might1 in the  
exercise of its  acknowledged powers1   
annihilate property to an incalculable  
amount1 and  that without becoming      
liable to claims for compensation4      
,finally1 this clause prohibits the     
taking for public use of  property4 ,the

 constitution of the ,united ,states    
does not recognise  slaves as ,,property
 any where1 and it does not recognise   
them in any  sense in the ,district of  
,columbia4 ,all allusions to them in the
  constitution recognise them as        
persons4 ,every reference to them points
  solely to the element of personality2 
and thus1 by the strongest  implication1
 declares that the constitution knows   
them only as  persons1 and will not     
recognise them in any other light4 ,if  
they  escape into free ,states1 the     
constitution authorizes their being     
taken  back4 ,but how8 ,not as the      
property of an owner1 but as persons2   
and  the peculiarity of the expression  
is a marked recognition of their        
personality--a refusal to recognise them
 as chattels--persons held  to service4 
,are oxen held to service8 ,that can be 
affirmed only of  persons4 ,again1      
slaves give political power as persons4 
,the  constitution1 in settling the     
principle of representation1 requires   

their enumeration in the census4 ,how8  
,as property8 ,then why not include     
race horses and game cocks8 ,slaves1    
like other inhabitants1 are  enumerated 
as persons4 ,so by the constitution1 the
 government was  pledged to             
non-interference with the migration or  
importation of such  persons as the     
,states might think proper to admit     
until #ahjh1 and  authorized the laying 
of a tax on each person so admitted4    
,further1  slaves are recognized as     
persons by the exaction of their        
allegiance  to the government4 ,for     
offences against the government slaves  
are tried  as persons2 as persons they  
are entitled to counsel for their       
defence1  to the rules of evidence1 and 
to due process of the law1 and as       
persons they are punished4 ,true1 they  
are loaded with cruel  disabilities in  
courts of law1 such as greatly obstruct 
and often  inevitably defeat the ends of
 justice1 yet they are still recognised 
as  persons4 ,even in the legislation of

 ,congress1 and in the diplomacy of  the
 general government1 notwithstanding the
 frequent and wide departures  from the 
integrity of the constitution on this   
subject1 slaves are not  recognised as  
property without qualification4         
,congress has always  refused to grant  
compensation for slaves killed or taken 
by the enemy1  even when these slaves   
had been impressed into the ,united     
,states'  service4 ,in half a score of  
cases since the last war1 ,congress has 
rejected such applications for          
compensation4 ,besides1 both in         
,congressional acts1 and in our national
 diplomacy1 slaves and property  are not
 used as convertible terms4 ,when       
mentioned in treaties and state  papers 
it is in such a way as to distinguish   
them from mere property1  and generally 
by a recognition of their personality4  
,in the invariable  recognition of      
slaves as persons1 the ,united ,states' 
constitution  caught the mantle of the  
glorious ,declaration1 and most worthily

 wears  it4--,it recognizes all human   
beings as men1 persons1 and thus as     
equals4 ,in the original draft of the   
,declaration1 as it came from the  head 
of ,jefferson1 it is alleged that ,great
 ,britain had waged a cruel  war against
 human nature itself1 violating its most
 sacred rights of  life and liberty in  
the persons of a distant people1        
carrying them into  slavery1 99 99      
determined to keep up a market where    
,,men should be bought  and sold1--thus 
disdaining to make the charter of       
freedom a warrant for  the arrest of    
men1 that they might be shorn both of   
liberty and  humanity4    ,the          
celebrated ,roger ,sherman1 one of the  
committee of five appointed to  draft   
the ,declaration of ,independence1 and  
also a member of the  ,convention that  
formed the ,united ,states'             
,constitution1 said1 in the  first      
,congress after its adoption3 ,the      
constitution does not consider  these   
persons1 7slaves17 as a species of      

property4--,lloyd's ,cong4  ,reg4 v4 #a1
 p4 #cac4 ,that the ,united ,states'    
,constitution does not make  slaves     
property1 is shown in the fact1 that no 
person1 either as a  citizen of the     
,united ,states1 or by having his       
domicile within the  ,united ,states'   
government1 can hold slaves4 ,he can    
hold them only by  deriving his power   
from state laws1 or from the law of     
,congress1 if he  hold slaves within the
 ,district4 ,but no person resident     
within the  ,united ,states'            
jurisdiction1 and not within the        
,district1 nor within a  state whose    
laws support slavery1 nor held to       
service under the laws  of such state or
 district1 having escaped therefrom1 can
 be held as a  slave4    ,men can hold  
property under the ,united ,states'     
government though  residing beyond the  
bounds of any state1 district1 or       
territory4 ,an  inhabitant of the       
,wisconsin ,territory can hold property 
there under the  laws of the ,united    

,states1 but he cannot hold slaves there
 under the  ,united ,states' laws1 nor  
by virtue of the ,united ,states'       
,constitution1  nor upon the ground of  
his ,united ,states citizenship1 nor by 
having his  domicile within the ,united 
,states jurisdiction4 ,the constitution 
no  where recognizes the right to slave 
property1 but merely the fact  that the 
states have jurisdiction each in its own
 limits1 and that there  are certain    
persons within their jurisdictions held 
to service by  their own laws4          
,finally1 in the clause under           
consideration1 private property is not  
to  be taken without just compensation4 
,,just6 ,if justice is to be  appealed  
to in determining the amount of         
compensation1 let her determine  the    
grounds also4 ,if it be her province to 
say how much compensation  is just1 it  
is hers to say whether any is           
just1--whether the slave  is just       
property at all1 rather than a person4  
,then1 if justice  adjudges the slave to

 be private property1 it adjudges him to
 be his  own property1 since the right  
to one's self is the first right--the   
source of all others--the original stock
 by which they are  accumulated--the    
principal1 of which they are the        
interest4 ,and since  the slave's       
private property has been taken1 and    
since  compensation is impossible--there
 being no equivalent for one's          
self--the least that can be done is to  
restore to him his original  private    
property4    ,having shown that in      
abolishing slavery1 property would not  
be taken  for public use1 it may be     
added that1 in those states where       
slavery has  been abolished by law1 no  
claim for compensation has been allowed4
  ,indeed the manifest absurdity of     
demanding it1 seems to have quite       
forestalled the setting up of such a    
claim4    ,the abolition of slavery in  
the ,district1 instead of being a       
legislative  anomaly1 would proceed upon
 the principles of every day            

legislation4 ,it  has been shown        
already1 that the ,united ,states'      
,constitution does not  recognize slaves
 as property4 ,yet ordinary legislation 
is full of  precedents1 showing that    
even absolute property is in many       
respects  wholly subject to legislation4
 ,the repeal of the law of              
entailments--all  those acts that       
control the alienation of property1 its 
disposal by  will1 its passing to heirs 
by descent1 with the question1 who shall
 be  heirs1 and what shall be the rule  
of distribution among them1 or whether  
property shall be transmitted at all by 
descent1 rather than escheat to  the    
state--these1 with statutes of          
limitation1 and various other classes   
of legislative acts1 serve to illustrate
 the acknowledged scope of the          
law-making power1 even where property is
 in every sense absolute4  ,persons     
whose property is thus affected by      
public laws1 receive from the           
government no compensation for their    

losses1 unless the state has been  put  
into possession of the property taken   
from them4    ,the preamble of the      
,united ,states' ,constitution declares 
it to be a  fundamental object of the   
organization of the government to       
,,establish  ,,justice4 ,has ,congress  
no power to do that for which it was    
made the  depository of power8 ,,cannot 
the ,united ,states ,government fulfil  
the  purpose for which it was brought   
into being8    ,to abolish slavery1 is  
to take from no rightful owner his      
property2 but  to establish justice     
between two parties4 ,to emancipate the 
slave1  is to establish justice between 
him and his master--to throw around  the
 person1 character1 conscience1 liberty1
 and domestic relations of  the one1 the
 same law that secures and blesses the  
other4 ,in other  words1 to prevent by  
legal restraints one class of men from  
seizing  upon another class1 and robbing
 them at pleasure of their earnings1    
their time1 their liberty1 their        

kindred1 and the very use and ownership 
of their own persons4 ,finally1 to      
abolish slavery is to proclaim and      
enact that innocence and                
helplessness--now free plunder--are     
entitled to legal protection2 and that  
power1 avarice1 and lust1 shall  no     
longer gorge upon their spoils under the
 license1 and by the  ministrations of  
law6 ,congress1 by possessing exclusive 
legislation  in all cases whatsoever1   
has a general protective power for ,,all
 the  inhabitants of the ,district4 ,if 
it has no power to protect one man1 it  
has none to protect another--none to    
protect any--and if it can  protect one 
man and is bound to protect him1 it can 
protect  every man--all men--and is     
bound to do it4 ,all admit the power of 
,congress to protect the masters in the 
,district against their slaves4  ,what  
part of the constitution gives the      
power8 ,the clause so often             
quoted1--power of legislation in all    
cases whatsoever1 equally in the  case  

of defending the blacks against the     
whites1 as in that of  defending the    
whites against the blacks4 ,the power is
 given also by ,art4  #a1 ,sec4 #h1     
clause #ae--;,congress shall have power 
to suppress  insurrections--a power to  
protect1 as well blacks against whites1 
as  whites against blacks4 ,if the      
constitution gives power to protect one 
class against the other1 it gives power 
to protect either against the  other4   
,suppose the blacks in the ,district    
should seize the whites1 drive  them    
into the fields and kitchens1 force them
 to work without pay1 flog  them1       
imprison them1 and sell them at their   
pleasure1 where would  ,congress find   
power to restrain such acts8 ,answer2 a 
general power in  the clause so often   
cited1 and an express one in that cited 
above--,congress shall have power1 to   
suppress insurrections4 ,so much  for a 
supposed case4 ,here follows a real one4
 ,the whites in the  ,district are      
perpetrating these identical acts upon  

seven thousand  blacks daily4 ,that     
,congress has power to restrain these   
acts in one  case1 all assert1 and in so
 doing they assert the power in all     
cases  whatsoever4 ,for the grant of    
power to suppress insurrections1 is an  
unconditional grant1 not hampered by    
provisos as to the color1 shape1  size1 
sex1 language1 creed1 or condition of   
the insurgents4 ,congress  derives its  
power to suppress this actual           
insurrection1 from the same  source     
whence it derived its power to suppress 
the same acts in the  case supposed4 ,if
 one case is an insurrection1 the other 
is4 ,the  acts in both are the same2 the
 actors only are different4 ,in the one 
case1 ignorant and degraded--goaded by  
the memory of the past1 stung by  the   
present1 and driven to desperation by   
the fearful looking for of  wrongs for  
ever to come4 ,in the other1 enlightened
 into the nature of  rights1 the        
principles of justice1 and the dictates 
of the law of  love1 unprovoked by      

wrongs1 with cool deliberation1 and by  
system1 they  perpetrate these acts upon
 those to whom they owe unnumbered      
obligations  for whole lives of         
unrequited service4 ,on which side may  
palliation be  pleaded1 and which party 
may most reasonably claim an abatement  
of the  rigors of law8 ,if ,congress has
 power to suppress such acts at all1 it 
has power to suppress them in all4      
,it has been shown already that         
allegiance is exacted of the slave4 ,is 
the government of the ,united ,states   
unable to grant protection where  it    
exacts allegiance8 ,it is an axiom of   
the civilized world1 and a  maxim even  
with savages1 that allegiance and       
protection are reciprocal  and          
correlative4 ,are principles powerless  
with us which exact homage of           
barbarians8 ,protection is the          
,,constitutional ,,right of every human 
being under the exclusive legislation of
 ,congress who has not forfeited  it by 
crime4    ,in conclusion1 ,i argue the  

power of ,congress to abolish slavery in
 the  ,district1 froth ,art4 #a1 sec4   
#h1 clause #a1 of the constitution3     
,congress  shall have power to provide  
for the common defence and the general  
welfare of the ,united ,states4 ,has the
 government of the ,united ,states  no  
power under this grant1 to legislate    
within its own exclusive  jurisdiction  
on subjects that vitally affect its     
interests8 ,suppose the  slaves in the  
,district should rise upon their        
masters1 and the ,united  ,states'      
government1 in quelling the             
insurrection1 should kill any number  of
 them4 ,could their masters claim       
compensation of the government8         
,manifestly not2 even though no proof   
existed that the particular slaves      
killed were insurgents4 ,this was       
precisely the point at issue between    
those masters1 whose slaves were killed 
by the ,state troops at the time  of the
 ,southampton insurrection1 and the     
,virginia ,legislature2 no  evidence was

 brought to show that the slaves killed 
by the troops were  insurgents2 yet the 
,virginia ,legislature decided that     
their masters were  not entitled to     
compensation4 ,they proceeded on the    
sound principle1  that a government may 
in self protection destroy the claim of 
its  subjects even to that which has    
been recognised as property by its own  
acts4 ,if in providing for the common   
defence the ,united ,states  government1
 in the case supposed1 would have power 
to destroy slaves  both as property and 
persons1 it surely might stop half-way1 
destroy  them as property while it      
legalized their existence as persons1   
and  thus provided for the common       
defence by giving them a personal and   
powerful interest in the government1 and
 securing their strength for its        
defence4    ,like other ,legislatures1  
,congress has power to abate            
nuisances--to  remove or tear down      
unsafe buildings--to destroy infected   
cargoes--to  lay injunctions upon       

manufactories injurious to the public   
health--and  thus to provide for the    
common defence and general welfare by   
destroying individual property1 when it 
puts in jeopardy the public  weal4      
,granting1 for argument's sake1 that    
slaves are property in the  ,district of
 ,columbia--if ,congress has a right to 
annihilate property in  the ,district   
when the public safety requires it1 it  
may surely  annihilate its existence as 
property when public safety requires it1
  especially if it transform into a     
protection and defence that which  as   
property periled the public interests4  
,in the ,district of ,columbia  there   
are1 besides the ,united ,states'       
,capitol1 the ,president's house1  the  
national offices1 c4 of the ,departments
 of ,state1 ,treasury1 ,war1  and ,navy1
 the ,general ,post-office1 and ,patent 
,office4 ,it is also the  residence of  
the ,president1 all the highest officers
 of the government1  both houses of     
,congress1 and all the foreign          

ambassadors4 ,in this same  ,district   
there are also seven thousand slaves4   
,jefferson1 in his ,notes  on ,va4 p4   
#bda1 says of slavery1 that the ,state  
permitting one half of  its citizens to 
trample on the rights of the other1     
transforms them  into enemies2 and      
,richard ,henry ,lee1 in the ,va4 ,house
 of ,burgesses in  #ageh1 declared that 
to those who held them1 slaves must be  
natural  enemies4 ,is ,congress so      
impotent that it cannot exercise that   
right pronounced both by municipal and  
national law1 the most sacred and       
universal--the right of                 
self-preservation and defence8 ,is it   
shut up to  the necessity of keeping    
seven thousand enemies in the heart of  
the  nation's citadel8 ,does the iron   
fiat of the constitution doom it to such
  imbecility that it cannot arrest the  
process that made them  enemies1 and    
still goads to deadlier hate by fiery   
trials1 and day by  day adds others to  
their number8 ,is this providing for the

 common  defence and general welfare8   
,if to rob men of rights excites their  
hate1  freely to restore them and make  
amends1 will win their love4    ,by     
emancipating the slaves in the          
,district1 the government of the ,united
  ,states would disband an army of      
enemies1 and enlist for the common      
defence and general welfare1 a body     
guard of friends seven thousand  strong4
 ,in the last war1 a handful of ,british
 soldiers sacked ,washington  city1     
burned the capitol1 the ,president's    
house1 and the national  offices and    
archives2 and no marvel1 for thousands  
of the inhabitants of  the ,district had
 been ,,transformed ,,into ,,enemies4   
,would they beat back  invasion8 ,if the
 national government had exercised its  
constitutional  power to provide for the
 common defence and to promote the      
general  welfare1 by turning those      
enemies into friends1 then1 instead of a
  hostile ambush lurking in every       
thicket inviting assault1 and secret    

foes in every house paralyzing defence1 
an army of allies would have  rallied in
 the hour of her calamity1 and shouted  
defiance from their  munitions of rocks2
 whilst the banner of the republic1 then
 trampled in  dust1 would have floated  
securely over ,,freemen exulting amidst 
bulwarks  of strength4    ,to show that 
,congress can abolish slavery in the    
,district1 under the  grant of power to 
provide for the common defence and to   
promote the  general welfare1 ,i quote  
an extract from a speech of ,mr4        
,madison1 of  ,va41 in the first        
,congress under the constitution1 ,may  
#ac1 #aghi4  ,speaking of the abolition 
of the slave trade1 ,mr4 ,madison says3 
,i  should venture to say it is as much 
for the interests of ,georgia and       
,south ,carolina1 as of any state in the
 union4 ,every addition they  receive to
 their number of slaves tends to weaken 
them1 and renders  them less capable of 
self-defence4 ,in case of hostilities   
with foreign  nations1 they will be the 

means of inviting attack instead of     
repelling invasion4 ,it is a necessary  
duty of the general government to       
protect every part of the empire against
 danger1 as well internal as  external4 
,every thing1 therefore1 which tends to 
increase this danger1  though it may be 
a local affair1 yet if it involves      
national expense or  safety1 it becomes 
of concern to every part of the union1  
and is a  proper subject for the        
consideration of those charged with the 
general  administration of the          
government4 ,see ,cong4 ,reg4 vol4 #a1  
p4 #caj-aa4      ,,wythe4               
,,postscript    ,my apology for adding a
 postscript1 to a discussion already    
perhaps  too protracted1 is the fact    
that the preceding sheets were in the   
hands  of the printer1 and all but the  
concluding pages had gone through the   
press1 before the passage of ,mr4       
,calhoun's late resolutions in the      
,senate of the ,united ,states4 ,a      
proceeding so extraordinary1--if indeed 

the time has not passed when any acts of
 ,congress in derogation of  freedom and
 in deference to slavery1 can be deemed 
extraordinary1--should not be suffered  
to pass in silence at such a  crisis as 
the present2 especially as the passage  
of one of the  resolutions by a vote of 
#cf to #h1 exhibits a shift of position 
on the  part of the ,south1 as sudden as
 it is unaccountable1 being nothing less
  than the surrender of a fortress which
 until then they had defended with  the 
pertinacity of a blind and almost       
infuriated fatuity4 ,upon the           
discussions during the pendency of the  
resolutions1 and upon the vote1  by     
which they were carried1 ,i make no     
comment1 save only to record my         
exultation in the fact there exhibited1 
that great emergencies are true         
touchstones1 and that henceforward1     
until this question is settled1  whoever
 holds a seat in ,congress will find    
upon1 and all around him1 a  pressure   
strong enough to ,,test him--a focal    

blaze that will find its way  through   
the carefully adjusted cloak of fair    
pretension1 and the  sevenfold brass of 
two-faced political intrigue1 and       
no-faced  non-committalism1 piercing to 
the dividing asunder of joints and      
marrow4 ,be it known to every northern  
man who aspires to a seat in  ,congress1
 that hereafter it is the destiny of    
congressional action on  this subject1  
to be a ,,mighty ,,revelator--making    
secret thoughts public  property1 and   
proclaiming on the house-tops what is   
whispered in the  ear--smiting off      
masks1 and bursting open sepulchres     
beautiful  outwardly1 and heaving up to 
the sun their dead men's bones4 ,to such
 we  say1--,remember the ,missouri      
,question1 and the fate of those who    
then  sold the ,north1 and their own    
birthright6    ,passing by the          
resolutions generally without           
remark--the attention of  the reader is 
specially solicited to ,mr4 ,clay's     
substitute for ,mr4  ,calhoun's fifth   

resolution4    ,resolved1 ,that when the
 ,district of ,columbia was ceded by the
 states of  ,virginia and ,maryland to  
the ,united ,states1 domestic slavery   
existed in  both of these states1       
including the ceded territory1 and that1
 as it  still continues in both of them1
 it could not be abolished within the   
,district without a violation of that   
good faith1 which was implied in  the   
cession and in the acceptance of the    
territory2 nor1 unless  compensation    
were made to the proprietors of slaves1 
without a manifest  infringement of an  
amendment to the constitution of the    
,united ,states2  nor without exciting a
 degree of just alarm and apprehension  
in the  states recognising slavery1 far 
transcending in mischievous tendency1   
any possible benefit which could be     
accomplished by the abolition4    ,by   
voting for this resolution1 the south by
 a simultaneous movement1  shifted its  
mode of defence1 not so much by taking a
 position entirely  new1 as by          

attempting to refortify an old          
one--never much trusted in1  and        
abandoned mainly long ago1 as being     
unable to hold out against  assault     
however unskilfully directed4 ,in the   
debate on this resolution1  though the  
southern members of ,congress did not   
professedly retreat  from the ground    
hitherto maintained by them--that       
,congress has no power  by the          
constitution to abolish slavery in the  
,district--yet in the main  they        
silently drew off from it4    ,the      
passage of this resolution--with the    
vote of every southern senator1  forms a
 new era in the discussion of this      
question4    ,we cannot join in the     
lamentations of those who bewail it4 ,we
 hail it1  and rejoice in it4 ,it was as
 we would have had it--offered by a     
southern  senator1 advocated by southern
 senators1 and on the ground that it was
  no compromise--that it embodied the   
true southern principle--that this      
resolution stood on as high ground as   

,mr4 ,calhoun's4--7,mr4  ,preston7--that
 ,mr4 ,clay's resolution was as strong  
as ,mr4  ,calhoun's--7,mr4 ,rives7--that
 the resolution he 7,mr4 ,calhoun7 now  
refused to support1 was as strong as his
 own1 and that in supporting it1  there 
was no abandonment of principle by the  
south4--7,mr4 ,walker1 of               
,mi47--further1 that it was advocated by
 the southern senators generally  as an 
expression of their views1 and as       
setting the question of slavery  in the 
,district on its true ground--that      
finally when the question was  taken1   
every slaveholding senator1 including   
,mr4 ,calhoun himself1 voted  for the   
resolution4    ,by passing this         
resolution1 and with such avowals1 the  
south has  surrendered irrevocably the  
whole question at issue between them and
 the  petitioners for abolition in the  
,district4 ,it has1 unwittingly but     
explicitly1 conceded the main question  
argued in the preceding pages4    ,the  
only ground taken against the right of  

,congress to abolish slavery  in the    
,district is1 that slavery existed in   
,maryland and ,virginia when  the       
cession was made1 and as it still       
continues in both of them1 it  could not
 be abolished without a violation of    
that good faith which was  implied in   
the cession1 c4 ,the sole argument is   
not that exclusive  sovereignty has no  
power to abolish slavery within its     
jurisdiction1  nor that the powers of   
even ordinary legislation cannot do     
it1--nor  that the clause granting      
,congress exclusive legislation in all  
cases  whatsoever over such ,district1  
gives no power to do it2 but that the   
unexpressed expectation of one of the   
parties that the other would not  in all
 cases use the power which said party   
had consented might be  used in all     
cases1 prohibits the use of it4 ,the    
only cardinal point  in the discussion1 
is here not only yielded1 but formally  
laid down by  the ,south as the leading 
article in their creed on the question  

of  ,congressional jurisdiction over    
slavery in the ,district4 ,the sole     
reason given why ,congress should not   
abolish1 and the sole evidence  that if 
it did1 such abolition would be a       
violation of good faith1 is  that       
slavery still continues in those        
states1--thus explicitly  admitting1    
that if slavery did not still continue  
in those ,states1  ,congress could      
abolish it in the ,district4 ,the same  
admission is made  also in the premises1
 which state that slavery existed in    
those states  at the time of the        
cession1 c4 ,admitting that if it had   
not existed  there then1 but had grown  
up in the ,district under ,united       
,states'  laws1 ,congress might         
constitutionally abolish it4 ,or that if
 the ceded  parts of those states had   
been the only parts in which slaves were
  held under their laws1 ,congress might
 have abolished in such a  contingency  
also4 ,the cession in that case leaving 
no slaves in those  states1--no good    

faith1 would be implied in it1 nor any  
violated1  by an act of abolition4 ,the 
principle of the resolution makes this  
further admission1 that if ,maryland and
 ,virginia should at once abolish  their
 slavery1 ,congress might at once       
abolish it in the ,district4 ,the       
principle goes even further than this1  
and requires ,congress in such  case to 
abolish slavery in the ,district by the 
good faith implied in  the cession and  
acceptance of the territory4 ,since     
according to the  spirit and scope of   
the resolution1 this implied good faith 
of  ,maryland and ,virginia in making   
the cession1 was that ,congress would do
  nothing within the ,district which    
should go to counteract the policy1 or  
bring into disrepute the institutions1  
or call in question the usages1  or even
 in any way ruffle the prejudices of    
those states1 or do what  they might    
think would unfavorably bear upon their 
interests2  themselves of course being  
the judges4    ,but let us dissect      

another limb of the resolution4 ,what is
 to be  understood by that good faith   
which was ,,implied8 ,it is of course an
  admission that such a condition was   
not expressed in the acts of            
cession--that in their terms there is   
nothing restricting the power of        
,congress on the subject of slavery in  
the ,district--not a word  alluding to  
it1 nor one inserted with such an       
intent4 ,this implied  faith1 then1     
rests on no clause or word in the       
,united ,states'  ,constitution1 or in  
the acts of cession1 or in the acts of  
,congress  accepting the cession1 nor   
does it rest on any declarations of the 
legislatures of ,maryland and ,virginia 
made at the time1 or in that            
generation1 nor on any act of theirs1   
nor on any declaration of the  people of
 those states1 nor on the testimony of  
the ,washingtons1  ,jeffersons1         
,madisons1 ,chaces1 ,martins1 and       
,jennifers1 of those states  and times4 
,the assertion rests on itself alone6   

,mr4 ,clay and the other  senators who  
voted for the resolution1 guess that    
,maryland and  ,virginia supposed that  
,congress would by no means use the     
power  given them by the constitution1  
except in such ways as would be well    
pleasing in the eyes of those states2   
especially as one of them was the       
,ancient ,dominion6 ,and now after the  
lapse of half a century1 this  assumed  
expectation of ,maryland and ,virginia1 
the existence of which  is mere matter  
of conjecture with the #cf senators1 is 
conjured up and  duly installed upon the
 judgment-seat of final appeal1 before  
whose nod  constitutions are to flee    
away1 and with whom1 solemn grants of   
power  and explicit guaranties are when 
weighed in the balance1 altogether      
lighter than vanity6    ,but let us     
survey it in another light4 ,why did    
,maryland and ,virginia  leave so much  
to be implied8 ,why did they not in some
 way express  what lay so near their    
hearts8 ,had their vocabulary run so low

 that a  single word could not be eked  
out for the occasion8 ,or were those    
states  so bashful of a sudden that they
 dare not speak out and tell what they  
wanted8 ,or did they take it for granted
 that ,congress would always act  in the
 premises according to their wishes1 and
 that too1 without their  making known  
their wishes8 ,if1 as honorable senators
 tell us1 ,maryland  and ,virginia did  
verily travail with such abounding      
faith1 why brought  they forth no works8
    ,it is as true in legislation as in 
religion1 that the only evidence  of    
faith is works1 and that faith without  
works is dead1 i4e4  has no power4 ,but 
here1 forsooth1 a blind implication with
 nothing  expressed1 an implied faith   
without works1 is omnipotent4 ,mr4      
,clay is lawyer enough to know that even
 a senatorial hypothesis as to  what    
must have been the understanding of     
,maryland and ,virginia about           
congressional exercise of constitutional
 power1 abrogates no grant1  and that to

 plead it in a court of law1 would be of
 small service except  to jostle their  
honors' gravity6 ,he need not be told   
that the  constitution gives ,congress  
power to exercise exclusive legislation 
in  all cases whatsoever over such      
,district4 ,nor that the legislatures of
  ,maryland and ,virginia constructed   
their acts of cession with this clause  
before their eyes1 and that both of them
 declared those acts made in  pursuance 
of said clause4 ,those states were aware
 that the ,united  ,states in their     
constitution had left nothing to be     
implied as to  the power of ,congress   
over the ,district2--an admonition quite
 sufficient  one would think to put them
 on their guard1 and induce them to     
eschew  vague implications and resort to
 stipulations4 ,full well did they know 
also that these were times when1 in     
matters of high import1 nothing  was    
left to be implied4 ,the colonies were  
then panting from a twenty  years'      
conflict with the mother country1 about 

bills of rights1  charters1 treaties1   
constitutions1 grants1 limitations1 and 
acts of  cession4 ,the severities of a  
long and terrible discipline had taught 
them to guard at all points legislative 
grants1 that their exact  import and    
limit might be self-evident--leaving no 
scope for a blind  faith1 that somehow  
in the lottery of chances there would be
 no  blanks1 but making all sure by the 
use of explicit terms1 and wisely       
chosen words1 and just enough of them4  
,the ,constitution of the ,united       
,states with its amendments1 those of   
the individual states1 the national     
treaties1 the public documents of the   
general and state governments at  that  
period1 show the universal conviction of
 legislative bodies1 that  when great   
public interests were at stake1 nothing 
should be left to be  implied4          
,further3 suppose ,maryland and         
,virginia had expressed their implied   
faith in words1 and embodied it in their
 acts of cession as a  proviso1         

declaring that ,congress should not     
exercise exclusive  legislation in all  
cases whatsoever over the ,district1 but
 that the  case of slavery should be an 
exception3 who does not know that       
,congress1 if it had accepted the       
cession on those terms1 would have      
violated the ,constitution2 and who that
 has ever studied the free mood  of     
those times in its bearings on          
slavery--proofs of which are given in   
scores on the preceding pages--can for  
an instant believe that the  people of  
the ,united ,states would have altered  
their ,constitution for  the purpose of 
providing for slavery an inviolable     
sanctuary2 that when  driven in from its
 outposts1 and everywhere retreating    
discomfited  before the march of        
freedom1 it might be received into      
everlasting  habitations on the common  
homestead and hearth-stone of this free 
republic8 ,besides1 who can believe that
 ,virginia made such a condition1  or   
cherished such a purpose1 when at that  

very moment1 ,washington1  ,jefferson1  
,wythe1 ,patrick ,henry ,st4 ,george    
,tucker1 and almost all her  illustrious
 men1 were advocating the abolition of  
slavery by law4 ,when  ,washington had  
said1 two years before1 ,maryland and   
,virginia must have  laws for the       
gradual abolition of slavery and at a   
period not remote2  and when ,jefferson 
in his letter to ,price1 three years    
before the  cession1 had said1 speaking 
of ,virginia1 ,this is the next state to
  which we may turn our eyes for the    
interesting spectacle of justice in     
conflict with avarice and oppression--a 
conflict in which ,,the ,,sacred  ,,side
 ,,is ,,gaining ,,daily ,,recruits2 when
 voluntary emancipations on the  soil   
were then progressing at the rate of    
between one and two thousand  annually1 
7,see ,judge ,tucker's ,dissertation on 
,slavery1 p4 #gc27 when  the public     
sentiment of ,virginia had undergone1   
and was undergoing so  mighty a         
revolution that the idea of the         

continuance of slavery as a  permanent  
system could not be tolerated1 though   
she then contained  about half the      
slaves in the ,union4 ,was this the time
 to stipulate for  the perpetuity of    
slavery under the exclusive legislation 
of ,congress8  and that too at the same 
session of ,congress when every one of  
her  delegation voted for the abolition 
of slavery in the ,north ,west          
,territory2 a territory which she had   
herself ceded to ,congress1 and  along  
with it had surrendered her jurisdiction
 over many of her  citizens1 inhabitants
 of that territory1 who held slaves     
there--and  whose slaves were           
emancipated by that act of ,congress1 in
 which all her  delegation with one     
accord participated8    ,now in view of 
the universal belief then prevalent1    
that slavery in this  country was doomed
 to short life1 and especially that in  
,maryland and  ,virginia it would be    
speedily abolished--are we to be told   
that these  states designed to bind     

,congress never to terminate it8 ,are we
 to  adopt the monstrous conclusion that
 this was the intent of the ,ancient    
,dominion--thus to bind the ,united     
,states by an implied faith1 and  that  
when the ,united ,states accepted the   
cession1 she did solemnly  thus plight  
her troth1 and that ,virginia did then  
so understand it8  ,verily one would    
think that honorable senators supposed  
themselves  deputed to do our thinking  
as well as our legislation1 or rather1  
that  they themselves were absolved from
 such drudgery by virtue of their       
office6    ,another absurdity of this   
dogma about implied faith is1 that where
  there was no power to exact an express
 pledge1 there was none to  demand an   
implied one1 and where there was no     
power to give the one1  there was none  
to give the other4 ,we have shown       
already that ,congress  could not have  
accepted the cession with such a        
condition4 ,to have  signed away a part 
of its constitutional grant of power    

would have been  a breach of the        
,constitution4 ,further1 the ,congress  
which accepted the  cession was         
competent to pass a resolution pledging 
itself not to use  all the power over   
the ,district committed to it by the    
,constitution4  ,but here its power     
ended4 ,its resolution would only bind  
itself4 ,could  it bind the next        
,congress by its authority8 ,could the  
members of one  ,congress say to the    
members of another1 because we do not   
choose to  exercise all the authority   
vested in us by the ,constitution1      
therefore  you shall not8 ,this would   
have been a prohibition to do what the  
,constitution gives power to do4 ,each  
successive ,congress would still  have  
gone to the ,constitution for its power1
 brushing away in its course  the       
cobwebs stretched across its path by the
 officiousness of an  impertinent       
predecessor4 ,again1 the legislatures of
 ,virginia and  ,maryland1 had no power 
to bind ,congress1 either by an express 

or an  implied pledge1 never to abolish 
slavery in the ,district4 ,those        
legislatures had no power to bind       
themselves never to abolish slavery     
within their own territories--the ceded 
parts included4 ,where then would  they 
get power to bind another not to do what
 they had no power to  bind themselves  
not to do8 ,if a legislature could not  
in this respect  control the successive 
legislatures of its own ,state1 could it
 control  the successive ,congresses of 
the ,united ,states8    ,but perhaps we 
shall be told1 that the implied faith in
 the acts of  cession of ,maryland and  
,virginia was not that ,congress should 
never  abolish slavery in the ,district1
 but that it should not do it until     
they had done it within their bounds6   
,verily this faith comes little  short  
of the faith of miracles6 ,a good rule  
that works both ways4  ,first1 ,maryland
 and ,virginia have good faith that     
,congress will not  abolish until they  
do2 and then just as good faith that    

,congress  will abolish when they do6   
,excellently accommodated6 ,did those   
,states suppose that ,congress would    
legislate over the national domain1  the
 common jurisdiction of all1 for        
,maryland and ,virginia alone8 ,and     
who1 did they suppose1 would be judges  
in the matter8--themselves  merely8 or  
the whole ,union8    ,this good faith   
implied in the cession is no longer of  
doubtful  interpretation4 ,the principle
 at the bottom of it1 when fairly       
stated1  is this3--,that the ,government
 of the ,united ,states are bound in    
good  faith to do in the ,district of   
,columbia1 without demurring1 just what 
and when1 ,maryland and ,virginia do in 
their own ,states4 ,in short1 that  the 
general government is eased of all the  
burdens of legislation within  its      
exclusive jurisdiction1 save that of    
hiring a scrivener to copy off  the acts
 of the ,maryland and ,virginia         
legislatures as fast as they are        
passed1 and engross them1 under the     

title of ,laws of the ,united ,states1  
for the ,district of ,columbia6 ,a      
slight additional expense would also be 
incurred in keeping up an express       
between the capitols of those ,states   
and ,washington city1 bringing ,congress
 from time to time its  instructions    
from head quarters--instructions not to 
be disregarded  without a violation of  
that1 good faith implied in the cession1
 c4    ,this sets in strong light the   
advantages of our glorious ,union1 if   
the  doctrine of ,mr4 ,clay and the     
thirty-six ,senators be orthodox4 ,the  
people  of the ,united ,states have been
 permitted to set up at their own       
expense1  and on their own territory1   
two great sounding boards called ,senate
  ,chamber and ,representatives' ,hall1 
for the purpose of sending abroad  by   
authority national echoes of state      
legislation6--permitted also  to keep in
 their pay a corps of pliant national   
musicians1 with  peremptory instructions
 to sound on any line of the staff      

according as  ,virginia and ,maryland   
may give the sovereign key note6        
,though this may have the seeming of    
mere raillery1 yet an analysis of  the  
resolution and of the discussions upon  
it1 will convince every fair  mind that 
it is but the legitimate carrying out of
 the principle  pervading both4 ,they   
proceed virtually upon the hypothesis   
that the will  and pleasure of ,virginia
 and ,maryland are paramount to those of
 the  ,union4 ,if the main design of    
setting apart a federal district had    
been  originally the accommodation of   
,maryland1 ,virginia1 and the south1    
with  the ,united ,states as an agent to
 consummate the object1 there could     
hardly have been higher assumption or   
louder vaunting4 ,the sole object  of   
having such a ,district was in effect   
totally perverted in the  resolution of 
,mr4 ,clay1 and in the discussions of   
the entire southern  delegation1 upon   
its passage4 ,instead of taking the     
ground1 that the  benefit of the whole  

,union was the sole object of a federal 
district1  that it was designed to guard
 and promote the interests of all the   
states1 and that it was to be legislated
 over for this end--the  resolution     
proceeds upon an hypothesis totally the 
reverse4 ,it takes a  single point of   
state policy1 and exalts it above       
,,national interests1  utterly          
overshadowing them2 abrogating national 
rights2 making void a  clause of the    
,constitution2 humbling the general     
government into a  subject--crouching   
for favors to a superior1 and that too  
on its own  exclusive jurisdiction4 ,all
 the attributes of sovereignty vested in
  ,congress by the ,constitution it     
impales upon the point of an alleged    
implication4 ,and this is ,mr4 ,clay's  
peace-offering1 to appease the  lust of 
power and the ravenings of state        
encroachment6 ,a compromise1  forsooth6 
that sinks the general government on its
 own territory into  a mere colony1 with
 ,virginia and ,maryland for its mother 

country6 ,it  is refreshing to turn from
 these shallow1 distorted constructions 
and  servile cringings1 to the high     
bearing of other southern men in other  
times2 men1 who in their character of   
legislators and lawyers1 disdained  to  
accommodate their interpretations of    
constitutions and charters to           
geographical lines1 or to bend them to  
the purposes of a political  canvass4   
,in the celebrated case of ,cohens vs4  
the ,state of ,virginia1  ,hon4 ,william
 ,pinkney1 late of ,baltimore1 and ,hon4
 ,walter ,jones1 of  ,washington city1  
with other eminent constitutional       
lawyers1 prepared an  elaborate written 
opinion1 from which the following is an 
extract3 ,nor  is there any danger to be
 apprehended from allowing to           
,congressional  legislation with regard 
to the ,district of ,columbia1 its      
,,fullest ,,effect4  ,congress is       
responsible to the ,states1 and to the  
people for that  legislation4 ,it is in 
truth the legislation of the states over

 a  district placed under their control 
for their own benefit1 not for  that of 
the ,district1 except as the prosperity 
of the ,district is  involved1 and      
necessary to the general                
advantage4--,life of ,pinkney1  p4      
#fab4    ,the profound legal opinion1   
from which this is an extract1 was      
elaborated at great length many years   
since1 by a number of the most          
distinguished lawyers in the ,united    
,states1 whose signatures are  appended 
to it4 ,it is specific and to the point4
 ,it asserts1 #ast1 that  ,congressional
 legislation over the ,district1 is the 
legislation of the  ,states and the     
people1 7not of two states1 and a mere  
fraction  of the people47 #b;d1 ,over a 
,district placed under their control1   
i4e4  under the control of the whole of 
the ,states1 not under the control of   
two twenty-sixths of them4 #c;d1 ,that  
it was thus put under their  control for
 ,,their ,,own benefit1 the benefit of  
all the ,states  equally2 not to secure 

special benefits to ,maryland and       
,virginia1 7or  what it might be        
conjectured they would regard as        
benefits47 #dth1 ,it  concludes by      
asserting that the design of this       
exclusive control of  ,congress over the
 ,district was not for the benefit of   
the ,district1  except as that is       
connected with1 and a means of promoting
 the  general advantage4 ,if this is the
 case with the ,district1 which is      
directly concerned1 it is pre-eminently 
so with ,maryland and ,virginia1  who   
are but indirectly interested1 and would
 be but remotely affected  by it4 ,the  
argument of ,mr4 ,madison in the        
,congress of '#hi1 an extract  from     
which has been given on a preceding     
page1 lays down the same  principle2    
that though any matter may be a local   
affair1 yet if it  involves national    
,,expense ,,or ,,safety1 it becomes of  
concern to every  part of the union1 and
 is a proper subject for the            
consideration of  those charged with the

 general administration of the          
government4 ,cong4  ,reg4 vol4 #a4 p4   
#caj1 #aa4    ,but these are only the   
initiatory absurdities of this good     
faith  implied4 ,the thirty-six senators
 aptly illustrate the principle1 that   
error not only conflicts with truth1 but
 is generally at issue with  itself4    
,for if it would be a violation of good 
faith to ,maryland and  ,virginia1 for  
,congress to abolish slavery in the     
,district1 it would be  equally a       
violation for ,congress to do it with   
the consent1 or even  at the earnest and
 unanimous petition of the people of the
 ,district3 yet  for years it has been  
the southern doctrine1 that if the      
people of the  ,district demand of      
,congress relief in this respect1 it has
 power1 as  their local legislature1 to 
grant it1 and by abolishing slavery     
there1  carry out the will of the       
citizens4 ,but now new light has broken 
in6 ,the  optics of the thirty-six have 
pierced the millstone with a deeper     

insight1 and discoveries thicken faster 
than they can be telegraphed6  ,congress
 has no power1 ,o no1 not a modicum1 to 
help the slaveholders of  the ,district1
 however loudly they may clamor for it4 
,the southern  doctrine1 that ,congress 
is to the ,district a mere local        
,legislature to  do its pleasure1 is    
tumbled from the genitive into the      
vocative6 ,hard  fate--and that too at  
the hands of those who begat it6 ,the   
reasonings of  ,messrs4 ,pinckney1      
,wise1 and ,leigh1 are now found to be  
wholly at fault1  and the chanticleer   
rhetoric of ,messrs4 ,glascock and      
,garland stalks  featherless and        
crest-fallen4 ,for1 ,mr4 ,clay's        
resolution sweeps by the  board all     
those stereotyped common-places1 as     
,congress a local  ,legislature1 consent
 of the ,district1 bound to consult the 
wishes of  the ,district1 c4 c41 which  
for the last two sessions of ,congress  
have  served to eke out scanty supplies4
 ,it declares1 that as slavery existed  

in ,maryland and ,virginia at the time  
of the cession1 and as it still         
continues in both those states1 it could
 not be abolished in the  ,district     
without a violation of 'that good       
faith'1 c4    ,but let us see where this
 principle of the thirty-six will lead  
us4 ,if  implied faith to ,maryland and 
,virginia restrains ,congress from the  
abolition of slavery in the ,district1  
it requires ,congress to do in  the     
,district what those states have done   
within their bounds1 i4e41  restrain    
others from abolishing it4 ,upon the    
same principle ,congress  is bound1 by  
the doctrine of ,mr4 ,clay's resolution1
 to prohibit  emancipation within the   
,district4 ,there is no stopping place  
for this  plighted faith4 ,congress must
 not only refrain from laying violent   
hands on slavery1 itself1 and see to it 
that the slaveholders  themselves do    
not1 but it is bound to keep the system 
up to the ,maryland  and ,virginia      
standard of vigor6    ,again1 if the    

good faith of ,congress to ,virginia and
 ,maryland requires  that slavery should
 exist in the ,district1 while it exists
 in those  states1 it requires that it  
should exist there as it exists in those
  states4 ,if to abolish every form of  
slavery in the ,district would  violate 
good faith1 to abolish the form existing
 in those states1 and  to substitute a  
totally different one1 would also       
violate it4 ,the  ,congressional good   
faith is to be kept not only with       
slavery1 but  with the ,maryland and    
,virginia systems of slavery4 ,the faith
 of those  states not being in the      
preservation of a system1 but of their  
system2 otherwise ,congress1 instead of 
sustaining1 would counteract  their     
policy--principles would be brought into
 action there conflicting  with their   
system1 and thus the true spirit of the 
implied pledge  would be violated4 ,on  
this principle1 so long as slaves are   
chattels  personal in ,virginia and     
,maryland1 ,congress could not make them

 real  estate1 inseparable from the     
soil1 as in ,louisiana2 nor could it    
permit  slaves to read1 nor to worship  
,god according to conscience2 nor could 
it  grant them trial by jury1 nor       
legalize marriage2 nor require the      
master  to give sufficient food and     
clothing2 nor prohibit the violent      
sundering  of families--because such    
provisions would conflict with the      
existing  slave laws of ,virginia and   
,maryland1 and thus violate the good    
faith  implied1 c4 ,so the principle of 
the resolution binds ,congress in all   
these particulars3 #ast4 ,not to abolish
 slavery in the ,district until         
,virginia and ,maryland abolish4 #b;d4  
,not to abolish any part of it that     
exists in those states4 #c;d4 ,not to   
abolish any form or appendage of  it    
still existing in those states4 #dth4   
,to abolish when they do4 #eth4  ,to    
increase or abate its rigor when1 how1  
and as the same are  modified by those  
states4 ,in a word1 ,congressional      

action in the  ,district is to float    
passively in the wake of legislative    
action on the  subject in those states4 
,but here comes a dilemma4 ,suppose the 
legislation of those states should      
steer different courses--then there     
would be two wakes6 ,can ,congress      
float in both8 ,yea1 verily6 ,nothing is
 too hard for it6 ,its  obsequiousness  
equals its power of legislation in all  
cases  whatsoever4 ,it can float up on  
the ,virginia tide1 and ebb down on the 
,maryland at the same time4 ,what       
,maryland does1 ,congress will do in the
  ,maryland part4 ,what ,virginia does1 
,congress will do in the ,virginia      
part4 ,though ,congress might not always
 be able to run at the bidding of  both 
at once1 especially in different        
directions1 yet if it obeyed  orders    
cheerfully1 and kept in its place1      
according to its good faith  implied1   
impossibilities might not be rigidly    
exacted4 ,true1 we have  the highest    
sanction for the maxim that no man can  

serve two  masters--but if corporations 
have no souls1 analogy would absolve    
,congress on that score1 or at most give
 it only a very small soul--not  large  
enough to be at all in the way1 as an   
exception to the universal  rule laid   
down to the maxim6    ,in following out 
the absurdities of this implied good    
faith1 it will  be seen at once that the
 doctrine of ,mr4 ,clay's ,resolution   
extends to  all the subjects of         
legislation existing in ,maryland and   
,virginia1  which exist also within the 
,district4 ,every system1 institution1  
law1  and established usage there1 is   
placed beyond ,congressional control    
equally with slavery1 and by the same   
implied faith4 ,the abolition of  the   
lottery system in the ,district as an   
immorality1 was a flagrant  breach of   
this good faith to ,maryland and        
,virginia1 as the system  still         
continued in those states4 ,so to       
abolish imprisonment for debt1  and     
capital punishment1 to remodel the bank 

system1 the power of  corporations1 the 
militia law1 laws of limitation1 c41 in 
the ,district1  unless ,virginia and    
,maryland took the lead1 would violate  
the good  faith implied in the cession1 
c4    ,that in the acts of cession no   
such good faith was implied by          
,virginia and ,maryland as is claimed in
 the ,resolution1 we argue from  the    
fact1 that in #agha ,virginia ceded to  
the ,united ,states all her  northwest  
territory1 with the special proviso that
 her citizens  inhabiting that territory
 should have their possessions and      
titles  confirmed to them1 and be       
protected in the enjoyment of their     
rights  and liberties4 7,see ,journals  
of ,congress vol4 #i1 p4 #fc47 ,the     
cession  was made in the form of a deed1
 and signed by ,thomas ,jefferson1      
,samuel  ,hardy1 ,arthur ,lee1 and      
,james ,monroe4 ,many of these          
inhabitants held  slaves4 ,three years  
after the cession1 the ,virginia        
delegation in  ,congress proposed the   

passage of an ordinance which should    
abolish  slavery1 in that territory1 and
 declare that it should never thereafter
  exist there4 ,all the members of      
,congress from ,virginia and ,maryland  
voted for this ordinance4 ,suppose some 
member of ,congress had during the      
passage of the ordinance introduced the 
following resolution3 ,resolved1  ,that 
when the northwest territory was ceded  
by ,virginia to the ,united  ,states1   
domestic slavery existed in that ,state1
 including the ceded  territory1 and as 
it still continues in that ,state1 it   
could not be  abolished within the      
territory without a violation of that   
good faith1  which was implied in the   
cession and in the acceptance of the    
territory4 ,what would have been the    
indignant response of ,grayson1         
,griffin1 ,madison1 and the ,lees1 in   
the ,congress of '#hg1 to such a        
resolution1 and of ,carrington1         
,chairman of the ,committee1 who        
reported  the ratification of the       

ordinance in the ,congress of '#hi1 and 
of ,page  and ,parker1 who with every   
other member of the ,virginia delegation
  supported it8    ,but to enumerate all
 the absurdities into which the         
thirty-six ,senators  have plunged      
themselves1 would be to make a quarto   
inventory4 ,we decline  the task2 and in
 conclusion1 merely add that ,mr4 ,clay 
in presenting this  resolution1 and each
 of the thirty-six ,senators who voted  
for it1  entered on the records of the  
,senate1 and proclaimed to the world1 a 
most unworthy accusation against the    
,,millions of ,american citizens who    
have during nearly half a century       
petitioned the national legislature to  
abolish slavery in the ,district of     
,colombia1--charging them either with   
the ignorance or the impiety of praying 
the nation to violate its  ,,plighted   
,,faith4 ,the resolution virtually      
indicts at the bar of public  opinion1  
and brands with odium1 all the          
,manumission ,societies1 the  first     

petitioners for the abolition of slavery
 in the ,district1 and  for a long time 
the only ones1 petitioning from year to 
year through  evil report and good      
report1 still petitioning1 by individual
 societies  and in their national       
conventions4    ,but as if it were not  
enough to table the charge against such 
men as  ,benjamin ,rush1 ,william       
,rawle1 ,john ,sergeant1 ,robert ,vaux1 
,cadwallader  ,colden1 and ,peter ,a4   
,jay1--to whom we may add ,rufus ,king1 
,james  ,hillhouse1 ,william ,pinkney1  
,thomas ,addis ,emmett1 ,daniel ,d4     
,tompkins1 ,de  ,witt ,clinton1 ,james  
,kent1 and ,daniel ,webster1 besides    
eleven hundred  citizens of the         
,district itself2 headed by their ,chief
 ,justice and  judges--even the         
sovereign ,states of ,pennsylvania1     
,new-,york1  ,massachusetts1 and        
,vermont1 whose legislatures have either
 memorialized  ,congress to abolish     
slavery in the ,district1 or instructed 
their  ,senators to move such a measure1

 must be gravely informed by ,messrs4   
,clay1 ,norvell1 ,niles1 ,smith1        
,pierce1 ,benton1 ,black1 ,tipton1 and  
other  honorable ,senators1 either that 
their perception is so dull1 they know  
not whereof they affirm1 or that their  
moral sense is so blunted they  can     
demand without compunction a violation  
of the nation's faith6    ,we have      
spoken already of the concessions       
unwittingly made in this  resolution to 
the true doctrine of ,congressional     
power over the  ,district4 ,for that    
concession1 important as it is1 we have 
small thanks  to render4 ,that such a   
resolution1 passed with such an intent1 
and  pressing at a thousand points on   
relations and interests vital to the    
free states1 should be hailed1 as it has
 been1 by a portion of the  northern    
press as a compromise originating in    
deference to northern  interests1 and to
 be received by us as a free-will       
offering of  disinterested benevolence1 
demanding our gratitude to the          

mover1--may  well cover us with shame4  
,we deserve the humiliation and have    
well  earned the mockery4 ,let it come6 
,if1 after having been set up at auction
 in the public sales-room of the        
nation1 and for thirty years1 and by    
each of a score of compromises1         
treacherously knocked off to the lowest 
bidder1 and that without money  and     
without price1 the ,north1 plundered and
 betrayed1 will not1 in  this her       
accepted time1 consider the things that 
belong to her peace  before they are    
hidden from her eyes1 then let her eat  
of the fruit of  her own way1 and be    
filled with her own devices6 ,let the   
shorn and  blinded giant grind in the   
prison-house of the ,philistines1 till  
taught  the folly of intrusting to      
,delilahs the secret and the custody of 
his  strength4    ,have the free ,states
 bound themselves by an oath never to   
profit by the  lessons of experience8   
,if lost to reason1 are they dead to    
instinct  also8 ,can nothing rouse them 

to cast about for self preservation8    
,and  shall a life of tame surrenders be
 terminated by suicidal sacrifice8    ,a
 ,,compromise6 ,bitter irony6 ,is the   
plucked and hood-winked ,north to be    
wheedled by the sorcery of another      
,missouri compromise8 ,a compromise in  
which the ,south gained all1 and the    
,north lost all1 and lost it for  ever4 
,a compromise which embargoed the free  
laborer of the ,north and  ,west1 and   
clutched at the staff he leaned upon1 to
 turn it into a  bludgeon and fell him  
with its stroke4 ,a compromise which    
wrested from  liberty her boundless     
birthright domain1 stretching westward  
to the  sunset1 while it gave to slavery
 loose reins and a free course1 from the
  ,mississippi to the ,pacific4    ,the 
resolution1 as it finally passed1 is    
here inserted4 ,the original            
,resolution1 as moved by ,mr4 ,clay1 was
 inserted at the head of this           
postscript with the impression that it  
was the amended form4 ,it will  be seen 

however1 that it underwent no material  
modification4    ,resolved1 ,that the   
interference by the citizens of any of  
the states1  with the view to the       
abolition of slavery in the ,district1  
is  endangering the rights and security 
of the people of the ,district2 and     
that any act or measure of ,congress    
designed to abolish slavery in the      
,district1 would be a violation of the  
faith implied in the cessions by  the   
states of ,virginia and ,maryland1 a    
just cause of alarm to the people  of   
the slaveholding states1 and have a     
direct and inevitable tendency to       
disturb and endanger the ,union4    ,the
 vote upon the ,resolution stood as     
follows3    ,yeas4--,messrs4 ,allen1    
,bayard1 ,benton1 ,black1 ,buchanan1    
,brown1 ,calhoun1  ,clay1 of ,alabama1  
,clay1 of ,kentucky1 ,clayton1          
,crittenden1 ,cuthbert1  ,fulton1       
,grundy1 ,hubbard1 ,king1 ,lumpkin1     
,lyon1 ,nicholas1 ,niles1 ,norvell1     
,pierce1 ,preston1 ,rives1 ,roane1      

,robinson1 ,sevier1 ,smith1 of          
,connecticut1  ,strange1 ,tallmadge1    
,tipton1 ,walker1 ,white1 ,williams1    
,wright1 ,young4    ,nays4--,messrs4    
,,davis1 ,,knight1 ,mc,k,e,a,n1         
,,morris1 ,,prentiss1 ,,ruggles1        
,,smith1 of ,indiana1 ,,swift1          
,,webster4                  ,,the       
,,anti-,,slavery ,,examiner    ,no4 #e  
99       99       99       99       99  
,,the      ,,power ,,of ,,congress      
,,over ,,the      ,,district ,,of       
,,columbia4             99       99     
99       99       99      ,,originally  
,,published ,,in ,,the ,,new-,,york     
,,evening ,,post1 ,,under ,,the         
,,signature  ,,of ,,wythe4              
99       99       99       99       99  
,,with ,,additions ,,by ,,the ,,author4 
99       99       99       99       99  
,,new-,,york3    ,,published ,,by ,,the 
,,american ,,anti-,,slavery ,,society   
,,no4 #adc ,,nassau-,,street4    #ahch4 
99       99       99       99       99  
,this periodical contains #c-a_/b       

sheets--,postage under #ajj miles1 #f   
cts41  over #ajj1 #aj cts4              
,,power ,,of ,,congress    ,,over ,,the 
,,district ,,of ,,columbia4    ,a       
civilized community presupposes a       
government of law4 ,if that  government 
be a republic1 its citizens are the sole
 sources1 as well  as the subjects of   
its power4 ,its constitution is their   
bill of  directions to their own        
agents--a grant authorizing the exercise
 of  certain powers1 and prohibiting    
that of others4 ,in the ,constitution of
  the ,united ,states1 whatever else may
 be obscure1 the clause granting  power 
to ,congress over the ,federal ,district
 may well defy  misconstruction4 ,art4  
#a1 ,sec4 #h1 ,clause #ah3 ,the         
,congress shall have  power to exercise 
exclusive legislation1 in all cases     
whatsoever1 over  such ,district4       
,congress may make laws for the         
,district in all  cases1 not of all     
kinds2 not all laws whatsoever1 but laws
 in  all cases whatsoever4 ,the grant   

respects the subjects of  legislation1  
not the moral nature of the laws4 ,the  
law-making power  every where is subject
 to moral restrictions1 whether limited 
by  constitutions or not4 ,no           
legislature can authorize murder1 nor   
make  honesty penal1 nor virtue a crime1
 nor exact impossibilities4 ,in these   
and similar respects1 the power of      
,congress is held in check by           
principles1 existing in the nature of   
things1 not imposed by the              
,constitution1 but presupposed and      
assumed by it4 ,the power of ,congress  
over the ,district is restricted only by
 those principles that limit  ordinary  
legislation1 and1 in some respects1 it  
has even wider scope4    ,in common with
 the legislatures of the ,states1       
,congress cannot  constitutionally pass 
ex post facto laws in criminal cases1   
nor suspend  the writ of habeas corpus1 
nor pass a bill of attainder1 nor       
abridge the  freedom of speech and of   
the press1 nor invade the right of the  

people  to be secure in their persons1  
houses1 papers1 and effects1 nor enact  
laws respecting an establishment of     
religion4 ,these are general            
limitations4 ,congress cannot do these  
things any where4 ,the exact  import1   
therefore1 of the clause in all cases   
whatsoever1 is1 on all  subjects within 
the appropriate sphere of legislation4  
,some  legislatures are restrained by   
constitutions1 from the exercise of     
powers strictly within the proper sphere
 of legislation4 ,congressional  power  
over the ,district has no such          
restraint4 ,it traverses the whole      
field of legitimate legislation4 ,all   
the power which any legislature has     
within its own jurisdiction1 ,congress  
holds over the ,district of  ,columbia4 
,it has been objected that the clause in
 question respects merely police        
regulations1 and that its sole design   
was to enable ,congress to protect      
itself against popular tumults4 ,but if 
the convention that framed the          

,constitution aimed to provide for a    
single case only1 why did they  provide 
for all cases whatsoever8 ,besides1 this
 clause was opposed  in many of the     
state conventions1 because the grant of 
power was not  restricted to police     
regulations alone4 ,in the ,virginia    
,convention1  ,george ,mason1 the father
 of the ,virginia ,constitution1        
,patrick ,henry1  ,mr4 ,grayson1 and    
others1 assailed it on that ground4 ,mr4
 ,mason said1  ,this clause gives an    
unlimited authority in every possible   
case within  the ,district4 ,he would   
willingly give them exclusive power as  
far as  respected the police and good   
government of the place1 but he would   
give  them no more4 ,mr4 ,grayson said1 
that control over the police was        
all-sufficient1 and that the            
,continental ,congress never had an idea
 of  exclusive legislation in all cases4
 ,patrick ,henry said1 ,is it           
consistent with any principle of        
prudence or good policy1 to grant       

unlimited1 unbounded authority8 ,mr4    
,madison said in reply3 ,i did  conceive
 that the clause under consideration was
 one of those parts  which would speak  
its own praise4 ,when any power is      
given1 its  delegation necessarily      
involves authority to make laws to      
execute it4444  ,the powers which are   
found necessary to be given1 are        
therefore  delegated generally1 and     
particular and minute specification is  
left  to the ,legislature4444 ,it is not
 within the limits of human capacity to 
delineate on paper all those particular 
cases and circumstances1 in  which      
legislation by the general legislature1 
would be necessary4  ,governor ,randolph
 said3 ,holland has no ten miles square1
 but she has  the ,hague where the      
deputies of the ,states assemble4 ,but  
the influence  which it has given the   
province of ,holland1 to have the seat  
of  government within its territory1    
subject in some respects to its         
control1 has been injurious to the other

 provinces4 ,the wisdom of the          
convention is therefore manifest in     
granting to ,congress exclusive         
jurisdiction over the place of their    
session4 ,deb4 ,va4 ,con41 p4 #cbj4  ,in
 the forty-third number of the          
,federalist1 ,mr4 ,madison says3 ,the   
indispensable necessity of complete     
authority at the seat of  government1   
carries its own evidence with it4       
,finally1 that the grant in question is 
to be interpreted according to  the     
obvious import of its terms1 is proved  
by the fact1 that ,virginia  proposed an
 amendment to the ,united ,states'      
,constitution at the time of  its       
adoption1 providing that this clause    
should be so construed as to  give power
 only over the police and good          
government of said ,district1  which    
amendment was rejected4    ,the former  
part of the clause under consideration1 
,congress shall have  power to exercise 
exclusive legislation1 gives sole       
jurisdiction1  and the latter part1 in  

all cases whatsoever1 defines the extent
 of  it4 ,since1 then1 ,congress is the 
sole legislature within the ,district1  
and since its power is limited only by  
the checks common to all  legislatures1 
it follows that what the law-making     
power is intrinsically  competent to do 
any where1 ,congress is competent to do 
in the ,district  of ,columbia4 ,having 
disposed of preliminaries1 we proceed to
 state and  argue the real question at  
issue4        ,,is ,,the ,,law-,,making 
,,power ,,competent ,,to ,,abolish      
,,slavery ,,when ,,not ,,restricted     
,,in ,,that ,,particular ,,by           
,,constitutional ,,provisions--or1 ,,is 
,,the ,,abolition ,,of  ,,slavery       
,,within ,,the ,,appropriate ,,sphere   
,,of ,,legislation8    ,in every        
government1 absolute sovereignty exists 
somewhere4 ,in the  ,united ,states it  
exists primarily with the people1 and   
ultimate  sovereignty always exists with
 them4 ,in each of the ,states1 the     
legislature possesses a representative  

sovereignty1 delegated by the  people   
through the ,constitution--the people   
thus committing to the  legislature a   
portion of their sovereignty1 and       
specifying in their  constitutions the  
amount and the conditions of the grant4 
,that the  people in any state where    
slavery exists1 have the power to       
abolish  it1 none will deny4 ,if the    
legislature have not the power1 it is   
because  the people have reserved it to 
themselves4 ,had they lodged with the   
legislature power to exercise exclusive 
legislation in all cases  whatsoever1   
they would have parted with their       
sovereignty over the  legislation of the
 ,state1 and so far forth the           
legislature would have  become the      
people1 clothed with all their          
functions1 and as such  competent1      
during the continuance of the grant1 to 
do whatever the  people might have done 
before the surrender of their power3    
consequently1 they would have the power 
to abolish slavery4 ,the  sovereignty of

 the ,district of ,columbia exists      
somewhere--where is it  lodged8 ,the    
citizens of the ,district have no       
legislature of their own1  no           
representation in ,congress1 and no     
political power whatever4 ,maryland  and
 ,virginia have surrendered to the      
,united ,states their full and  absolute
 right and entire sovereignty1 and the  
people of the ,united  ,states have     
committed to ,congress by the           
,constitution1 the power to  exercise   
exclusive legislation in all cases      
whatsoever over such  ,district4        
,thus1 the sovereignty of the ,district 
of ,columbia1 is shown to reside  solely
 in the ,congress of the ,united        
,states2 and since the power of the     
people of a state to abolish slavery    
within their own limits1 results  from  
their entire sovereignty within that    
state1 so the power of  ,congress to    
abolish slavery in the ,district1       
results from its entire  sovereignty    
within the ,district4 ,if it be objected

 that ,congress can  have no more power 
over the ,district1 than was held by the
 legislatures  of ,maryland and         
,virginia1 we ask what clause in the    
constitution  graduates the power of    
,congress by the standard of a state    
legislature8  ,was the ,united ,states' 
constitution worked into its present    
shape under  the measuring line and     
square of ,virginia and ,maryland8 and  
is its power  to be bevelled down till  
it can run in the grooves of state      
legislation8  ,there is a deal of       
prating about constitutional power over 
the ,district1  as though ,congress were
 indebted for it to ,maryland and       
,virginia4 ,the  powers of those states1
 whether few or many1 prodigies or      
nullities1  have nothing to do with the 
question4 ,as well thrust in the powers 
of  the ,grand ,lama to join issue upon1
 or twist papal bulls into              
constitutional tether1 with which to    
curb congressional action4 ,the         
,constitution of the ,united ,states    

gives power to ,congress1 and takes it  
away1 and it alone4 ,maryland and       
,virginia adopted the ,constitution     
before they ceded to the ,united ,states
 the territory of the ,district4  ,by   
their acts of cession1 they abdicated   
their own sovereignty over the          
,district1 and thus made room for that  
provided by the ,united ,states'        
constitution1 which sovereignty was to  
commence as soon as a cession of        
territory by states1 and its acceptance 
by ,congress1 furnished a sphere  for   
its exercise4 ,that the abolition of    
slavery is within the sphere of         
legislation1 ,i argue1    #b4 ,,from    
,,the ,,fact1 ,,that ,,slavery1 ,,as ,a 
,,legal ,,system1 ,,is ,,the ,,creature 
,,of  ,,legislation4 ,the law1 by       
creating slavery1 not only affirmed its 
existence to be within the sphere and   
under the control of  legislation1 but  
equally1 the conditions and terms of its
 existence1  and the question whether or
 not it should exist4 ,of course        

legislation would not travel out of its 
sphere1 in abolishing what is  within   
it1 and what was recognised to be within
 it1 by its own act4  ,cannot           
legislatures repeal their own laws8 ,if 
law can take from a man  his rights1 it 
can give them back again4 ,if it can    
say1 your body  belongs to your         
neighbor1 it can say1 it belongs to     
yourself4 ,if it  can annul a man's     
right to himself1 held by express grant 
from his  ,maker1 and can create for    
another an artificial title to him1 can 
it  not annul the artificial title1 and 
leave the original owner to hold        
himself by his original title8    #c4   
,,the ,,abolition ,,of ,,slavery ,,has  
,,always ,,been ,,considered ,,within   
,,the  ,,appropriate ,,sphere ,,of      
,,legislation4 ,almost every civilized  
nation has  abolished slavery by law4   
,the history of legislation since the   
revival  of letters1 is a record crowded
 with testimony to the universally      
admitted competency of the law-making   

power to abolish slavery4 ,it is so     
manifestly an attribute not merely of   
absolute sovereignty1 but even of       
ordinary legislation1 that the          
competency of a legislature to exercise 
it1 may well nigh be reckoned among the 
legal axioms of the civilized  world4   
,even the night of the dark ages was not
 dark enough to make this  invisible4   
,the ,abolition decree of the great     
council of ,england was passed in #aajb4
  ,the memorable ,irish decree1 that all
 the ,english slaves in the whole of    
,ireland1 be immediately emancipated and
 restored to their former  liberty1 was 
issued in #aaga4 ,slavery in ,england   
was abolished by a  general charter of  
emancipation in #acha4 ,passing over    
many instances of  the abolition of     
slavery by law1 both during the middle  
ages and since  the reformation1 we find
 them multiplying as we approach our own
 times4  ,in #aggf slavery was abolished
 in ,prussia by special edict4 ,in ,st4 
,domingo1 ,cayenne1 ,guadeloupe1 and    

,martinique1 in #agid1 where more than  
#fij1jjj slaves were emancipated by the 
,french government4 ,in ,java1 #ahaa2   
in ,ceylon1 #ahae2 in ,buenos ,ayres1   
#ahaf2 in ,st4 ,helena1 #ahai2 in       
,colombia1 #ahba2 by the ,congress of   
,chili in #ahba2 in ,cape ,colony1      
#ahbc2  in ,malacca1 #ahbe2 in the      
southern provinces of ,birmah1 #ahbf2 in
 ,bolivia1  #ahbf2 in ,peru1 ,guatemala1
 and ,monte ,video1 #ahbh1 in ,jamaica1 
,barbadoes1  ,bermudas1 ,bahamas1 the   
,mauritius1 ,st4 ,christophers1 ,nevis1 
the ,virgin  ,islands1 ,antigua1        
,montserrat1 ,dominica1 ,st4 ,vincents1 
,grenada1 ,berbice1  ,tobago1 ,st4      
,lucia1 ,trinidad1 ,honduras1 ,demarara1
 and the ,cape of ,good  ,hope1 on the  
#ast of ,august1 #ahcd4 ,but waving     
details1 suffice it to say1  that       
,england1 ,france1 ,spain1 ,portugal1   
,sweden1 ,denmark1 ,austria1  ,prussia1 
and ,germany1 have all and often given  
their testimony to the  competency of   
the legislative power to abolish        

slavery4 ,in our own  country1 the      
,legislature of ,pennsylvania passed an 
act of abolition in  #aghj1             
,connecticut1 in #aghd2 ,rhode ,island1 
#aghd2 ,new-,york1 #agii2  ,new-,jersey1
 in #ahjd2 ,vermont1 by ,constitution1  
in #aggg2 ,massachusetts1  in #aghj2 and
 ,new ,hampshire1 in #aghd4    ,when the
 competency of the law-making power to  
abolish slavery1 has thus  been         
recognised every where and for ages1    
when it has been embodied in  the       
highest precedents1 and celebrated in   
the thousand jubilees of  regenerated   
liberty1 is it an achievement of modern 
discovery1 that such  a power is a      
nullity8--that all these acts of        
abolition are void1 and  that the       
millions disenthralled by them1 are1    
either themselves or their  posterity1  
still legally in bondage8    #d4        
,,legislative ,,power ,,has ,,abolished 
,,slavery ,,in ,,its ,,parts4 ,the law  
of  ,south ,carolina prohibits the      
working of slaves more than fifteen     

hours  in the twenty-four4 ,in other    
words1 it takes from the slaveholder his
  power over nine hours of the slave's  
time daily2 and if it can take nine     
hours it may take twenty-four4 ,the laws
 of ,georgia prohibit the working  of   
slaves on the first day of the week2 and
 if they can do it for the  first1 they 
can for the six following4    ,the law  
of ,north ,carolina prohibits the       
immoderate correction of  slaves4 ,if it
 has power to prohibit immoderate       
correction1 it can  prohibit moderate   
correction--all correction1 which would 
be virtual  emancipation2 for1 take from
 the master the power to inflict pain1  
and  he is master no longer4 ,cease to  
ply the slave with the stimulus of      
fear2 and he is free4    ,the           
,constitution of ,mississippi gives the 
,general ,assembly power to make  laws  
to oblige the owners of slaves to treat 
them with humanity4 ,the  ,constitution 
of ,missouri has the same clause1 and an
 additional one  making it the ,,duty of

 the legislature to pass such laws as   
may be  necessary to secure the humane  
treatment of the slaves4 ,this grant to 
those legislatures1 empowers them to    
decide what is and what is not  humane  
treatment4 ,otherwise it gives no       
power--the clause is mere  waste paper1 
and flouts in the face of a befooled    
legislature4 ,a clause  giving power to 
require humane treatment covers all the 
particulars  of such treatment--gives   
power to exact it in all                
respects--requiring  certain acts1 and  
prohibiting others--maiming1 branding1  
chaining  together1 separating families1
 floggings for learning the alphabet1   
for  reading the ,bible1 for worshiping 
,god according to conscience--the       
legislature has power to specify each of
 these acts--declare that it is  not    
humane treatment1 and ,,prohibit        
it4--,the legislature may also  believe 
that driving men and women into the     
field1 and forcing them to  work without
 pay1 is not humane treatment1 and being

 ,constitutionally  bound to oblige     
masters to practise humane              
treatment--they have  the power to      
prohibit such treatment1 and are bound  
to do it4    ,the law of ,louisiana     
makes slaves real estate1 prohibiting   
the holder1  if he be also a land       
holder1 to separate them from the       
soil4,a ,if it  has power to prohibit   
the sale without the soil1 it can       
prohibit the  sale with it2 and if it   
can prohibit the sale as property1 it   
can  prohibit the holding as property4  
,similar laws exist in the ,french1     
,spanish1 and ,portuguese colonies4     
,footnote ,a3 ,virginia made slaves real
 estate by a law passed in #agje4       
7,beverly's ,hist4 of ,va41 p4 #ih47 ,i 
do not find the precise time when  this 
law was repealed1 probably when         
,virginia became the chief slave        
breeder for the cotton-growing and      
sugar-planting country1 and made  young 
men and women from fifteen to           
twenty-five the main staple  production 

of the ,state4    ,the law of ,louisiana
 requires the master to give his slaves 
a certain  amount of food and clothing4 
,if it can oblige the master to give the
  slave one thing1 it can oblige him to 
give him another3 if food and  clothing1
 then wages1 liberty1 his own body4     
,by the laws of ,connecticut1 slaves may
 receive and hold property1 and         
prosecute suits in their own name as    
plaintiffs3 ,this last was also the  law
 of ,virginia in #agie4 ,see ,tucker's  
,dissertation on ,slavery1 p4 #gc4      
,there were also laws making marriage   
contracts legal1 in certain             
contingencies1 and punishing            
infringements of them1 ,reeve's ,law of 
,baron and ,femme1 p4 #cdj-a4 ,each of  
the laws enumerated above1 does1  in    
principle1 abolish slavery2 and all of  
them together abolish it in  fact4      
,true1 not as a whole1 and at a stroke1 
nor all in one place2  but in its parts1
 by piecemeal1 at divers times and      
places2 thus  showing that the abolition

 of slavery is within the boundary of   
legislation4    #e4 ,,the ,,competency  
,,of ,,the ,,law-,,making ,,power ,,to  
,,abolish ,,slavery1 ,,has ,,been       
,,recognized ,,by ,,all ,,the           
,,slaveholding ,,states1 ,,either       
,,directly ,,or ,,by  ,,implication4    
,some ,states recognize it in their     
,constitutions1 by  giving the          
legislature power to emancipate such    
slaves as may have  rendered the state  
some distinguished service1 and others  
by express  prohibitory restrictions4   
,the ,constitution of ,mississippi1     
,arkansas1 and  other ,states1 restrict 
the power of the legislature in this    
respect4 ,why  this express prohibition1
 if the law-making power cannot abolish 
slavery8 ,a stately farce1 indeed1 to   
construct a special clause1 and  with   
appropriate rites induct it into the    
,constitution1 for the express  purpose 
of restricting a nonentity6--to take    
from the law-making power  what it never
 had1 and what cannot pertain to it6    

,the legislatures  of those ,states have
 no power to abolish slavery1 simply    
because their  ,constitutions have      
expressly taken away that power4 ,the   
people of  ,arkansas1 ,mississippi1 c41 
well knew the competency of the         
law-making  power to abolish slavery1   
and hence their zeal to restrict it4    
,the slaveholding ,states have          
recognised this power in their laws4    
,the  ,virginia ,legislature passed a   
law in #aghf to prevent the further     
importation of ,slaves1 of which the    
following is an extract3 ,and be it     
further enacted that every slave        
imported into this commonwealth         
contrary to the true intent and meaning 
of this act1 shall upon such            
importation become free4 ,by a law of   
,virginia1 passed ,dec4 #ag1 #agib1  a  
slave brought into the state and kept   
there a year1 was free4 ,the  ,maryland 
,court of ,appeals at the ,december term
 #ahac case of ,stewart  vs4 ,oakes1    
decided that a slave owned in ,maryland1

 and sent by his  master into ,virginia 
to work at different periods1 making one
 year in  the whole1 became free1 being 
emancipated by the law of ,virginia     
quoted above4 ,north ,carolina and      
,georgia in their acts of cession1      
transferring to the ,united ,states the 
territory now constituting the  ,states 
of ,tennessee1 ,alabama and             
,mississippi1 made it a condition of the
  grant1 that the provisions of the     
ordinance of '#hg1 should be secured to 
the inhabitants with the exception of   
the sixth article which prohibits       
slavery2 thus conceding1 both the       
competency of law to abolish slavery1   
and the power of ,congress to do it1    
within its jurisdiction4 7,these acts   
show the prevalent belief at that time1 
in the slaveholding ,states1 that  the  
general government had adopted a line of
 policy aiming at the  exclusion of     
slavery from the entire territory of the
 ,united ,states1 not  included within  
the original ,states1 and that this     

policy would be  pursued unless         
prevented by specific and formal        
stipulation47    ,slaveholding states   
have asserted this power in their       
judicial  decisions4 ,in numerous cases 
their highest courts have decided that  
if  the legal owner of slaves takes them
 into those ,states where slavery has   
been abolished either by law or by the  
constitution1 such removal  emancipates 
them1 such law or constitution          
abolishing their slavery4  ,this        
principle is asserted in the decision of
 the ,supreme ,court of  ,louisiana1 in 
the case of ,lunsford vs4 ,coquillon1   
#ad ,martin's ,la4  ,reps4 #dja4 ,also  
by the ,supreme ,court of ,virginia1 in 
the case of ,hunter  vs4 ,fulcher1 #a   
,leigh's ,reps4 #agb4 ,the same doctrine
 was laid down by  ,judge ,washington1  
of the ,united ,states ,supreme ,court1 
in the case of  ,butler vs4 ,hopper1    
,washington's ,circuit ,court ,reps4    
#ejh4 ,this  principle was also decided 
by the ,court of ,appeals in ,kentucky2 

case of  ,rankin vs4 ,lydia1 #b         
,marshall's ,reps4 #djg2 see also1      
,wilson vs4  ,isbell1 #e ,call's ,reps4 
#dbe1 ,spotts vs4 ,gillespie1 #f        
,randolph's ,reps4  #eff4 ,the ,state   
vs4 ,lasselle1 #a ,blackford's ,reps4   
#fj1 ,marie ,louise  vs4 ,mariot1 #h    
,la4 ,reps4 #dge4 ,in this case1 which  
was tried in #ahcf1  the slave had been 
taken by her master to ,france and      
brought back2 ,judge  ,mathews1 of the  
,supreme ,court of ,louisiana1 decided  
that residence for  one moment under the
 laws of ,france emancipated her4    #f4
 ,,eminent ,,statesmen1 ,,themselves    
,,slaveholders1 ,,have ,,conceded ,,this
 ,,power4  ,washington1 in a letter to  
,robert ,morris1 dated ,april #ab1      
#aghf1 says3  ,there is not a man       
living1 who wishes more sincerely than  
,i do1 to see  a plan adopted for the   
abolition of slavery2 but there is only 
one  proper and effectual mode by which 
it can be accomplished1 and that is  by 
legislative authority4 ,in a letter to  

,lafayette1 dated ,may #aj1  #aghf1 he  
says3 ,it 7the abolition of slavery7    
certainly might1 and  assuredly ought to
 be effected1 and that too by           
legislative  authority4 ,in a letter to 
,john ,fenton ,mercer1 dated ,sept4 #i1 
#aghf1 he  says3 ,it is among my first  
wishes to see some plan adopted by which
  slavery in this country may be        
abolished by law4 ,in a letter to ,sir  
,john ,sinclair1 he says3 ,there are in 
,pennsylvania1 laws for the  gradual    
abolition of slavery1 which neither     
,maryland nor ,virginia have  at        
present1 but which nothing is more      
certain than that they must  have1 and  
at a period not remote4 ,speaking of    
movements in the  ,virginia ,legislature
 in #aggg1 for the passage of a law     
emancipating the  slaves1 ,mr4          
,jefferson says3 ,the principles of the 
amendment were agreed  on1 that is to   
say1 the freedom of all born after a    
certain day2 but it  was found that the 
public mind would not bear the          

proposition1 yet the  day is not far    
distant1 when it must bear and adopt    
it4--,jefferson's  ,memoirs1 v4 #a1 p4  
#ce4 ,it is well known that ,jefferson1 
,pendleton1 ,mason1  ,wythe and ,lee1   
while acting as a committee of the      
,virginia ,house of  ,delegates to      
revise the ,state ,laws1 prepared a plan
 for the gradual  emancipation of the   
slaves by law4 ,these men were the great
 lights of  ,virginia4 ,mason1 the      
author of the ,virginia ,constitution2  
,pendleton1 the  ,president of the      
memorable ,virginia ,convention in      
#aghg1 and ,president of  the ,virginia 
,court of ,appeals2 ,wythe was the      
,blackstone of the ,virginia  bench1 for
 a quarter of a century ,chancellor of  
the ,state1 the professor  of law in the
 ,university of ,william and ,mary1 and 
the preceptor of  ,jefferson1 ,madison1 
and ,chief ,justice ,marshall4 ,he was  
author of the  celebrated remonstrance  
to the ,english ,house of ,commons on   
the subject  of the stamp act4 ,as to   

,jefferson1 his name is his biography4  
,every slaveholding member of ,congress 
from the ,states of ,maryland1          
,virginia1 ,north and ,south ,carolina1 
and ,georgia1 voted for the  celebrated 
ordinance of #aghg1 which abolished the 
slavery then  existing in the ,northwest
 ,territory4 ,patrick ,henry1 in his    
well known  letter to ,robert           
,pleasants1 of ,virginia1 ,january #ah1 
#aggc1 says3 ,i  believe a time will    
come when an opportunity will be offered
 to  abolish this lamentable evil4      
,william ,pinkney1 of ,maryland1        
advocated  the abolition of slavery by  
law1 in the legislature of that ,state1 
in  #aghi4 ,luther ,martin urged the    
same measure both in the ,federal       
,convention1 and in his report to the   
,legislature of ,maryland4 ,in #agif1   
,st4 ,george ,tucker1 of ,virginia1     
professor of law in the ,university of  
,william and ,mary1 and ,judge of the   
,general ,court1 published an elaborate 
dissertation on slavery1 addressed to   

the ,general ,assembly of the ,state1   
and urging upon them the abolition of   
slavery by law4    ,john ,jay1 while    
,new ,york was yet a slave ,state1 and  
himself in law a  slaveholder1 said in a
 letter from ,spain1 in #aghf1 ,an      
excellent law  might be made out of the 
,pennsylvania one1 for the gradual      
abolition of  slavery4 ,were ,i in your 
legislature1 ,i would present a bill for
 the  purpose1 drawn up with great care1
 and ,i would never cease moving it     
till it became a law1 or ,i ceased to be
 a member4    ,daniel ,d4 ,tompkins1 in 
a message to the ,legislature of        
,new-,york ,january  #h1 #ahab1 said3   
,to devise the means for the gradual and
 ultimate  extermination from amongst us
 of slavery1 is a work worthy the       
representatives of a polished and       
enlightened nation4    ,the ,virginia   
,legislature asserted this power in     
#ahcb4 ,at the close of a  month's      
debate1 the following proceedings were  
had4 ,i extract from an  editorial      

article of the ,richmond ,whig1 of      
,january #bf1 #ahcb4          ,the      
report of the ,select ,committee1       
adverse to legislation on      the      
subject of ,abolition1 was in these     
words3 ,resolved1 as the      opinion of
 this ,committee1 that it is            
,,inexpedient ,,for ,,the               
,,present1 to make any legislative      
enactments for the abolition      of    
,slavery4 ,this ,report ,mr4 ,preston   
moved to reverse1 and thus      to      
declare that it was expedient1 now to   
make legislative      enactments for the
 abolition of slavery4 ,this was meeting
 the      question in its strongest     
form4 ,it demanded action1 and          
immediate action4 ,on this proposition  
the vote was #eh to #gc4      ,many of  
the most decided friends of abolition   
voted against the      amendment2       
because they thought public opinion not 
sufficiently      prepared for it1 and  
that it might prejudice the cause to    
move      too rapidly4 ,the vote on ,mr4

 ,witcher's motion to postpone the      
whole subject indefinitely1 indicates   
the true state of opinion      in the   
,house4--,that was the test question1   
and was so intended      and proclaimed 
by its mover4 ,that motion was          
negatived1 #ga to      #fj2 showing a   
majority of #aa1 who by that vote1      
declared their      belief that at the  
proper time1 and in the proper mode1    
,virginia ought to commence a system of 
gradual abolition4      #g4 ,,the       
,,congress ,,of ,,the ,,united ,,states 
,,have ,,asserted ,,this ,,power4 ,the  
ordinance of '#hg1 declaring that there 
should be neither slavery nor           
involuntary servitude1 in the ,north    
,western territory1 abolished the       
slavery then existing there4 ,the       
,supreme ,court of ,mississippi1 in its 
decision in the case of ,harvey vs4     
,decker1 ,walker's ,mi4 ,reps4 #cf1     
declared that the ordinance emancipated 
the slaves then held there4 ,in  this   
decision the question is argued ably and

 at great length4 ,the  ,supreme ,court 
of ,la4 made the same decision in the   
case of ,forsyth vs4  ,nash1 #d         
,martin's ,la4 ,reps4 #cie4 ,the same   
doctrine was laid down by ,judge        
,porter1 7late ,united ,states ,senator 
from ,la417 in his decision at the      
,march term of the ,la4 ,supreme ,court1
 #ahcj1 in the case of ,merry vs4       
,chexnaider1 #bj ,martin's ,reps4 #fii4 
,that the ordinance abolished the       
slavery then existing there is also     
shown by the fact1 that persons holding 
slaves in the territory  petitioned for 
the repeal of the article abolishing    
slavery1 assigning  that as a reason4   
,the petition of the citizens of        
,randolph and ,st4  ,clair counties in  
the ,illinois country1 stating that they
 were in  possession of slaves1 and     
praying the repeal of that act 7the #fth
  article of the ordinance of '#hg7 and 
the passage of a law legalizing  slavery
 there4 ,am4 ,state papers1 ,public     
,lands1 v4 #a4 p4 #fi4 ,congress  passed

 this ordinance before the ,united      
,states ,constitution was adopted1  when
 it derived all its authority from the  
articles of ,confederation1  which      
conferred powers of legislation far more
 restricted than those  conferred on    
,congress over the ,district and        
,territories by the ,united  ,states    
,constitution4 ,now1 we ask1 how does   
the ,constitution abridge  the powers   
which ,congress possessed under the     
articles of confederation8    ,the      
abolition of the slave trade by         
,congress1 in #ahjh1 is another         
illustration of the competency of       
legislative power to abolish slavery4   
,the ,african slave trade has become    
such a mere technic1 in common          
parlance1 that the fact of its being    
proper slavery is overlooked4 ,the      
buying and selling1 the transportation1 
and the horrors of the middle  passage1 
were mere incidents of the slavery in   
which the victims were  held4 ,let      
things be called by their own names4    

,when ,congress abolished  the ,african 
slave trade1 it abolished               
,,slavery--supreme slavery--power       
frantic with license1 trampling a whole 
hemisphere scathed with its  fires1 and 
running down with blood4 ,true1         
,congress did not1 in the  abolition of 
the slave trade1 abolish all the slavery
 within its  jurisdiction1 but it did   
abolish all the slavery in one part of  
its  jurisdiction4 ,what has rifled it  
of power to abolish slavery in  another 
part of its jurisdiction1 especially in 
that part where it has  exclusive       
legislation in all cases whatsoever8    
#h4 ,,the ,,constitution ,,of ,,the     
,,united ,,states ,,recognises ,,this   
,,power ,,by ,,the  ,,most ,,conclusive 
,,implication4 ,in ,art4 #a1 sec4 #c1   
clause #a1 it prohibits  the abolition  
of the slave trade previous to #ahjh3   
thus implying the  power of ,congress to
 do it at once1 but for the restriction2
 and its  power to do it                
unconditionally1 when that restriction  

ceased4 ,again2  ,in ,art4 #d1 sec4 #b1 
,no person held to service or labor in  
one state  under the laws thereof1      
escaping into another1 shall in         
consequence of  any law or regulation   
therein1 be discharged from said service
 or  labor4 ,this clause was inserted1  
as all admit1 to prevent the runaway    
slave from being emancipated by the laws
 of the free states4 ,if these  laws had
 no power to emancipate1 why this       
constitutional guard to  prevent it8    
,the insertion of the clause1 was the   
testimony of the eminent jurists  that  
framed the ,constitution1 to the        
existence of the power1 and their       
public proclamation1 that the abolition 
of slavery was within the  appropriate  
sphere of legislation4 ,the right of the
 owner to that which  is rightfully     
property1 is founded on a principle of  
universal law1  and is recognised and   
protected by all civilized nations2     
property in  slaves is1 by general      
consent1 an exception2 hence            

slaveholders  insisted upon the         
insertion of this clause in the ,united 
,states  ,constitution1 that they might 
secure by an express provision1 that    
from which protection is withheld1 by   
the acknowledged principles of          
universal law4,a ,by demanding this     
provision1 slaveholders consented  that 
their slaves should not be recognised as
 property by the ,united  ,states       
,constitution1 and hence they found     
their claim1 on the fact of  their being
 persons1 and held to service4          
,footnote ,a3 ,the fact1 that under the 
articles of ,confederation1             
slaveholders1 whose slaves had escaped  
into free states1 had no legal  power to
 force them back1--that now they have no
 power to recover1 by  process of law1  
their slaves who escape to ,canada1 the 
,south ,american  ,states1 or to        
,europe--the case already cited1 in     
which the ,supreme ,court  of ,louisiana
 decided1 that residence for one moment1
 under the laws  of ,france emancipated 

an ,american slave--the case of ,fulton 
vs44  ,lewis1 #c ,har4 and ,john's      
,reps41 #ef1 where the slave of a ,st4  
,domingo  slaveholder1 who brought him  
to ,maryland in '#ic1 was pronounced    
free by  the ,maryland ,court of        
,appeals--are illustrations of the      
acknowledged  truth here asserted1 that 
by the consent of the civilized world1  
and on  the principles of universal law1
 slaves are not property1 and that      
whenever held as property under law1 it 
is only by positive  legislative acts1  
forcibly setting aside the law of       
nature1 the common  law1 and the        
principles of universal justice and     
right between man and  man1--principles 
paramount to all law1 and from which    
alone law1 derives  its intrinsic       
authoritative sanction4    #i4          
,,congress ,,has ,,unquestionable       
,,power ,,to ,,adopt ,,the ,,common     
,,law1 ,,as ,,the  ,,legal ,,system1    
,,within ,,its ,,exclusive              
,,jurisdiction4--,this has been done1   

with certain restrictions1 in most of   
the ,states1 either by legislative  acts
 or by constitutional implication4 ,,the
 ,,common ,,law ,,knows ,,no ,,slaves4  
,its principles annihilate slavery      
wherever they touch it4 ,it is a        
universal1 unconditional1 abolition act4
 ,wherever slavery is a legal  system1  
it is so only by statute law1 and in    
violation of the common  law4 ,the      
declaration of ,lord ,chief ,justice    
,holt1 that1 by the common  law1 no man 
can have property in another1 is an     
acknowledged axiom1 and  based upon the 
well known common law definition of     
property4 ,the  subjects of dominion or 
property are things1 as                 
contra-distinguished  from persons4 ,let
 ,congress adopt the common law in the  
,district of  ,columbia1 and slavery    
there is at once abolished4 ,congress   
may well be  at home in common law      
legislation1 for the common law is the  
grand  element of the ,united ,states   
,constitution4 ,all its fundamental     

provisions are instinct with its spirit2
 and its existence1 principles1  and    
paramount authority1 are presupposed and
 assumed throughout the  whole4 ,the    
preamble of the ,constitution plants the
 standard of the  ,common ,law immovably
 in its foreground4 ,we1 the people of  
the ,united  ,states1 in order to       
,,establish ,,justice1 c41 do ordain and
 establish this  ,constitution2 thus    
proclaiming devotion to ,,justice1 as   
the  controlling motive in the          
organization of the ,government1 and its
 secure  establishment the chief object 
of its aims4 ,by this most solemn       
recognition1 the common law1 that grand 
legal embodyment of justice  and        
fundamental right--was made the         
,groundwork of the ,constitution1 and   
intrenched behind its strongest         
munitions4 ,the second clause of ,sec4  
#i1  ,art4 #a2 ,sec4 #d1 ,art4 #b1 and  
the last clause of ,sec4 #b1 ,art4 #c1  
with  ,articles #g1 #h1 #i1 and #ac of  
the ,amendments1 are also express       

recognitions of the common law as the   
presiding ,genius of the  ,constitution4
    ,by adopting the common law within  
its exclusive jurisdiction ,congress    
would carry out the principles of our   
glorious ,declaration1 and follow  the  
highest precedents in our national      
history and jurisprudence4 ,it is  a    
political maxim as old as civil         
legislation1 that laws should be        
strictly homogeneous with the principles
 of the government whose will  they     
express1 embodying and carrying them    
out--being indeed the  principles       
themselves1 in preceptive               
form--representatives alike of  the     
nature and the power of the             
,government--standing illustrations of  
its genius and spirit1 while they       
proclaim and enforce its authority4     
,who needs be told that slavery makes   
war upon the principles of the          
,declaration1 and the spirit of the     
,constitution1 and that these and the   
principles of the common law gravitate  

toward each other with  irrepressible   
affinities1 and mingle into one8 ,the   
common law came  hither with our pilgrim
 fathers2 it was their birthright1 their
 panoply1  their glory1 and their song  
of rejoicing in the house of their      
pilgrimage4 ,it covered them in the day 
of their calamity1 and their  trust was 
under the shadow of its wings4 ,from the
 first settlement of  the country1 the  
genius of our institutions and our      
national spirit have  claimed it as a   
common possession1 and exulted in it    
with a common  pride4 ,a century ago1   
,governor ,pownall1 one of the most     
eminent  constitutional jurists of      
colonial times1 said of the common law1 
,in  all the colonies the common law is 
received as the foundation and main     
body of their law4 ,in the ,declaration 
of ,rights1 made by the  ,continental   
,congress at its first session in '#gd1 
there was the  following resolution3    
,resolved1 ,that the respective colonies
 are  entitled to the common law of     

,england1 and especially to the great   
and  inestimable privilege of being     
tried by their peers of the vicinage    
according to the course of that law4    
,soon after the organization of the     
general government1 ,chief ,justice     
,ellsworth1 in one of his decisions on  
the bench of the ,united ,states        
,supreme ,court1 said3 ,the common law  
of  this country remains the same as it 
was before the revolution4 ,chief       
,justice ,marshall1 in his decision in  
the case of ,livingston vs4  ,jefferson1
 said3 ,when our ancestors migrated to  
,america1 they brought  with them the   
common law of their native country1 so  
far as it was  applicable to their new  
situation1 and ,i do not conceive that  
the  revolution in any degree changed   
the relations of man to man1 or the law 
which regulates them4 ,in breaking our  
political connection with the  parent   
state1 we did not break our connection  
with each other4 ,hall's  ,law ,journal1
 new series4 ,mr4 ,duponceau1 in his    

,dissertation on the  ,jurisdiction of  
,courts in the ,united ,states1 says1 ,i
 consider the  common law of ,england   
the jus commune of the ,united ,states4 
,i think ,i  can lay it down as a       
correct principle1 that the common law  
of ,england1  as it was at the time of  
the ,declaration of ,independence1 still
  continues to be the national law of   
this country1 so far as it is           
applicable to our present state1 and    
subject to the modifications it has     
received here in the course of nearly   
half a century4 ,chief ,justice  ,taylor
 of ,north ,carolina1 in his decision in
 the case of the ,state vs4  ,reed1 in  
#ahbc1 ,hawkes' ,n4,c4 ,reps4 #ded1     
says1 a law of paramount  obligation to 
the statute1 was violated by the        
offence--,,common ,,law  founded upon   
the law of nature1 and confirmed by     
revelation4 ,the  legislation of the    
,united ,states abounds in recognitions 
of the  principles of the common law1   
asserting their paramount binding power4

  ,sparing details1 of which our        
national state papers are full1 we      
illustrate by a single instance4 ,it was
 made a condition of the  admission of  
,louisiana into the ,union1 that the    
right of trial by jury  should be       
secured to all her citizens1--the       
,united ,states government  thus        
employing its power to enlarge the      
jurisdiction of the common law  in this 
its great representative4    ,having    
shown that the abolition of slavery is  
within the competency of  the law-making
 power1 when unrestricted by            
constitutional provisions1  and that the
 legislation of ,congress over the      
,district is thus  unrestricted1 its    
power to abolish slavery there is       
established4    ,we argue it further1   
from the fact1 that slavery exists there
 now by  an act of ,congress4 ,in the   
act of #afth ,july1 #agij1 ,congress    
accepted  portions of territory offered 
by the states of ,maryland and          
,virginia1  and enacted that the laws1  

as they then were1 should continue in   
force1  until ,congress shall otherwise 
by law provide4 ,under these laws1      
adopted by ,congress1 and in effect     
re-enacted and made laws of the         
,district1 the slaves there are now     
held4    ,is ,congress so impotent in   
its own exclusive jurisdiction that it  
cannot otherwise by law provide8 ,if it 
can say1 what shall be  considered      
property1 it can say what shall not be  
considered property4  ,suppose a        
legislature should enact that marriage  
contracts shall be mere  bills of sale1 
making a husband the proprietor of his  
wife1 as his bona  fide property2 and   
suppose husbands should herd their wives
 in droves  for the market as beasts of 
burden1 or for the brothel as victims of
  lust1 and then prate about their      
inviolable legal property1 and deny the 
power of the legislature1 which stamped 
them property1 to undo its own  wrong1  
and secure to wives by law the rights of
 human beings4 ,would such  cant about  

legal rights be heeded where reason and 
justice held sway1  and where law1 based
 upon fundamental morality1 received    
homage8 ,if a  frantic legislature      
pronounces woman a chattel1 has it no   
power1 with  returning reason1 to take  
back the blasphemy8 ,is the impious     
edict  irrepealable8 ,be it1 that with  
legal forms it has stamped wives wares4 
,can no legislation blot out the brand8 
,must the handwriting of ,deity on      
human nature be expunged for ever8 ,has 
law no power to stay the erasing  pen1  
and tear off the scrawled label that    
covers up the ,,image ,,of ,,god8       
,,ii4 ,,the ,,power ,,of ,,congress ,,to
 ,,abolish ,,slavery ,,in ,,the         
,,district ,,has ,,been1  ,,till        
,,recently1 ,,universally ,,conceded4   
#a4 ,,it ,,has ,,been ,,assumed ,,by    
,,congress ,,itself4 ,the following     
record stands  on the journals of the   
,house of ,representatives for #ahjd1 p4
 #bbe3 ,on  motion made and seconded    
that the ,house do come to the following

  resolution3 ',resolved1 ,that from and
 after the #dth day of ,july1 #ahje1    
all blacks and people of color that     
shall be born within the ,district of   
,columbia1 or whose mothers shall be the
 property of any person residing  within
 said ,district1 shall be free1 the     
males at the age of ----1 and  the      
females at the age of ----4 ,the main   
question being taken that the  house do 
agree to said motion as originally      
proposed1 it was negatived  by a        
majority of #df4' ,though the motion was
 lost1 it was on the ground  of its     
alleged inexpediency alone4 ,in the     
debate which preceded the  vote1 the    
power of ,congress was conceded4 ,in    
,march1 #ahaf1 the ,house of            
,representatives passed the following   
resolution3--,resolved1 ,that a         
committee be appointed to inquire into  
the existence of an inhuman and  illegal
 traffic in slaves1 carried on in and   
through the ,district of  ,columbia1 and
 to report whether any and what measures

 are necessary for  putting a stop to   
the same4    ,on the #ith of ,january1  
#ahbi1 the ,house of ,representatives   
passed the  following resolution by a   
vote of #aad to #ff3 ,resolved1 ,that   
the  ,committee on the ,district of     
,columbia1 be instructed to inquire into
 the  expediency of providing by law for
 the gradual abolition of slavery       
within the ,district1 in such manner    
that the interests of no individual     
shall be injured thereby4 ,among those  
who voted in the affirmative were       
,messrs4 ,barney of ,md41 ,armstrong of 
,va41 ,a4,h4 ,shepperd of ,n4,c41 ,blair
 of  ,tenn41 ,chilton and ,lyon of ,ky41
 ,johns of ,del41 and others from slave 
states4    #b4 ,,it ,,has ,,bees        
,,conceded ,,by ,,committees ,,of       
,,congress1 ,,of ,,the ,,district of    
,,columbia4--,in a report of the        
committee on the ,district1 ,jan4 #aa1  
#ahcg1  by their chairman1 ,mr4 ,powell 
of ,va41 there is the following         
declaration3--,the ,congress of the     

,united ,states1 has by the             
constitution exclusive jurisdiction over
 the ,district1 and has power  upon this
 subject1 7slavery17 as upon all other  
subjects of  legislation1 to exercise   
unlimited discretion4 ,reps4 of ,comms4 
#b;d  ,sess4 #aith ,cong4 v4 iv4 ,no4   
#dc4 ,in ,december1 #ahca1 the committee
 on the  ,district1 ,dr4 ,doddridge of  
,va41 ,chairman1 reported1 ,that until  
the  adjoining states act on the        
subject1 7slavery7 it would be 7not     
unconstitutional but7 unwise and        
impolitic1 if not unjust1 for  ,congress
 to interfere4 ,in ,april1 #ahcf1 a     
special committee on abolition          
memorials reported the following        
resolutions by their ,chairman1 ,mr4    
,pinckney of ,south ,carolina3          
,resolved1 ,that ,congress possesses no 
constitutional authority to interfere in
 any way with the institution of        
slavery in any of the states of this    
confederacy4    ,resolved1 ,that        
,congress ought not to interfere in any 

way with  slavery in the ,district of   
,columbia4 ,ought not to interfere1     
carefully avoiding the phraseology of   
the first resolution1 and thus in       
effect conceding the constitutional     
power4 ,in a widely circulated  ,address
 to the electors of the ,charleston     
,district1 ,mr4 ,pinkney is  thus       
denounced by his own constituents3 ,he  
has proposed a resolution  which is     
received by the plain common sense of   
the whole country as a  concession that 
,congress has authority to abolish      
slavery in the  ,district of ,columbia4 
#c4 ,,it ,,has ,,been ,,conceded ,,by   
,,the ,,citizens ,,of ,,the ,,district4 
,a petition for  the gradual abolition  
of slavery in the ,district1 signed by  
nearly  eleven hundred of its citizens1 
was presented to ,congress1 ,march #bd1 
#ahbg4 ,among the signers to this       
petition1 were ,chief ,justice ,cranch1 
,judge ,van ,ness1 ,judge ,morsel1      
,prof4 ,j4,m4 ,staughton1 and a large   
number  of the most influential         

inhabitants of the ,district4 ,mr4      
,dickson1 of ,new  ,york1 asserted on   
the floor of ,congress in #ahce1 that   
the signers of  this petition owned more
 than half of the property in the       
,district4 ,the  accuracy of this       
statement has never been questioned4    
,,this ,,power ,,has ,,been ,,conceded  
,,by ,,grand ,,juries ,,of ,,the        
,,district4 ,the ,grand  jury of the    
county of ,alexandria1 at the ,march    
term1 #ahjb1 presented the  domestic    
slave trade as a grievance1 and said1   
,we consider these  grievances demanding
 legislative redress4 ,jan4 #ai1 #ahbi1 
,mr4  ,alexander1 of ,virginia1         
presented a representation of the grand 
jury in  the city of ,washington1       
remonstrating against any measure for   
the  abolition of slavery within said   
,district1 unless accompanied by        
measures for the removal of the         
emancipated from the same2 thus1 not    
only conceding the power to emancipate  
slaves1 but affirming an  additional    

power1 that of excluding them when free4
 ,journal ,h4,r4  #ahbh-i1 p4 #agd4     
#d4 ,,this ,,power ,,has ,,been         
,,conceded ,,by ,,state ,,legislatures4 
,in #ahbh the  ,legislature of          
,pennsylvania instructed their ,senators
 in ,congress to  procure1 if           
practicable1 the passage of a law to    
abolish slavery in the  ,district of    
,columbia4 ,jan4 #bh1 #ahbi1 the ,house 
of ,assembly of ,new-,york  passed a    
resolution1 that their ,senators in     
,congress be instructed to  make every  
possible exertion to effect the passage 
of a law for the  abolition of ,slavery 
in the ,district of ,columbia4 ,in      
,february1 #ahcg1  the ,senate of       
,massachusetts ,resolved1 ,that         
,congress having exclusive  legislation 
in the ,district of ,columbia1 possess  
the right to abolish  slavery and the   
slave trade therein4 ,the ,house of     
,representatives  passed the following  
resolution at the same session3         
,resolved1 ,that  ,congress having      

exclusive legislation in the ,district  
of ,columbia1  possess the right to     
abolish slavery in said ,district4      
,november #a1 #ahcg1 the ,legislature of
 ,vermont1 ,resolved1 that ,congress    
have the full power by the constitution 
to abolish slavery and the slave  trade 
in the ,district of ,columbia1 and in   
the territories4    ,may #cj1 #ahcf1 a  
committee of the ,pennsylvania          
,legislature reported the  following    
resolution3 ,resolved1 ,that ,congress  
does possess the  constitutional power1 
and it is expedient to abolish slavery  
and the  slave trade within the         
,district of ,columbia4    ,in ,january1
 #ahcf1 the ,legislature of ,south      
,carolina ,resolved1 ,that we  should   
consider the abolition of ,slavery in   
the ,district of ,columbia as  a        
violation of the rights of the citizens 
of that ,district derived from  the     
implied conditions on which that        
territory was ceded to the  ,general    
,government4 ,instead of denying the    

constitutional power1 they  virtually   
admit its existence1 by striving to     
smother it under an  implication4 ,in   
,february1 #ahcf1 the ,legislature of   
,north ,carolina  ,resolved1 ,that1     
although by the ,constitution all       
legislative power  over the ,district of
 ,columbia is vested in the ,congress of
 the ,united  ,states1 yet we would     
deprecate any legislative action on the 
part of  that body towards liberating   
the slaves of that ,district1 as a      
breach of  faith towards those ,states  
by whom the territory was originally    
ceded4  ,here is a full concession of   
the power4 ,february #b1 #ahcf1 the     
,virginia  ,legislature passed          
unanimously the following resolution3   
,resolved1 by  the ,general ,assembly of
 ,virginia1 that the following article  
be proposed  to the several states of   
this ,union1 and to ,congress1 as an    
amendment of  the ,constitution of the  
,united ,states3 ,the powers of         
,congress shall not  be so construed as 

to authorize the passage of any law for 
the  emancipation of slaves in the      
,district of ,columbia1 without the     
consent  of the individual proprietors  
thereof1 unless by the sanction of the  
,legislatures of ,virginia and          
,maryland1 and under such conditions as 
they  shall by law prescribe4    ,fifty 
years after the formation of the ,united
 ,states' constitution the  states are  
solemnly called upon by the ,virginia   
,legislature1 to amend  that instrument 
by a clause asserting that1 in the grant
 to ,congress of  exclusive legislation 
in all cases whatsoever over the        
,district1 the  case of slavery is not  
included66 ,what could have dictated    
such a  resolution but the conviction   
that the power to abolish slavery is an 
irresistible inference from the         
constitution as it is4 ,the fact that   
the same legislature passed afterward a 
resolution1 though by no means          
unanimously1 that ,congress does not    
possess the power1 abates not a  tittle 

of the testimony in the first           
resolution4 ,march #bc;d1 #ahbd1 ,mr4   
,brown presented the resolutions of the 
,general ,assembly of ,ohio1            
recommending to ,congress the           
consideration of a system for the       
gradual  emancipation of persons of     
color held in servitude in the ,united  
,states4 ,on the same day1 ,mr4 ,noble1 
of ,indiana1 communicated a  resolution 
from the legislature of that state1     
respecting the gradual  emancipation of 
slaves within the ,united ,states4      
,journal of the ,united  ,states        
,senate1 for #ahbd-e1 p4 #bca4    ,the  
,ohio and ,indiana resolutions1 by      
taking for granted the general  power of
 ,congress over the subject of slavery1 
do virtually assert its  special power  
within its exclusive jurisdiction4      
#e4 ,,this ,,power ,,has ,,been         
,,conceded ,,by ,,bodies ,,of ,,citizens
 ,,in ,,the ,,slave  ,,states4 ,the     
petition of eleven hundred citizens of  
the ,district1 has  been already        

mentioned4 ,march #e1 #ahcj1 ,mr4       
,washington presented a  memorial of    
inhabitants of the county of ,frederick1
 in the state of  ,maryland1 praying    
that provision be made for the gradual  
abolition of  slavery in the ,district  
of ,columbia4 ,journal ,h4,r4 #ahbi-cj1 
p4 #ceh4    ,march #cj1 #ahbh4 ,mr4     
,a4,h4 ,shepperd1 of ,north ,carolina1  
presented a  memorial of citizens of    
that state1 praying ,congress to take   
measures  for the entire abolition of   
slavery in the ,district of ,columbia4  
,journal ,h4,r4 #ahbi-cj1 p4 #cgi4      
,january #ad1 #ahbb4 ,mr4 ,rhea1 of     
,tennessee1 presented a memorial of     
citizens of that state1 praying that    
provision may be made1 whereby all      
slaves which may hereafter be born in   
the ,district of ,columbia1 shall be    
free at a certain period of their lives4
 ,journal ,h4,r4 #ahba-bb1 p4 #adb4     
,december #ac1 #ahbd4 ,mr4 ,saunders of 
,north ,carolina1 presented a memorial  
of citizens of that state1 praying that 

measures may be taken for the  gradual  
abolition of slavery in the ,united     
,states4 ,journal ,h4,r4  #ahbd-be1 p4  
#bg4    ,december #af1 #ahbh4 ,mr4      
,barnard presented the memorial of the  
,american  ,convention for promoting the
 abolition of slavery1 held in          
,baltimore1  praying that slavery may be
 abolished in the ,district of          
,columbia4  ,journal ,u4,s4 ,senate1    
#ahbh-bi1 p4 #bd4    #f4 ,,distinguished
 ,,statesmen ,,and ,,jurists ,,in ,,the 
,,slaveholding ,,states1 ,,have         
,,conceded ,,this ,,power4 ,the         
testimony of ,messrs4 ,doddridge1 and   
,powell1 of  ,virginia1 ,chief ,justice 
,cranch1 and ,judges ,morsel and ,van   
,ness1 of the  ,district1 has already   
been given4 ,in the debate in ,congress 
on the  memorial of the ,society of     
,friends1 in #agij1 ,mr4 ,madison1 in   
speaking of  the territories of the     
,united ,states1 explicitly declared1   
from his own  knowledge of the views of 
the members of the convention that      

framed the  constitution1 as well as    
from the obvious import of its terms1   
that in  the territories1 ,congress have
 certainly the power to regulate the    
subject of slavery4 ,congress can have  
no more power over the  territories than
 that of exclusive legislation in all   
cases  whatsoever1 consequently1        
according to ,mr4 ,madison1 it has      
certainly  the power to regulate the    
subject of slavery in the ,district4 ,in
  ,march1 #ahaf1 ,mr4 ,randolph of ,va4 
introduced a resolution for putting a   
stop to the domestic slave trade within 
the ,district4 ,december #ab1 #ahbg1    
,mr4 ,barney1 of ,md4 presented a       
memorial for abolition in the ,district1
  and moved that it be printed4 ,mr4    
,mc,duffie1 of ,s4,c41 objected to the  
printing1 but expressly admitted the    
right of ,congress to grant to the      
people of the ,district any measures    
which they might deem necessary to  free
 themselves from the deplorable         
evil4--,see letter of ,mr4 ,claiborne   

of ,miss4 to his constituents1 published
 in the ,washington ,globe1 ,may #i1    
#ahcf4 ,the sentiments of ,mr4 ,clay1 of
 ,kentucky1 on the subject are well     
known4 ,in a speech before the ,u4,s4   
,senate1 in #ahcf1 he declared the      
power of ,congress to abolish slavery in
 the ,district unquestionable4  ,messrs4
 ,blair1 of ,tenn41 and ,chilton1 ,lyon1
 and ,r4,m4 ,johnson1 of ,ky41  ,a4,h4  
,shepperd1 of ,n4,c41 ,messrs4          
,armstrong and ,smyth1 of ,va41 ,messrs4
  ,dorsey1 ,archer1 and ,barney1 of     
,md41 and ,johns1 of ,del41 with        
numerous  others from slave states1 have
 asserted the power of ,congress to     
abolish  slavery in the ,district4 ,in  
the speech of ,mr4 ,smyth1 of ,va41 on  
the  ,missouri question1 ,january #bh1  
#ahbj1 he says on this point3 ,if the   
future freedom of the blacks is your    
real object1 and not a mere  pretence1  
why do you not begin here8 ,within the  
ten miles square1 you  have undoubted   
power to exercise exclusive legislation4

 ,produce a  bill to emancipate the     
slaves in the ,district of ,columbia1   
or1 if you  prefer it1 to emancipate    
those born hereafter4    ,to this may be
 added the testimony of the present     
,vice ,president of the  ,united        
,states1 ,hon4 ,richard ,m4 ,johnson1 of
 ,kentucky4 ,in a speech before  the    
,u4,s4 ,senate1 ,feb4 #a1 #ahbj1        
7,national ,intelligencer1 ,april #bj1  
#ahbj7  he says3 ,in the ,district of   
,columbia1 containing a population of   
#cj1jjj  souls1 and probably as many    
slaves as the whole territory of        
,missouri1  ,,the ,,power ,,of          
,,providing ,,for ,,their ,,emancipation
 ,,rests ,,with ,,congress ,,alone4     
,why1 then1 this heart-rending sympathy 
for the slaves of ,missouri1 and  this  
cold insensibility1 this eternal apathy1
 towards the slaves in the  ,district of
 ,columbia8    ,it is quite unnecessary 
to add1 that the most distinguished     
northern  statesmen of both political   
parties1 have always affirmed the power 

of  ,congress to abolish slavery in the 
,district3 ,president ,van ,buren in his
  letter of ,march #f1 #ahcf1 to a      
committee of gentlemen in ,north        
,carolina1  says1 ,i would not1 from the
 light now before me1 feel myself safe  
in  pronouncing that ,congress does not 
possess the power of abolishing  slavery
 in the ,district of ,columbia4 ,this   
declaration of the ,president  is       
consistent with his avowed sentiments   
touching the ,missouri question1  on    
which he coincided with such men as     
,daniel ,d4 ,tompkins1 ,de ,witt        
,clinton1 and others1 whose names are a 
host4,a ,it is consistent1 also1  with  
his recommendation in his late message1 
in which1 speaking of the  ,district1 he
 strongly urges upon ,congress a        
thorough and careful  revision of its   
local government1 speaks of the entire  
dependence of  the people of the        
,district upon ,congress1 recommends    
that a uniform  system of local         
government be adopted1 and adds1 that   

although it was  selected as the seat of
 the ,general ,government1 the site of  
its public  edifices1 the depository of 
its archives1 and the residence of      
officers  entrusted with large amounts  
of public property1 and the management  
of  public business1 yet it never has   
been subjected to1 or received1 that    
special and comprehensive legislation   
which these circumstances  peculiarly   
demanded4    ,footnote ,a3 ,mr4 ,van    
,buren1 when a member of the ,senate of 
,new-,york1  voted for the following    
preamble and resolutions1 which passed  
unanimously3--,jan #bhth1 #ahbj4        
,whereas the inhibiting the further     
extension of slavery in the ,united     
,states1 is a subject of deep concern   
to the people of this state3 and        
whereas1 we consider slavery as an evil 
much to be deplored1 and that every     
constitutional barrier should be        
interposed to prevent its further       
extension3 and that the constitution  of
 the ,united ,states clearly gives      

congress the right to require new       
states1 not comprised within the        
original boundary of the ,united        
,states1  to make the prohibition of    
slavery a condition of their admission  
into  the ,union3 ,therefore1           
,resolved1 ,that our ,senators be       
instructed1 and our members of ,congress
  be requested1 to oppose the admission 
as a state into the ,union1 of an       
territory not comprised as aforesaid1   
without making the prohibition of       
slavery therein an indispensable        
condition of admission4     ,the tenor  
of ,mr4 ,tallmadge's speech on the right
 of petition1 and of ,mr4  ,webster's on
 the reception of abolition memorials1  
may be taken as  universal exponents of 
the sentiments of northern statesmen as 
to the  power of ,congress to abolish   
slavery in the ,district of ,columbia4  
,an explicit declaration1 that an       
overwhelming majority of the  present   
,congress concede the power to abolish  
slavery in the ,district1  has just been

 made by ,hon4 ,robert ,barnwell ,rhett1
 a member of ,congress  from ,south     
,carolina1 in a letter published in the 
,charleston ,mercury of  ,dec4 #bg1     
#ahcg4 ,the following is an extract3    
,the time has arrived when we must have 
new guaranties under the                
constitution1 or the ,union must be     
dissolved4 ,our views of the            
constitution are not those of the       
majority4 ,,an ,,overwhelming           
,,majority think that by the            
constitution1 ,congress may abolish     
slavery in the ,district of             
,columbia--may abolish the slave trade  
between the ,states2 that is1 it may    
prohibit their being carried      out of
 the ,state in which they are--and      
prohibit it in all the      territories1
 ,florida among them4 ,they think1 ,,not
 ,,without ,,strong      ,,reasons1 that
 the power of ,congress extends to all  
of these      subjects4      ,direct    
testimony to show that the power of     
,congress to abolish slavery  in the    

,district1 has always till recently been
 universally conceded1  is perhaps quite
 superfluous4 ,we subjoin1 however1 the 
following3    ,the ,vice-,president of  
the ,united ,states in his speech on the
 ,missouri  question1 quoted above1     
after contending that the restriction of
 slavery  in ,missouri would be         
unconstitutional1 declares1 that the    
power of  ,congress over slavery in the 
,district ,,could ,,not ,,be            
,,questioned4 ,in the  speech of ,mr4   
,smyth1 of ,va41 also quoted above1 he  
declares the power of  ,congress to     
abolish slavery in the ,district to be  
,,undoubted4    ,mr4 ,sutherland1 of    
,penn41 in a speech in the ,house of    
,representatives1  on the motion to     
print ,mr4 ,pinckney's ,report1 is thus 
reported in the  ,washington ,globe1 of 
,may #ith1 '#cf4 ,he replied to the     
remark that the  report conceded that   
,congress had a right to legislate upon 
the subject  in the ,district of        
,columbia1 and said that ,,such ,a      

,,right ,,had ,,never ,,been1  ,,till   
,,recently1 ,,denied4    ,the ,american 
,quarterly ,review1 published at        
,philadelphia1 with a large  circulation
 and list of contributors in the slave  
states1 holds the  following language in
 the ,september ,no4 #ahcc1 p4 #ee3     
,under this  'exclusive jurisdiction1'  
granted by the constitution1 ,congress  
has  power to abolish slavery and the   
slave trade in the ,district of         
,columbia4 ,it would hardly be necessary
 to state this as a distinct            
proposition1 had it not been            
occasionally questioned4 ,the truth of  
the  assertion1 however1 is too obvious 
to admit of argument--and we believe    
,,has ,,never ,,been ,,disputed ,,by    
,,persons ,,who ,,are ,,familiar ,,with 
,,the  ,,constitution4                  
,,objections ,,to ,,the ,,foregoing     
,,conclusions ,,considered4    ,we now  
proceed to notice briefly the main      
arguments that have been  employed in   
,congress1 and elsewhere against the    

power of ,congress to  abolish slavery  
in the ,district4 ,one of the most      
plausible is2 that the  conditions on   
which ,maryland and ,virginia ceded the 
,district to the  ,united ,states1 would
 be violated1 if ,congress should       
abolish slavery  there4 ,the reply to   
this is1 that ,congress had no power to 
accept a  cession coupled with          
conditions restricting that power of    
exclusive  legislation in all cases     
whatsoever1 over such ,district1 which  
was  given it by the constitution4      
,to show the futility of the objection1 
we insert here the acts of  cession4    
,the cession of ,maryland was made in   
,november1 #aghh1 and is as  follows3   
,an act to cede to ,congress a district 
of ten miles square in  this state for  
the seat of the government of the       
,united ,states4    ,be it enacted1 by  
the ,general ,assembly of ,maryland1    
that the  representatives of this state 
in the ,house of ,representatives of the
  ,congress of the ,united ,states1     

appointed to assemble at ,new-,york1 on 
the  first ,wednesday of ,march next1   
be1 and they are hereby authorized and  
required on the behalf of this state1 to
 cede to the ,congress of the  ,united  
,states1 any district in this state1 not
 exceeding ten miles  square1 which the 
,congress may fix upon1 and accept for  
the seat of  government of the ,united  
,states4 ,laws of ,md41 v4 #b41 c4 #df4 
,the cession of ,virginia was made on   
the #c;d of ,december1 #aghh1 in the    
following words3    ,be it enacted by   
the ,general ,assembly1 ,that a tract of
 country1 not  exceeding ten miles      
square1 or any lesser quantity1 to be   
located within  the limits of the       
,state1 and in any part thereof1 as     
,congress may1 by  law1 direct1 shall   
be1 and the same is hereby forever ceded
 and  relinquished to the ,congress and 
,government of the ,united ,states1 in  
full and absolute right1 and exclusive  
jurisdiction1 as well of soil1 as  of   
persons residing or to reside thereon1  

pursuant to the tenor and  effect of the
 eighth section of the first article of 
the government of  the constitution of  
the ,united ,states4    ,but were there 
no provisos to these acts8 ,the         
,maryland act had none4  ,the ,virginia 
act had this proviso3 ,sect4 #b4        
,provided1 that nothing  herein         
contained1 shall be construed to vest in
 the ,united ,states any  right of      
property in the soil1 or to affect the  
rights of individuals  therein1         
otherwise than the same shall or may be 
transferred by such  individuals to the 
,united ,states4    ,this specification 
touching the soil was merely definitive 
and  explanatory of that clause in the  
act of cession1 full and absolute       
right4 ,instead of restraining the power
 of ,congress on slavery and  other     
subjects1 it even gives it freer course2
 for exceptions to parts  of a rule1    
give double confirmation to those parts 
not embraced in the  exceptions4 ,if it 
was the design of the proviso to        

restrict  congressional action on the   
subject of slavery1 why is the soil     
alone specified8 ,as legal instruments  
are not paragons of economy in  words1  
might not ,john ,doe1 out of his        
abundance1 and without spoiling  his    
style1 have afforded an additional      
word--at least a hint--that  slavery was
 meant1 though nothing was said about   
it8    ,but again1 ,maryland and        
,virginia1 in their acts of cession1    
declare them  to be in pursuance of that
 clause of the constitution which gives 
to  ,congress exclusive legislation in  
all cases whatsoever over the ten  miles
 square--thus1 instead of restricting   
that clause1 both ,states  confirm it4  
,now1 their acts of cession either      
accorded with that  clause of the       
constitution1 or they conflicted with   
it4 ,if they  conflicted with it1       
accepting the cessions was a violation  
of the  constitution4 ,the fact that    
,congress accepted the cessions1 proves 
that  in its view their terms did not   

conflict with its constitutional grant  
of power4 ,the inquiry whether these    
acts of cession were consistent or      
inconsistent with the ,united ,states'  
constitution1 is totally irrelevant  to 
the question at issue4 ,what saith the  
,,constitution8 ,that is the  question4 
,not1 what saith ,virginia1 or          
,maryland1 or--equally to the           
point--,john ,bull6 ,if ,maryland and   
,virginia had been the authorized       
interpreters of the constitution for the
 ,union1 these acts of cession  could   
hardly have been magnified more than    
they have been recently by  the southern
 delegation in ,congress4 ,a true       
understanding of the  constitution can  
be had1 forsooth1 only by holding it up 
in the light of  ,maryland and ,virginia
 legislation6    ,we are told1 again1   
that those ,states would not have ceded 
the ,district  if they had supposed the 
constitution gave ,congress power to    
abolish  slavery in it4    ,this comes  
with an ill grace from ,maryland and    

,virginia4 ,they knew the  constitution4
 ,they were parties to it4 ,they had    
sifted it clause by  clause1 in their   
,state conventions4 ,they had weighed   
its words in the  balance--they had     
tested them as by fire2 and finally1    
after long  pondering1 they adopted the 
constitution4 ,and afterward1           
self-moved1  they ceded the ten miles   
square1 and declared the cession made in
  pursuance of that oft-cited clause1   
,congress shall have power to  exercise 
exclusive legislation in all cases      
whatsoever over such  ,district4 ,and   
now verily they would not have ceded if 
they had  supposed6 c4 ,cede it they    
did1 and in full and absolute right     
both of soil and persons4 ,congress     
accepted the cession--state power  over 
the ,district ceased1 and congressional 
power over it commenced--and  now1 the  
sole question to be settled is1 the     
amount of power over the  ,district1    
lodged in ,congress by the constitution4
 ,the constitution--,,the               

,,constitution--that is the point4      
,maryland and ,virginia suppositions    
must be potent suppositions to abrogate 
a clause of the ,united ,states'        
,constitution6 ,that clause either gives
 ,congress power to abolish slavery  in 
the ,district1 or it does not--and that 
point is to be settled1 not  by state   
suppositions1 nor state usages1 nor     
state legislation1 but  by the terms of 
the clause themselves4    ,southern     
members of ,congress1 in the recent     
discussions1 have conceded  the power of
 a contingent abolition in the          
,district1 by suspending it  upon the   
consent of the people4 ,such a doctrine 
from declaimers like  ,messrs4 ,alford1 
of ,georgia1 and ,walker1 of            
,mississippi1 would excite no  surprise2
 but that it should be honored with the 
endorsement of such men  as ,mr4 ,rives 
and ,mr4 ,calhoun1 is quite             
unaccountable4 ,are attributes of       
sovereignty mere creatures of           
contingency8 ,is delegated authority    

mere conditional permission8 ,is a      
constitutional power to be  exercised by
 those who hold it1 only by popular     
sufferance8 ,must it  lie helpless at   
the pool of public sentiment1 waiting   
the gracious  troubling of its waters8  
,is it a lifeless corpse1 save only when
 popular  consent deigns to puff breath 
into its nostrils8 ,besides1 if the     
consent of the people of the ,district  
be necessary1 the consent of the  whole 
people must be had--not that of a       
majority1 however large4  ,majorities1  
to be authoritative1 must be legal--and 
a legal majority  without legislative   
power1 or right of representation1 or   
even the  electoral franchise1 would be 
truly an anomaly6 ,in the ,district of  
,columbia1 such a thing as a majority in
 a legal sense is unknown to law4  ,to  
talk of the power of a majority1 or the 
will of a majority there1 is  mere      
mouthing4 ,a majority8 ,then it has an  
authoritative will--and an  organ to    
make it known--and an executive to carry

 it into effect--,where  are they8 ,we  
repeat it--if the consent of the people 
of the ,district be  necessary1 the     
consent of every one is necessary--and  
universal  consent will come only with  
the ,greek ,kalends and a perpetual     
motion4  ,a single individual might thus
 perpetuate slavery in defiance of the  
expressed will of a whole people4 ,the  
most common form of this fallacy  is    
given by ,mr4 ,wise1 of ,virginia1 in   
his speech1 ,february #af1 #ahce1 in    
which he denied the power of ,congress  
to abolish slavery in the  ,district1   
unless the inhabitants owning slaves    
petitioned for it66  ,southern members  
of ,congress at the present session ring
 changes almost  daily upon the same    
fallacy4 ,what6 pray ,congress to use a 
power which  it has not8 ,it is required
 of a man according to what he hath1    
saith the ,scripture4 ,i commend ,mr4   
,wise to ,paul for his ethics4 ,would   
that he had got his logic of him6 ,if   
,congress does not possess the  power1  

why taunt it with its weakness1 by      
asking its exercise8 ,why mock  it by   
demanding impossibilities8 ,petitioning1
 according to ,mr4 ,wise1 is1  in       
matters of legislation1 omnipotence     
itself2 the very source of all          
constitutional power2 for1 asking       
,congress to do what it cannot do1      
gives it the power--to pray the exercise
 of a power that is not1  creates it4 ,a
 beautiful theory6 ,let us work it both 
ways4 ,if to  petition for the exercise 
of a power that is not1 creates it--to  
petition against the exercise of a power
 that is1 annihilates it4 ,as  southern 
gentlemen are partial to summary        
processes1 pray1 sirs1 try the  virtue  
of your own recipe on exclusive         
legislation in all cases  whatsoever2 a 
better subject for experiment and test  
of the  prescription could not be had4  
,but if the petitions of the citizens of
  the ,district give ,congress the right
 to abolish slavery1 they impose  the   
duty2 if they confer constitutional     

authority1 they create  constitutional  
obligation4 ,if ,congress may abolish   
because of an  expression of their will1
 it must abolish at the bidding of that 
will4  ,if the people of the ,district  
are a source of power to ,congress1     
their  expressed will has the force of a
 constitutional provision1 and has  the 
same binding power upon the ,national   
,legislature4 ,to make ,congress        
dependent on the ,district for          
authority1 is to make it a subject of   
its authority1 restraining the exercise 
of its own discretion1 and  sinking it  
into a mere organ of the ,district's    
will4 ,we proceed to  another objection4
    ,the southern states would not have 
ratified the constitution1 if they  had 
supposed that it gave this power4 ,it is
 a sufficient answer to  this objection1
 that the northern states would not have
 ratified it1 if  they had supposed that
 it withheld the power4 ,if suppositions
 are to  take the place of the          
constitution--coming from both sides1   

they  neutralize each other4 ,to argue a
 constitutional question by guessing  at
 the suppositions that might have been  
made by the parties to it1  would find  
small favor in a court of law4 ,but even
 a desperate shift is  some easement    
when sorely pushed4 ,if this question is
 to be settled by  suppositions         
suppositions shall be forthcoming1 and  
that without  stint4    ,first1 then1 ,i
 affirm that the ,north ratified the    
constitution1  supposing that slavery   
had begun to wax old1 and would speedily
 vanish  away1 and especially that the  
abolition of the slave trade1 which by  
the  constitution was to be surrendered 
to ,congress after twenty years1 would  
cast it headlong4    ,would the ,north  
have adopted the constitution1 giving   
three-fifths of  the slave property a   
representation1 if it had supposed that 
the  slaves would have increased from   
half a million to two millions and a    
half by #ahch--;and that the census of  
#ahdj would give to the slave states    

thirty representatives of slave         
property8    ,if they had supposed that 
this representation would have          
controlled  the legislation of the      
government1 and carried against the     
,north every  question vital to its     
interests1 would ,hamilton1 ,franklin1  
,sherman1  ,gerry1 ,livingston1         
,langdon1 and ,rufus ,king have been    
such madmen1 as to  sign the            
constitution1 and the ,northern ,states 
such suicides as to  ratify it8 ,every  
self-preserving instinct would have     
shrieked at such an  infatuate          
immolation4 ,at the adoption of the     
,united ,states constitution1  slavery  
was regarded as a fast waning system4   
,this conviction was  universal4        
,washington1 ,jefferson1 ,henry1        
,grayson1 ,tucker1 ,madison1  ,wythe1   
,pendleton1 ,lee1 ,blair1 ,mason1 ,page1
 ,parker1 ,randolph1 ,iredell1          
,spaight1 ,ramsey1 ,pinkney1 ,martin1   
,mc,henry1 ,chase1 and nearly all the   
illustrious names south of the ,potomac1

 proclaimed it before the sun4 ,a       
reason urged in the convention that     
formed the ,united ,states              
constitution1 why the word slave should 
not be used in it1 was1 that  when      
slavery should cease1 there might remain
 upon the ,national  ,charter no record 
that it had ever been4 7,see speech of  
,mr4 ,burrill1 of  ,r4,i41 on the       
,missouri question47    ,i now proceed  
to show by testimony1 that at the date  
of the ,united  ,states constitution1   
and for several years before and after  
that period1  slavery was rapidly on the
 wane2 that the ,american ,revolution   
with the  great events preceding1       
accompanying1 and following it1 had     
wrought an  immense and almost universal
 change in the public sentiment of the  
nation on the subject1 powerfully       
impelling it toward the entire          
abolition of the system--and that it was
 the general belief that  measures for  
its abolition throughout the ,union1    
would be commenced by  the individual   

,states generally before the lapse of   
many years4 ,a great  mass of testimony 
establishing this position might be     
presented1 but  narrow space1 and the   
importance of speedy publication1       
counsel brevity4  ,let the following    
proofs suffice4 ,first1 a few dates as  
points of  observation4    ,the first   
general ,congress met in #aggd4 ,the    
revolutionary war  commenced in '#ge4   
,independence was declared in '#gf4 ,the
 articles of  confederation were adopted
 by the thirteen states in '#gh4        
,independence  acknowledged in '#hc4    
,the convention for forming the ,u4,s4  
constitution  was held in '#hg1 the     
state conventions for considering it in 
'#hg1 and  '#hh4 ,the first ,congress   
under the constitution in '#hi4    ,dr4 
,rush1 of ,pennsylvania1 one of the     
signers of the ,declaration of          
,independence1 in a letter to ,granville
 ,sharpe1 ,may #a1 #aggc1 says ,a       
spirit of humanity and religion begins  
to awaken in several of the  colonies in

 favor of the poor negroes4 ,great      
events have been brought  about by small
 beginnings4 ,anthony ,benezet stood    
alone a few years ago  in opposing negro
 slavery in ,philadelphia1 and ,,now    
,,three-,,fourths ,,of ,,the  ,,province
 ,,as ,,well ,,as ,,of ,,the ,,city     
,,cry ,,out ,,against ,,it4--,stuart's  
,life of  ,sharpe1 p4 #ba4    ,in the   
preamble to the act prohibiting the     
importation of slaves into  ,rhode      
,island1 ,june1 #aggd1 is the following3
 ,whereas the inhabitants of  ,america  
are generally engaged in the            
preservation of their own rights  and   
liberties1 among which that of personal 
freedom must be considered  the         
greatest1 and as those who are desirous 
of enjoying all the  advantages of      
liberty themselves1 should be willing to
 extend personal  liberty to others1    
therefore1 c4    ,october #bj1 #aggd1   
the ,continental ,congress passed the   
following3 ,we1  for ourselves and the  
inhabitants of the several colonies whom

 we  represent1 firmly agree and        
associate under the sacred ties of      
virtue1  honor1 and love of our country1
 as follows3    #b;d ,article4 ,we will 
neither import nor purchase any slaves  
imported  after the first day of        
,december next1 after which time we will
 wholly  discontinue the slave trade1   
and we will neither be concerned in it  
ourselves1 nor will we hire our vessels1
 nor sell our commodities or            
manufactures to those who are concerned 
in it4    ,the ,continental ,congress1  
in #agge1 setting forth the causes and  
the  necessity for taking up arms1 say3 
,if it were possible for men who        
exercise their reason to believe that   
the divine ,author of our existence     
intended a part of the human race to    
hold an absolute property in1 and       
unbounded power over others1 c4    ,in  
#aggf1 ,dr4 ,hopkins1 then at the head  
of ,new ,england divines1 in ,an        
,address to the owners of negro slaves  
in the ,american colonies1 says3  ,the  

conviction of the unjustifiableness of  
this practice 7slavery7 has  been       
increasing1 and greatly spreading of    
late1 and many who have  had slaves1    
have found themselves so unable to      
justify their own conduct  in holding   
them in bondage1 as to be induced to set
 them at liberty4 99  99     99     99  
,slavery is1 in every instance1 wrong1  
unrighteous1  and oppressive--a very    
great and crying sin--there being       
nothing of the  kind equal to it on the 
face of the earth4    ,the same year the
 ,american ,congress issued a solemn    
,,manifesto to the  world4 ,these were  
its first words3 ,we hold these truths  
to be  self-evident1 that all men are   
created equal1 that they are endowed by 
their ,creator with certain inalienable 
rights2 that among these are  life1     
liberty1 and the pursuit of happiness4  
,once1 these were words  of power2 now1 
a rhetorical flourish4    ,the          
celebrated ,patrick ,henry of ,virginia1
 in a letter1 of ,jan4 #ah1 #aggc1  to  

,robert ,pleasants1 afterwards president
 of the ,virginia ,abolition  ,society1 
says3 ,believe me1 ,i shall honor the   
,quakers for their noble  efforts to    
abolish slavery4 ,it is a debt we owe to
 the purity of our  religion to show    
that it is at variance with that law    
that warrants  slavery4 ,i exhort you to
 persevere in so worthy a resolution4   
,in #aggi1 the ,continental ,congress   
ordered a pamphlet to be published1     
entitled1 ,observations on the ,american
 ,revolution1 from which the  following 
is an extract3 ,the great principle 7of 
government7 is and  ever will remain in 
force1 that men are by nature free2 and 
so long as  we have any idea of divine  
justice1 we must associate that of human
  freedom4 ,it is conceded on all hands1
 that the right to be free ,,can        
,,never ,,be ,,alienated4    ,extract   
from the ,pennsylvania act for the      
abolition of slavery1 passed  ,march #a1
 #aghj3 99     99  ,we conceive that it 
is our duty1 and we rejoice  that it is 

in our power1 to extend a portion of    
that freedom to others  which has been  
extended to us4 ,weaned by a long course
 of experience  from those narrow       
prejudices and partialities we had      
imbibed1 we find  our hearts enlarged   
with kindness and benevolence towards   
men of all  conditions and nations3 99  
99     99 ,therefore be it enacted1 that
 no  child born hereafter be a slave1 c4
    ,jefferson1 in his ,notes on        
,virginia1 written just before the close
 of  the ,revolutionary ,war1 says3 ,i  
think a change already perceptible since
  the origin of the present revolution4 
,the spirit of the master is  abating1  
that of the slave is rising from the    
dust1 his condition  mollifying1 the way
 ,i hope preparing under the auspices of
 heaven1 ,,for  ,a ,,total              
,,emancipation4    ,in a letter to ,dr4 
,price1 of ,london1 who had just        
published a pamphlet  in favor of the   
abolition of slavery1 ,mr4 ,jefferson1  
then minister at  ,paris1 7,august #g1  

#aghe17 says3 ,from the mouth to the    
head of the  ,chesapeake1 the bulk of   
the people will approve of your pamphlet
 in  theory1 and it will find a         
respectable minority ready to adopt it  
in  practice--a minority which1 for     
weight and worth of character1          
preponderates against the greater       
number4 ,speaking of ,virginia1 he      
says3 ,this is the next state to which  
we may turn our eyes for the            
interesting spectacle of justice in     
conflict with avarice and               
oppression1--a conflict in which ,,the  
,,sacred ,,side ,,is ,,gaining ,,daily  
,,recruits4 ,be not1 therefore1         
discouraged--what you have written will 
do  a great deal of good2 and could you 
still trouble yourself with our         
welfare1 no man is more able to give aid
 to the laboring side4 ,the  ,college of
 ,william and ,mary1 since the          
remodelling of its plan1 is the  place  
where are collected together all the    
young men of ,virginia1 under           

preparation for public life4 ,they are  
there under the direction 7most of      
them7 of a ,mr4 ,wythe1 one of the most 
virtuous of characters1 and whose       
sentiments on the subject of slavery are
 unequivocal4 ,i am satisfied1  if you  
could resolve to address an exhortation 
to those young men with  all that       
eloquence of which you are master1 that 
its influence on the  future decision of
 this important question would be great1
 perhaps  decisive4 ,thus1 you see1 that
 so far from thinking you have cause to 
repent of what you have done1 ,i wish   
you to do more1 and wish it on an       
assurance of its effect4--,jefferson's  
,posthumous ,works1 vol4 #a1 p4  #bfh4  
,in #aghf1 ,john ,jay drafted and signed
 a petition to the ,legislature of  ,new
 ,york1 on the subject of slavery1      
beginning with these words3 ,your       
memorialists being deeply affected by   
the situation of those1 who1  although  
,,free ,,by ,,the ,,law ,,of ,,god1 are 
held in slavery by the laws of the      

,state1 c4 ,this memorial bore also the 
signatures of the celebrated  ,alexander
 ,hamilton2 ,robert ,r4 ,livingston1    
afterward ,secretary of ,foreign        
,affairs of the ,united ,states1 and    
,chancellor of the ,state of ,new-,york2
  ,james ,duane1 ,major of the ,city of 
,new-,york1 and many others of the most 
eminent individuals in the ,state4      
,in the preamble of an instrument1 by   
which ,mr4 ,jay emancipated a slave  in 
#aghd1 is the following passage3        
,whereas1 the children of men are by    
nature equally free1 and cannot1        
without injustice1 be either reduced to 
or ,,held in slavery4    ,in his letter 
while ,minister at ,spain1 in #aghf1 he 
says1 speaking of the  abolition of     
slavery3 ,till ,america comes into this 
measure1 her prayers  to heaven will be 
,,impious4 ,i believe ,god governs the  
world2 and ,i  believe it to be a maxim 
in his1 as in our court1 that those who 
ask for  equity ought to do it4    ,in  
#aghe1 the ,new-,york ,manumission      

,society was formed4 ,john ,jay was     
chosen its first ,president1 and held   
the office for five years4  ,alexander  
,hamilton was its second ,president1 and
 after holding the  office one year1    
resigned upon his removal to            
,philadelphia as ,secretary  of the     
,united ,states' ,treasury4 ,in #aghg1  
the ,pennsylvania ,abolition  ,society  
was formed4 ,benjamin ,franklin1 warm   
from the discussions of the  convention 
that formed the ,u4,s4 constitution1 was
 chosen ,president1 and  ,benjamin      
,rush1 ,secretary--both signers of the  
,declaration of  ,independence4 ,in     
#aghi1 the ,maryland ,abolition ,society
 was formed4 ,among  its officers were  
,samuel ,chace1 ,judge of the ,u4,s4    
,supreme ,court1 and  ,luther ,martin1 a
 member of the convention that formed   
the ,u4,s4  constitution4 ,in #agij1 the
 ,connecticut ,abolition ,society was   
formed4 ,the  first ,president was ,rev4
 ,dr4 ,stiles1 ,president of ,yale      
,college1 and the  ,secretary1 ,simeon  

,baldwin1 7the late ,judge ,baldwin of  
,new ,haven47 ,in  #agia1 this ,society 
sent a memorial to ,congress1 from which
 the following  is an extract3          
,from a sober conviction of the         
unrighteousness of slavery1 your        
petitioners have long beheld1 with      
grief1 our fellow men doomed      to    
perpetual bondage1 in a country which   
boasts of her freedom4      ,your       
petitioners are fully of opinion2 that  
calm reflection will      at last       
convince the world1 that the whole      
system of ,african      slavery ,,is    
unjust in its nature--impolitic in its  
principles--and1 in its consequences1   
ruinous to the industry      and        
enterprise of the citizens of these     
,states4 ,from a      conviction of     
those truths1 your petitioners were led1
 by      motives1 we conceive1 of       
general philanthropy1 to associate      
ourselves for the protection and        
assistance of this unfortunate      part
 of our fellow men2 and1 though this    

,society has been      lately           
established1 it has now become generally
 extensive      through this state1 and1
 we fully believe1 embraces1 on this    
subject1 the sentiments of a large      
majority of its citizens4      ,the same
 year the ,virginia ,abolition ,society 
was formed4 ,this ,society1  and the    
,maryland ,society1 had auxiliaries in  
different parts of those  ,states4 ,both
 societies sent up memorials to         
,congress4 ,the memorial of  the        
,virginia ,society is headed--,the      
memorial of the ,virginia ,society1  for
 promoting the ,abolition of ,slavery1  
c4 ,the following is an  extract3       
,your memorialists1 fully believing that
 slavery is not only an      odious     
degradation1 but an outrageous violation
 of one of the      most essential      
rights of human nature1 and utterly     
repugnant to      the precepts of the   
gospel1 lament that a practice so       
inconsistent with true policy and the   
inalienable rights of men1      should  

subsist in so enlightened an age1 and   
among a people      professing1 that all
 mankind are1 by nature1 equally        
entitled to      freedom4      ,about   
the same time a ,society was formed in  
,new ,jersey4 ,it had an acting         
committee of five members in each county
 in the ,state4 ,the following is  an   
extract from the preamble to its        
constitution3          ,it is our boast1
 that we live under a government wherein
      life1 liberty1 and the pursuit of 
happiness1 are      recognized as the   
universal rights of men2 and whilst we  
are      anxious to preserve these      
rights to ourselves1 and transmit them  
inviolate1 to our posterity1 we abhor   
that inconsistent1      illiberal1 and  
interested policy1 which withholds those
 rights      from an unfortunate and    
degraded class of our fellow            
creatures4      ,among other            
distinguished individuals who were      
efficient officers of  these ,abolition 
,societies1 and delegates from their    

respective state  societies1 at the     
annual meetings of the ,american        
convention for  promoting the abolition 
of slavery1 were ,hon4 ,uriah ,tracy1   
,united  ,states' ,senator1 from        
,connecticut2 ,hon4 ,zephaniah ,swift1  
,chief ,justice  of the same ,state2    
,hon4 ,cesar ,a4 ,rodney1 ,attorney     
,general of the ,united  ,states2 ,hon4 
,james ,a4 ,bayard1 ,united ,states'    
,senator1 from ,delaware2  ,governor    
,bloomfield1 of ,new-,jersey2 ,hon4 ,wm4
 ,rawle1 the late venerable  head of the
 ,philadelphia bar2 ,dr4 ,caspar        
,wistar1 of ,philadelphia2  ,messrs4    
,foster and ,tillinghast1 of ,rhode     
,island2 ,messrs4 ,ridgely1  ,buchanan1 
and ,wilkinson1 of ,maryland2 and       
,messrs4 ,pleasants1 ,mc,lean1 and      
,anthony1 of ,virginia4    ,in ,july1   
#aghg1 the old ,congress passed the     
celebrated ordinance  abolishing slavery
 in the northwestern territory1 and     
declaring that it  should never         
thereafter exist there4 ,this ordinance 

was passed while the  convention that   
formed the ,united ,states' constitution
 was in session4  ,at the first session 
of ,congress under the constitution1    
this ordinance  was ratified by a       
special act4 ,washington1 fresh from the
 discussions of  the convention1 in     
which more than forty days had been     
spent in  adjusting the question of     
slavery1 gave it his approval4 ,the act 
passed  with only one dissenting voice1 
7that of ,mr4 ,yates1 of ,new ,york17   
the  ,south equally with the ,north     
avowing the fitness and expediency of   
the  measure on general considerations1 
and indicating thus early the line of   
national policy1 to be pursued by the   
,united ,states' ,government on the     
subject of slavery4    ,in the debates  
in the ,north ,carolina ,convention1    
,mr4 ,iredell1 afterward  a ,judge of   
the ,united ,states' ,supreme ,court1   
said1 ,when the entire  abolition of    
slavery takes place1 it will be an event
 which must be  pleasing to every       

generous mind and every friend of human 
nature4 ,mr4  ,galloway said1 ,i wish to
 see this abominable trade put an end   
to4 ,i  apprehend the clause 7touching  
the slave trade7 means to bring forward 
manumission4 ,luther ,martin1 of        
,maryland1 a member of the convention   
that formed the ,united ,states         
,constitution1 said1 ,we ought to       
authorize  the ,general ,government to  
make such regulations as shall be       
thought most  advantageous for the      
gradual abolition of slavery1 and the   
emancipation of the slaves which are    
already in the ,states4 ,judge  ,wilson1
 of ,pennsylvania1 one of the framers of
 the constitution1 said1  in the        
,pennsylvania convention of '#hg1 ,deb4 
,pa4 ,con4 p4 #cjc1 #aef3 ,i  consider  
this 7the clause relative to the slave  
trade7 as laying the  foundation for    
banishing slavery out of this country4  
,it will produce  the same kind of      
gradual change which was produced in    
,pennsylvania2 the  new states which are

 to be formed will be under the control 
of ,congress  in this particular1 and   
slaves will never be introduced among   
them4 ,it  presents us with the pleasing
 prospect that the rights of mankind    
will  be acknowledged and established   
throughout the ,union4 ,yet the lapse of
  a few years1 and ,congress will have  
power to exterminate slavery  within our
 borders4 ,in the ,virginia convention  
of '#hg1 ,mr4 ,mason1  author of the    
,virginia constitution1 said1 ,the      
augmentation of slaves  weakens the     
,states1 and such a trade is diabolical 
in itself1 and  disgraceful to mankind4 
,as much as ,i value a union of all the 
states1 ,i  would not admit the southern
 states1 7i4e41 ,south ,carolina and    
,georgia17  into the union1 unless they 
agree to a discontinuance of this       
disgraceful trade4 ,mr4 ,tyler opposed  
with great power the clause  prohibiting
 the abolition of the slave trade till  
#ahjh1 and said1 ,my  earnest desire is1
 that it shall be handed down to        

posterity that ,i  oppose this wicked   
clause4 ,mr4 ,johnson said1 ,the        
principle of  emancipation has begun    
since the revolution4 ,let us do what we
 will1 it  will come round4--,deb4 ,va4 
,con4 p4 #dfc4 ,patrick ,henry1 arguing 
the  power of ,congress under the       
,united ,states' constitution to abolish
  slavery in the ,states1 said1 in the  
same convention1 ,another thing will    
contribute to bring this event 7the     
abolition of slavery7 about4 ,slavery   
is detested4 ,we feel its fatal effects2
 we deplore it with all the  pity of    
humanity4--,deb4 ,va4 ,con4 p4 #dca4 ,in
 the ,mass4 ,con4 of '#hh1  ,judge      
,dawes said1 ,although slavery is not   
smitten by an apoplexy1 yet  it has     
received a mortal wound1 and will die of
 consumption4--,deb4  ,mass4 ,con4 p4   
#fj4 ,general ,heath said that1 ,slavery
 was confined to the  ,states now       
existing1 it could not be extended4 ,by 
their ordinance1  ,congress had declared
 that the new ,states should be         

republican ,states1  and have no        
slavery4--p4 #adg4    ,in the debate1 in
 the first ,congress1 ,february #aath   
and #abth1 #aghi1 on  the petitions of  
the ,society of ,friends1 and the       
,pennsylvania ,abolition  ,society1 ,mr4
 ,parker1 of ,virginia1 said1 ,i cannot 
help expressing the  pleasure ,i feel in
 finding so considerable a part of the  
community  attending to matters of such 
a momentous concern to the future       
prosperity and happiness of the people  
of ,america4 ,i think it my duty1  as a 
citizen of the ,union1 to espouse their 
cause4    ,mr4 ,page1 of ,virginia1     
7afterward ,governor7--,was in favor of 
the  commitment2 he hoped that the      
designs of the respectable memorialists 
would not be stopped at the threshold1  
in order to preclude a fair  discussion 
of the prayer of the memorial4 ,with    
respect to the alarm that  was          
apprehended1 he conjectured there was   
none2 but there might be just  cause1 if
 the memorial was not taken into        

consideration4 ,he placed  himself in   
the case of a slave1 and said1 that on  
hearing that ,congress  had refused to  
listen to the decent suggestions of a   
respectable part of  the community1 he  
should infer1 that the general          
government1 from which  was expected    
great good would result to ,,every      
,,class of citizens1 had  shut their    
ears against the voice of humanity1 and 
he should despair of  any alleviation of
 the miseries he and his posterity had  
in prospect2 if  any thing could induce 
him to rebel1 it must be a stroke like  
this1  impressing on his mind all the   
horrors of despair4 ,but if he was told1
  that application was made in his      
behalf1 and that ,congress were willing 
to hear what could be urged in favor of 
discouraging the practice of  importing 
his fellow-wretches1 he would trust in  
their justice and  humanity1 and wait   
the decision patiently4    ,mr4 ,scott  
of ,pennsylvania3 ,i cannot1 for my     
part1 conceive how any  person can be   

said to acquire a property in another4  
,let us argue on  principles            
countenanced by reason1 and becoming    
humanity4 ,i do not know  how far ,i    
might go1 if ,i was one of the judges of
 the ,united ,states1 and  those people 
were to came before me and claim their  
emancipation1 but ,i  am sure ,i would  
go as far as ,i could4    ,mr4 ,burke1  
of ,south ,carolina1 said1 ,he saw the  
disposition of the  ,house1 and he      
feared it would he referred to a        
committee1 maugre all  their opposition4
    ,mr4 ,smith of ,south ,carolina1    
said1 ,that on entering into this       
government1 they 7,south ,carolina and  
,georgia7 apprehended that the other    
states1  99     99     would1 from      
motives of humanity and benevolence1  be
 led to vote for a general emancipation4
    ,in the debate1 at the same session1
 ,may #acth1 #aghi1 on the petition of  
the ,society of ,friends respecting the 
slave trade1 ,mr4 ,parker1 of           
,virginia1 said1 ,he hoped ,congress    

would do all that lay in their power  to
 restore to human nature its inherent   
privileges4 ,the inconsistency  in our  
principles1 with which we are justly    
charged should be done  away4    ,mr4   
,jackson1 of ,georgia1 said1 ,,it ,,was 
,,the ,,fashion ,,of ,,the ,,day ,,to   
,,favor  ,,the ,,liberty ,,of ,,the     
,,slaves4     99     99     99     99   
,will ,virginia  set her negroes free8  
,when this practice comes to be tried1  
then the  sound of liberty will lose    
those charms which make it grateful to  
the  ravished ear4    ,mr4 ,madison1 of 
,virginia1--,the dictates of humanity1  
the principles of  the people1 the      
national safety and happiness1 and      
prudent policy1  require it of us4      
99     99     99     99     ,i conceive 
the  constitution in this particular was
 formed in order that the ,government1  
whilst it was restrained from laying a  
total prohibition1 might be able  to    
give some testimony of the sense of     
,america1 with respect to the  ,african 

trade4     99     99     99     99      
,it is to be hoped1 that by  expressing 
a national disapprobation of this trade1
 we may destroy it1  and save ourselves 
from reproaches1 ,,and ,,our ,,posterity
 ,,the ,,imbecility  ,,ever ,,attendant 
,,on ,a ,,country ,,filled ,,with       
,,slaves4 ,if there is any one  point in
 which it is clearly the policy of this 
nation1 so far as we  constitutionally  
can1 to vary the practice obtaining     
under some of the  state governments1 it
 is this4 ,but it is certain a majority 
of the  states are opposed to this      
practice4--,cong4 ,reg4 v4 #a1 p4       
#cjh-ab4    ,a writer in the ,gazette of
 the ,united ,states1 ,feb4 #bjth1      
#agij1 7then  the government paper17 who
 opposes the abolition of slavery1 and  
avows  himself a slaveholder1 says1 ,i  
have seen in the papers accounts of     
large associations1 and applications to 
,government for the abolition  of       
slavery4 ,religion1 humanity1 and the   
generosity natural to a free  people1   

are the noble principles which dictate  
those measures4 ,,such  ,,motives       
,,command ,,respect1 ,,and ,,are ,,above
 ,,any ,,eulogium ,,words ,,can         
,,bestow4    ,in the convention that    
formed the constitution of ,kentucky in 
#agij1 the  effort to prohibit slavery  
was nearly successful4 ,a decided       
majority of  that body would undoubtedly
 have voted for its exclusion1 but for  
the  great efforts and influence of two 
large slaveholders--men of commanding   
talents and sway--,messrs4 ,breckenridge
 and ,nicholas4 ,the following  extract 
from a speech made in that convention by
 a member of it1 ,mr4  ,rice a native   
,virginian1 is a specimen of the free   
discussion that  prevailed on that      
delicate subject4 ,said ,mr4 ,rice3 ,i  
do a man greater  injury1 when ,i       
deprive him of his liberty1 than when ,i
 deprive him of  his property4 ,it is   
vain for me to plead that ,i have the   
sanction of  law2 for this makes the    
injury the greater--it arms the         

community  against him1 and makes his   
case desperate4 ,the owners of such     
slaves  then are licensed robbers1 and  
not the just proprietors of what they   
claim4 ,freeing them is not depriving   
them of property1 but restoring it  to  
the right owner4 ,in ,america1 a slave  
is a standing monument of the  tyranny  
and inconsistency of human governments4 
,the master is the enemy  of the slave2 
he has made open war upon him1 ,,and    
,,is ,,daily ,,carrying ,,it  ,,on in   
unremitted efforts4 ,can any one        
imagine1 then1 that the slave is        
indebted to his master1 and bound to    
serve him8 ,whence can the  obligation  
arise8 ,what is it founded upon8 ,what  
is my duty to an enemy  that is carrying
 on war against me8 ,i do not deny1 but 
in some  circumstances1 it is the duty  
of the slave to serve2 but it is a duty 
he  owes himself1 and not his master4   
,president ,edwards1 the younger1 said1 
in a sermon preached before the         
,connecticut ,abolition ,society1 ,sept4

 #ae1 #agia3 ,thirty years ago1         
scarcely a man in this country thought  
either the slave trade or the  slavery  
of negroes to be wrong2 but now how many
 and able advocates in  private life1 in
 our legislatures1 in ,congress1 have   
appeared1 and have  openly and          
irrefragably pleaded the rights of      
humanity in this as well  as other      
instances8 ,and if we judge of the      
future by the past1 within  fifty years 
from this time1 it will be as shameful  
for a man to hold a  negro slave1 as to 
be guilty of common robbery or theft4   
,in #agid1 the ,general ,assembly of the
 ,presbyterian church adopted its       
,scripture proofs1 notes1 comments1 c4  
,among these was the following3         
#a ,tim4 i4 #aj4 ,the law is made for   
manstealers4 ,this crime among      the 
,jews exposed the perpetrators of it to 
capital punishment4      ,exodus xxi4   
#af4 ,and the apostle here classes them 
with sinners      of the first rank4    
,the word he uses1 in its original      

import      comprehends all who are     
concerned in bringing any of the human  
race into slavery1 or in retaining them 
in it4 ,stealers of      men are all    
those who bring off slaves or freemen1  
and keep1      sell1 or buy them4       
,in #agid1 ,dr4 ,rush declared3         
,domestic slavery is repugnant to the   
principles of ,christianity4 ,it        
prostrates every benevolent and just    
principle of action in the human heart4 
,it is rebellion against the  authority 
of a common ,father4 ,it is a practical 
denial of the extent and  efficacy of   
the death of a common ,savior4 ,it is an
 usurpation of the  prerogative of the  
great ,sovereign of the universe1 who   
has solemnly  claimed an exclusive      
property in the souls of men4    ,in    
#agij1 ,mr4 ,fiske1 then an officer of  
,dartmouth ,college1 afterward a  ,judge
 in ,tennessee1 said1 in an oration     
published that year1 speaking of        
slaves3 ,i steadfastly maintain1 that we
 must bring them to an equal  standing1 

in point of privileges1 with the whites6
 ,they must enjoy all  the rights       
belonging to human nature4    ,when the 
petition on the abolition of the slave  
trade was under  discussion in the      
,congress of '#hi1 ,mr4 ,brown1 of      
,north ,carolina1 said1  ,the           
emancipation of the slaves will be      
effected in time2 it ought to  be a     
gradual business1 but he hoped that     
,congress would not  precipitate it to  
the great injury of the southern        
,states4 ,mr4  ,hartley1 of             
,pennsylvania1 said1 in the same debate1
 ,he was not a  little surprised to hear
 the cause of slavery advocated in that 
house4  ,,washington1 in a letter to    
,sir ,john ,sinclair1 says1 ,there are1 
in  ,pennsylvania1 laws for the gradual 
abolition of slavery which neither      
,maryland nor ,virginia have at present1
 but which nothing is more  certain than
 that they must have1 and at a period   
,,not ,,remote4 ,in  #aghb1 ,virginia   
passed her celebrated manumission act4  

,within nine years  from that time      
nearly eleven thousand slaves were      
voluntarily  emancipated by their       
masters4 ,judge ,tucker's ,dissertation 
on ,slavery1  p4 #gb4 ,in #aghg1        
,maryland passed an act legalizing      
manumission4 ,mr4  ,dorsey1 of          
,maryland1 in a speech in ,congress1    
,december #bgth1 #ahbf1  speaking of    
manumissions under that act1 said1 that 
,the progress of  emancipation was      
astonishing1 the ,state became crowded  
with a free  black population4    ,the  
celebrated ,william ,pinkney1 in a      
speech before the ,maryland ,house of   
,delegates1 in #aghi1 on the            
emancipation of slaves1 said1 ,sir1 by  
the  eternal principles of natural      
justice1 no master in the state has a   
right to hold his slave in bondage for a
 single hour4444 ,i would as  soon      
believe the incoherent tale of a        
schoolboy1 who should tell me he  had   
been frightened by a ghost1 as that the 
grant of this permission 7to            

emancipate7 ought in any degree to alarm
 us4 ,are we apprehensive that  these   
men will become more dangerous by       
becoming freemen8 ,are we  alarmed1 lest
 by being admitted into the enjoyment of
 civil rights1 they  will be inspired   
with a deadly enmity against the rights 
of others8  ,strange1 unaccountable     
paradox6 ,how much more rational would  
it be1 to  argue that the natural enemy 
of the privileges of a freeman1 is he   
who  is robbed of them himself6         
,dishonorable to the species is the idea
 that  they would ever prove injurious  
to our interests--released from the     
shackles of slavery1 by the justice of  
government and the bounty of            
individuals--the want of fidelity and   
attachment would be next to  impossible4
    ,hon4 ,james ,campbell1 in an       
address before the ,pennsylvania        
,society of  the ,cincinnati1 ,july #d1 
#aghg1 said1 ,our separation from ,great
 ,britain  has extended the empire of   
humanity4 ,the time is not far distant  

when  our sister states1 in imitation of
 our example1 shall turn their  vassals 
into freemen4 ,the ,convention that     
formed the ,united ,states'             
,constitution being then in session1    
attended at the delivery of this        
oration with ,general ,washington at    
their head4    ,a ,baltimore paper of   
,september #hth1 #aghj1 contains the    
following notice  of ,major ,general    
,gates3 ,a few days ago passed through  
this town the  ,hon4 ,general ,gates and
 lady4 ,the ,general1 previous to       
leaving ,virginia1  summoned his        
numerous family of slaves about him1 and
 amidst their tears  of affection and   
gratitude1 gave them their ,,freedom4   
,in #agia the university of ,william and
 ,mary1 in ,virginia1 conferred upon    
,granville ,sharpe the degree of ,doctor
 of ,laws4 ,sharpe was at that time  the
 acknowledged head of ,british          
abolitionists4 ,his indefatigable       
exertions1 prosecuted for years in the  
case of ,somerset1 procured that        

memorable decision in the ,court of     
,king's ,bench1 which settled the       
principle that no slave could be held in
 ,england4 ,he was most  uncompromising 
in his opposition to slavery1 and for   
twenty years  previous he had spoken1   
written1 and accomplished more against  
it than  any man living4    ,in the     
,memoirs of the ,revolutionary ,war in  
the ,southern ,department1 by  ,gen4    
,lee1 of ,va41 ,commandant of the       
,partizan ,legion1 is the following3    
,the ,constitution of the ,united       
,states1 adopted lately with so much    
difficulty1 has effectually provided    
against this evil1 7by importation7     
after a few years4 ,it is much to be    
lamented that having done so much in    
this way1 a provision had not been made 
for the gradual abolition of            
slavery4--p4 #bcc1 #d4    ,mr4 ,tucker1 
of ,virginia1 ,judge of the ,supreme    
,court of that state1 and  professor of 
law in the ,university of ,william and  
,mary1 addressed a  letter to the       

,general ,assembly of that state1 in    
#agif1 urging the  abolition of slavery2
 from which the following is an extract4
 ,speaking  of the slaves in ,virginia1 
he says3 ,should we not1 at the time of 
the  revolution1 have loosed their      
chains and broken their fetters2 or if  
the  difficulties and dangers of such an
 experiment prohibited the attempt1     
during the convulsions of a revolution1 
is it not our duty1 to embrace  the     
first moment of constitutional health   
and vigor to effectuate so  desirable an
 object1 and to remove from us a stigma 
with which our  enemies will never fail 
to upbraid us1 nor our consciences to   
reproach  us8    ,mr4 ,faulkner1 in a   
speech before the ,virginia             
,legislature1 ,jan4 #bj1  #ahcb1        
said--,the idea of a gradual            
emancipation and removal of the  slaves 
from this commonwealth1 is coeval with  
the declaration of our  independence    
from the ,british yoke4 ,it sprung into 
existence during the  first session of  

the ,general ,assembly1 subsequent to   
the formation of  your republican       
government4 ,when ,virginia stood       
sustained in her  legislation by the    
pure and philosophic intellect of       
,pendleton--by the  patriotism of ,mason
 and ,lee--by the searching vigor and   
sagacity of  ,wythe1 and by the         
all-embracing1 all-comprehensive genius 
of ,thomas  ,jefferson6 ,sir1 it was a  
committee composed of those five        
illustrious  men1 who1 in #aggg1        
submitted to the general assembly of    
this state1 then  in session1 a plan for
 the gradual emancipation of the slaves 
of this  commonwealth4    ,hon4         
,benjamin ,watkins ,leigh1 late ,united 
,states' senator from ,virginia1  in his
 letters to the people of ,virginia1 in 
#ahcb1 signed ,appomattox1 p4  #dc1     
says3 ,i thought1 till very lately1 that
 it was known to every body  that during
 the ,revolution1 and for many years    
after1 the abolition of  slavery was a  
favorite topic with many of our ablest  

statesmen1 who  entertained1 with       
respect1 all the schemes which wisdom or
 ingenuity  could suggest for           
accomplishing the object4 ,mr4 ,wythe1  
to the day of his  death1 was for a     
simple abolition1 considering the       
objection to color  as founded in       
prejudice4 ,by degrees1 all projects of 
the kind were  abandoned4 ,mr4          
,jefferson retained his opinion1 and now
 we have these  projects revived4       
,governor ,barbour1 of ,virginia1 in his
 speech in the ,u4,s4 ,senate1 on the   
,missouri question1 ,jan4 #ahbj1        
said3--,we are asked why has ,virginia  
changed her policy in reference to      
slavery8 ,that the sentiments of  our   
most distinguished men1 for thirty years
 entirely corresponded  with the course 
which the friends of the restriction 7of
 slavery in  ,missouri7 now advocated2  
and that the ,virginia delegation1 one  
of whom  was the late ,president of the 
,united ,states1 voted for the          
restriction1  7of slavery7 in the       

northwestern territory1 and that ,mr4   
,jefferson has  delineated a gloomy     
picture of the baneful effects of       
slavery4 ,when it  is recollected that  
the ,notes of ,mr4 ,jefferson were      
written during the  progress of the     
revolution1 it is no matter of surprise 
that the writer  should have imbibed a  
large portion of that enthusiasm which  
such an  occasion was so well calculated
 to produce4 ,as to the consent of the  
,virginia delegation to the restriction 
in question1 whether the result  of a   
disposition to restrain the slave trade 
indirectly1 or the  influence of that   
enthusiasm to which ,i have just        
alluded1     99     99  99     99 it is 
not now important to decide4 ,we have   
witnessed its  effects4 ,the liberality 
of ,virginia1 or1 as the result may     
prove1 her  folly1 which submitted to1  
or1 if you will1 ,,proposed this        
measure1  7abolition of slavery in the  
,n4,w4 territory7 has eventuated in     
effects  which speak a monitory lesson4 

,how is the representation from this    
quarter on the present question8    ,mr4
 ,imlay1 in his early history of        
,kentucky1 p4 #ahe1 says3 ,we have      
disgraced the fair face of humanity1 and
 trampled upon the sacred  privileges of
 man1 at the very moment that we were   
exclaiming against  the tyranny of your 
7the ,english7 ministry4 ,but in        
contending for the  birthright of       
freedom1 we have learned to feel for the
 bondage of  others1 and in the         
libations we offer to the goddess of    
liberty1 we  contemplate an emancipation
 of the slaves of this country1 as      
honorable to themselves as it will be   
glorious to us4    ,in the debate in    
,congress1 ,jan1 #bj1 #ahjf1 on ,mr4    
,sloan's motion to lay a  tax on the    
importation of slaves1 ,mr4 ,clark of   
,va4 said3 ,he was no  advocate for a   
system of slavery4 ,mr4 ,marion1 of ,s4 
,carolina1 said3 ,he  never had         
purchased1 nor should he ever purchase a
 slave4 ,mr4 ,southard  said3 ,not      

revenue1 but an expression of the       
national sentiment is the  principal    
object4 ,mr4 ,smilie--,i rejoice that   
the word 7slave7 is not  in the         
constitution2 its not being there does  
honor to the worthies who  would not    
suffer it to become a part of it4 ,mr4  
,alston1 of ,n4  ,carolina--,in two     
years we shall have the power to        
prohibit the trade  altogether4 ,then   
this ,house will be ,,unanimous4 ,no one
 will object to our  exercising our full
 constitutional powers4 ,national       
,intelligencer1 ,jan4  #bd1 #ahjf4      
,these witnesses need no vouchers to    
entitle them to credit2 nor their       
testimony comments to make it           
intelligible--their names are their     
endorsers and their strong words their  
own interpreters4 ,we wave all          
comments4 ,our readers are of age4      
,whosoever hath ears to hear1 let him   
,,hear4 ,and whosoever will not hear the
 fathers of the revolution1 the         
founders of the government1 its chief   

magistrates1 judges1 legislators  and   
sages1 who dared and periled all under  
the burdens1 and in the heat  of the day
 that tried men's souls--then neither   
will he be persuaded  though ,,they rose
 from the dead4    ,some of the points  
established by the testimony are--,the  
universal  expectation that the moral   
influence of ,congress1 of state        
legislatures1 of seminaries of learning1
 of churches1 of the ministers  of      
religion1 and of public sentiment widely
 embodied in abolition  societies1 would
 be exerted against slavery1 calling    
forth by argument  and appeal the moral 
sense of the nation1 and creating a     
power of  opinion that would abolish the
 system throughout the union4 ,in a     
word1  that free speech and a free press
 would be wielded against slavery       
without ceasing and without restriction4
 ,full well did the south know1  not    
only that the national government would 
probably legislate against  slavery     
wherever the constitution placed it     

within its reach1 but she  knew also    
that ,congress had already marked out   
the line of national  policy to be      
pursued on the subject--had committed   
itself before the  world to a course of 
action against slavery1 wherever she    
could move  upon it without encountering
 a conflicting jurisdiction--that the   
nation  had established by solemn       
ordinance memorable precedent for       
subsequent  action1 by abolishing       
slavery in the northwest territory1 and 
by  declaring that it should never      
thenceforward exist there2 and this too1
  as soon as by cession of ,virginia and
 other states1 the territory came  under
 ,congressional control4 ,the south knew
 also that the sixth article  in the    
ordinance prohibiting slavery was first 
proposed by the largest  slaveholding   
state in the confederacy--that the      
chairman of the  committee that reported
 the ordinance was a slaveholder--that  
the  ordinance was enacted by ,congress 
during the session of the convention    

that formed the ,united ,states         
,constitution--that the provisions of   
the  ordinance were1 both while in      
prospect1 and when under discussion1    
matters of universal notoriety and      
approval with all parties1 and when     
finally passed1 received the vote of    
every member of ,congress from each  of 
the slaveholding states4 ,the south also
 had every reason for  believing that   
the first ,congress under the           
constitution would ratify  that         
ordinance--as it did unanimously4    ,a 
crowd of reflections1 suggested by the  
preceding testimony1 press for          
utterance4 ,the right of petition       
ravished and trampled by its            
constitutional guardians1 and insult and
 defiance hurled in the faces of  the   
,,sovereign ,,people while calmly       
remonstrating with their ,,servants  for
 violence committed on the nation's     
charter and their own dearest  rights6  
,add to this the right of peaceably     
assembling violently  wrested--the      

rights of minorities1 rights no         
longer--free speech  struck dumb--free  
men outlawed and murdered--free presses 
cast into  the streets and their        
fragments strewed with shoutings1 or    
flourished in  triumph before the gaze  
of approving crowds as proud members of 
prostrate law6    ,the spirit and power 
of our fathers1 where are they8 ,their  
deep homage  always and every where     
rendered to ,,free ,,thought1 with its  
inseparable  signs--free speech and a   
free press--their reverence for justice1
  liberty1 rights and all-pervading law1
 where are they8    ,but we turn from   
these considerations--though the times  
on which we have  fallen1 and those     
towards which we are borne with headlong
 haste1 call  for their discussion as   
with the voices of departing life--and  
proceed  to topics relevant to the      
argument before us4    ,the seventh     
article of the amendments to the        
constitution is alleged to  withhold    
from ,congress the power to abolish     

slavery in the ,district4 ,no  person   
shall be deprived of life1 liberty1 or  
property1 without due  process of law4  
,all the slaves in the ,district have   
been deprived of  liberty by legislative
 acts4 ,now1 these legislative acts     
depriving  them of liberty1 were either 
due process of law1 or they were not4   
,if they were1 then a legislative act1  
taking from the master that  property   
which is the identical liberty          
previously taken from the  slave1 would 
be due process of law also1 and of      
course a  constitutional act2 but if the
 legislative acts depriving them of     
liberty were not due process of law1    
then the slaves were deprived  of       
liberty unconstitutionally1 and these   
acts are void4 ,in that case  the       
constitution emancipates them4    ,if   
the objector reply1 by saying that the  
import of the phrase due  process of    
law1 is judicial process solely1 it is  
granted1 and that  fact is our          
rejoinder2 for no slave in the ,district

 has been deprived  of his liberty by a 
judicial process1 or1 in other words1 by
 due  process of law2 consequently1 upon
 the objector's own admission1 every    
slave in the ,district has been deprived
 of liberty unconstitutionally1  and is 
therefore free by the constitution4     
,this is asserted only of  the slaves   
under the exclusive legislation of      
,congress4    ,the last clause of the   
article under consideration is quoted   
for the  same purpose3 ,nor shall       
private property be taken for public use
  without just compensation4 ,each of   
the state constitutions has a clause  of
 similar purport4 ,the abolition of     
slavery in the ,district by  ,congress1 
would not1 as we shall presently show1  
violate this clause  either directly or 
by implication4 ,granting for argument's
 sake1 that  slaves are private         
property1 and that to emancipate them1  
would be to  take private property for  
public use1 the objector admits the     
power  of ,congress to do this1 provided

 it will do something else1 that is1    
pay for them4 ,thus1 instead of denying 
the power1 the objector not  only       
admits1 but affirms it1 as the ground of
 the inference that  compensation must  
accompany it4 ,so far from disproving   
the existence of  one power1 the        
objector asserts the existence of       
two--one1 the power  to take the slaves 
from their masters1 the other1 the power
 to take the  property of the ,united   
,states to pay for them4    ,if         
,congress cannot constitutionally impair
 the right of private  property1 or take
 it without compensation1 it cannot     
constitutionally1  legalise the         
perpetration of such acts1 by others1   
nor protect  those who commit them4     
,does the power to rob a man of his     
earnings1 rob  the earner of his right  
to them8 ,who has a better right to the 
product  than the producer8--to the     
interest1 than the owner of the         
principal8--to the hands and arms1 than 
he from whose shoulders they  swing8--to

 the body and soul1 than he whose they  
are8 ,congress not  only impairs but    
annihilates the right of private        
property1 while it  withholds from the  
slaves of the ,district their title to  
themselves4  ,what6 ,congress powerless 
to protect a man's right to himself1    
when it  can make inviolable the right  
to a dog6 ,but1 waving this1 ,i deny    
that  the abolition of slavery in the   
,district would violate this clause4    
,what  does the clause prohibit8 ,the   
taking of private property for public   
use4 ,suppose ,congress should          
emancipate the slaves in the ,district1 
what would it take8 ,nothing4 ,what     
would it hold8 ,nothing4 ,what  would it
 put to public use8 ,nothing4 ,instead  
of taking private  property1 ,congress1 
by abolishing slavery1 would say private
  property shall not be taken2 and those
 who have been robbed of it  already1   
shall be kept out of it no longer2 and  
since every man's right  to his own body
 is paramount1 he shall be protected in 

it4 ,true1  ,congress may not           
arbitrarily take property1 as property1 
from one man  and give it to            
another--and in the abolition of slavery
 no such thing is  done4 ,a legislative 
act changes the condition of the        
slave--makes him  his own proprietor    
instead of the property of another4 ,it 
determines a  question of original right
 between two classes of persons--doing  
an  act of justice to one1 and          
restraining the other from acts of      
injustice2  or1 in other words1         
preventing one from robbing the other1  
by granting  to the injured party the   
protection of just and equitable laws4  
,congress1 by an act of abolition1 would
 change the condition of seven  thousand
 persons in the ,district1 but would    
take nothing4 ,to  construe this        
provision so as to enable the citizens  
of the ,district to  hold as property1  
and in perpetuity1 whatever they please1
 or to hold it  as property in all      
circumstances--all necessity1 public    

welfare1 and the  will and power of the 
government to the contrary              
notwithstanding--is a  total perversion 
of its whole intent4 ,the design of the 
provision1  was to throw up a barrier   
against ,governmental aggrandizement4   
,the right  to take property for ,state 
uses is one thing2--the right so to     
adjust the tenures by which property is 
held1 that each may have his  own       
secured to him1 is another thing1 and   
clearly within the scope of             
legislation4 ,besides1 if ,congress were
 to take the slaves in the  ,district1  
it would be adopting1 not abolishing    
slavery--becoming a  slaveholder itself1
 instead of requiring others to be such 
no longer4  ,the clause in question1    
prohibits the taking of individual      
property  for public uses1 to be        
employed or disposed of as property for 
governmental purposes4 ,congress1 by    
abolishing slavery in the ,district1    
would do no such thing4 ,it would merely
 change the condition of that  which has

 been recognised as a qualified property
 by congressional acts1  though         
previously declared persons by the      
constitution4 ,more than this  is done  
continually by ,congress and every other
 ,legislature4 ,property  the most      
absolute and unqualified1 is annihilated
 by legislative acts4  ,the embargo and 
non-intercourse act1 prostrated at a    
stroke1 a forest of  shipping1 and sunk 
millions of capital4 ,to say nothing of 
the power of  ,congress to take hundreds
 of millions from the people by direct  
taxation1 who doubts its power to       
abolish at once the whole tariff        
system1 change the seat of ,government1 
arrest the progress of national  works1 
prohibit any branch of commerce with the
 ,indian tribes or with  foreign        
nations1 change the locality of forts1  
arsenals1 magazines1 dock  yards1 c41 to
 abolish the ,post ,office system1 the  
privilege of patents  and copyrights1 c4
 ,by such acts ,congress might1 in the  
exercise of its  acknowledged powers1   

annihilate property to an incalculable  
amount1 and  that without becoming      
liable to claims for compensation4      
,finally1 this clause prohibits the     
taking for public use of  property4 ,the
 constitution of the ,united ,states    
does not recognise  slaves as ,,property
 any where1 and it does not recognise   
them in any  sense in the ,district of  
,columbia4 ,all allusions to them in the
  constitution recognise them as        
persons4 ,every reference to them points
  solely to the element of personality2 
and thus1 by the strongest  implication1
 declares that the constitution knows   
them only as  persons1 and will not     
recognise them in any other light4 ,if  
they  escape into free ,states1 the     
constitution authorizes their being     
taken  back4 ,but how8 ,not as the      
property of an owner1 but as persons2   
and  the peculiarity of the expression  
is a marked recognition of their        
personality--a refusal to recognise them
 as chattels--persons held  to service4 

,are oxen held to service8 ,that can be 
affirmed only  of persons4 ,again1      
slaves give political power as persons4 
,the  constitution1 in settling the     
principle of representation1 requires   
their enumeration in the census4 ,how8  
,as property8 ,then why not include     
race horses and game cocks8 ,slaves1    
like other inhabitants1 are  enumerated 
as persons4 ,so by the constitution1 the
 government was  pledged to             
non-interference with the migration or  
importation of such  persons as the     
,states might think proper to admit     
until #ahjh1 and  authorized the laying 
of a tax on each person so admitted4    
,further1  slaves are recognised as     
persons by the exaction of their        
allegiance  to the government4 ,for     
offences against the government slaves  
are tried  as persons2 as persons they  
are entitled to counsel for their       
defence1  to the rules of evidence1 and 
to due process of law1 and as persons   
they are punished4 ,true1 they are      

loaded with cruel disabilities in       
courts of law1 such as greatly obstruct 
and often inevitably defeat the  ends of
 justice1 yet they are still recognised 
as persons4 ,even in the  legislation of
 ,congress1 and in the diplomacy of the 
general government1  notwithstanding the
 frequent and wide departures from the  
integrity of  the constitution on this  
subject1 slaves are not recognised as   
property without qualification4         
,congress has always refused to grant   
compensation for slaves killed or taken 
by the enemy1 even when these  slaves   
had been impressed into the ,united     
,states' service4 ,in half a  score of  
cases since the last war1 ,congress has 
rejected such  applications for         
compensation4 ,besides1 both in         
,congressional acts1 and  in our        
national diplomacy1 slaves and property 
are not used as  convertible terms4     
,when mentioned in treaties and state   
papers it is in  such a way as to       
distinguish them from mere property1 and

 generally by a  recognition of their   
personality4 ,in the invariable         
recognition of  slaves as persons1 the  
,united ,states' constitution caught the
 mantle  of the glorious ,declaration1  
and most worthily wears it4--,it        
recognizes  all human beings as men1    
persons1 and thus as equals4 ,in the    
original draft of the ,declaration1 as  
it came from the hand of  ,jefferson1 it
 is alleged that ,great ,britain had    
waged a cruel war  against human nature 
itself1 violating its most sacred rights
 of life  and liberty in the persons of 
a distant people1 carrying them into    
slavery1     99     99 determined to    
keep up a market where ,,men should be  
bought and sold1--thus disdaining to    
make the charter of freedom a  warrant  
for the arrest of men1 that they might  
be shorn both of  liberty and humanity4 
,the celebrated ,roger ,sherman1 one of 
the committee of five appointed to      
draft the ,declaration of ,independence1
 and also a member of the  convention   

that formed the ,united ,states'        
constitution1 said1 in the  first       
,congress after its adoption3 ,the      
constitution does not consider  these   
persons1 7slaves17 as a species of      
property4--,lloyd's ,cong4  ,reg4 v4 #a1
 p4 #cac4 ,that the ,united ,states'    
,constitution does not make  slaves     
property1 is shown in the fact that no  
person1 either as a  citizen of the     
,united ,states1 or by having his       
domicile within the  ,united ,states'   
government1 can hold slaves4 ,he can    
hold them only by  deriving his power   
from state laws1 or from the laws of    
,congress1 if  he hold slaves within the
 ,district4 ,but no person resident     
within the  ,united ,states'            
jurisdiction1 and not within the        
,district1 nor within a  state whose    
laws support slavery1 nor held to       
service under the laws  of such state or
 district1 having escaped therefrom1 can
 be held as a  slave4    ,men can hold  
property under the ,united ,states'     

government though  residing beyond the  
bounds of any state1 district1 or       
territory4 ,an  inhabitant of the       
,wisconsin ,territory can hold property 
there under the  laws of the ,united    
,states1 but he cannot hold slaves there
 under the  ,united ,states' laws1 nor  
by virtue of the ,united ,states'       
,constitution1  nor upon the ground of  
his ,united ,states citizenship1 nor by 
having his  domicile within the ,united 
,states' jurisdiction4 ,the constitution
 no  where recognizes the right to slave
 property1 but merely the fact  that the
 states have jurisdiction each in its   
own limits1 and that there  are certain 
persons within their jurisdictions held 
to service by  their own laws4          
,finally1 in the clause under           
consideration1 private property is not  
to  be taken without just compensation4 
,,just6 ,if justice is to be  appealed  
to in determining the amount of         
compensation1 let her determine  the    
grounds also4 ,if it be her province to 

say how much compensation  is just1 it  
is hers to say whether any is           
just1--whether the slave  is just       
property at all1 rather than a person4  
,then1 if justice  adjudges the slave to
 be private property1 it adjudges him to
 be his  own property1 since the right  
to one's self is the first right--the   
source of all others--the original stock
 by which they are  accumulated--the    
principal1 of which they are the        
interest4 ,and since  the slave's       
private property has been taken1 and    
since  compensation is impossible--there
 being no equivalent for one's          
self--the least that can be done is to  
restore to him his original  private    
property4    ,having shown that in      
abolishing slavery1 property would not  
be taken  for public use1 it may be     
added that1 in those states where       
slavery has  been abolished by law1 no  
claim for compensation has been allowed4
  ,indeed the manifest absurdity of     
demanding it1 seems to have quite       

forstalled the setting up of such a     
claim4    ,the abolition of slavery in  
the ,district1 instead of being a       
legislative  anomaly1 would proceed upon
 the principles of every day            
legislation4 ,it  has been shown        
already1 that the ,united ,states'      
,constitution does not  recognize slaves
 as property4 ,yet ordinary legislation 
is full of  precedents1 showing that    
even absolute property is in many       
respects  wholly subject to legislation4
 ,the repeal of the law of              
entailments--all  those acts that       
control the alienation of property1 its 
disposal by  will1 its passing to heirs 
by descent1 with the question1 who shall
 be  heirs1 and what shall be the rule  
of distribution among them1 or whether  
property shall be transmitted at all by 
descent1 rather than escheat to  the    
state--these1 with statutes of          
limitation1 and various other classes   
of legislative acts1 serve to illustrate
 the acknowledged scope of the          

law-making power1 even where property is
 in every sense absolute4  ,persons     
whose property is thus affected by      
public laws1 receive from the           
government no compensation for their    
losses1 unless the state has been  put  
in possession of the property taken from
 them4    ,the preamble of the ,united  
,states' ,constitution declares it to be
 a  fundamental object of the           
organization of the government to       
,,establish  ,,justice4 ,has ,congress  
no power to do that for which it was    
made the  depository of power8 ,,cannot 
the ,united ,states' ,government fulfil 
the  purpose for which it was brought   
into being8    ,to abolish slavery1 is  
to take from no rightful owner his      
property2 but  to establish justice     
between two parties4 ,to emancipate the 
slave1  is to establish justice between 
him and his master--to throw around  the
 person1 character1 conscience1 liberty1
 and domestic relations of  the one1 the
 same law that secures and blesses the  

other4 ,in other  words1 to prevent by  
legal restraints one class of men from  
seizing  upon another class1 and robbing
 them at pleasure of their earnings1    
their time1 their liberty1 their        
kindred1 and the very use and ownership 
of their own persons4 ,finally1 to      
abolish slavery is to proclaim and      
enact that innocence and                
helplessness--now free plunder--are     
entitled to legal protection2 and that  
power1 avarice1 and lust1 shall  no     
longer gorge upon their spoils under the
 license1 and by the  ministrations of  
law6 ,congress1 by possessing exclusive 
legislation  in all cases whatsoever1   
has a general protective power for ,,all
 the  inhabitants of the ,district4 ,if 
it has no power to protect one man1 it  
has none to protect another--none to    
protect any--and if it can  protect one 
man and is bound to protect him1 it can 
protect  every man--all men--and is     
bound to do it4 ,all admit the power of 
,congress to protect the masters in the 

,district against their slaves4  ,what  
part of the constitution gives the      
power8 ,the clause so often             
quoted1--power of legislation in all    
cases whatsoever1 equally in the  case  
of defending the blacks against the     
whites1 as in that of  defending the    
whites against the blacks4 ,the power is
 given also by ,art4  #a1 ,sec4 #h1     
clause #ae--;,congress shall have power 
to suppress  insurrections--a power to  
protect1 as well blacks against whites1 
as  whites against blacks4 ,if the      
constitution gives power to protect one 
class against the other1 it gives power 
to protect either against the  other4   
,suppose the blacks in the ,district    
should seize the whites1 drive  them    
into the fields and kitchens1 force them
 to work without pay1 flog  them1       
imprison them1 and sell them at their   
pleasure1 where would  ,congress find   
power to restrain such acts8 ,answer2 a 
general power in  the clause so often   
cited1 and an express one in that cited 

above--,congress shall have power to    
suppress insurrections4 ,so much  for a 
supposed case4 ,here follows a real one4
 ,the whites in the  ,district are      
perpetrating these identical acts upon  
seven thousand  blacks daily4 ,that     
,congress has power to restrain these   
acts in one  case1 all assert1 and in so
 doing they assert the power in all     
cases  whatsoever4 ,for the grant of    
power to suppress insurrections1 is an  
unconditional grant1 not hampered by    
provisos as to the color1 shape1  size1 
sex1 language1 creed1 or condition of   
the insurgents4 ,congress  derives its  
power to suppress this actual           
insurrection1 from the same  source     
whence it derived its power to suppress 
the same acts in the  case supposed4 ,if
 one case is an insurrection1 the other 
is4 ,the  acts in both are the same2 the
 actors only are different4 ,in the one 
case1 ignorant and degraded--goaded by  
the memory of the past1 stung by  the   
present1 and driven to desperation by   

the fearful looking for of  wrongs for  
ever to come4 ,in the other1 enlightened
 into the nature of  rights1 the        
principles of justice1 and the dictates 
of the law of  love1 unprovoked by      
wrongs1 with cool deliberation1 and by  
system1 they  perpetrate these acts upon
 those to whom they owe unnumbered      
obligations  for whole lives of         
unrequited service4 ,on which side may  
palliation be  pleaded1 and which party 
may most reasonably claim an abatement  
of the  rigors of law8 ,if ,congress has
 power to suppress such acts at all1 it 
has power to suppress them in all4      
,it has been shown already that         
allegiance is exacted of the slave4 ,is 
the government of the ,united ,states   
unable to grant protection where  it    
exacts allegiance8 ,it is an axiom of   
the civilized world1 and a  maxim even  
with savages1 that allegiance and       
protection are reciprocal  and          
correlative4 ,are principles powerless  
with us which exact homage of           

barbarians8 ,protection is the          
,,constitutional ,,right of every human 
being under the exclusive legislation of
 ,congress who has not forfeited  it by 
crime4    ,in conclusion1 ,i argue the  
power of ,congress to abolish slavery in
 the  ,district1 from ,art4 #a1 sec1 #h1
 clause #a1 of the constitution2        
,congress  shall have power to provide  
for the common defence and the general  
welfare of the ,united ,states4 ,has the
 government of the ,united ,states  no  
power under this grant1 to legislate    
within its own exclusive  jurisdiction  
on subjects that vitally affect its     
interests8 ,suppose the  slaves in the  
district should rise upon their masters1
 and the ,united  ,states' government1  
in quelling the insurrection1 should    
kill any number  of them4 ,could their  
masters claim compensation of the       
government8  ,manifestly not2 even      
though no proof existed that the        
particular slaves  killed were          
insurgents4 ,this was precisely the     

point at issue between  those masters1  
whose slaves were killed by the ,state  
troops at the time  of the ,southampton 
insurrection1 and the ,virginia         
,legislature3 no  evidence was brought  
to show that the slaves killed by the   
troops were  insurgents2 yet the        
,virginia ,legislature decided that     
their masters were  not entitled to     
compensation4 ,they proceeded on the    
sound principle1  that a government may 
in self-protection destroy the claim of 
its  subjects even to that which has    
been recognized as property by its own  
acts4 ,if in providing for the common   
defence1 the ,united ,states'           
government1 in the case supposed1 would 
have power to destroy slaves  both as   
property and persons1 it surely might   
stop half-way1  destroy them as property
 while it legalized their existence as  
persons1 and thus provided for the      
common defence by giving them a         
personal and powerful interest in the   
government1 and securing their  strength

 for its defence4    ,like other        
,legislatures1 ,congress has power to   
abate nuisances--to  remove or tear down
 unsafe buildings--to destroy infected  
cargoes--to  lay injunctions upon       
manufactories injurious to the public   
health--and  thus to provide for the    
common defence and general welfare by   
destroying individual property1 when    
such property puts in jeopardy the      
public weal4    ,granting1 for          
argument's sake1 that slaves are        
property in the  ,district of           
,columbia--if ,congress has a right to  
annihilate property in  the ,district   
when the public safety requires it1 it  
may surely  annihilate its existence as 
property when the public safety requires
  it1 especially if it transform into a 
protection and defence that  which as   
property perilled the public interests4 
,in the ,district of  ,columbia there   
are1 besides the ,united ,states'       
,capitol1 the ,president's  house1 the  
national offices1 c4 of the ,departments

 of ,state1 ,treasury1  ,war1 and ,navy1
 the ,general ,post-office1 and ,patent 
,office4 ,it is also  the residence of  
the ,president1 all the highest officers
 of the  government1 both houses of     
,congress1 and all the foreign          
ambassadors4 ,in  this same ,district   
there are also seven thousand slaves4   
,jefferson1 in  his ,notes on ,va4 p4   
#bda1 says of slavery1 that the ,state  
permitting one  half of its citizens to 
trample on the rights of the other1     
transforms  them into enemies2 and      
,richard ,henry ,lee1 in the ,va4 house 
of  ,burgesses in #ageh1 declared that  
to those who held them1 slaves must  be 
natural enemies4 ,is ,congress so       
impotent that it cannot  exercise that  
right pronounced both by municipal and  
national law1 the  most sacred and      
universal--the right of                 
self-preservation and defence8  ,is it  
shut up to the necessity of keeping     
seven thousand enemies in  the heart of 
the nation's citadel8 ,does the iron    

fiat of the  constitution doom it to    
such imbecility that it cannot arrest   
the  process that made them enemies1 and
 still goads to deadlier hate by  fiery 
trials1 and day by day adds others to   
their number8 ,is this  providing for   
the common defence and general welfare8 
,if to rob men of  rights excites their 
hate1 freely to restore them and make   
amends1 will  win their love4    ,by    
emancipating the slaves in the          
,district1 the government of the ,united
  ,states would disband an army of      
enemies1 and enlist for the common      
defence and general welfare1 a body     
guard of friends seven thousand  strong4
 ,in the last year1 a handful of        
,british soldiers sacked  ,washington   
city1 burned the capitol1 the           
,president's house1 and the  national   
offices and archives2 and no marvel1 for
 thousands of the  inhabitants of the   
,district had been ,,transformed ,,into 
,,enemies4 ,would  they beat back       
invasion8 ,if the national government   

had exercised its  constitutional power 
to provide for the common defence and to
 promote  the general welfare1 by       
turning those enemies into friends1     
then1  instead of a hostile ambush      
lurking in every thicket inviting       
assault1  and secret foes in every house
 paralyzing defence1 an army of allies  
would have rallied in the hour of her   
calamity1 and shouted defiance  from    
their munitions of rocks2 whilst the    
banner of the republic1 then  trampled  
in dust1 would have floated securely    
over ,,freemen exulting  amidst bulwarks
 of strength4    ,to show that ,congress
 can abolish slavery in the ,district1  
under the  grant of power to provide for
 the common defence and to promote the  
general welfare1 ,i quote an extract    
from a speech of ,mr4 ,madison1 of      
,va41 in the first ,congress under the  
constitution1 ,may #ac1 #aghi4          
,speaking of the abolition of the slave 
trade1 ,mr4 ,madison says3 ,i  should   
venture to say it is as much for the    

interests of ,georgia and  ,south       
,carolina1 as of any state in the union4
 ,every addition they  receive to their 
number of slaves tends to weaken them1  
and renders  them less capable of       
self-defence4 ,in case of hostilities   
with foreign  nations1 they will be the 
means of inviting attack instead of     
repelling invasion4 ,it is a necessary  
duty of the general government to       
protect every part of the empire against
 danger1 as well internal as  external4 
,every thing1 therefore1 which tends to 
increase this danger1  though it may be 
a local affair1 yet if it involves      
national expense or  safety1 it becomes 
of concern to every part of the union1  
and is a  proper subject for the        
consideration of those charged with the 
general  administration of the          
government4 ,see ,cong4 ,reg4 vol4 #a1  
p4 #caj1 #aa4        ,,postscript    ,my
 apology for adding a postscript1 to a  
discussion already perhaps  too         
protracted1 is the fact that the        

preceding sheets were in the hands  of  
the printer1 and all but the concluding 
pages had gone through the  press1      
before the passage of ,mr4 ,calhoun's   
late resolutions in the  ,senate of the 
,united ,states4 ,a proceeding so       
extraordinary1--if indeed  the time has 
not passed when any acts of ,congress in
 derogation of  freedom and in deference
 to slavery1 can be deemed              
extraordinary1--should not be suffered  
to pass in silence at such a  crisis as 
the present2 especially as the passage  
of one of the  resolutions by a vote of 
#cf to #i1 exhibits a shift of position 
on the  part of the ,south1 as sudden as
 it is unaccountable1 being nothing less
  than the surrender of a fortress which
 until then they had defended with  the 
pertinacity of a blind and almost       
infuriated fatuity4 ,upon the           
discussions during the pendency of the  
resolutions1 and upon the vote1  by     
which they were carried1 ,i make no     
comment1 save only to record my         

exultation in the fact there exhibited1 
that great emergencies are true         
touchstones1 and that henceforward1     
until this question is settled1  whoever
 holds a seat in ,congress will find    
upon1 and all around him1 a  pressure   
strong enough to ,,test him--a focal    
blaze that will find its way  through   
the carefully adjusted cloak of fair    
pretension1 and the  sevenfold brass of 
two-faced political intrigue1 and       
no-faced  non-committalism1 piercing to 
the dividing asunder of joints and      
marrow4 ,be it known to every northern  
man who aspires to a seat in  ,congress1
 that hereafter it is the destiny of    
congressional action on  this subject1  
to be a ,,mighty ,,revelator--making    
secret thoughts public  property1 and   
proclaiming on the house-tops what is   
whispered in the  ear--smiting off      
masks1 and bursting open sepulchres     
beautiful  outwardly1 and heaving up to 
the sun their dead men's bones4 ,to such
 we  say1--,remember the ,missouri      

,question1 and the fate of those who    
then  sold the ,north1 and their own    
birthright6    ,passing by the          
resolutions generally without           
remark--the attention of  the reader is 
specially solicited to ,mr4 ,clay's     
substitute for ,mr4  ,calhoun's fifth   
resolution4          ,resolved1 ,that   
when the ,district of ,columbia was     
ceded by the      states of ,virginia   
and ,maryland to the ,united ,states1   
domestic      slavery existed in both of
 these states1 including the ceded      
territory1 and that1 as it still        
continues in both of them1 it      could
 not be abolished within the ,district  
without a violation      of that good   
faith1 which was implied in the cession 
and in the      acceptance of the       
territory2 nor1 unless compensation were
 made      to the proprietors of slaves1
 without a manifest infringement of     
an amendment to the constitution of the 
,united ,states2 nor      without       
exciting a degree of just alarm and     

apprehension in the      states         
recognizing slavery1 far transcending in
 mischievous      tendency1 any possible
 benefit which could be accomplished by 
the abolition4      ,by voting for this 
resolution1 the south1 by a simultaneous
 movement1  shifted its mode of defense1
 not so much by taking a position       
entirely  new1 as by attempting to      
refortify an old one--never much trusted
 in1  and abandoned mainly long ago1 as 
being unable to hold out against        
assault however unskilfully directed4   
,in the debate on this resolution1      
though the southern members of ,congress
 did not professedly retreat  from the  
ground hitherto maintained by them--that
 ,congress has no power  by the         
constitution to abolish slavery in the  
,district--yet in the main  they        
silently drew off from it4    ,the      
passage of this resolution--with the    
vote of every southern senator1  forms a
 new era in the discussion of this      
question4    ,we cannot join in the     

lamentations of those who bewail it4 ,we
 hail it1  and rejoice in it4 ,it was as
 we would have had it--offered by a     
southern  senator1 advocated by southern
 senators1 and on the ground that it was
  no compromise--that it embodied the   
true southern principle--that this      
resolution stood on as high ground as   
,mr4 ,calhoun's--7,mr4  ,preston7--that 
,mr4 ,clay's resolution was as strong as
 ,mr4  ,calhoun's--7,mr4  ,rives7--that 
the resolution he 7,mr4 ,calhoun7 now   
refused to support1 was as strong as his
 own1 and that in supporting it1  there 
was no abandonment of principle by the  
south4--7,mr4 ,walker1 of               
,mi47--further1 that it was advocated by
 the southern senators generally  as an 
expression of their views1 and as       
setting the question of slavery  in the 
,district on its true ground--that      
finally when the question was  taken1   
every slaveholding senator1 including   
,mr4 ,calhoun himself1 voted  for the   
resolution4    ,by passing this         

resolution1 and with such avowals1 the  
south has  surrendered irrevocably the  
whole question at issue between them and
 the  petitioners for abolition in the  
,district4 ,it has1 unwittingly but     
explicitly1 conceded the main question  
argued in the preceding pages4    ,the  
only ground taken against the right of  
,congress to abolish slavery  in the    
,district is1 that it existed in        
,maryland and ,virginia when the        
cession was made1 and as it still       
continues in both of them1 it could  not
 be abolished without a violation of    
that good faith which was  implied in   
the cession4 c4 ,the sole argument is   
not that exclusive  sovereignty has no  
power to abolish slavery within its     
jurisdiction1  nor that the powers of   
even ordinary legislation cannot do     
it1--nor that the clause granting       
,congress exclusive legislation in  all 
cases whatsoever over such ,district1   
gives no power to do it2 but  that the  
unexpressed expectation of one of the   

parties that the other  would not in all
 cases use the power which said party   
had  consented might be used in all     
cases1 prohibits the use of it4  ,the   
only cardinal point in the discussion1  
is here not only yielded1  but formally 
laid down by the ,south as the leading  
article in their  creed on the question 
of ,congressional jurisdiction over     
slavery in the  ,district4 ,the sole    
reason given why ,congress should not   
abolish1 and  the sole evidence that if 
it did1 such abolition would be a       
violation of  good faith1 is that       
slavery still continues in those        
states1--thus  explicitly admitting1    
that if slavery did not still continue  
in  those ,states1 ,congress could      
abolish it in the ,district4 ,the same  
admission is made also in the premises1 
which state that slavery  existed in    
those states at the time of the cession1
 c4 ,admitting that  if it had not      
existed there then1 but had grown up in 
the ,district  under ,united ,states'   

laws1 ,congress might constitutionally  
abolish it4  ,or that if the ceded parts
 of those states had been the only parts
 in  which slaves were held under their 
laws1 ,congress might have abolished  in
 such a contingency also4 ,the cession  
in that case leaving no slaves  in those
 states1--no good faith1 would be       
implied in it1 nor any  violated1 by an 
act of abolition4 ,the principle of the 
resolution  makes this further          
admission1 that if ,maryland and        
,virginia should at  once abolish their 
slavery1 ,congress might at once abolish
 it in the  ,district4 ,the principle   
goes even further than this1 and        
requires  ,congress in such case to     
abolish slavery in the ,district by the 
good  faith implied in the cession and  
acceptance of the territory4 ,since1    
according to the spirit and scope of the
 resolution1 this implied good  faith of
 ,maryland and ,virginia in making the  
cession1 was that ,congress  would do   
nothing within the ,district which      

should go to counteract the  policy1 or 
bring into disrepute the institutions1  
or call in question  the usages1 or even
 in any way ruffle the prejudices of    
those states1 or  do what they might    
think would unfavorably bear upon their 
interests2  themselves of course being  
the judges4    ,but let us dissect      
another limb of the resolution4 ,what is
 to be  understood by that good faith   
which was ,,implied8 ,it is of course an
  admission that such a condition was   
not expressed in the acts of            
cession--that in their terms there is   
nothing restricting the power of        
,congress on the subject of slavery in  
the ,district--not a word alluding  to  
it1 nor one inserted with such an       
intent4 ,this implied faith1  then1     
rests on no clause or word in the       
,united ,states' ,constitution1 or  in  
the acts of cession1 or in the acts of  
,congress accepting the  cession1 nor   
does it rest on any declarations of the 
legislatures of  ,maryland and ,virginia

 made at the time1 or in that           
generation1 nor on  any act of theirs1  
nor on any declaration of the people of 
those  states1 nor on the testimony of  
the ,washingtons1 ,jeffersons1          
,madisons1  ,chaces1 ,martins1 and      
,jennifers1 of those states and times4  
,the assertion  rests on itself alone6  
,mr4 ,clay and the other senators who   
voted for  the resolution1 guess that   
,maryland and ,virginia supposed that   
,congress would by no means use the     
power given them by the  constitution1  
except in such ways as would be well    
pleasing in the eyes  of those states2  
especially as one of them was the       
,ancient ,dominion6  ,and now after the 
lapse of half a century1 this assumed   
expectation of  ,maryland and ,virginia1
 the existence of which is mere matter  
of  conjecture with the #cf senators1 is
 conjured up and duly installed upon    
the judgment-seat of final appeal1      
before whose nod constitutions are to   
flee away1 and with whom1 solemn grants 

of power and explicit guaranties  are1  
when weighed in the balance1 altogether 
lighter than vanity6    ,but let us     
survey it in another light4 ,why did    
,maryland and ,virginia  leave so much  
to be implied8 ,why did they not in some
 way express  what lay so near their    
hearts8 ,had their vocabulary run so low
 that a  single word could not be eked  
out for the occasion8 ,or were those    
states  so bashful of a sudden that they
 dare not speak out and tell what they  
wanted8 ,or did they take it for granted
 that ,congress would always act  in the
 premises according to their wishes1 and
 that too1 without their  making known  
their wishes8 ,if1 as honorable senators
 tell us1 ,maryland  and ,virginia did  
verily travail with such abounding      
faith1 why brought  they forth no works8
    ,it is as true in legislation as in 
religion1 that the only evidence  of    
faith is works1 and that faith without  
works is dead1 i4e4  has no power4 ,but 
here1 forsooth1 a blind implication with

 nothing  expressed1 an implied faith   
without works1 is omnipotent4 ,mr4      
,clay is lawyer enough to know that even
 a senatorial hypothesis as to  what    
must have been the understanding of     
,maryland and ,virginia about           
congressional exercise of constitutional
 power1 abrogates no grant1  and that to
 plead it in a court of law1 would be of
 small service except  to jostle their  
,honors' gravity6 ,he need not be told  
that the  constitution gives ,congress  
power to exercise exclusive legislation 
in  all cases whatsoever over such      
,district4 ,nor that the legislatures of
  ,maryland and ,virginia constructed   
their acts of cession with this clause  
before their eyes1 and that both of them
 declared those acts made in  pursuance 
of said clause4 ,those states were aware
 that the ,united  ,states in their     
constitution had left nothing to be     
implied as to  the power of ,congress   
over the ,district2--an admonition quite
 sufficient  one would think to put them

 on their guard1 and induce them to     
eschew  vague implications and resort to
 stipulations4 ,full well did they know 
also that those were times when1 in     
matters of high import1 nothing  was    
left to be implied4 ,the colonies were  
then panting from a twenty  years'      
conflict with the mother country1 about 
bills of rights1  charters1 treaties1   
constitutions1 grants1 limitations1 and 
acts of  cession4 ,the severities of a  
long and terrible discipline had taught 
them to guard at all points legislative 
grants1 that their exact  import and    
limit might be self-evident--leaving no 
scope for a blind  faith1 that somehow  
in the lottery of chances there would be
 no  blanks1 but making all sure by the 
use of explicit terms1 and wisely       
chosen words1 and just enough of them4  
,the ,constitution of the ,united       
,states with its amendments1 those of   
the individual states1 the national     
treaties1 the public documents of the   
general and state governments at  that  

period1 show the universal conviction of
 legislative bodies1 that  when great   
public interest were at stake1 nothing  
should be left to be  implied4          
,further3 suppose ,maryland and         
,virginia had expressed their implied   
faith in words1 and embodied it in their
 acts of cession as a  proviso1         
declaring that ,congress should not     
exercise exclusive  legislation in all  
cases whatsoever over the ,district1 but
 that the  case of slavery should be an 
exception3 who does not know that       
,congress1 if it had accepted the       
cession on those terms1 would have      
violated the ,constitution2 and who that
 has ever studied the free mood  of     
those times in its bearings on          
slavery--proofs of which are given in   
scores on the preceding pages--can for  
an instant believe that the  people of  
the ,united ,states would have altered  
their ,constitution for  the purpose of 
providing for slavery an inviolable     
sanctuary2 that when  driven in from its

 outposts1 and everywhere retreating    
discomfited  before the march of        
freedom1 it might be received into      
everlasting  habitations on the common  
homestead and hearth-stone of this free 
republic8 ,besides1 who can believe that
 ,virginia made such a condition1  or   
cherished such a purpose1 when at that  
very moment1 ,washington1  ,jefferson1  
,wythe1 ,patrick ,henry1 ,st4 ,george   
,tucker1 and almost all her  illustrious
 men1 were advocating the abolition of  
slavery by law4 ,when  ,washington had  
said1 two years before1 ,maryland and   
,virginia must have  laws for the       
gradual abolition of slavery and at a   
period not remote2  and when ,jefferson 
in his letter to ,price1 three years    
before the  cession1 had said1 speaking 
of ,virginia1 ,this is the next state to
  which we may turn our eyes for the    
interesting spectacle of justice in     
conflict with avarice and oppression--a 
conflict in which ,,the ,,sacred  ,,side
 ,,is ,,gaining ,,daily ,,recruits2 when

 voluntary emancipations on the  soil   
were then progressing at the rate of    
between one and two thousand  annually1 
7,see ,judge ,tucker's ,dissertation on 
,slavery1 p4 #gc27 when  the public     
sentiment of ,virginia had undergone1   
and was undergoing so  mighty a         
revolution that the idea of the         
continuance of slavery as a  permanent  
system could not be tolerated1 though   
she then contained  about half the      
slaves in the ,union4 ,was this the time
 to stipulated for  the perpetuity of   
slavery under the exclusive legislation 
of ,congress8  and that too at the same 
session of ,congress when every one of  
her  delegation voted for the abolition 
of slavery in the ,north ,west          
,territory2 a territory which she had   
herself ceded to ,congress1 and  along  
with it had surrendered her jurisdiction
 over many of her  citizens1 inhabitants
 of that territory1 who held slaves     
there--and  whose slaves were           
emancipated by that act of ,congress1 in

 which all her  delegation with one     
accord participated8    ,now in view of 
the universal belief then prevalent1    
that slavery in this  country was doomed
 to short life1 and especially that in  
,maryland and  ,virginia it would be    
speedily abolished--are we to be told   
that those  states designed to bind     
,congress never to terminate it8 ,are we
 to  adopt the monstrous conclusion that
 this was the intent of the ,ancient    
,dominion--thus to bind the ,united     
,states by an implied faith1 and  that  
when the ,united ,states accepted the   
cession1 she did solemnly  thus plight  
her troth1 and that ,virginia did then  
so understand it8  ,verily one would    
think that honorable senators supposed  
themselves  deputed to do our thinking  
as well as our legislation1 or rather1  
that  they themselves were absolved from
 such drudgery by virtue of their       
office6    ,another absurdity of this   
dogma about implied faith is1 that where
  there was no power to exact an express

 pledge1 there was none to  demand an   
implied one1 and where there was no     
power to give the one1  there was none  
to give the other4 ,we have shown       
already that ,congress  could not have  
accepted the cession with such a        
condition4 ,to have  signed away a part 
of its constitutional grant of power    
would have been  a breach of the        
,constitution4 ,further1 the ,congress  
which accepted the  cession was         
competent to pass a resolution pledging 
itself not to use  all the power over   
the ,district committed to it by the    
,constitution4  ,but here its power     
ended4 ,its resolution would only bind  
itself4 ,could  it bind the next        
,congress by its authority8 ,could the  
members of one  ,congress say to the    
members of another1 because we do not   
choose to  exercise all the authority   
vested in us by the ,constitution1      
therefore  you shall not8 ,this would   
have been a prohibition to do what the  
,constitution gives power to do4 ,each  

successive ,congress would still  have  
gone to the ,constitution for its power1
 brushing away in its course  the       
cobwebs stretched across its path by the
 officiousness of an  impertinent       
predecessor4 ,again1 the legislatures of
 ,virginia and  ,maryland1 had no power 
to bind ,congress1 either by an express 
or an  implied pledge1 never to abolish 
slavery in the ,district4 ,those        
legislatures had no power to bind       
themselves never to abolish slavery     
within their own territories--the ceded 
parts included4 ,where then would  they 
get power to bind another not to do what
 they had no power to  bind themselves  
not to do8 ,if a legislature could not  
in this respect  control the successive 
legislatures of its own ,state1 could it
 control  the successive ,congresses of 
the ,united ,states8    ,but perhaps we 
shall be told1 that the implied faith in
 the acts of  cession of ,maryland and  
,virginia was not that ,congress should 
never  abolish slavery in the ,district1

 but that it should not do it until     
they had done it within their bounds6   
,verily this faith comes little  short  
of the faith of miracles6 ,a good rule  
that works both ways4  ,first1 ,maryland
 and ,virginia have good faith that     
,congress will not  abolish until they  
do2 and then just as good faith that    
,congress  will abolish when they do6   
,excellently accommodated6 ,did those   
,states suppose that ,congress would    
legislate over the national domain1  the
 common jurisdiction of all1 for        
,maryland and ,virginia alone8 ,and     
who1 did they suppose1 would be judges  
in the matter8--themselves  merely8 or  
the whole ,union8    ,this good faith   
implied in the cession is no longer of  
doubtful  interpretation4 ,the principle
 at the bottom of it1 when fairly       
stated1  is this3--,that the ,government
 of the ,united ,states are bound in    
good  faith to do in the ,district of   
,columbia1 without demurring1 just what 
and when1 ,maryland and ,virginia do in 

their own ,states4 ,in short1 that  the 
general government is eased of all the  
burdens of legislation within  its      
exclusive jurisdiction1 save that of    
hiring a scrivener to copy off  the acts
 of the ,maryland and ,virginia         
legislatures as fast as they are        
passed1 and engross them1 under the     
title of ,laws of the ,united ,states1  
for the ,district of ,columbia6 ,a      
slight additional expense would also be 
incurred in keeping up an express       
between the capitols of those ,states   
and ,washington city1 bringing ,congress
 from time to time its  instructions    
from head quarters--instructions not to 
be disregarded  without a violation of  
that good faith implied in the cession1 
c4    ,this sets in strong light the    
advantages of our glorious ,union1 if   
the  doctrine of ,mr4 ,clay and the     
thirty-six ,senators be orthodox4 ,the  
people  of the ,united ,states have been
 permitted to set up at their own       
expense1  and on their own territory1   

two great sounding boards called ,senate
  ,chamber and ,representatives' ,hall1 
for the purpose of sending abroad  by   
authority national echoes of state      
legislation6--permitted also  to keep in
 their pay a corps of pliant national   
musicians1 with  peremptory instructions
 to sound on any line of the staff      
according as  ,virginia and ,maryland   
may give the sovereign key note6        
,though this may have the seeming of    
mere raillery1 yet an analysis of  the  
resolution and of the discussions upon  
it1 will convince every fair  mind that 
it is but the legitimate carrying out of
 the principle  pervading both4 ,they   
proceed virtually upon the hypothesis   
that the will  and pleasure of ,virginia
 and ,maryland are paramount to those of
 the  ,union4 ,if the main design of    
setting apart a federal district had    
been  originally the accommodation of   
,maryland1 ,virginia1 and the south1    
with  the ,united ,states as an agent to
 consummate the object1 there could     

hardly have been higher assumption or   
louder vaunting4 ,the sole object  of   
having such a ,district was in effect   
totally perverted in the  resolution of 
,mr4 ,clay1 and in the discussions of   
the entire southern  delegation1 upon   
its passage4 ,instead of taking the     
ground1 that the  benefit of the whole  
,union was the sole object of a federal 
district1  that it was designed to guard
 and promote the interests of all the   
states1 and that it was to be legislated
 over for this end--the  resolution     
proceeds upon an hypothesis totally the 
reverse4 ,it takes a  single point of   
state policy1 and exalts it above       
,,national interests1  utterly          
overshadowing them2 abrogating national 
rights2 making void a  clause of the    
,constitution2 humbling the general     
government into a  subject--crouching   
for favors to a superior1 and that too  
on its own  exclusive jurisdiction4 ,all
 the attributes of sovereignty vested in
  ,congress by the ,constitution it     

impales upon the point of an alleged    
implication4 ,and this is ,mr4 ,clay's  
peace-offering1 to appease the  lust of 
power and the ravenings of state        
encroachment6 ,a compromise1  forsooth6 
that sinks the general ,government on   
its own territory into  a mere colony1  
with ,virginia and ,maryland for its    
mother country6 ,it  is refreshing to   
turn from these shallow1 distorted      
constructions and  servile cringings1 to
 the high bearing of other southern men 
in other  times2 men1 who in their      
character of legislators and lawyers1   
disdained  to accommodate their         
interpretations of constitutions and    
charters to  geographical lines1 or to  
bend them to the purposes of a political
  canvass4 ,in the celebrated case of   
,cohens vs4 the ,state of ,virginia1    
,hon4 ,william ,pinkney1 late of        
,baltimore1 and ,hon4 ,walter ,jones1 of
  ,washington city1 with other eminent  
constitutional lawyers1 prepared an     
elaborate written opinion1 from which   

the following is an extract3 ,nor  is   
there any danger to be apprehended from 
allowing to ,congressional  legislation 
with regard to the ,district of         
,columbia1 its ,,fullest ,,effect4      
,congress is responsible to the ,states1
 and to the people for that             
legislation4 ,it is in truth the        
legislation of the states over a        
district placed under their control for 
their own benefit1 not for  that of the 
,district1 except as the prosperity of  
the ,district is  involved1 and         
necessary to the general                
advantage4--,life of ,pinkney1  p4      
#fab4    ,the profound legal opinion1   
from which this is an extract1 was      
elaborated at great length many years   
since1 by a number of the most          
distinguished lawyers in the ,united    
,states1 whose signatures are  appended 
to it4 ,it is specific and to the point4
 ,it asserts1 #ast1 that  ,congressional
 legislation over the ,district1 is the 
legislation of the  ,states and the     

people1 7not of two states1 and a mere  
fraction  of the people27 #b;d4 ,over a 
,district placed under their control1   
i4e4  under the control of the whole of 
the ,states1 not under the control of   
two twenty-sixths of them4 #c;d4 ,that  
it was thus put under their  ,control   
for ,,their ,,own benefit1 the benefit  
of all the ,states  equally2 not to     
secure special benefits to ,maryland and
 ,virginia1 7or  what it might be       
conjectured they would regard as        
benefits47 #dth4 ,it  concludes by      
asserting that the design of this       
exclusive control of  ,congress over the
 ,district was not for the benefit of   
the ,district1  except as that is       
connected with1 and a means of promoting
 the  general advantage4 ,if this is the
 case with the ,district1 which is      
directly concerned1 it is pre-eminently 
so with ,maryland and ,virginia1  who   
are but indirectly interested1 and would
 be but remotely affected  by it4 ,the  
argument of ,mr4 ,madison in the        

,congress of '#hi1 an extract  from     
which has been given on a preceding     
page1 lays down the same  principle2    
that though any matter may be a local   
affair1 yet if it  involves national    
,,expense ,,or ,,safety1 it becomes of  
concern to every part  of the union1 and
 is a proper subject for the            
consideration of those  charged with the
 general administration of the          
government4 ,cong4 ,reg4  vol4 #a4 p4   
#caj1 #aa4    ,but these are only the   
initiatory absurdities of this good     
faith  implied4 ,the thirty-six senators
 aptly illustrate the principle1 that   
error not only conflicts with truth1 but
 is generally at issue with  itself4    
,for if it would be a violation of good 
faith to ,maryland and  ,virginia1 for  
,congress to abolish slavery in the     
,district1 it would be  equally a       
violation for ,congress to do it with   
the consent1 or even  at the earnest and
 unanimous petition of the people of the
 ,district3 yet  for years it has been  

the southern doctrine1 that if the      
people of the  ,district demand of      
,congress relief in this respect1 it has
 power1 as  their local legislature1 to 
grant it1 and by abolishing slavery     
there1  carry out the will of the       
citizens4 ,but now new light has broken 
in6 ,the  optics of the thirty-six have 
pierced the millstone with a deeper     
insight1 and discoveries thicken faster 
than they can be telegraphed6  ,congress
 has no power1 ,o no1 not a modicum1 to 
help the slaveholders of  the ,district1
 however loudly they may clamor for it4 
,the southern  doctrine1 that ,congress 
is to the ,district a mere local        
,legislature to  do its pleasure1 is    
tumbled from the genitive into the      
vocative6 ,hard  fate--and that too at  
the hands of those who begat it6 ,the   
reasonings of  ,messrs4 ,pinckney1      
,wise1 and ,leigh1 are now found to be  
wholly at fault1  and the chanticleer   
rhetoric of ,messrs4 ,glascock and      
,garland stalks  featherless and        

crest-fallen4 ,for1 ,mr4 ,clay's        
resolution sweeps by the  board all     
those stereotyped common-places1 as     
,congress a local  ,legislature1 consent
 of the ,district1 bound to consult the 
wishes of  the ,district1 c4 c41 which  
for the last two sessions of ,congress  
have  served to eke out scanty supplies4
 ,it declares1 that as slavery existed  
in ,maryland and ,virginia at the time  
of the cession1 and as it still         
continues in both those states1 it could
 not be abolished in the  ,district     
without a violation of 'that good       
faith1' c4    ,but let us see where this
 principle of the thirty-six will lead  
us4 ,if  implied faith to ,maryland and 
,virginia restrains ,congress from the  
abolition of slavery in the ,district1  
it requires ,congress to do in  the     
,district what those states have done   
within their bounds1 i4e41  restrain    
others from abolishing it4 ,upon the    
same principle ,congress  is bound1 by  
the doctrine of ,mr4 ,clay's resolution1

 to prohibit  emancipation within the   
,district4 ,there is no stopping place  
for this  plighted faith4 ,congress must
 not only refrain from laying violent   
hands on slavery1 itself1 and see to it 
that the slaveholders  themselves do    
not1 but it is bound to keep the system 
up to the ,maryland  and ,virginia      
standard of vigor6    ,again1 if the    
good faith of ,congress to ,virginia and
 ,maryland requires  that slavery should
 exist in the ,district1 while it exists
 in those  states1 it requires that it  
should exist there as it exists in those
  states4 ,if to abolish every form of  
slavery in the ,district would  violate 
good faith1 to abolish the form existing
 in those states1 and  to substitute a  
totally different one1 would also       
violate it4 ,the  ,congressional good   
faith is to be kept not only with       
slavery1 but  with the ,maryland and    
,virginia systems of slavery4 ,the faith
 of those  states not being in the      
preservation of a system1 but of their  

system2 otherwise ,congress1 instead of 
sustaining1 would counteract  their     
policy--principles would be brought into
 action there conflicting  with their   
system1 and thus the true spirit of the 
implied pledge  would be violated4 ,on  
this principle1 so long as slaves are   
chattels  personal in ,virginia and     
,maryland1 ,congress could not make them
 real  estate1 inseparable from the     
soil1 as in ,louisiana2 nor could it    
permit  slaves to read1 nor to worship  
,god according to conscience2 nor could 
it  grant them trial by jury1 nor       
legalize marriage2 nor require the      
master  to give sufficient food and     
clothing2 nor prohibit the violent      
sundering  of families--because such    
provisions would conflict with the      
existing  slave laws of ,virginia and   
,maryland1 and thus violate the good    
faith  implied1 c4 ,so the principle of 
the resolution binds ,congress in all   
these particulars3 #ast4 ,not to abolish
 slavery in the ,district until         

,virginia and ,maryland abolish4 #b;d4  
,not to abolish any part of it that     
exists in those states4 #c;d4 ,not to   
abolish any form or appendage of  it    
still existing in those states4 #dth4   
,to abolish when they do4 #eth4  ,to    
increase or abate its rigors when1 how1 
and as the same are  modified by those  
states4 ,in a word1 ,congressional      
action in the  ,district is to float    
passively in the wake of legislative    
action on the  subject in those states4 
,but here comes a dilemma4 ,suppose the 
legislation of those states should      
steer different courses--then there     
would be two wakes6 ,can ,congress      
float in both8 ,yea1 verily6 ,nothing is
 too hard for it6 ,its  obsequiousness  
equals its power of legislation in all  
cases  whatsoever4 ,it can float up on  
the ,virginia tide1 and ebb down on the 
,maryland at the same time4 ,what       
,maryland does1 ,congress will do in the
  ,maryland part4 ,what ,virginia does1 
,congress will do in the ,virginia      

part4 ,though ,congress might not always
 be able to run at the bidding of  both 
at once1 especially in different        
directions1 yet if it obeyed  orders    
cheerfully1 and kept in its place1      
according to its good faith  implied1   
impossibilities might not be rigidly    
exacted4 ,true1 we have  the highest    
sanction for the maxim that no man can  
serve two  masters--but if corporations 
have no souls1 analogy would absolve    
,congress on that score1 or at most give
 it only a very small soul--not  large  
enough to be at all in the way1 as an   
exception to the universal  rule laid   
down in the maxim6    ,in following out 
the absurdities of this implied good    
faith1 it will  be seen at once that the
 doctrine of ,mr4 ,clay's ,resolution   
extends to  all the subjects of         
legislation existing in ,maryland and   
,virginia1  which exist also within the 
,district4 ,every system1 institution1  
law1  and established usage there1 is   
placed beyond ,congressional control    

equally with slavery1 and by the same   
implied faith4 ,the abolition of  the   
lottery system in the ,district as an   
immorality1 was a flagrant  breach of   
this good faith to ,maryland and        
,virginia1 as the system  still         
continued in those states4 ,so to       
abolish imprisonment for debt1  and     
capital punishment1 to remodel the bank 
system1 the power of  corporations1 the 
militia law1 laws of limitation1 c41 in 
the ,district1  unless ,virginia and    
,maryland took the lead1 would violate  
the good  faith implied in the cession1 
c4    ,that in the acts of cession no   
such good faith was implied by          
,virginia and ,maryland as is claimed in
 the ,resolution1 we argue from  the    
fact1 that in #aghd ,virginia ceded to  
the ,united ,states all her  northwest  
territory1 with the special proviso that
 her citizens  inhabiting that territory
 should have their possessions and      
titles  confirmed to them1 and be       
protected in the enjoyment of their     

rights  and liberties4 7,see ,journals  
of ,congress1 vol4 #i1 p4 #fc47 ,the    
cession  was made in the form of a deed1
 and signed by ,thomas ,jefferson1      
,samuel  ,hardy1 ,arthur ,lee1 and      
,james ,monroe4 ,many of these          
inhabitants held  slaves4 ,three years  
after the cession1 the ,virginia        
delegation in  ,congress proposed the   
passage of an ordinance which should    
abolish  slavery1 in that territory1 and
 declare that it should never thereafter
  exist there4 ,all the members of      
,congress from ,virginia and ,maryland  
voted for this ordinance4 ,suppose some 
member of ,congress had during the      
passage of the ordinance introduced the 
following resolution3 ,resolved1  ,that 
when the northwest territory was ceded  
by ,virginia to the ,united  ,states1   
domestic slavery existed in that ,state1
 including the ceded  territory1 and as 
it still continues in that ,state1 it   
could not be  abolished within the      
territory without a violation of that   

good faith1  which was implied in the   
cession and in the acceptance of the    
territory4 ,what would have been the    
indignant response of ,grayson1         
,griffin1 ,madison1 and the ,lees1 in   
the ,congress of '#hg1 to such a        
resolution1 and of ,carrington1         
,chairman of the ,committee1 who        
reported  the ratification of the       
ordinance in the ,congress of '#hi1 and 
of ,page  and ,parker1 who with every   
other member of the ,virginia delegation
  supported it6    ,but to enumerate all
 the absurdities into which the         
thirty-six ,senators  have plunged      
themselves1 would be to make a quarto   
inventory4 ,we decline  the task2 and in
 conclusion1 merely add that ,mr4 ,clay1
 in presenting  this resolution1 and    
each of the thirty-six ,senators who    
voted for it1  entered on the records of
 the ,senate1 and proclaimed to the     
world1 a  most unworthy accusation      
against the ,,millions of ,american     
citizens who  have during nearly half a 

century petitioned the national         
legislature to  abolish slavery in the  
,district of ,columbia1--charging them  
either with  the ignorance or the       
impiety of praying the nation to violate
 its  ,,plighted ,,faith4 ,the          
resolution virtually indicts at the bar 
of public  opinion1 and brands with     
odium1 all the ,manumission ,societies1 
the  first petitioners for the abolition
 of slavery in the ,district1 and  for a
 long time the only ones1 petitioning   
from year to year through  evil report  
and good report1 still petitioning1 by  
individual societies  and in their      
national conventions4    ,but as if it  
were not enough to table the charge     
against such men as  ,benjamin ,rush1   
,william ,rawle1 ,john ,sergeant1       
,robert ,vaux1 ,cadwallader  ,colden1   
and ,peter ,a4 ,jay1--to whom we may add
 ,rufus ,king1 ,james  ,hillhouse1      
,william ,pinkney1 ,thomas ,addis       
,emmett1 ,daniel ,d4 ,tompkins1 ,de     
,witt ,clinton1 ,james ,kent1 and       

,daniel ,webster1 besides eleven hundred
  citizens of the ,district itself1     
headed by their ,chief ,justice and     
judges--even the sovereign ,states of   
,pennsylvania1 ,new-,york1              
,massachusetts1 and ,vermont1 whose     
legislatures have either memorialized   
,congress to abolish slavery in the     
,district1 or instructed their          
,senators to move such a measure1 must  
be gravely informed by ,messrs4  ,clay1 
,norvell1 ,niles1 ,smith1 ,pierce1      
,benton1 ,black1 ,tipton1 and other     
honorable ,senators1 either that their  
perception is so dull1 they know  not   
what of they affirm1 or that their moral
 sense is so blunted they  can demand   
without compunction a violation of the  
nation's faith6    ,we have spoken      
already of the concessions unwittingly  
made in this  resolution to the true    
doctrine of ,congressional power over   
the  ,district4 ,for that concession1   
important as it is1 we have small thanks
  to render4 ,that such a resolution1   

passed with such an intent1 and         
pressing at a thousand points on        
relations and interests vital to the    
free states1 should be hailed1 as it has
 been1 by a portion of the  northern    
press as a compromise originating in    
deference to northern  interests1 and to
 be received by us as a free-will       
offering of  disinterested benevolence1 
demanding our gratitude to the          
mover1--may  well cover us with shame4  
,we deserve the humiliation and have    
well  earned the mockery4 ,let it come6 
,if1 after having been set up at auction
 in the public sales-room of the        
nation1 and for thirty years1 and by    
each of a score of compromises1         
treacherously knocked off to the lowest 
bidder1 and that without money  and     
without price1 the ,north1 plundered and
 betrayed1 will not1 in  this her       
accepted time1 consider the things that 
belong to her peace  before they are    
hidden from her eyes1 then let her eat  
of the fruit of  her own way1 and be    

filled with her own devices6 ,let the   
shorn and  blinded giant grind in the   
prison-house of the ,philistines1 till  
taught  the folly of intrusting to      
,delilahs the secret and the custody of 
his  strength4    ,have the free ,states
 bound themselves by an oath never to   
profit by the  lessons of experience8   
,if lost to reason1 are they dead to    
instinct  also8 ,can nothing rouse them 
to cast about for self preservation8    
,and  shall a life of tame surrenders be
 terminated by suicidal sacrifice8    ,a
 ,,compromise6 ,bitter irony6 ,is the   
plucked and hood-winked ,north to be    
wheedled by the sorcery of another      
,missouri compromise8 ,a compromise in  
which the ,south gained all1 and the    
,north lost all1 and lost it for  ever4 
,a compromise which embargoed the free  
laborer of the ,north and  ,west1 and   
clutched at the staff he leaned upon1 to
 turn it into a  bludgeon and fell him  
with its stroke4 ,a compromise which    
wrested from  liberty her boundless     

birthright domain1 stretching westward  
to the  sunset1 while it gave to slavery
 loose reins and a free course1 from the
  ,mississippi to the ,pacific4    ,the 
resolution1 as it finally passed1 is    
here inserted4 ,the original            
,resolution1 as moved by ,mr4 ,clay1 was
 inserted at the head of this           
postscript with the impression that it  
was the amended form4 ,it will  be seen 
however1 that it underwent no material  
modification4    ,resolved1 ,that the   
interference by the citizens of any of  
the states1  with the view to the       
abolition of slavery in the ,district1  
is  endangering the rights and security 
of the people of the ,district2 and     
that any act or measure of ,congress    
designed to abolish slavery in the      
,district1 would be a violation of the  
faith implied in the cessions by  the   
states of ,virginia and ,maryland1 a    
just cause of alarm to the people  of   
the slaveholding states1 and have a     
direct and inevitable tendency to       

disturb and endanger the ,union4    ,the
 vote upon the ,resolution stood as     
follows3    ,yeas4--,messrs4 ,allen1    
,bayard1 ,benton1 ,black1 ,buchanan1    
,brown1 ,calhoun1  ,clay1 of ,alabama1  
,clay1 of ,kentucky1 ,clayton1          
,crittenden1 ,cuthbert1  ,fulton1       
,grundy1 ,hubbard1 ,king1 ,lumpkin1     
,lyon1 ,nicholas1 ,niles1 ,norvell1     
,pierce1 ,preston1 ,rives1 ,roane1      
,robinson1 ,sevier1 ,smith1 of          
,connecticut1  ,strange1 ,tallmadge1    
,tipton1 ,walker1 ,white1 ,williams1    
,wright1 ,young4    ,nays4--,messrs4    
,,davis1 ,,knight1 ,mc,k,e,a,n1         
,,morris1 ,,prentiss1 ,,ruggles1        
,,smith1 of ,indiana1 ,,swift1          
,,webster4              ,,no4 #e        
,,the ,,anti-,,slavery ,,examiner       
99       99       99       99       99  
,,the    ,,power ,,of ,,congress        
,,over ,,the    ,,district ,,of         
,,columbia4               99       99   
99       99       99    ,,originally    
,,published ,,in ,,the ,,new-,,york     

,,evening ,,post1 ,,under ,,the         
,,signature  ,,of ,,wythe4              
99       99       99       99       99  
,,with ,,additions ,,by ,,the ,,author4 
,,fourth ,,edition4             99      
99       99       99       99           
,,new ,,york3 ,,published ,,by ,,the    
,,american ,,anti-,,slavery ,,society1  
,no4 #adc ,,nassau  ,,street4 #ahch4    
99       99       99       99       99  
,this ,no4 contains #c-a_/b             
sheets4--,postage1 under #ajj miles1 #f 
cts4 over  #ajj1 #aj cts4        ,,power
 ,,of ,,congress ,,over ,,the ,,district
 ,,of ,,columbia4    ,a civilized       
community presupposes a government of   
law4 ,if that  government be a republic1
 its citizens are the sole sources1 as  
well  as the subjects of its power4 ,its
 constitution is their bill of          
directions to their own agents--a grant 
authorizing the exercise of  certain    
powers1 and prohibiting that of others4 
,in the ,constitution of  the ,united   
,states1 whatever else may be obscure1  

the clause granting  power to ,congress 
over the ,federal ,district may well    
defy  misconstruction4 ,art4 #a1 ,sec4  
#h1 ,clause #ah3 ,the ,congress shall   
have  power to exercise exclusive       
legislation1 in all cases whatsoever1   
over  such ,district4 ,congress may make
 laws for the ,district in all  cases1  
not of all kinds4 ,the grant respects   
the subjects of  legislation1 not the   
moral nature of the laws4 ,the          
law-making power  every where1 is       
subject to moral restrictions1 whether  
limited by  constitutions or not4 ,no   
legislature can authorize murder1 nor   
make  honesty penal1 nor virtue a crime1
 nor exact impossibilities4 ,in these   
and similar respects1 the power of      
,congress is held in check by           
principles existing in the nature of    
things1 not imposed by the              
,constitution1 but presupposed and      
assumed by it4 ,the power of ,congress  
over the ,district is restricted only by
 those principles that limit  ordinary  

legislation1 and1 in some respects1 it  
has even wider scope4    ,in common with
 the legislatures of the ,states1       
,congress cannot  constitutionally pass 
ex post facto laws in criminal cases1   
nor suspend  the writ of habeas corpus1 
nor pass a bill of attainder1 nor       
abridge the  freedom of speech and of   
the press1 nor invade the right of the  
people  to be secure in their persons1  
houses1 papers1 and effects1 nor enact  
laws respecting an establishment of     
religion4 ,these are general            
limitations4 ,congress cannot do these  
things any where4 ,the exact  import1   
therefore1 of the clause in all cases   
whatsoever1 is1 on all  subjects within 
the appropriate sphere of legislation4  
,some  legislatures are restrained by   
constitutions from the exercise of      
powers  strictly within the proper      
sphere of legislation4 ,congressional   
power  over the ,district has no such   
restraint4 ,it traverses the whole field
 of  legitimate legislation4 ,all the   

power which any legislature has within  
its own jurisdiction1 ,congress holds   
over the ,district of ,columbia4    ,it 
has been asserted that the clause in    
question respects merely police         
regulations1 and that its sole design   
was to enable ,congress to protect      
itself against popular tumults4 ,but if 
the framers of the ,constitution  aimed 
to provide for a single case only1 why  
did they provide for  all cases         
whatsoever8 ,besides1 this clause was   
opposed in many of  the state           
conventions1 because the grant of power 
was not restricted to  police           
regulations alone4 ,in the ,virginia    
,convention1 ,george ,mason1  the father
 of the ,virginia ,constitution1 said1  
,this clause gives an  unlimited        
authority in every possible case within 
the ,district4 ,he would  willingly give
 them exclusive power as far as         
respected the police and  good          
government of the place1 but he would   
give them no more4 ,mr4  ,grayson said1 

that control over the police was        
all-sufficient1 and  that the           
,continental ,congress never had an idea
 of exclusive  legislation in all cases4
 ,patrick ,henry said4 ,is it consistent
 with  any principle of prudence or good
 policy1 to grant unlimited1 unbounded  
authority8 ,mr4 ,madison said in reply3 
,i did conceive that the clause  under  
consideration was one of those parts    
which would speak its own  praise4 ,when
 any power is given1 its delegation     
necessarily involves  authority to make 
laws to execute it4 99 99 99 99 ,the    
powers which are found  necessary to be 
given1 are therefore delegated          
generally1 and  particular and minute   
specification is left to the            
legislature4 99 99 99 ,it  is not within
 the limits of human capacity to        
delineate on paper all  those particular
 cases and circumstances1 in which      
legislation by the  general legislature 
would be necessary4 ,governor ,randolph 
said3  ,holland has no ten miles square1

 but she has the ,hague where the       
deputies of the ,states assemble4 ,but  
the influence which it has given  the   
province of ,holland1 to have the seat  
of government within its  territory1    
subject in some respects to its control1
 has been injurious  to the other       
provinces4 ,the wisdom of the           
,convention is therefore  manifest in   
granting to ,congress exclusive         
jurisdiction over the place  of their   
session4 ,deb4 ,va4 ,con41 p4 #cbj4 ,in 
the forty-third number  of the          
,federalist1 ,mr4 ,madison says3 ,the   
indispensable necessity of  complete    
authority at the seat of government1    
carries its own  evidence with it4      
,finally1 that the grant in question is 
to be interpreted according to  the     
obvious import of its terms1 is proved  
by the fact1 that ,virginia  proposed an
 amendment to the ,united ,states'      
,constitution at the time of  its       
adoption1 providing that this clause    
should be so construed as to  give power

 only over the police and good          
government of said ,district1  which    
amendment was rejected4    ,the former  
part of the clause under consideration1 
,congress shall have  power to exercise 
exclusive legislation1 gives sole       
jurisdiction1  and the latter part1 in  
all cases whatsoever1 defines the extent
 of  it4 ,since1 then1 ,congress is the 
sole legislature within the ,district1  
and since its power is limited only by  
the checks common to all  legislatures1 
it follows that what the law-making     
power is intrinsically  competent to do 
any where1 ,congress is competent to do 
in the ,district  of ,columbia4 ,having 
disposed of preliminaries1 we proceed to
 state and  argue the real question at  
issue4    ,,is ,,the ,,law-,,making     
,,power ,,competent ,,to ,,abolish      
,,slavery ,,when ,,not ,,restricted     
,,in ,,that ,,particular ,,by           
,,constitutional ,,provisions--or1 ,,is 
,,the ,,abolition ,,of  ,,slavery       
,,within ,,the ,,appropriate ,,sphere   

,,of ,,legislation8    #a4 ,in every    
government1 absolute sovereignty exists 
somewhere4 ,in the  ,united ,states it  
exists primarily with the people1 and   
ultimate  sovereignty always exists with
 them4 ,in each of the ,states1 the     
legislature possesses a representative  
sovereignty1 delegated by the  people   
through the ,constitution--the people   
thus committing to the  legislature a   
portion of their sovereignty1 and       
specifying in their  constitutions the  
amount of the grant and its conditions4 
,that the  people in any state where    
slavery exists1 have the power to       
abolish  it1 none will deny4 ,if the    
legislature have not the power1 it is   
because  the people have reserved it to 
themselves4 ,had they lodged with the   
legislature power to exercise exclusive 
legislation in all cases  whatsoever1   
they would have parted with their       
sovereignty over the  legislation of the
 ,state1 and so far forth1 the          
legislature would have  become the      

people1 clothed with all their          
functions1 and as such  competent1      
during the continuance of the grant1 to 
do whatever the  people might have done 
before the surrender of their power3    
consequently1 they would have the power 
to abolish slavery4 ,the  sovereignty of
 the ,district of ,columbia exists      
somewhere--where is it  lodged8 ,the    
citizens of the ,district have no       
legislature of their own1  no           
representation in ,congress1 and no     
political power whatever4 ,maryland  and
 ,virginia have surrendered to the      
,united ,states their full and  absolute
 right and entire sovereignty1 and the  
people of the ,united  ,states have     
committed to ,congress by the           
,constitution1 the power to  exercise   
exclusive legislation in all cases      
whatsoever over such  ,district4        
,thus1 the sovereignty of the ,district 
of ,columbia1 is shown to reside  solely
 in the ,congress of the ,united        
,states2 and since the power of the     

people of a state to abolish slavery    
within their own limits1 results  from  
their entire sovereignty within that    
state1 so the power of  ,congress to    
abolish slavery in the ,district1       
results from its entire  sovereignty    
within the ,district4 ,if it be objected
 that ,congress can  have no more power 
over the ,district1 than was held by the
 legislatures  of ,maryland and         
,virginia1 we ask what clause of the    
constitution  graduates the power of    
,congress by the standard of those      
legislatures8  ,was the ,united ,states'
 constitution worked into its present   
shape under  the measuring line and     
square of ,virginia and ,maryland8 and  
is its power  to be bevelled down till  
it can run in the grooves of state      
legislation8  ,there is a deal of       
prating about constitutional power over 
the ,district1  as though ,congress were
 indebted for it to ,maryland and       
,virginia4 ,the  powers of those states1
 whether prodigies or nullities1 have   

nothing to  do with the question4 ,as   
well thrust in the powers of the ,grand 
,lama to  join issue upon1 or twist     
papal bulls into constitutional tether1 
with  which to curb congressional       
action4 ,,the ,,constitution ,,of ,,the 
,,united  ,,states gives power to       
,congress1 and takes it away1 and it    
alone4  ,maryland and ,virginia adopted 
the ,constitution before they ceded to  
the ,united ,states the territory of the
 ,district4 ,by their acts of  cession1 
they abdicated their own sovereignty    
over the ,district1 and  thus made room 
for that provided by the ,united        
,states' constitution1  which           
sovereignty was to commence as soon as a
 cession of territory by  states1 and   
its acceptance by ,congress1 furnished a
 sphere for its  exercise4 ,that the    
abolition of slavery is within the      
sphere of  legislation1 ,i argue4    #b4
 ,,from ,,the ,,fact1 ,,that ,,slavery1 
,,as ,a ,,legal ,,system1 ,,is ,,the    
,,creature ,,of  ,,legislation4 ,the    

law1 by creating slavery1 not only      
affirmed its  existence to be within the
 sphere and under the control of        
legislation1 but also1 the conditions   
and terms of its existence1 and  the    
question whether or not it should exist4
 ,of course legislation  would not      
travel out of its sphere1 in abolishing 
what is within it1  and what had been   
recognized to be within it1 by its own  
act4 ,cannot  legislatures repeal their 
own laws8 ,if law can take from a man   
his  rights1 it can give them back      
again4 ,if it can say1 your body belongs
  to your neighbor1 it can say1 it      
belongs to yourself4 ,if it can  annul a
 man's right to himself1 held by express
 grant from his ,maker1  and can create 
for another an artificial title to him1 
can it not  annul the artificial title1 
and leave the original owner to hold    
himself  by his original title8    #c4  
,,the ,,abolition ,,of ,,slavery ,,has  
,,always ,,been ,,considered ,,within   
,,the  ,,appropriate ,,sphere ,,of      

,,legislation4 ,almost every civilized  
nation has  abolished slavery by law4   
,the history of legislation since the   
revival  of letters1 is a record crowded
 with testimony to the universally      
admitted competency of the law-making   
power to abolish slavery4 ,it is so     
manifestly an attribute not merely of   
absolute sovereignty1 but even of       
ordinary legislation1 that the          
competency of a legislature to exercise 
it1 may well nigh be reckoned among the 
legal axioms of the civilized  world4   
,even the night of the dark ages was not
 dark enough to make this  invisible4   
,the ,abolition decree of the great     
council of ,england was passed in #aajb4
  ,the memorable ,irish decree1 that all
 the ,english slaves in the whole of    
,ireland1 be immediately emancipated and
 restored to their former  liberty1 was 
issued in #aaga4 ,slavery in ,england   
was abolished by a  general charter of  
emancipation in #acha4 ,passing over    
many instances of  the abolition of     

slavery by law1 both during the middle  
ages and since  the reformation1 we find
 them multiplying as we approach our own
 times4  ,in #aggf slavery was abolished
 in ,prussia by special edict4 ,in ,st4 
,domingo1 ,cayenne1 ,guadaloupe1 and    
,martinique1 in #agid1 where more than  
#fjj1jjj slaves were emancipated by the 
,french government4 ,in ,java1 #ahaa2   
in ,ceylon1 #ahae2 in ,buenos ,ayres1   
#ahaf2 in ,st4 ,helena1 #ahai2 in       
,colombia1 #ahba2 by the ,congress of   
,chili in #ahba2 in ,cape ,colony1      
#ahbc2  in ,malacca1 #ahbe2 in the      
southern provinces of ,birmah1 #ahbf2 in
 ,bolivia1  #ahbf2 in ,peru1 ,guatemala1
 and ,monte ,video1 #ahbh2 in ,jamaica1 
,barbados1  the ,bermudas1 the ,bahamas1
 ,anguilla1 ,mauritius1 ,st4            
,christopers1 ,nevis1  the ,virgin      
,islands1 7,british71 ,antigua1         
,montserrat1 ,dominica1 ,st4  ,vincents1
 ,grenada1 ,berbice1 ,tobago1 ,st4      
,lucia1 ,trinidad1 ,honduras1           
,demerara1 ,essequibo and the ,cape of  

,good ,hope1 on the #ast of ,august1    
#ahcd4 ,but waving details1 suffice it  
to say1 that ,england1 ,france1  ,spain1
 ,portugal1 ,denmark1 ,russia1 ,austria1
 ,prussia1 and ,germany1 have  all and  
often given their testimony to the      
competency of the legislative  power to 
abolish slavery4 ,in our own country1   
the ,legislature of  ,pennsylvania      
passed an act of abolition in #aghj1    
,connecticut in #aghd2  ,rhode ,island1 
#aghd2 ,new-,york1 #agii2 ,new-,jersey1 
in #ahjd2 ,vermont1 by  ,constitution1  
in #aggg2 ,massachusetts1 in #aghj2 and 
,new-,hampshire1  in #aghd4    ,when the
 competency of the law-making power to  
abolish slavery has thus  been          
recognized every where and for ages1    
when it has been embodied in  the       
highest precedents1 and celebrated in   
the thousand jubilees of  regenerated   
liberty1 is it an achievement of modern 
discovery1 that such  a power is a      
nullity8--that all these acts of        
abolition are void1 and  that the       

millions disenthralled by them1 are1    
either themselves or their  posterity1  
still legally in bondage8    #d4        
,,legislative ,,power ,,has ,,abolished 
,,slavers ,,in ,,its ,,parts4 ,the law  
of  ,south ,carolina prohibits the      
working of slaves more than fifteen     
hours  in the twenty-four4 ,in other    
words1 it takes from the slaveholder his
  power over nine hours of the slave's  
time daily2 and if it can take nine     
hours it may take twenty-four4 ,the laws
 of ,georgia prohibit the working  of   
slaves on the first day of the week2 and
 if they can do it for the  first1 they 
can for the six following4 ,the law of  
,north ,carolina  prohibits the         
immoderate correction of slaves4 ,if it 
has power to  prohibit immoderate       
correction1 it can prohibit moderate    
correction--all correction1 which would 
be virtual emancipation2 for1  take from
 the master the power to inflict pain1  
and he is master no  longer4 ,cease to  
ply the slave with the stimulus of fear1

 and he  is free4    ,the ,constitution 
of ,mississippi gives the ,general      
,assembly power to make  laws to oblige 
the owners of slaves to treat them with 
humanity4 ,the  ,constitution of        
,missouri has the same clause1 and an   
additional one  making it the ,,duty of 
the legislature to pass such laws as may
 be  necessary to secure the humane     
treatment of the slaves4 ,this grant to 
those legislatures1 empowers them to    
decide what is and what is not  humane  
treatment4 ,otherwise it gives no       
power--the clause is mere  waste paper1 
and flouts in the face of a befooled    
legislature4 ,a clause  giving power to 
require humane treatment covers all the 
particulars  of such treatment--gives   
power to exact it in all                
respects--requiring  certain acts1 and  
prohibiting others--maiming1 branding1  
chaining  together1 separating families1
 floggings for learning the alphabet1   
for  reading the ,bible1 for worshiping 
,god according to conscience--the       

legislature has power to specify each of
 these acts--declare that it is  not    
humane treatment1 and ,,prohibit        
it4--,the legislature may also  believe 
that driving men and women into the     
field1 and forcing them to  work without
 pay1 is not humane treatment1 and being
 constitutionally  bound to oblige      
masters to practise humane              
treatment--they have  the power to      
prohibit such treatment1 and are bound  
to do it4    ,the law of ,louisiana     
makes slaves real estate1 prohibiting   
the holder1  if he be also a land       
holder1 to separate them from the       
soil4,a ,if it  has power to prohibit   
the sale without the soil1 it can       
prohibit the  sale with it2 and if it   
can prohibit the sale as property1 it   
can  prohibit the holding as property4  
,similar laws exist in the ,french1     
,spanish1 and ,portuguese colonies4 ,the
 law of ,louisiana requires the  master 
to give his slaves a certain amount of  
food and clothing4 ,if it  can oblige   

the master to give the slave one thing1 
it can oblige him  to give him another3 
if food and clothing1 then wages1       
liberty1 his own  body4 ,by the laws of 
,connecticut1 slaves may receive and    
hold property1  and prosecute suits in  
their own name as plaintiffs3 ,this last
 was also  the law of ,virginia in      
#agie4 ,see ,tucker's ,dissertation on  
,slavery1 p4  #gc4 ,there were also laws
 making marriage contracts legal1 in    
certain  contingencies1 and punishing   
infringements of them1 ,reeve's ,law of 
,baron and ,femme1 p4 #cdj-a4           
,footnote ,a3 ,virginia made slaves real
 estate by a law passed in #agje4       
7,beverly's ,hist4 of ,va41 p4 #ih47 ,i 
do not find the precise time when  this 
law was repealed1 probably when         
,virginia became the chief slave        
breeder for the cotton-growing and      
sugar-planting country1 and made  young 
men and women from fifteen to           
twenty-five the main staple  production 
of the ,state4    ,each of the laws     

enumerated above1 does1 in principle1   
abolish  slavery2 and all of them       
together abolish it in fact4 ,true1 not 
as a  whole1 and at a stroke1 nor all in
 one place2 but in its parts1 by        
piecemeal1 at divers times and places2  
thus showing that the abolition  of     
slavery is within the boundary of       
legislation4    ,in the ,washington     
7,d4,c47 ,city ,laws1 page #ach1 is ,,an
 ,,act to prevent  horses from being    
cruelly beaten or abused4 ,similar laws 
have been  passed by corporations in    
many of the slave states1 and throughout
 the  civilized world1 such acts are    
punishable either as violations of      
common  law or of legislative           
enactments4 ,if a legislature can pass  
laws to  prevent horses from being      
cruelly abused1 it can pass laws to     
prevent  men from being cruelly abused1 
and if it can prevent cruel abuse1 it   
can define what it is4 ,it can declare  
that to make men work without  pay is   
cruel abuse1 and can ,,prohibit it4     

#e4 ,,the ,,competency ,,of ,,the       
,,law-,,making ,,power ,,to ,,abolish   
,,slavery1 ,,has ,,been  ,,recognized   
,,by ,,all ,,the ,,slaveholding         
,,states1 ,,either ,,directly ,,or ,,by 
,,implication4 ,some ,states recognize  
it in their ,constitutions1 by  giving  
the legislature power to emancipate such
 slaves as may have  rendered the state 
some distinguished service1 and others  
by express  prohibitory restrictions4   
,the ,constitution of ,mississippi1     
,arkansas1 and  other ,states1 restrict 
the power of the legislature in this    
respect4 ,why  this express prohibition1
 if the law-making power cannot abolish 
slavery8 ,a stately farce indeed1 with  
appropriate rites to induct into  the   
,constitution a special clause1 for the 
express purpose of  restricting a       
nonentity6--to take from the law-making 
power what it  never had1 and what      
cannot pertain to it6 ,the legislatures 
of those  ,states have no power to      
abolish slavery1 simply because their   

,constitutions have expressly taken away
 that power4 ,the people of  ,arkansas1 
,mississippi1 c4 well knew the          
competency of the law-making  power to  
abolish slavery1 and hence their zeal to
 restrict it4    ,the slaveholding      
,states have recognised this power in   
their laws4  ,virginia passed a law in  
#aghf to prevent the importation of     
,slaves1 of  which the following is an  
extract3 ,and be it further enacted that
 every  slave imported into this        
commonwealth contrary to the true intent
 and  meaning of this act1 shall upon   
such importation become free4 ,by a  law
 of ,virginia1 passed ,dec4 #ag1 #agib1 
a slave brought into the state  and kept
 there a year1 was free4 ,the ,maryland 
,court of ,appeals1  ,dec41 #ahac case  
of ,stewart vs4 ,oakes1 decided that a  
slave owned in  ,maryland1 and sent by  
his master into ,virginia to work at    
different  periods1 making one year in  
the whole1 became free1 being           
emancipated by the above law4 ,north    

,carolina and ,georgia in their acts  of
 cession1 transferring to the ,united   
,states the territory now  constituting 
the ,states of ,tennessee1 ,alabama and 
,mississippi1 made it a  condition of   
the grant1 that the provisions of the   
ordinance of '#hg  should be secured to 
the inhabitants1 with the exception of  
the sixth  article which prohibits      
slavery2 thus conceding1 both the       
competency of  law to abolish slavery1  
and the power of ,congress to do it1    
within its  jurisdiction4 7,these acts  
show the prevalent belief at that time1 
in the  slaveholding ,states1 that the  
general government had adopted a line of
  policy aiming at the exclusion of     
slavery from the entire territory of    
the ,united ,states1 not included within
 the original ,states1 and that  this   
policy would be pursued unless prevented
 by specific and formal  stipulation47  
,slaveholding ,states have asserted this
 power in their judicial  decisions4 ,in
 numerous cases their highest courts    

have decided that if  the legal owner of
 slaves takes them into those ,states   
where slavery has  been abolished either
 by law or by the constitution1 such    
removal  emancipates them1 such law or  
constitution abolishing their slavery4  
,this principle is asserted in the      
decision of the ,supreme ,court of      
,louisiana1 ,lunsford vs4 ,coquillon1   
#ad ,martin's ,la4 ,reps4 #dja4 ,also by
  the ,supreme ,court of ,virginia1     
,hunter vs4 ,fulcher1 #a ,leigh's ,reps4
 #agb4  ,the same doctrine was laid down
 by ,judge ,washington1 of the ,u4 ,s4  
,sup4  ,court1 ,butler vs4 ,hopper1     
,washington's ,c4 ,c4 ,reps4 #ejh2 also1
 by the  ,court of ,appeals in          
,kentucky1 ,rankin vs4 ,lydia1 #b       
,marshall's ,reps4 #djg2  see also1     
,wilson vs4 ,isbell1 #e ,call's ,reps4  
#dbe1 ,spotts vs4 ,gillespie1 #f        
,randolph's ,reps4 #eff4 ,the ,state vs4
 ,lasselle1 #a ,blackford's ,reps4 #fj1 
,marie ,louise vs4 ,mariot1 #h ,la4     
,reps4 #dge4 ,in this case1 which was   

tried  in #ahcf1 the slave had been     
taken by her master to ,france and      
brought  back2 ,judge ,matthews1 of the 
,supreme ,court of ,louisiana1 decided  
that  residence for one moment under the
 laws of ,france emancipated her4    #f4
 ,,eminent ,,statesmen1 ,,themselves    
,,slaveholders1 ,,have ,,conceded ,,this
 ,,power4  ,washington1 in a letter to  
,robert ,morris1 ,april #ab1 #aghf1     
says3 ,there  is not a man living1 who  
wishes more sincerely than ,i do1 to see
 a plan  adopted for the abolition of   
slavery2 but there is only one proper   
and  effectual mode by which it can be  
accomplished1 and that is by            
legislative authority4 ,in a letter to  
,lafayette1 ,may #aj1 #aghf1 he  says3  
,it 7the abolition of slavery7 certainly
 might1 and assuredly  ought to be      
effected1 and that too by legislative   
authority4 ,in a  letter to ,john       
,fenton ,mercer1 ,sept4 #i1 #aghf1 he   
says3 ,it is among my  first wishes to  
see some plan adopted by which slavery  

in this country  may be abolished by    
law4 ,in a letter to ,sir ,john         
,sinclair1 he says3  ,there are in      
,pennsylvania1 laws for the gradual     
abolition of slavery1  which neither    
,maryland nor ,virginia have at present1
 but which nothing  is more certain than
 that they must have1 and at a period   
not remote4  ,jefferson1 speaking of    
movements in the ,virginia ,legislature 
in #aggg1  for the passage of a law     
emancipating the slaves1 says3 ,the     
principles  of the amendment were agreed
 on1 that is to say1 the freedom of all 
born  after a certain day2 but it was   
found that the public mind would not    
bear the proposition1 yet the day is not
 far distant when it must bear  and     
adopt it4--,jefferson's ,memoirs1 v4 i4 
p4 #ce4 ,it is well known that          
,jefferson1 ,pendleton1 ,mason1 ,wythe  
and ,lee1 while acting as a committee   
of the ,virginia ,house of ,delegates to
 revise the ,state ,laws1 prepared a    
plan for the gradual emancipation of the

 slaves by law4 ,these men were  the    
great lights of ,virginia4 ,mason1 the  
author of the ,virginia  ,constitution2 
,pendleton1 the ,president of the       
memorable ,virginia  ,convention in     
#aghg1 and ,president of the ,virginia  
,court of ,appeals2  ,wythe was the     
,blackstone of the ,virginia bench1 for 
a quarter of a  century ,chancellor of  
the ,state1 the professor of law in the 
,university  of ,william and ,mary1 and 
the preceptor of ,jefferson1 ,madison1  
and ,chief  ,justice ,marshall4 ,he was 
the author of the celebrated            
remonstrance to  the ,english ,house of 
,commons on the subject of the stamp    
act4 ,as to  ,jefferson1 his name is his
 biography4    ,every slaveholding      
member of ,congress from the ,states of 
,maryland1  ,virginia1 ,north and ,south
 ,carolina1 and ,georgia1 voted for the 
celebrated ordinance of #aghg1 which    
abolished the slavery then existing  in 
the ,northwest ,territory4 ,patrick     
,henry1 in his well known letter to     

,robert ,pleasants1 of ,virginia1       
,january #ah1 #aggc1 says3 ,i believe a 
time  will come when an opportunity will
 be offered to abolish this lamentable  
evil4 ,william ,pinkney1 of ,maryland1  
advocated the abolition of slavery  by  
law1 in the legislature of that ,state1 
in #aghi4 ,luther ,martin urged  the    
same measure both in the ,federal       
,convention1 and in his report to  the  
,legislature of ,maryland4 ,in #agif1   
,st4 ,george ,tucker1 of ,virginia1     
professor of law in the ,university of  
,william and ,mary1 and ,judge of the   
,general ,court1 published a            
dissertation on slavery1 urging the     
abolition  of slavery by law4    ,john  
,jay1 while ,new-,york was yet a slave  
,state1 and himself in law a            
slaveholder1 said in a letter from      
,spain1 in #aghf1 ,an excellent law     
might be made out of the ,pennsylvania  
one1 for the gradual abolition of       
slavery4 ,were ,i in your legislature1  
,i would present a bill for the         

purpose1 and ,i would never cease moving
 it till it became a law1 or ,i  ceased 
to be a member4    ,governor ,tompkins1 
in a message to the ,legislature of     
,new-,york1 ,january  #h1 #ahab1 said3  
,to devise the means for the gradual and
 ultimate  extermination from amongst us
 of slavery1 is a work worthy the       
representatives of a polished and       
enlightened nation4    ,the ,virginia   
,legislature asserted this power in     
#ahcb4 ,at the close of a  month's      
debate1 the following proceedings were  
had4 ,i extract from an  editorial      
article in the ,richmond ,whig1 ,jan4   
#bf1 #ahcb4    ,the report of the       
,select ,committee1 adverse to          
legislation on the  subject of          
,abolition1 was in these words3         
,resolved1 as the opinion of  this      
,committee1 that it is ,,inexpedient    
,,for ,,the ,,present1 to make any      
legislative enactments for the abolition
 of slavery4 ,this ,report ,mr4         
,preston moved to reverse1 and thus to  

declare that it was expedient1  now to  
make legislative enactments for the     
abolition of slavery4 ,this  was meeting
 the question in its strongest form4 ,it
 demanded action1 and  immediate action4
 ,on this proposition the vote was #eh  
to #gc4 ,many of the  most decided      
friends of abolition voted against the  
amendment1 because  they thought public 
opinion not sufficiently prepared for   
it1 and that  it might prejudice the    
cause to move too rapidly4 ,the vote on 
,mr4  ,witcher's motion to postpone the 
whole subject indefinitely1 indicates   
the true state of opinion in the ,house4
 ,that was the test question1 and  was  
so intended and proclaimed by its mover4
 ,that motion was  negatived1 #ga to    
#fj2 showing a majority of #aa1 who by  
that vote1  declared their belief that  
at the proper time1 and in the proper   
mode1  ,virginia ought to commence a    
system of gradual abolition4    #g4     
,,the ,,congress ,,of ,,the ,,united    
,,states ,,have ,,asserted ,,this       

,,power4 ,the  ordinance of '#hg1       
declaring that there should be neither  
slavery nor  involuntary servitude1 in  
the ,north ,western ,territory1         
abolished the  slavery then existing    
there4 ,the ,sup4 ,court of             
,mississippi1 ,harvey vs4  ,decker1     
,walker's ,mi4 ,reps4 #cf1 declared that
 the ordinance of '#hg  emancipated the 
slaves then held there4 ,in this        
decision the question is  argued ably   
and at great length4 ,the ,supreme      
,court of ,la4 made the same  decision  
in the case of ,forsyth vs4 ,nash1 #d   
,martin's ,la4 ,reps4 #che4 ,the  same  
doctrine was laid down by ,judge        
,porter1 7late ,united ,states ,senator 
from ,la417 in his decision at the      
,march term of the ,la4 ,supreme ,court1
  #ahcj1 ,merry vs4 ,chexnaider1 #bj    
,martin's ,reps4 #fii4    ,that the     
ordinance abolished the slavery then    
existing there is also  shown by the    
fact1 that persons holding slaves in the
 territory  petitioned for the repeal of

 the article abolishing slavery1        
assigning  that as a reason4 ,the       
petition of the citizens of ,randolph   
and ,st4  ,clair counties in the        
,illinois country1 stating that they    
were in  possession of slaves1 and      
praying the repeal of that act 7the #fth
  article of the ordinance of '#hg7 and 
the passage of a law legalizing  slavery
 there4 ,am4 ,state papers1 ,public     
,lands1 v4 #a4 p4 #fi4 ,congress  passed
 this ordinance before the ,united      
,states' ,constitution was  adopted1    
when it derived all its authority from  
the articles of  ,confederation1 which  
conferred powers of legislation far more
 restricted  than those committed to    
,congress over the ,district and        
,territories by  the ,united ,states'   
,constitution4 ,now1 we ask1 how does   
the ,constitution  abridge the powers   
which ,congress possessed under the     
articles of  confederation8    ,the     
abolition of the slave trade by         
,congress1 in #ahjh1 is another         

illustration of the competency of       
legislative power to abolish slavery4   
,the ,african slave trade has become    
such a mere technic1 in common          
parlance1 that the fact of its being    
proper slavery is overlooked4 ,the      
buying and selling1 the transportation1 
and the horrors of the middle  passage1 
were mere incidents of the slavery in   
which the victims were  held4 ,let      
things be called by their own names4    
,when ,congress abolished  the ,african 
slave trade1 it abolished               
,,slavery--supreme slavery--power       
frantic with license1 trampling a whole 
hemisphere scathed with its  fires1 and 
running down with blood4 ,true1         
,congress did not1 in the  abolition of 
the slave trade1 abolish all the slavery
 within its  jurisdiction1 but it did   
abolish all the slavery in one part of  
its  jurisdiction4 ,what has rifled it  
of power to abolish slavery in  another 
part of its jurisdiction1 especially in 
that part where it has  exclusive       

legislation in all cases whatsoever8    
#h4 ,,the ,,constitution ,,of ,,the     
,,united ,,states ,,recognizes ,,this   
,,power ,,by ,,the  ,,most ,,conclusive 
,,implication4 ,in ,art4 #a1 sec4 #c1   
clause #a1 it prohibits  the abolition  
of the slave trade previous to #ahjh3   
thus implying the  power of ,congress to
 do it at once1 but for the restriction2
 and its  power to do it                
unconditionally1 when that restriction  
ceased4 ,again2  ,in ,art4 #d1 sec4 #b1 
,no person held to service or labor in  
one state  under the laws thereof1      
escaping into another1 shall in         
consequence of  any law or regulation   
therein1 be discharged from said service
 or  labor4 ,this clause was inserted1  
as all admit1 to prevent the runaway    
slave from being emancipated by the laws
 of the free states4 ,if these  laws had
 no power to emancipate1 why this       
constitutional guard to  prevent it8    
,the insertion of the clause1 was the   
testimony of the eminent jurists  that  

framed the ,constitution1 to the        
existence of the power1 and their       
public proclamation1 that the abolition 
of slavery was within the  appropriate  
sphere of legislation4 ,the right of the
 owner to that which  is rightfully     
property1 is founded on a principle of  
universal law1  and is recognized and   
protected by all civilized nations2     
property in  slaves is1 by general      
consent1 an exception2 hence            
slaveholders  insisted upon the         
insertion of this clause in the ,united 
,states'  ,constitution1 that they might
 secure by an express provision1 that   
from which protection is withheld1 by   
the acknowledged principles of          
universal law4,a ,by demanding this     
provision1 slaveholders consented  that 
their slaves should not be recognized as
 property by the ,united  ,states'      
,constitution1 and hence they found     
their claim1 on the fact of  their being
 persons1 and held to service4          
,footnote ,a3 ,the fact1 that under the 

articles of ,confederation1             
slaveholders1 whose slaves had escaped  
into free states1 had no legal  power to
 force them back1--that now they have no
 power to recover1 by  process of law1  
their slaves who escape to ,canada1 the 
,south ,american  ,states1 or to        
,europe--the case already cited1 in     
which the ,supreme ,court  of ,louisiana
 decided1 that residence for one moment1
 under the laws  of ,france emancipated 
an ,american slave--the case of ,fulton1
 vs4  ,lewis1 #c ,har4 and ,john's      
,reps41 #ef1 where the slave of a ,st4  
,domingo  slaveholder1 who brought him  
to ,maryland in '#ic1 was pronounced    
free by  the ,maryland ,court of        
,appeals--are illustrations of the      
acknowledged  truth here asserted1 that 
by the consent of the civilized world1  
and on  the principles of universal law1
 slaves are not property1 and that      
whenever held as property under law1 it 
is only by positive  legislative acts1  
forcibly setting aside the law of       

nature1 the common  law1 and the        
principles of universal justice and     
right between man and  man1--principles 
paramount to all law1 and from which    
alone1 law derives  its intrinsic       
authoritative sanction4    #i4          
,,congress ,,has ,,unquestionable       
,,power ,,to ,,adopt ,,the ,,common     
,,law1 ,,as ,,the  ,,legal ,,system1    
,,within ,,its ,,exclusive              
,,jurisdiction4--,this has been done1   
with certain restrictions1 in most of   
the ,states1 either by legislative  acts
 or by constitutional implication4 ,,the
 ,,common ,,law ,,knows ,,no ,,slaves4  
,its principles annihilate slavery      
wherever they touch it4 ,it is a        
universal1 unconditional1 abolition act4
 ,wherever slavery is a legal  system1  
it is so only by statute law1 and in    
violation of the common  law4 ,the      
declaration of ,lord ,chief ,justice    
,holt1 that1 by the common  law1 no man 
can have property in another1 is an     
acknowledged axiom1 and  based upon the 

well known common law definition of     
property4 ,the  subjects of dominion or 
property are things1 as                 
contra-distinguished  from persons4 ,let
 ,congress adopt the common law in the  
,district of  ,columbia1 and slavery    
there is abolished4 ,congress may well  
be at home  in common law legislation1  
for the common law is the grand element 
of  the ,united ,states' ,constitution4 
,all its fundamental provisions are     
instinct with its spirit2 and its       
existence1 principles1 and paramount    
authority1 are presupposed and assumed  
throughout the whole4 ,the  preamble of 
the ,constitution plants the standard of
 the ,common ,law  immovably in its     
foreground4 ,we1 the people of the      
,united ,states1 in  order to           
,,establish ,,justice1 c41 do ordain and
 establish this  ,constitution2 thus    
proclaiming devotion to ,,justice1 as   
the  controlling motive in the          
organization of the ,government1 and its
 secure  establishment the chief object 

of its aims4 ,by this most solemn       
recognition1 the common law1 that grand 
legal embodyment of justice  and        
fundamental right--was made the         
groundwork of the ,constitution1 and    
intrenched behind its strongest         
munitions4 ,the second clause of ,sec4  
#i1  ,art4 #a2 ,sec4 #d1 ,art4 #b1 and  
the last clause of ,sec4 #b1 ,art4 #c1  
with  ,articles #g1 #h1 #i1 and #ac of  
the ,amendments1 are also express       
recognitions of the common law as the   
presiding ,genius of the  ,constitution4
    ,by adopting the common law within  
its exclusive jurisdiction ,congress    
would carry out the principles of our   
glorious ,declaration1 and follow  the  
highest precedents in our national      
history and jurisprudence4 ,it is  a    
political maxim as old as civil         
legislation1 that laws should be        
strictly homogeneous with the principles
 of the government whose will  they     
express1 embodying and carrying them    
out--being indeed the  principles       

themselves1 in preceptive               
form--representatives alike of  the     
nature and power of the                 
,government--standing illustrations of  
its  genius and spirit1 while they      
proclaim and enforce its authority4 ,who
  needs be told that slavery makes war  
upon the principles of the              
,declaration1 and the spirit of the     
,constitution1 and that these and the   
principles of the common law gravitate  
towards each other with  irrepressible  
affinities1 and mingle into one8 ,the   
common law came  hither with our pilgrim
 fathers2 it was their birthright1 their
 panoply1  their glory1 and their song  
of rejoicing in the house of their      
pilgrimage4 ,it covered them in the day 
of their calamity1 and their  trust was 
under the shadow of its wings4 ,from the
 first settlement of  the country1 the  
genius of our institutions and our      
national spirit have  claimed it as a   
common possession1 and exulted in it    
with a common  pride4 ,a century ago1   

,governor ,pownall1 one of the most     
eminent  constitutional jurists of      
colonial times1 said of the common law1 
,in  all the colonies the common law is 
received as the foundation and main     
body of their law4 ,in the ,declaration 
of ,rights1 made by the  ,continental   
,congress at its first session in '#gd1 
there was the  following resolution3    
,resolved1 ,that the respective colonies
 are  entitled to the common law of     
,england1 and especially to the great   
and  inestimable privilege of being     
tried by their peers of the vicinage    
according to the course of that law4    
,soon after the organization of the     
general government1 ,chief ,justice     
,ellsworth1 in one of his decisions on  
the bench of the ,u4 ,s4 ,sup4 ,court1  
said3 ,the common law of this country   
remains the same as it was before the   
revolution4 ,chief ,justice  ,marshall1 
in his decision in the case of          
,livingston vs4 ,jefferson1  said3 ,when
 our ancestors migrated to ,america1    

they brought with them  the common law  
of their native country1 so far as it   
was applicable to  their new situation1 
and ,i do not conceive that the         
revolution in any  degree changed the   
relations of man to man1 or the law     
which regulates  them4 ,in breaking our 
political connection with the parent    
state1 we did  not break our connection 
with each other4 ,hall's ,law ,journal1 
new  series4 ,mr4 ,duponceau1 in his    
,dissertation on the ,jurisdiction of   
,courts in the ,united ,states1 says1 ,i
 consider the common law of  ,england   
the jus commune of the ,united ,states4 
,i think ,i can lay it  down as a       
correct principle1 that the common law  
of ,england1 as it was  at the time of  
the ,declaration of ,independence1 still
 continues to be  the national law of   
this country1 so far as it is applicable
 to our  present state1 and subject to  
the modifications it has received here  
in  the course of nearly half a century4
 ,chief ,justice ,taylor of ,north      

,carolina1 in his decision in the case  
of the ,state vs4 ,reed1 in #ahbc1      
,hawkes' ,n4,c4 ,reps4 #ded1 says1 a law
 of paramount1 obligation to the        
statute1 was violated by the            
offence--,,common ,,law1 founded upon   
the law  of nature1 and confirmed by    
revelation4 ,the legislation of the     
,united  ,states abounds in recognitions
 of the principles of the common law1   
asserting their paramount binding power4
 ,sparing details1 of which our         
national state papers are full1 we      
illustrate by a single instance4 ,it    
was made a condition of the admission of
 ,louisiana into the ,union1 that  the  
right of trial by jury should be secured
 to all her citizens1--the  ,united     
,states government thus employing its   
power to enlarge the  jurisdiction of   
the common law in this its great        
representative4    ,having shown that   
the abolition of slavery is within the  
competency of  the law-making power1    
when unrestricted by constitutional     

provisions1  and that the legislation of
 ,congress over the ,district is thus   
unrestricted1 its power to abolish      
slavery there is established4 ,we  argue
 it further1 from the fact that1    #aj4
 ,,slavery ,,now ,,exists ,,in ,,the    
,,district ,,by ,,an ,,act ,,of         
,,congress4 ,in the act  of #afth ,july1
 #agij1 ,congress accepted portions of  
territory offered by  the states of     
,maryland and ,virginia1 and enacted    
that the laws1 as they  then were1      
should continue in force1 until         
,congress shall otherwise by  law       
provide4 ,under these laws1 adopted by  
,congress1 and in effect  re-enacted and
 made laws of the ,district1 the slaves 
there are now held4    ,is ,congress so 
impotent in its own exclusive           
jurisdiction that it  cannot otherwise  
by law provide8 ,if it can say1 what    
shall be  considered property1 it can   
say what shall not be considered        
property4  ,suppose a legislature should
 enact that marriage contracts should be

  mere bills of sale1 making a husband  
the proprietor of his wife1 as his  bona
 fide property2 and suppose husbands    
should herd their wives in  droves for  
the market as beasts of burden1 or for  
the brothel as victims  of lust1 and    
then prate about their inviolable legal 
property1 and deny  the power of the    
legislature1 which stamped them         
property1 to undo its  own wrong1 and   
secure to wives by law the rights of    
human beings4 ,would  such cant about   
legal rights be heeded where reason and 
justice held  sway1 and where law1 based
 upon fundamental morality1 received    
homage8  ,if a frantic legislature      
pronounces woman a chattel1 has it no   
power1  with returning reason1 to take  
back the blasphemy8 ,is the impious     
edict  irrepealable8 ,be it1 that with  
legal forms it has stamped wives wares4 
,can no legislation blot out the brand8 
,must the handwriting of ,deity on      
human nature be expunged for ever8 ,has 
,,law no power to stay the erasing  pen1

 and tear off the scrawled label that   
covers up the ,,image ,,of ,,god8       
,,ii4 ,,the ,,power ,,of ,,congress ,,to
 ,,abolish ,,slavery ,,in ,,the         
,,district ,,has ,,been1  ,,till        
,,recently1 ,,universally ,,conceded4   
#a4 ,it has been assumed by ,congress   
itself4 ,the following record stands  on
 the journals of the ,house of          
,representatives for #ahjd1 p4 #bbe3 ,on
  motion made and seconded that the     
,house do come to the following         
resolution3 ',resolved1 ,that from and  
after the #dth day of ,july1 #ahje1  all
 blacks and people of color that shall  
be born within the ,district of         
,columbia1 or whose mothers shall be the
 property of any person residing  within
 the said ,district1 shall be free1 the 
males at the age of ----1  and the      
females at the age of ----4 ,the main   
question being taken that  the ,house do
 agree to said motions as originally    
proposed1 it was  negatived by a        
majority of #df4' ,though the motion was

 lost1 it was on  the ground of its     
alleged inexpediency alone4 ,in the     
debate which  preceded the vote1 the    
power of ,congress was conceded4 ,in    
,march1 #ahaf1  the ,house of           
,representatives passed the following   
resolution3 ,resolved1  ,that a         
committee be appointed to inquire into  
the existence of an  inhuman and illegal
 traffic in slaves1 carried on in and   
through the  ,district of ,columbia1 and
 to report whether any and what measures
 are  necessary for putting a stop to   
the same4    ,on the #ith of ,january1  
#ahbi1 the ,house of ,representatives   
passed the  following resolution by a   
vote of #aad to #ff3 ,resolved1 ,that   
the  ,committee on the ,district of     
,columbia1 be instructed to inquire into
 the  expediency of providing by law for
 the gradual abolition of slavery       
within the ,district1 in such a manner  
that the interests of no  individual    
shall be injured thereby4 ,among those  
who voted in the  affirmative were      

,messrs4 ,barney of ,md41 ,armstrong of 
,va41 ,a4,h4 ,shepperd  of ,n4,c41      
,blair of ,tenn41 ,chilton and ,lyon of 
,ky41 ,johns of ,del41 and  others from 
slave states4    #b4 ,,it ,,has ,,been  
,,conceded ,,by ,,committees ,,of       
,,congress1 ,,on ,,the ,,district ,,of  
,,columbia4--,in a report of the        
committee on the ,district1 ,jan4 #aa1  
#ahcg1  by their chairman1 ,mr4 ,powell 
of ,va41 there is the following         
declaration3 ,the ,congress of the      
,united ,states1 has by the constitution
  exclusive jurisdiction over the       
,district1 and has power upon this      
subject 7slavery17 as upon all other    
subjects of legislation1 to  exercise   
unlimited discretion4 ,reports of       
,comms4 #b;d ,sess4 #aith ,cong4  v4 iv4
 ,no4 #dc4 ,in ,december1 #ahca1 the    
committee on the ,district1 ,mr4        
,doddridge of ,va41 ,chairman1 reported1
 ,that until the adjoining states  act  
on the subject1 7slavery7 it would be   
7not unconstitutional but7  unwise and  

impolitic1 if not unjust1 for ,congress 
to interfere4 ,in  ,april1 #ahcf1 a     
special committee on abolition memorials
 reported the  following resolutions by 
their ,chairman1 ,mr4 ,pinckney of      
,south ,carolina3  ,resolved1 ,that     
,congress possesses no constitutional   
authority to  interfere in any way with 
the institution of slavery in any of the
  states of this confederacy4           
,resolved1 ,that ,congress ought not to 
interfere in any way with  slavery in   
the ,district of ,columbia4 ,ought not  
to interfere1  carefully avoiding the   
phraseology of the first resolution1 and
 thus in  effect conceding the          
constitutional power4 ,in a widely      
circulated  ,address to the electors of 
the ,charleston ,district1 ,mr4 ,pinkney
 is  thus denounced by his own          
constituents3 ,he has proposed a        
resolution  which is received by the    
plain common sense of the whole country 
as a  concession that ,congress has     
authority to abolish slavery in the     

,district of ,columbia4    #c4 ,,it     
,,has ,,been ,,conceded ,,by ,,the      
,,citizens ,,of ,,the ,,district4 ,a    
petition for  the gradual abolition of  
slavery in the ,district1 signed by     
nearly  eleven hundred of its citizens1 
was presented to ,congress1 ,march #bd1 
#ahbg4 ,among the signers to this       
petition1 were ,chief ,justice ,cranch1 
,judge ,van ,ness1 ,judge ,morsel1      
,prof4 ,j4,m4 ,staughton1 and a large   
number  of the most influential         
inhabitants of the ,district4 ,mr4      
,dickson1 of ,new  ,york1 asserted on   
the floor of ,congress in #ahce1 that   
the signers to  this petition owned more
 than half the property in the          
,district4 ,the  accuracy of this       
statement has never been questioned4    
,,this ,,power ,,has ,,been ,,conceded  
,,by ,,grand ,,juries ,,of ,,the        
,,district4 ,the grand  jury of the     
county of ,alexandria1 at the ,march    
term1 #ahjb1 presented the  domestic    
slaves trade as a grievance1 and said1  

,we consider these  grievances demanding
 legislative redress4 ,jan4 #ai1 #ahbi1 
,mr4  ,alexander1 of ,virginia1         
presented a representation of the grand 
jury in  the city of ,washington1       
remonstrating against any measure for   
the  abolition of slavery within said   
,district1 unless accompanied by        
measures for the removal of the         
emancipated from the same2 thus1 not    
only conceding the power to emancipate  
slaves1 but affirming an  additional    
power1 that of excluding them when free4
 ,journal ,h4 ,r4  #ahbh-i1 p4 #agd4    
#d4 ,,this ,,power ,,has ,,been         
,,conceded ,,by ,,state ,,legislatures4 
,in #ahbh the  ,legislature of          
,pennsylvania instructed their ,senators
 in ,congress to  procure1 if           
practicable1 the passage of a law to    
abolish slavery in the  ,district of    
,columbia4 ,jan4 #bh1 #ahbi1 the ,house 
of ,assembly of ,new ,york  passed a    
resolution1 that their ,senators in     
,congress be instructed to  make every  

possible exertion to effect the passage 
of a law for the  abolition of ,slavery 
in the ,district of ,columbia4 ,in      
,february1 #ahcg1  the ,senate of       
,massachusetts ,resolved1 ,that         
,congress having exclusive  legislation 
in the ,district of ,columbia1 possess  
the right to abolish  slavery and the   
slave trade therein4 ,the ,house of     
,representatives  passed the following  
resolution at the same session3         
,resolved1 ,that  ,congress having      
exclusive legislation in the ,district  
of ,columbia1  possess the right to     
abolish slavery in said ,district4      
,november #a1  #ahcg1 the ,legislature  
of ,vermont1 ,resolved that ,congress   
have the full  power by the constitution
 to abolish slavery and the slave trade 
in the  ,district of ,columbia1 and in  
the territories4    ,in ,may1 #ahch1 the
 ,legislature of ,connecticut passed a  
resolution  asserting the power of      
,congress to abolish slavery in the     
,district  of ,columbia4    ,in         

,january1 #ahcf1 the ,legislature of    
,south ,carolina ,resolved1 ,that we    
should consider the abolition of        
,slavery in the ,district of ,columbia  
as  a violation of the rights of the    
citizens of that ,district derived from 
the implied conditions on which that    
territory was ceded to the  ,general    
,government4 ,instead of denying the    
constitutional power1 they  virtually   
admit its existence1 by striving to     
smother it under an  implication4 ,in   
,february1 #ahcf1 the ,legislature of   
,north ,carolina  ,resolved1 ,that1     
although by the ,constitution all       
legislative power  over the ,district of
 ,columbia is vested in the ,congress of
 the ,united  ,states1 yet we would     
deprecate any legislative action on the 
part of  that body towards liberating   
the slaves of that ,district1 as a      
breach of  faith towards those ,states  
by whom the territory was originally    
ceded4  ,here is a full concession of   
the power4 ,february #b1 #ahcf1 the     

,virginia  ,legislature passed          
unanimously the following resolution3   
,resolved1 by  the ,general ,assembly of
 ,virginia1 that the following article  
be proposed  to the several states of   
this ,union1 and to ,congress1 as an    
amendment of  the ,constitution of the  
,united ,states3 ,the powers of         
,congress shall not  be so construed as 
to authorize the passage of any law for 
the  emancipation of slaves in the      
,district of ,columbia1 without the     
consent  of the individual proprietors  
thereof1 unless by the sanction of the  
,legislatures of ,virginia and          
,maryland1 and under such conditions as 
they  shall by law prescribe4    ,fifty 
years after the formation of the ,united
 ,states' constitution the  states are  
solemnly called upon by the ,virginia   
,legislature1 to amend  that instrument 
by a clause asserting that1 in the grant
 to ,congress of  exclusive legislation 
in all cases whatsoever over the        
,district1 the  case of slavery is not  

included66 ,what could have dictated    
such a  resolution but the conviction   
that the power to abolish slavery is an 
irresistible inference from the         
constitution as it is8 ,the fact that   
the same legislature1 passed afterward a
 resolution1 though by no means         
unanimously1 that ,congress does not    
possess the power1 abates not a  title  
of the testimony in the first           
resolution4 ,march #bc;d1 #ahbd1 ,mr4   
,brown presented the resolutions of the 
,general ,assembly of ,ohio1            
recommending to ,congress the           
consideration of a system for the       
gradual  emancipation of persons of     
color held in servitude in the ,united  
,states4 ,on the same day1 ,mr4 ,noble1 
of ,indiana1 communicated a  resolution 
from the legislature of that state1     
respecting the gradual  emancipation of 
slaves within the ,united ,states4      
,journal of the ,united  ,states'       
,senate1 for #ahbd-e1 p4#bca4    ,the   
,ohio and ,indiana resolutions1 by      

taking for granted the general  power of
 ,congress over the subject of slavery1 
do virtually assert its  special power  
within its exclusive jurisdiction4      
#e4 ,,this ,,power ,,has ,,been         
,,conceded ,,by ,,bodies ,,of ,,citizens
 ,,in ,,the ,,slave  ,,states4 ,the     
petition of eleven hundred citizens of  
the ,district1 has  been already        
mentioned4 ,march #e1ahcj1 ,mr4         
,washington presented a  memorial of    
inhabitants of the county of ,frederick1
 in the state of  ,maryland1 praying    
that provision be made for the gradual  
abolition of  slavery in the ,district  
of ,columbia4 ,journal ,h4,r4 #ahbi-cj1 
p4 #ceh4    ,march #cj1 #ahbh4 ,mr4     
,a4,h4 ,shepperd1 of ,north ,carolina1  
presented a  memorial of citizens of    
that state1 praying ,congress to take   
measures  for the entire abolition of   
slavery in the ,district of ,columbia4  
,journal ,h4,r4 #ahbi-cj1 p4 #cgi4      
,january #ad1 #ahbb4 ,mr4 ,rhea1 of     
,tennessee1 presented a memorial of     

citizens of that state1 praying that    
provision may be made1 whereby all      
slaves that may hereafter be born in the
 ,district of ,columbia1 shall be  free 
at a certain period of their lives4     
,journal ,h4,r4 #ahba-bb1 p4#adb4       
,december #ac1 #ahbd4 ,mr4 ,saunders of 
,north ,carolina1 presented a memorial  
of the citizens of that state1 praying  
that measures may be taken for  the     
gradual abolition of slavery in the     
,united ,states4 ,journal ,h4,r4        
#ahbd-be1 p4#bg4    ,december #af1      
#ahbh4 ,mr4 ,barnard presented the      
memorial of the ,american  ,convention  
for promoting the abolition of slavery1 
held in ,baltimore1  praying that       
slavery may be abolished in the         
,district of ,columbia4  ,journal ,u4,s4
 ,senate1 #ahbh-bi1 p4#bd4    #f4       
,,distinguished ,,statesmen ,,and       
,,jurists ,,in ,,the ,,slaveholding     
,,states1 ,,have  ,,conceded ,,this     
,,power4 ,the testimony ,of ,messrs4    
,doddridge1 and ,powell1 of  ,virginia1 

,chief ,justice ,cranch1 and ,judges    
,morsel and ,van ,ness1 of the          
,district1 has already been given4 ,in  
the debate in ,congress on the  memorial
 of the ,society of ,friends1 in #agij1 
,mr4 ,madison1 in speaking of  the      
territories of the ,united ,states1     
explicitly declared1 from his own       
knowledge of the views of the members of
 the convention that framed the         
constitution1 as well as from the       
obvious import of its terms1 that in    
the territories1 ,congress have         
certainly the power to regulate the     
subject of slavery4 ,congress can have  
no more power over the  territories than
 that of exclusive legislation in all   
cases  whatsoever1 consequently1        
according to ,mr4 ,madison1 it has      
certainly  the power to regulate the    
subject of slavery in the ,district4 ,in
  ,march1 #ahaf1 ,mr4 ,randolph of      
,virginia1 introduced a resolution for  
putting a stop to the domestic slave    
trade within the ,district4 ,december   

#ab1 #ahbg1 ,mr4 ,barney1 of ,maryland1 
presented a memorial for abolition in   
the ,district1 and moved that it be     
printed4 ,mr4 ,mc,duffie1 of ,s4,c41    
objected to the printing1 but expressly 
admitted the right of ,congress  to     
grant to the people of the ,district any
 measure which they might deem          
necessary to free themselves from the   
deplorable evil4--,see letter of  ,mr4  
,claiborne of ,miss4 to his constituents
 published in the ,washington  ,globe1  
,may #i1 #ahcf4 ,the sentiments of ,mr4 
,clay of ,kentucky1 on the  subject are 
well known4 ,in a speech before the     
,u4,s4 ,senate1 in #ahcf1 he  declared  
the power of ,congress to abolish       
slavery in the ,district                
unquestionable4 ,messrs4 ,blair1 of     
,tennessee1 and ,chilton1 ,lyon1 and    
,r4,m4 ,johnson1 of ,kentucky1 ,a4,h4   
,shepperd1 of ,n4,c41 ,messrs4          
,armstrong and  ,smyth of ,va41 ,messrs4
 ,dorsey1 ,archer1 and ,barney1 of ,md41
 and ,johns1 of  ,del41 with numerous   

others from slave states have asserted  
the power of  ,congress to abolish      
slavery in the ,district4 ,in the speech
 of ,mr4 ,smyth1  of ,virginia1 on the  
,missouri question1 ,january #bh1 #ahbj1
 he says on this  point3 ,if the future 
freedom of the blacks is your real      
object1 and not  a mere pretence1 why do
 you begin here8 ,within the ten miles  
square1  you have undoubted power to    
exercise exclusive legislation4 ,produce
 a  bill to emancipate the slaves in the
 ,district of ,columbia1 or1 if you     
prefer it1 to emancipate those born     
hereafter4    ,to this may be added the 
testimony of the present ,vice          
,president of the  ,united ,states1     
,hon4 ,richard ,m4 ,johnson1 of         
,kentucky4 ,in a speech before  the     
,u4,s4 ,senate1 ,february #a1 #ahbj1    
7,national ,intelligencer1 ,april #bi1  
#ahbi17 he says3 ,in the ,district of   
,columbia1 containing a population of   
#cj1jjj souls1 and probably as many     
slaves as the whole territory of        

,missouri1 ,,the ,,power ,,of           
,,providing ,,for ,,their ,,emancipation
 ,,rests ,,with  ,,congress ,,alone4    
,why then1 this heart-rending sympathy  
for the slaves of  ,missouri1 and this  
cold insensibility1 this eternal apathy1
 towards the  slaves in the ,district of
 ,columbia8    ,it is quite unnecessary 
to add1 that the most distinguished     
northern  statesmen of both political   
parties1 have always affirmed the power 
of  ,congress to abolish slavery in the 
,district4 ,president ,van ,buren in his
  letter of ,march #f1 #ahcf1 to a      
committee of ,gentlemen in ,north       
,carolina1  says1 ,i would not1 from the
 light now before me1 feel myself safe  
in  pronouncing that ,congress does not 
possess the power of abolishing  slavery
 in the ,district of ,columbia4 ,this   
declaration of the ,president  is       
consistent with his avowed sentiments   
touching the ,missouri question1  on    
which he coincided with such men as     
,daniel ,d4 ,thompkins1 ,de ,witt       

,clinton1 and others1 whose names are a 
host4,a ,it is consistent1 also  with   
his recommendation in his last message1 
in which speaking of the  ,district1 he 
strongly urges upon ,congress a thorough
 and careful  revision of its local     
government1 speaks of the entire        
independence  of the people of the      
,district upon ,congress1 recommends    
that a  uniform system of local         
government be adopted1 and adds1 that   
although it was selected as the seat of 
the ,general ,government1 the  site of  
its public edifices1 the depository of  
its archives1 and the  residences of    
officers intrusted with large amounts of
 public property1  and the management of
 public business1 yet it never has been 
subjected  to1 or received1 that special
 and comprehensive legislation which    
these circumstances peculiarly demanded4
    ,footnote ,a3 ,mr4 ,van ,buren1 when
 a member of the ,senate of ,new-,york1 
voted for the following preamble and    
resolutions1 which passed               

unanimously3--,jan4 #bhth1 #ahbj4       
,whereas the inhibiting the further     
extension of slavery in the ,united     
,states1 is a subject of deep concern   
to the people of this state3 and        
whereas1 we consider slavery as an evil 
much to be deplored1 and that every     
constitutional barrier should be        
interposed to prevent its further       
extension3 and that the constitution  of
 the ,united ,states clearly gives      
,congress the right to require new      
states1 not comprised within the        
original boundary of the ,united        
,states1  to make the prohibition of    
slavery a condition of their admission  
into  the ,union3 ,therefore1           
,resolved1 ,that our ,senators be       
instructed1 and our members of          
,congress be requested1 to oppose the   
admission as a state into the           
,union1 of any territory not comprised  
as aforesaid1 without making      the   
prohibition of slavery therein an       
indispensible condition of              

admission4      ,the tenor of ,mr4      
,tallmadge's speech on the right of     
petition1 and of ,mr4  ,webster's on the
 reception of abolition memorials1 may  
be taken as  universal exponents of the 
sentiments of northern statesmen as to  
the  power of ,congress to abolish      
slavery in the ,district of ,columbia4  
,an explicit declaration1 that an       
overwhelming majority of the  present   
,congress concede the power to abolish  
slavery in the ,district  has just been 
made by ,robert ,barnwell ,rhett1 a     
member of ,congress from  ,south        
,carolina1 in a letter published in the 
,charleston ,mercury of ,dec4  #bg1     
#ahcg4 ,the following is an extract3    
,the time has arrived when we must have 
new guaranties under the  constitution1 
or the ,union must be dissolved4 ,our   
views of the  constitution are not those
 of the majority4 ,,an ,,overwhelming   
,,majority  think that by the           
constitution1 ,congress may abolish     
slavery in the  ,district of            

,columbia--may abolish the slave trade  
between the ,states2  that is1 it may   
prohibit their being carried out of the 
,state in which  they are--and prohibit 
it in all the territories1 ,florida     
among them4  ,they think1 ,,not         
,,without ,,strong ,,reasons1 that the  
power of ,congress  extends to all of   
these subjects4    ,direct testimony to 
show that the power of ,congress to     
abolish slavery  in the ,district1 has  
always till recently been universally   
conceded1  is perhaps quite superfluous4
 ,we subjoin1 however1 the following3   
,the ,vice-,president of the ,united    
,states in his speech on the ,missouri  
question1 quoted above1 after contending
 that the restriction of slavery  in    
,missouri would be unconstitutional1    
declares1 that the power of  ,congress  
over slavery in the ,district ,,could   
,,not ,,be ,,questioned4 ,in the  speech
 of ,mr4 ,smyth1 of ,va41 also quoted   
above1 he declares the power of         
,congress to abolish slavery in the     

,district to be ,,undoubted4    ,mr4    
,sutherland1 of ,penn41 in a speech in  
the ,house of ,representatives1  on the 
motion to print ,mr4 ,pinckney's        
,report1 is thus reported in the        
,washington ,globe1 of ,may #ith1 '#cf4 
,he replied to the remark that the      
report conceded that ,congress had a    
right to legislate upon the subject  in 
the ,district of ,columbia1 and said    
that ,,such ,a ,,right ,,had ,,never    
,,been1  ,,till ,,recently1 ,,denied4   
,the ,american ,quarterly ,review1      
published at ,philadelphia1 with a large
  circulation and list of contributors  
in the slave states1 holds the          
following language in the ,september    
,no4 #ahcc1 p4 #ee3 ,under this         
'exclusive jurisdiction1' granted by the
 constitution1 ,congress has  power to  
abolish slavery and the slave trade in  
the ,district of  ,columbia4 ,it would  
hardly be necessary to state this as a  
distinct  proposition1 had it not been  
occasionally questioned4 ,the truth of  

the  assertion1 however1 is too obvious 
to admit of argument--and we believe    
has ,,never ,,been ,,disputed ,,by      
,,persons ,,who ,,are ,,familiar ,,with 
,,the  ,,constitution4    ,,objections  
,,to ,,the ,,foregoing ,,conclusions    
,,considered4    ,we now proceed to     
notice briefly the main arguments that  
have been  employed in ,congress and    
elsewhere against the power of ,congress
 to  abolish slavery in the ,district4  
,one of the most plausible is1 that the 
conditions on which ,maryland and       
,virginia ceded the ,district to the    
,united ,states1 would be violated1 if  
,congress should abolish slavery  there4
 ,the reply to this is1 that ,congress  
had no power to accept a  cession       
coupled with conditions restricting that
 power of exclusive  legislation in all 
cases whatsoever1 over such ,district1  
which was  given it by the constitution4
    ,to show the futility of the        
objection1 we insert here the acts of   
cession4 ,the cession of ,maryland was  

made in ,november1 #aghh1 and is as     
follows3 ,an act to cede to ,congress a 
district of ten miles square in  this   
state for the seat of the government of 
the ,united ,states4    ,be it enacted1 
by the ,general ,assembly of ,maryland1 
that the  representatives of this state 
in the ,house of ,representatives of the
  ,congress of the ,united ,states1     
appointed to assemble at ,new-,york1 on 
the  first ,wednesday of ,march next1   
be1 and they are2 hereby authorized and 
required on the behalf of this state1 to
 cede to the ,congress of the  ,united  
,states1 any district in this state1 not
 exceeding ten miles  square1 which the 
,congress may fix upon1 and accept for  
the seat of  government of the ,united  
,states4 ,laws of ,md41 v4 #b41 c4 #df4 
,the cession of ,virginia was made on   
the #c;d of ,december1 #aghh1 in the    
following words3    ,be it enacted by   
the ,general ,assembly1 ,that a tract of
 country1 not  exceeding ten miles      
square1 or any lesser quantity1 to be   

located within  the limits of the       
,state1 and in any part thereof2 as     
,congress may1 by  law1 direct1 shall   
be1 and the same is hereby forever ceded
 and  relinquished to the ,congress and 
,government of the ,united ,states1 in  
full and absolute right1 and exclusive  
jurisdiction1 as well of soil1 as  of   
persons residing or to reside thereon1  
pursuant to the tenor and  effect of the
 eighth section of the first article of 
the government of  the constitution of  
the ,united ,states4    ,but were there 
no provisos to these acts8 ,the         
,maryland act had none4  ,the ,virginia 
act had this proviso3 ,sect4 #b4        
,provided1 that nothing  herein         
contained1 shall be construed to vest in
 the ,united ,states any  right of      
property in the soil1 or to affect the  
rights of individuals  therein1         
otherwise than the same shall or may be 
transferred by such  individuals to the 
,united ,states4    ,this specification 
touching the soil was merely definitive 

and  explanatory of that clause in the  
act of cession1 full and absolute       
right4 ,instead of restraining the power
 of ,congress on slavery and  other     
subjects1 it even gives it freer course2
 for exceptions to parts  of a rule1    
give double confirmation to those parts 
not embraced in the  exceptions4 ,if it 
was the design of the proviso to        
restrict  congressional action on the   
subject of slavery1 why is the soil     
alone specified8 ,as legal instruments  
are not paragons of economy in  words1  
might not ,john ,doe1 out of his        
abundance1 and without spoiling  his    
style1 have afforded an additional      
word--at least a hint--that  slavery was
 meant1 though nothing was said about   
it8    ,but again1 ,maryland and        
,virginia1 in their acts of cession1    
declare them  to be made in pursuance of
 that clause of the constitution which  
gives  to ,congress exclusive           
legislation in all cases whatsoever over
 the ten  miles square--thus1 instead of

 restricting that clause1 both ,states  
confirm it4 ,now1 their acts of cession 
either accorded with that  clause of the
 constitution1 or they conflicted with  
it4 ,if they  conflicted with it1       
accepting the cessions was a violation  
of the  constitution4 ,the fact that    
,congress accepted the cessions1 proves 
that  in its views their terms did not  
conflict with its constitutional  grant 
of power4 ,the inquiry whether these    
acts of cession were  consistent or     
inconsistent with the ,united ,status'  
constitution1 is  totally irrelevant to 
the question at issue4 ,what with the   
,,constitution8  ,that is the question4 
,not1 what with ,virginia1 or ,maryland1
 or--equally  to the point--,john ,bull6
 ,if ,maryland and ,virginia had been   
the  authorized interpreters of the     
constitution for the ,union1 these acts 
of  cession could hardly have been more 
magnified than they have been  recently 
by the southern delegation in ,congress4
 ,a true understanding of  the          

constitution can be had1 forsooth1 only 
by holding it up in the  light of       
,maryland and ,virginia legislation6    
,we are told1 again1 that those ,states 
would not have ceded the ,district  if  
they had supposed the constitution gave 
,congress power to abolish  slavery in  
it4    ,this comes with an ill grace    
from ,maryland and ,virginia4 ,they knew
 the  constitution4 ,they were parties  
to it4 ,they had sifted it1 clause by   
clause1 in their ,state conventions4    
,they had weighed its words in the      
balance--they had tested them as by     
fire2 and1 finally1 after long          
pondering1 they adopted the             
constitution4 ,and afterward1           
self-moved1  they ceded the ten miles   
square1 and declared the cession made in
  pursuance of that oft-cited clause1   
,congress shall have power to  exercise 
exclusive legislation in all cases      
whatsoever over such  ,district4 ,and   
now verily they would not have ceded if 
they had  supposed6 c4 ,cede it they    

did1 and in full and absolute right     
both of soil and persons4 ,congress     
accepted the cession--state power  over 
the ,district ceased1 and congressional 
power over it  commenced1--and now1 the 
sole question to be settled is1 the     
amount of  power over the ,district     
lodged in ,congress by the constitution4
 ,the  constitution--,,the              
,,constitution--that is the point4      
,maryland and ,virginia  suppositions   
must be potent suppositions to abrogate 
a clause of the  ,united ,states'       
,constitution6 ,that clause either gives
 ,congress power to  abolish slavery in 
the ,district1 or it does not--and that 
point is to  be settled1 not by state   
suppositions1 nor state usages1 nor     
state  legislation1 but by the terms of 
the clause themselves4    ,southern     
members of ,congress1 in the recent     
discussions1 have conceded  the power of
 a contingent abolition in the          
,district1 by suspending it  upon the   
consent of the people4 ,such a doctrine 

from declaimers like  ,messrs4 ,alford1 
of ,georgia1 and ,walker1 of            
,mississippi1 would excite no  surprise2
 but that it should be honored with the 
endorsement of such men  as ,mr4 ,rives 
and ,mr4 ,calhoun1 is quite             
unaccountable4 ,are attributes of       
sovereignty mere creatures of           
contingency8 ,is delegated authority    
mere  conditional permission8 ,is a     
constitutional power to be exercised by 
those who hold it1 only by popular      
sufferance8 ,must it lie helpless at    
the pool of public sentiment1 waiting   
the gracious troubling of its  waters8  
,is it a lifeless corpse1 save only when
 popular consent deigns  to puff breath 
into its nostrils8 ,besides1 if the     
consent of the people  of the ,district 
be necessary1 the consent of the whole  
people must be  had--not that of a      
majority1 however large4 ,majorities1 to
 be  authoritative1 must be legal--and a
 legal majority without legislative     
power1 or right of representation1 or   

even the electoral franchise1  would be 
truly an anomaly6 ,in the ,district of  
,columbia1 such a thing as  a majority  
in a legal sense is unknown to law4 ,to 
talk of the power of a  majority1 or the
 will of a majority there1 is mere      
mouthing4 ,a majority8  ,then it has an 
authoritative will1 and an organ to make
 it known1 and an  executive to carry it
 into effect--,where are they8 ,we      
repeat it--if the  consent of the people
 of the ,district be necessary1 the     
consent of  every one is necessary--and 
universal consent will come only with   
the ,greek ,kalends and a perpetual     
motion4 ,a single individual might  thus
 perpetuate slavery in defiance of the  
expressed will of a whole  people4 ,the 
most common form of this fallacy is     
given by ,mr4 ,wise1 of  ,virginia1 in  
his speech1 ,february #af1 #ahce1 in    
which he denied the power  of ,congress 
to abolish slavery in the ,district1    
unless the inhabitants  owning slaves   
petitioned for it66 ,southern members of

 ,congress at the  present session      
7#ahcg-h7 ring changes almost daily upon
 the same  fallacy4 ,what6 pray         
,congress to use a power which it has   
not8 ,it is  required of a man according
 to what he hath1 saith the ,scripture4 
,i  commend ,mr4 ,wise to ,paul for his 
ethics4 ,would that he had got his      
logic of him6 ,if ,congress does not    
possess the power1 why taunt it  with   
its weakness1 by asking its exercise8   
,petitioning1 according to ,mr4  ,wise1 
is1 in matters of legislation1          
omnipotence itself2 the very  source of 
all constitutional power2 for1 asking   
,congress to do what  it cannot do1     
gives it the power6--to pray the        
exercise of a power  that is not1       
creates it6 ,a beautiful theory6 ,let us
 work it both ways4  ,if to petition for
 the exercise of a power that is not1   
creates it--to  petition against the    
exercise of a power that is1 annihilates
 it4 ,as  southern gentlemen are partial
 to summary processes1 pray1 sirs1 try  

the  virtue of your own recipe on       
exclusive legislation in all cases      
whatsoever2 a better subject for        
experiment and test of the  prescription
 could not be had4 ,but if the petitions
 of the citizens of  the ,district give 
,congress the right to abolish slavery1 
they impose  the duty2 if they confer   
constitutional authority1 they create   
constitutional obligation4 ,if ,congress
 may abolish because of an  expression  
of their will1 it must abolish at the   
bidding of that will4  ,if the people of
 the ,district are a source of power to 
,congress1 their  expressed will has the
 force of a constitutional provision1   
and has  the same binding power upon the
 ,national ,legislature4 ,to make       
,congress  dependent on the ,district   
for authority1 is to make it a subject  
of  its authority1 restraining the      
exercise of its own discretion1 and     
sinking it into a mere organ of the     
,district's will4 ,we proceed to        
another objection4    ,the southern     

states would not have ratified the      
constitution1 if they  had supposed that
 it gave this power4 ,it is a sufficient
 answer to  this objection1 that the    
northern states would not have ratified 
it1 if  they had supposed that it       
withheld the power4 ,if suppositions are
 to  take the place of the              
constitution--coming from both sides1   
they  neutralize each other4 ,to argue a
 constitutional question by guessing  at
 the suppositions that might have been  
made by the parties to it  would find   
small favor in a court of law4 ,but even
 a desperate shift is  some easement    
when sorely pushed4 ,if this question is
 to be settled by  suppositions1        
suppositions shall be forthcoming1 and  
that  without stint4    ,first1 then1 ,i
 affirm that the ,north ratified the    
constitution1  supposing that slavery   
had begun to wax old1 and would speedily
 vanish  away1 and especially that the  
abolition of the slave trade1 which by  
the  constitution was to be surrendered 

to ,congress after twenty years1 would  
plunge it headlong4    ,would the ,north
 have adopted the constitution1 giving  
three-fifths of  the slave property a   
representation1 if it had supposed that 
the  slaves would have increased from   
half a million to two millions and a    
half by #ahch--;and that the census of  
#ahdj would give to the slave states    
thirty representatives of slave         
property8    ,if they had supposed that 
this representation would have          
controlled  the legislation of the      
government1 and carried against the     
,north every  question vital to its     
interests1 would ,hamilton1 ,franklin1  
,sherman1  ,gerry1 ,livingston1         
,langdon1 and ,rufus ,king have been    
such madmen1 as to  sign the            
constitution1 and the ,northern ,states 
such suicides as to  ratify it8 ,every  
self-preserving instinct would have     
shrieked at such an  infatuate          
immolation4 ,at the adoption of the     
,united ,states constitution1  slavery  

was regarded as a fast waning system4   
,this conviction was  universal4        
,washington1 ,jefferson1 ,henry1        
,grayson1 ,tucker1 ,madison1  ,wythe1   
,pendleton1 ,lee1 ,blair1 ,mason1 ,page1
 ,parker1 ,randolph1 ,iredell1          
,spaight1 ,ramsey1 ,pinkney1 ,martin1   
,mc,henry1 ,chase1 and nearly all the   
illustrious names south of the ,potomac1
 proclaimed it before the sun4 ,a       
reason urged in the convention that     
formed the ,united ,states'             
constitution1 why the word slave should 
not be used in it1 was1 that  when      
slavery should cease there might remain 
upon the ,national ,charter  no record  
that it had ever been4 7,see speech of  
,mr4 ,burrill1 of ,r4,i41 on  the       
,missouri question47    ,i now proceed  
to show by testimony1 that at the date  
of the ,united  ,states' constitution1  
and for several years before and after  
that  period1 slavery was rapidly on the
 wane2 that the ,american ,revolution   
with the great events preceding1        

accompanying1 and following it1 had     
wrought an immense and almost universal 
change in the public sentiment  of the  
nation on the subject1 powerfully       
impelling it toward the entire          
abolition of the system--and that it was
 the general belief that  measures for  
its abolition throughout the ,union1    
would be commenced by  the ,states      
generally before the lapse of many      
years4 ,a great mass of  testimony      
establishing this position might be     
presented1 but narrow  space1 and the   
importance of speedy publication1       
counsel brevity4 ,let  the following    
proofs suffice4 ,first1 a few dates as  
points of  observation4    ,in #ageg1   
,commissioners from seven colonies met  
at ,albany1 resolved upon  a ,union and 
proposed a plan of general government4  
,in #agfe1 delegates  from nine colonies
 met at ,new ,york and sent forth a bill
 of rights4 ,the  first general         
,congress met in #aggd4 ,the first      
,congress of the  thirteen colonies met 

in #agge4 ,the revolutionary war        
commenced in '#ge4  ,independence was   
declared in '#gf4 ,the articles of      
confederation were  adopted by the      
thirteen states in '#gg and '#gh4       
,independence acknowledged  in '#hc4    
,the convention for forming the ,u4,s4  
constitution was held in  '#hg1 the     
state conventions for considering it in 
'#hg and '#hh4 ,the first  ,congress    
under the constitution in '#hi4    ,dr4 
,rush1 of ,pennsylvania1 one of the     
signers of the ,declaration of          
,independence1 in a letter to ,granville
 ,sharpe1 ,may #a1 #aggc1 says3 ,a      
spirit of humanity and religion begins  
to awaken in several of the  colonies in
 favor of the poor negroes4 ,great      
events have been brought  about by small
 beginnings4 ,anthony ,bnzet stood alone
 a few years  ago in opposing negro     
slavery in ,philadelphia1 and ,,now     
,,three-,,fourths  ,,of ,,the ,,province
 ,,as ,,well ,,as ,,of ,,the ,,city     
,,cry ,,out ,,against ,,it4--,stuart's  

,life of ,granville ,sharpe1 p4 #ba4    
,in the preamble to the act prohibiting 
the importation of slaves into  ,rhode  
,island1 ,june1 #aggd1 is the following3
 ,whereas the inhabitants of  ,america  
are generally engaged in the            
preservation of their own rights  and   
liberties1 among which that of personal 
freedom must be considered  the         
greatest1 and as those who are desirous 
of enjoying all the  advantages of      
liberty themselves1 should be willing to
 extend personal  liberty to others1    
therefore1 c4    ,october #bj1 #aggd1   
the ,continental ,congress passed the   
following3 ,we1  for ourselves and the  
inhabitants of the several colonies whom
 we  represent1 firmly agree and        
associate under the sacred ties of      
virtue1  honor1 and love of our country1
 as follows3    #b;d ,article4 ,we will 
neither import nor purchase any slaves  
imported  after the first day of        
,december next1 after which time we will
 wholly  discontinue the slave trade1   

and we will neither be concerned in it  
ourselves1 nor will we hire our vessels 
nor sell our commodities or             
manufactures to those who are concerned 
in it4    ,the ,continental ,congress1  
in #agge1 setting forth the causes and  
the  necessity for taking up arms1 say3 
,if it were possible for men who        
exercise their reason to believe that   
the divine ,author of our existence     
intended a part of the human race to    
hold an absolute property in1 and       
unbounded power over others1 c4    ,in  
#aggf1 ,dr4 ,hopkins1 then at the head  
of ,new ,england divines1  in ,an       
,address to the owners of negro slaves  
in the ,american colonies1  says3 ,the  
conviction of the unjustifiableness of  
this practice 7slavery7  has been       
increasing1 and greatly spreading of    
late1 and many  who have had slaves1    
have found themselves so unable to      
justify their  own conduct in holding   
them in bondage1 as to be induced to set
 them  at liberty4       99       99    

99       99       99      ,slavery is in
  every instance1 wrong1 unrighteous1   
and oppressive--a very great and  crying
 sin--there being nothing of the kind   
equal to it on the face of  the earth4  
,the same year the ,american ,congress  
issued a solemn ,,manifesto to the      
world4 ,these were its first words3 ,we 
hold these truths to be  self-evident1  
that all men are created equal1 that    
they are endowed by  their ,creator with
 certain inalienable rights2 that among 
these are  life1 liberty1 and the       
pursuit of happiness4 ,once1 these were 
words  of power2 now1 a rhetorical      
flourish4    ,the ,virginia ,gazette of 
,march #ai1 #agfg1 in an essay on       
slavery says3  ,there cannot be in      
nature1 there is not in all history1 an 
instance in  which every right of man is
 more flagrantly violated4 ,enough ,i   
hope has  been effected to prove that   
slavery is a violation of justice and   
religion4    ,the celebrated ,patrick   
,henry of ,virginia1 in a letter1 ,jan4 

#ah1 #aggc1 to  ,robert ,pleasants1     
afterwards president of the ,virginia   
,abolition  ,society1 says3 ,believe me1
 ,i shall honor the ,quakers for their  
noble  efforts to abolish slavery4 ,it  
is a debt we owe to the purity of our   
religion to show that it is at variance 
with that law that warrants  slavery4 ,i
 exhort you to persevere in so worthy a 
resolution4    ,the ,pennsylvania       
,chronicle of ,nov4 #ba1 #agfh1 says3   
,let every black that  shall henceforth 
be born amongst us be deemed free4 ,one 
step farther  would be to emancipate the
 whole race1 restoring that liberty we  
have so  long unjustly detained from    
them4 ,till some step of this kind be   
taken  we shall justly be the derision  
of the whole world4    ,in #aggi1 the   
,continental ,congress ordered a        
pamphlet to be published1  entitled1    
,observations on the ,american          
,revolution1 from which the  following  
is an extract3 ,the great principle 7of 
government7 is and  ever will remain in 

force1 that men are by ,nature free2 and
 so long as  we have any idea of divine 
justice1 we must associate that of human
  freedom4 ,it is conceded on all hands1
 that the right to be free ,,can        
,,never ,,be ,,alienated4    ,extract   
from the ,pennsylvania act for the      
abolition of slavery1 passed  ,march #a1
 #aghj3 99 99 99 ,we conceive that it is
 our duty1 and we rejoice  that it is in
 our power1 to extend a portion of that 
freedom to others  which has been       
extended to us4 ,weaned by a long course
 of experience  from those narrow       
prejudices and partialities we had      
imbibed1 we find  our hearts enlarged   
with kindness and benevolence towards   
men of all  conditions and nations3 99  
99 99 ,therefore be it enacted1 that no 
child  born hereafter be a slave1 c4    
,jefferson1 in his ,notes on ,virginia1 
written just before the close of  the   
,revolutionary ,war1 says3 ,i think a   
change already perceptible since  the   
origin of the present revolution4 ,the  

spirit of the master is  abating1 that  
of the slave is rising from the dust1   
his condition  mollifying1 and the way  
,i hope preparing1 under the auspices of
  heaven1 ,,for ,a ,,total              
,,emancipation4    ,in a letter to ,dr4 
,price1 of ,london1 who had just        
published a pamphlet  in favor of the   
abolition of slavery1 ,mr4 ,jefferson1  
then minister at  ,paris1 7,august #g1  
#aghe17 says3 ,from the mouth to the    
head of the  ,chesapeake1 the bulk of   
the people will approve of your pamphlet
 in  theory1 and it will find a         
respectable minority ready to adopt it  
in  practice--a minority which1 for     
weight and worth of character1          
preponderates against the greater       
number4 ,speaking of ,virginia1 he      
says3 ,this is the next state to which  
we may turn our eyes for the            
interesting spectacle of justice in     
conflict with avarice and               
oppression1--a conflict in which the    
,,sacred ,,side ,,is ,,gaining ,,daily  

,,recruits4 ,be not1 therefore1         
discouraged--what you have written will 
do  a great deal of good2 and could you 
still trouble yourself with our         
welfare1 no man is more able to give aid
 to the laboring side4 ,the  ,college of
 ,william and ,mary1 since the          
remodelling of its plan1 is the  place  
where are collected together all the    
young men of ,virginia1 under           
preparation for public life4 ,they are  
there under the direction 7most of      
them7 of a ,mr4 ,wythe1 one of the most 
virtuous of characters1 and whose       
sentiments on the subject of slavery are
 unequivocal4 ,i am satisfied1  if you  
could resolve to address an exhortation 
to those young men with  all that       
eloquence of which you are master1 that 
its influence on the  future decision of
 this important question would be great1
 perhaps  decisive4 ,thus4 you see1 that
 so far from thinking you have cause to 
repent of what you have done1 ,i wish   
you to do more1 and ,i wish it on  an   

assurance of its effect4--,jefferson's  
,posthumous ,works1 vol4 #a1  p4 #bfh4  
,in #aghf1 ,john ,jay drafted and signed
 a petition to the ,legislature of  ,new
 ,york1 on the subject of slavery1      
beginning with these words3 ,your       
memorialists being deeply affected by   
the situation of those1 who1  although1 
,,free ,,by ,,the ,,laws ,,of ,,god1 are
 held in slavery by the laws of  the    
,state1 c4 ,this memorial bore also the 
signatures of the celebrated  ,alexander
 ,hamilton2 ,robert ,r4 ,livingston1    
afterwards ,secretary of  ,foreign      
,affairs of the ,united ,states1 and    
,chancellor of the ,state of ,new       
,york2 ,james ,duane1 ,mayor of the     
,city of ,new ,york1 and many others of 
the  most eminent individuals in the    
,state4    ,in the preamble of an       
instrument1 by which ,mr4 ,jay          
emancipated a slave  in #aghd1 is the   
following passage3    ,whereas1 the     
children of men are by nature equally   
free1 and cannot1  without injustice1 be

 either reduced to or ,,held in slavery4
    ,in his letter while ,minister at   
,spain1 in #aghf1 he says1 speaking of  
the  abolition of slavery3 ,till        
,america comes into this measure1 her   
prayers  to heaven will be ,,impious4 ,i
 believe ,god governs the world2 and ,i 
believe it to be a maxim in his1 as in  
our court1 that those who ask for       
equity ought to do it4    ,in #aghe1 the
 ,new ,york ,manumission ,society was   
formed4 ,john ,jay was  chosen its first
 ,president1 and held the office five   
years4 ,alexander  ,hamilton was its    
second ,president1 and after holding the
 office one  year1 resigned upon his    
removal to ,philadelphia as ,secretary  
of the  ,united ,states' ,treasury4 ,in 
#aghg1 the ,pennsylvania ,abolition     
,society was  formed4 ,benjamin         
,franklin1 warm from the discussions of 
the convention  that formed the ,u4,s4  
constitution1 was chosen ,president1 and
 ,benjamin  ,rush ,secretary--both      
signers of the ,declaration of          

,independence4 ,in  #aghi1 the ,maryland
 ,abolition ,society was formed4 ,among 
its officers were  ,samuel ,chase1      
,judge of the ,u4,s4 ,supreme ,court1   
and ,luther ,martin1 a  member of the   
convention that formed the ,u4,s4       
constitution4 ,in #agij1 the            
,connecticut ,abolition ,society was    
formed4 ,the first ,president was ,rev4 
,dr4 ,stiles1 ,president of ,yale       
,college1 and the ,secretary1 ,simeon   
,baldwin1 7late ,judge ,baldwin of ,new 
,haven47 ,in #agia1 this ,society sent a
  memorial to ,congress1 from which the 
following is an extract3    ,from a     
sober conviction of the unrighteousness 
of slavery1 your  petitioners have long 
beheld1 with grief1 our fellow men      
doomed to  perpetual bondage1 in a      
country which boasts of her freedom4    
,your  petitioners were led1 by motives1
 we conceive1 of general philanthropy1  
to associate ourselves for the          
protection and assistance of this       
unfortunate part of our fellow men2 and1

 though this ,society has been  lately  
established1 it has now become generally
 extensive through  this state1 and1 we 
fully believe1 embraces1 on this        
subject1 the  sentiments of a large     
majority of its citizens4    ,the same  
year the ,virginia ,abolition ,society  
was formed4 ,this ,society1  and the    
,maryland ,society1 had auxiliaries in  
different parts of those  ,states4 ,both
 societies sent up memorials to         
,congress4 ,the memorial of  the        
,virginia ,society is headed--,the      
memorial of the ,virginia ,society1  for
 promoting the ,abolition of ,slavery1  
c4 ,the following is  an extract3       
,your memorialists1 fully believing that
 slavery is not only an odious          
degradation1 but an outrageous violation
 of one of the most essential  rights of
 human nature1 and utterly repugnant to 
the precepts of the  gospel1 c4         
,about the same time a ,society was     
formed in ,new-,jersey4 ,it had an      
acting  committee of five members in    

each county in the ,state4 ,the         
following is  an extract from the       
preamble to its constitution3    ,it is 
our boast1 that we live under a         
government1 wherein life1  liberty1 and 
the pursuit of happiness1 are recognized
 as the  universal rights of men4 ,we   
abhor that inconsistent1 illiberal1 and 
interested policy1 which withholds those
 rights from an unfortunate and         
degraded class of our fellow creatures4 
,among other distinguished individuals  
who were efficient officers of  these   
,abolition ,societies1 and delegates    
from their respective state  societies1 
at the annual meetings of the ,american 
convention for  promoting the abolition 
of slavery1 were ,hon4 ,uriah ,tracy1   
,united  ,states' ,senator1 from        
,connecticut2 ,hon4 ,zephaniah ,swift1  
,chief ,justice  of the same ,state2    
,hon4 ,cesar ,a4 ,rodney1 ,attorney     
,general of the ,united  ,states2 ,hon4 
,james ,a4 ,bayard1 ,united ,states'    
,senator1 from ,delaware2  ,governor    

,bloomfield1 of ,new-,jersey2 ,hon4 ,wm4
 ,rawle1 the late venerable  head of the
 ,philadelphia bar2 ,dr4 ,caspar        
,wistar1 of ,philadelphia2  ,messrs4    
,foster and ,tillinghast1 of ,rhode     
,island2 ,messrs4 ,ridgely1  ,buchanan1 
and ,wilkinson1 of ,maryland2 and       
,messrs4 ,pleasants1 ,mc,lean1 and      
,anthony1 of ,virginia4    ,in ,july1   
#aghg1 the old ,congress passed the     
celebrated ordinance  abolishing slavery
 in the northwestern territory1 and     
declaring that it  should never         
thereafter exist there4 ,this ordinance 
was passed while the  convention that   
formed the ,united ,states' constitution
 was in session4  ,at the first session 
of ,congress under the constitution1    
this ordinance  was ratified by a       
special act4 ,washington1 fresh from the
 discussions of  the convention1 in     
which more than forty days had been     
spent in  adjusting the question of     
slavery1 gave it his approval4 ,the act 
passed  with only one dissenting voice1 

7that of ,mr4 ,yates1 of ,new ,york17   
the  ,south equally with the ,north     
avowing the fitness and expediency of   
the  measure on general considerations1 
and indicating thus early the line of   
national policy1 to be pursued by the   
,united ,states' ,government on the     
subject of slavery4    ,in the debates  
in the ,north ,carolina ,convention1    
,mr4 ,iredell1 afterward  a ,judge of   
the ,united ,states' ,supreme ,court1   
said1 ,when the entire  abolition of    
slavery takes place1 it will be an event
 which must be  pleasing to every       
generous mind and every friend of human 
nature4 ,mr4  ,galloway said1 ,i wish to
 see this abominable trade put an end   
to4 ,i  apprehend the clause 7touching  
the slave trade7 means to bring forward 
manumission4 ,luther ,martin1 of        
,maryland1 a member of the convention   
that formed the ,united ,states'        
,constitution1 said1 ,we ought to       
authorize the ,general ,government to   
make such regulations as shall be       

thought most advantageous for the       
gradual abolition of slavery1 and  the  
emancipation of the slaves which are    
already in the ,states4 ,judge  ,wilson1
 of ,pennsylvania1 one of the framers of
 the constitution1 said1  in the        
,pennsylvania convention of '#hg1 ,deb4 
,pa4 ,con4 p4 #cjc1 #aef3 ,i  consider  
this 7the clause relative to the slave  
trade7 as laying the  foundation for    
banishing slavery out of this country4  
,it will produce  the same kind of      
gradual change which was produced in    
,pennsylvania2 the  new ,states which   
are to be formed will be under the      
control of ,congress  in this           
particular1 and slaves will never be    
introduced among them4 ,it  presents us 
with the pleasing prospect that the     
rights of mankind will  be acknowledged 
and established throughout the ,union4  
,yet the lapse of  a few years1 and     
,congress will have power to exterminate
 slavery  within our borders4 ,in the   
,virginia convention of '#hg1 ,mr4      

,mason1  author of the ,virginia        
constitution1 said1 ,the augmentation of
 slaves  weakens the ,states1 and such a
 trade is diabolical in itself1 and     
disgraceful to mankind4 ,as much as ,i  
value a union of all the ,states1 ,i    
would not admit the ,southern ,states1  
7i4e41 ,south ,carolina and ,georgia17  
into the union1 unless they agree to a  
discontinuance of this  disgraceful     
trade4 ,mr4 ,tyler opposed with great   
power the clause  prohibiting the       
abolition of the slave trade till #ahjh1
 and said1 ,my  earnest desire is1 that 
it shall be handed down to posterity    
that ,i  oppose this wicked clause4 ,mr4
 ,johnson said1 ,the principle of       
emancipation has begun since the        
revolution4 ,let us do what we will1 it 
will come round4--,deb4 ,va4 ,con4 p4   
#dfc4 ,patrick ,henry1 arguing the      
power of ,congress under the ,united    
,states' constitution to abolish        
slavery in the ,states1 said1 in the    
same convention1 ,another thing will    

contribute to bring this event 7the     
abolition of slavery7 about4 ,slavery   
is detested4 ,we feel its fatal effects2
 we deplore it with all the  pity of    
humanity4 ,governor ,randolph said3     
,they insist that the  abolition of     
slavery will result from this           
,constitution4 ,i hope that  there is no
 one here1 who will advance an objection
 so dishonorable to  ,virginia--,i hope 
that at the moment they are securing the
 rights of  their citizens1 an objection
 will not be started1 that those        
unfortunate  men now held in bondage1 by
 the operation of the general government
  may be made free6 ,deb4 ,va4 ,con4 p4 
#dba4 ,in the ,mass4 ,con4 of '#hh1     
,judge ,dawes said1 ,although slavery is
 not smitten by an apoplexy1 yet  it has
 received a mortal wound1 and will die  
of consumption4--,deb4  ,mass4 ,con4 p4 
#fj4 ,general ,heath said that1 ,slavery
 was confined to  the ,states now       
existing1 it could not be extended4 ,by 
their  ordinance1 ,congress had declared

 that the new ,states should be         
republican ,states1 and have no         
slavery4--p4 #adg4    ,in the debate1 in
 the first ,congress1 ,february #aath   
and #abth1 #aghi1 on  the petitions of  
the ,society of ,friends1 and the       
,pennsylvania ,abolition  ,society1 ,mr4
 ,parker1 of ,virginia1 said1 ,i cannot 
help expressing the  pleasure ,i feel in
 finding so considerable a part of the  
community  attending to matters of such 
a momentous concern to the future       
prosperity and happiness of the people  
of ,america4 ,i think it my duty1  as a 
citizen of the ,union1 to espouse their 
cause4    ,mr4 ,page1 of ,virginia1     
7afterwards ,governor7--,was in favor of
 the  commitment3 he hoped that the     
designs of the respectable memorialists 
would not be stopped at the threshold1  
in order to preclude a fair  discussion 
of the prayer of the memorial4 ,he      
placed himself in the case  of a slave1 
and said1 that on hearing that ,congress
 had refused to  listen to the decent   

suggestions of the respectable part of  
the  community1 he should infer1 that   
the general government1 from which was  
expected great good would result to     
,,every ,,class of citizens1 had shut   
their ears against the voice of         
humanity1 and he should despair of any  
alleviation of the miseries he and his  
posterity had in prospect2 if any  thing
 could induce him to rebel1 it must be a
 stroke like this1  impressing on his   
mind all the horrors of despair4 ,but if
 he was told1  that application was made
 in his behalf1 and that ,congress were 
willing  to hear what could be urged in 
favor of discouraging the practice of   
importing his fellow-wretches1 he would 
trust in their justice and  humanity1   
and wait the decision patiently4    ,mr4
 ,scott of ,pennsylvania3 ,i cannot1 for
 my part1 conceive how any  person can  
be said to acquire a property in        
another4 ,i do not know how  far ,i     
might go1 if ,i was one of the judges of
 the ,united ,states1 and  those people 

were to come before me and claim their  
emancipation1 but ,i  am sure ,i would  
go as far as ,i could4    ,mr4 ,burke1  
of ,south ,carolina1 said1 ,he saw the  
disposition of the  ,house1 and he      
feared it would be referred to a        
committee1 maugre all  their opposition4
    ,mr4 ,baldwin of ,georgia said that 
the clause in the ,u4,s4 ,constitution  
relating to direct taxes was intended to
 prevent ,congress from laying  any     
special tax upon negro slaves1 as they  
might1 in this way1 so  burthen the     
possessors of them1 as to induce a      
,,general ,,emancipation4    ,mr4 ,smith
 of ,south ,carolina1 said1 ,that on    
entering into this  government1 they    
7,south ,carolina and ,georgia7         
apprehended that the other  states1 99  
99 99 would1 from motives of humanity   
and benevolence1 be led  to vote for a  
general emancipation4    ,in the debate1
 at the same session1 ,may #acth1 #aghi1
 on the petition of  the society of     
,friends respecting the slave trade1    

,mr4 ,parker1 of  ,virginia1 said1 ,he  
hoped ,congress would do all that lay in
 their power  to restore to human nature
 its inherent privileges4 ,the          
inconsistency  in our principles1 with  
which we are justly charged should be   
done away4    ,mr4 ,jackson1 of         
,georgia1 said1 ,,it ,,was ,,the        
,,fashion ,,of ,,the ,,day  ,,to ,,favor
 ,,the ,,liberty ,,of ,,the ,,slaves4 99
 99 99 99 99 ,will ,virginia  set her   
negroes free8 ,when this practice comes 
to be tried1 then  the sound of liberty 
will lose those charms which make it    
grateful to the  ravished ear4    ,mr4  
,madison of ,virginia1--,the dictates of
 humanity1 the principles  of the       
people1 the national safety and         
happiness1 and prudent policy1  require 
it of us4 99 99 99 99 99 99 99 ,i       
conceive the constitution  in this      
particular was formed in order that the 
,government1 whilst it  was restrained  
from laying a total prohibition1 might  
be able to give  some testimony of the  

sense of ,america1 with respect to the  
,african  trade4 99 99 99 99 99 99 ,it  
is to be hoped1 that by expressing a    
national disapprobation of this trade1  
we may destroy it1 and save  ourselves  
from reproaches1 ,,and ,,our            
,,prosperity ,,the ,,imbecility ,,ever  
,,attendant ,,on ,a ,,country ,,filled  
,,with ,,slaves4    ,mr4 ,gerry1 of     
,massachusetts1 said1 he highly         
commended the part the  ,society of     
,friends had taken2 it was the cause of 
humanity they had  interested themselves
 in4--,cong4 ,reg4 v4 #a1 p4 #cjh-ab4   
,a writer in the ,gazette of the ,unites
 ,states1 ,feb4 #bjth1 #agij1 7then  the
 government paper17 who opposes the     
abolition of slavery1 and avows  himself
 a slaveholder1 says1 ,i have seen in   
the papers accounts of  large           
associations1 and applications to       
,government for the abolition  of       
slavery4 ,religion1 humanity1 and the   
generosity natural to a free  people1   
are the noble principles which dictate  

those measures4 ,,such  ,,motives       
,,command ,,respect1 ,,and ,,are ,,above
 ,,any ,,eulogium ,,words ,,can         
,,bestow4    ,in the convention that    
formed the constitution of ,kentucky in 
#agij1 the  effort to prohibit slavery  
was nearly successful4 ,a decided       
majority of  that body would undoubtedly
 have voted for its exclusion1 but for  
the  great efforts and influence of two 
large slaveholders--men of commanding   
talents and sway--,messrs4 ,breckenridge
 and ,nicholas4 ,the following  extract 
from a speech made in that convention by
 a member of it1 ,mr4  ,rice a native   
,virginian1 is a specimen of the free   
discussion that  prevailed on that      
delicate subject4 ,said ,mr4 ,rice3 ,i  
do a man greater  injury1 when ,i       
deprive him of his liberty1 than when ,i
 deprive him of  his property4 ,it is   
vain for me to plead that ,i have the   
sanction of  law2 for this makes the    
injury the greater--it arms the         
community  against him1 and makes his   

case desperate4 ,the owners of such     
slaves  then are licensed robbers1 and  
not the just proprietors of what they   
claim4 ,freeing them is not depriving   
them of property1 but restoring it  to  
the right owner4 ,the master is the     
enemy of the slave2 he has made  open   
war upon him1 ,,and ,,is ,,daily        
,,carrying ,,it ,,on in unremitted      
efforts4  ,can any one imagine1 then1   
that the slave is indebted to his       
master1 and  bound to serve him8 ,whence
 can the obligation arise8 ,what is it  
founded upon8 ,what is my duty to an    
enemy that is carrying on war  against  
me8 ,i do not deny1 but in some         
circumstances1 it is the duty of  the   
slave to serve2 but it is a duty he owes
 himself1 and not  his master4          
,president ,edwards1 the younger1 said1 
in a sermon preached before the         
,connecticut ,abolition ,society1 ,sept4
 #ae1 #agia3 ,thirty years ago1         
scarcely a man in this country thought  
either the slave trade or the  slavery  

of negroes to be wrong2 but now how many
 and able advocates in  private life1 in
 our legislatures1 in ,congress1 have   
appeared1 and have  openly and          
irrefragably pleaded the rights of      
humanity in this as well  as other      
instances8 ,and if we judge of the      
future by the past1 within  fifty years 
from this time1 it will be as shameful  
for a man to hold a  negro slave1 as to 
be guilty of common robbery or theft4   
,in #agid1 the ,general ,assembly of the
 ,presbyterian church adopted its       
,scripture proofs1 notes1 and comments4 
,among these was the following3    #a   
,tim4 i4 #aj4 ,the law is made for      
manstealers4 ,this crime among the      
,jews exposed the perpetrators of it to 
capital punishment4 ,exodus xxi4  #af4  
,and the apostle here classes them with 
sinners of the first rank4  ,the word he
 uses1 in its original import           
comprehends all who are  concerned in   
bringing any of the human race into     
slavery1 or in  retaining them in it4   

,stealers of men are all those who bring
 off  slaves or freemen1 and keep1 sell1
 or buy them4    ,in #agid1 ,dr4 ,rush  
declared3 ,domestic slavery is repugnant
 to the  principles of ,christianity4   
,it prostrates every benevolent and just
  principle of action in the human      
heart4 ,it is rebellion against the     
authority of a common ,father4 ,it is a 
practical denial of the extent and      
efficacy of the death of a common       
,saviour4 ,it is an usurpation of the   
prerogative of the great ,sovereign of  
the universe1 who has solemnly  claimed 
an exclusive property in the souls of   
men4    ,in #agie1 ,mr4 ,fiske1 then an 
officer of ,dartmouth ,college1         
afterward a  ,judge in ,tennessee1 said1
 in an oration published that year1     
speaking of  slaves3 ,i steadfastly     
maintain1 that we must bring them to an 
equal  standing1 in point of privileges1
 with the whites6 ,they must enjoy all  
the rights belonging to human nature4   
,when the petition on the abolition of  

the slave trade was under  discussion in
 the ,congress of '#hi1 ,mr4 ,brown1 of 
,north ,carolina1 said1  ,the           
emancipation of the slaves will be      
effected in time2 it ought to  be a     
gradual business1 but he hoped that     
,congress would not  precipitate it to  
the great injury of the southern        
,states4 ,mr4  ,hartley1 of             
,pennsylvania1 said1 in the same debate1
 ,he was not a  little surprised to hear
 the cause of slavery advocated in that 
house4  ,,washington1 in a letter to    
,sir ,john ,sinclair1 says1 ,there are1 
in  ,pennsylvania1 laws for the gradual 
abolition of slavery which neither      
,maryland nor ,virginia have at present1
 but which nothing is more  certain than
 that they must have1 and at a period   
,,not ,,remote4 ,in  #aghb1 ,virginia   
passed her celebrated manumission act4  
,within nine years  from that time      
nearly eleven thousand slaves were      
voluntarily  emancipated by their       
masters4 ,judge ,tucker's ,dissertation 

on ,slavery1  p4 #gb4 ,in #aghg1        
,maryland passed an act legalizing      
manumission4 ,mr4  ,dorsey1 of          
,maryland1 in a speech in ,congress1    
,december #bgth1 #ahbf1  speaking of    
manumissions under that act1 said1 that 
,the progress of  emancipation was      
astonishing1 the ,state became crowded  
with a free  black population4    ,the  
celebrated ,william ,pinkney1 in a      
speech before the ,maryland ,house of   
,delegates1 in #aghi1 on the            
emancipation of slaves1 said1 ,sir1 by  
the  eternal principles of natural      
justice1 no master in the state has a   
right to hold his slave in bandage for a
 single hour444 ,are we  apprehensive   
that these men will become more         
dangerous by becoming  freemen8 ,are we 
alarmed1 lest by being admitted into the
 enjoyment of  civil rights1 they will  
be inspired with a deadly enmity against
 the  rights of others8 ,strange1       
unaccountable paradox6 ,how much more   
rational  would it be1 to argue that the

 natural enemy of the privileges of a   
freeman1 is he who is robbed of them    
himself6    ,hon4 ,james ,campbell1 in  
an address before the ,pennsylvania     
,society of  ,cincinnati1 ,july #d1     
#aghg1 said1 ,our separation from ,great
 ,britain has  extended the empire of   
humanity4 ,the time is not far distant  
when  our sister states1 in imitation of
 our example1 shall turn their  vassals 
into freemen4 ,the ,convention that     
formed the ,united ,states'             
constitution being then in session1     
attended on the delivery of this        
oration with ,general ,washington at    
their head4    ,a ,baltimore paper of   
,september #hth1 #aghj1 contains the    
following notice  of ,major ,general    
,gates3 ,a few days ago passed through  
this town the  ,hon4 ,general ,gates and
 lady4 ,the ,general1 previous to       
leaving ,virginia1  summoned his        
numerous family of slaves about him1 and
 amidst their tears  of affection and   
gratitude1 gave them their ,,freedom4   

,in #agia1 the university of ,william   
and ,mary1 in ,virginia1 conferred upon 
,granville ,sharpe the degree of ,doctor
 of ,laws4 ,sharpe was at that time  the
 acknowledged head of ,british          
abolitionists4 ,his indefatigable       
exertions1 prosecuted for years in the  
case of ,somerset1 procured that        
memorable decision in the ,court of     
,king's ,bench1 which settled the       
principle that no slave could be held in
 ,england4 ,he was most  uncompromising 
in his opposition to slavery1 and for   
twenty years  previous he had spoken1   
written1 and accomplished more against  
it than  any man living4    ,in the     
,memoirs of the ,revolutionary ,war in  
the ,southern ,department1 by  ,gen4    
,lee1 of ,va41 ,commandant of the       
,partizan ,legion1 is the following3    
,the ,constitution of the ,united       
,states1 adopted lately with so much    
difficulty1 has effectually provided    
against this evil 7by importation7      
after a few years4 ,it is much to be    

lamented that having done so much in    
this way1 a provision had not been made 
for the gradual abolition of            
slavery4--pp4 #bcc1 #d4    ,mr4 ,tucker1
 of ,virginia1 ,judge of the ,supreme   
,court of that state1 and  professor of 
law in the ,university of ,william and  
,mary1 addressed a  letter to the       
,general ,assembly of that state1 in    
#agif1 urging the  abolition of slavery1
 from which the following is an extract4
 ,speaking  of the slaves in ,virginia1 
he says3 ,should we not1 at the time of 
the  revolution1 have broken their      
fetters8 ,is it not our duty to embrace 
the first moment of constitutional      
health and vigor to effectuate so       
desirable an object1 and to remove from 
us a stigma with which our  enemies will
 never fail to upbraid us1 nor our      
consciences to  reproach us8    ,mr4    
,faulkner1 in a speech before the       
,virginia ,house of ,delegates1 ,jan4   
#bj1 #ahcb1 said3 ,the idea of a gradual
 emancipation and removal of the  slaves

 from this commonwealth1 is coeval with 
the declaration of our  independence    
from the ,british yoke4 ,when ,virginia 
stood sustained in her  legislation by  
the pure and philosophic intellect of   
,pendleton1 by the  patriotism of ,mason
 and ,lee1 by the searching vigor and   
sagacity of  ,wythe1 and by the         
all-embracing1 all-comprehensive genius 
of ,thomas  ,jefferson6 ,sir1 it was a  
committee composed of those five        
illustrious  men1 who1 in #aggg1        
submitted to the general assembly of    
this state1 then  in session1 a plan for
 the gradual emancipation of the slaves 
of this  commonwealth4    ,hon4         
,benjamin ,watkins ,leigh1 late ,united 
,states' senator from ,virginia1  in his
 letters to the people of ,virginia1 in 
#ahcb1 signed ,appomattox1 p4  #dc1     
says3 ,i thought1 till very lately1 that
 it was known to every body  that during
 the revolution1 and for many years     
after1 the abolition of  slavery was a  
favorite topic with many of our ablest  

statesmen1 who  entertained1 with       
respect1 all the schemes which wisdom or
 ingenuity  could suggest for           
accomplishing the object4 ,mr4 ,wythe1  
to the day of his  death1 was for a     
simple abolition1 considering the       
objection to color  as founded in       
prejudice4 ,by degrees1 all projects of 
the kind were  abandoned4 ,mr4          
,jefferson retained his opinion1 and now
 we have these  projects revived4       
,governor ,barbour1 of ,virginia1 in his
 speech in the ,u4,s4 ,senate1 on the   
,missouri question1 ,jan4 #ahbj1 said3  
,we are asked why has ,virginia  changed
 her policy in reference to slavery8    
,that the sentiments of our  most       
distinguished men1 for thirty years     
entirely corresponded with  the course  
which the friends of the restriction 7of
 slavery in ,missouri7  now advocated2  
and that the ,virginia delegation1 one  
of whom was the  late ,president of the 
,united ,states1 voted for the          
restriction 7of  slavery7 in the        

northwestern territory1 and that ,mr4   
,jefferson has  delineated a gloomy     
picture of the baneful effects of       
slavery4 ,when it  is recollected that  
the ,notes of ,mr4 ,jefferson were      
written during the  progress of the     
revolution1 it is no matter of surprise 
that the writer  should have imbibed a  
large portion of that enthusiasm which  
such an  occasion was so well calculated
 to produce4 ,as to the consent of the  
,virginia delegation to the restriction 
in question1 whether the result  of a   
disposition to restrain the slave-trade 
indirectly1 or the  influence of that   
enthusiasm to which ,i have just        
alluded1 99 99 99 99 it is  not now     
important to decide4 ,we have witnessed 
its effects4 ,the  liberality of        
,virginia1 or1 as the result may prove1 
her folly1 which  submitted to1 or1 if  
you will1 ,,proposed this measure       
7abolition of  slavery in the ,n4,w4    
territory7 has eventuated in effects    
which speak a  monitory lesson4 ,how is 

the representation from this quarter on 
the  present question8    ,mr4 ,imlay1  
in his early history of ,kentucky1 p4   
#ahe1 says3 ,we have  disgraced the fair
 face of humanity1 and trampled upon the
 sacred  privileges of man1 at the very 
moment that we were exclaiming against  
the tyranny of your 7the ,english7      
ministry4 ,but in contending for the    
birthright of freedom1 we have learned  
to feel for the bondage of  others1 and 
in the libations we offer to the goddess
 of liberty1 we  contemplate an         
emancipation of the slaves of this      
country1 as  honorable to themselves as 
it will be glorious to us4    ,in the   
debate in ,congress1 ,jan4 #bj1 #ahjf1  
on ,mr4 ,sloan's motion to lay a  tax on
 the importation of slaves1 ,mr4 ,clark 
of ,va4 said3 ,he was no  advocate for a
 system of slavery4 ,mr4 ,marion1 of ,s4
 ,carolina1 said3 ,he  never had        
purchased1 nor should he ever purchase a
 slave4 ,mr4 ,southard  said3 ,not      
revenue1 but an expression of the       

national sentiment is the  principal    
object4 ,mr4 ,smilie--,i rejoice that   
the word 7slave7 is not  in the         
constitution2 its not being there does  
honor to the worthies who  would not    
suffer it to become a part of it4 ,mr4  
,alston1 of ,n4  ,carolina--,in two     
years we shall have the power to        
prohibit the trade  altogether4 ,then   
this ,house will be unanimous4 ,no one  
will object to our  exercising our full 
constitutional powers4 ,national        
,intelligencer1  ,jan4 #bd1 #ahjf4      
,these witnesses need no vouchers to    
entitle them to credit2 nor their       
testimony comments to make it           
intelligible--their names are their     
endorsers1 and their strong words their 
own interpreters4 ,we waive all         
comments4 ,our readers are of age4      
,whosoever hath ears to hear1 let him   
,,hear4 ,and whosoever will not hear the
 fathers of the revolution1 the         
founders of the government1 its chief   
magistrates1 judges1 legislators  and   

sages1 who dared and perilled all under 
the burdens1 and in the heat  of the day
 that tried men's souls--then neither   
will he be persuaded  though ,,they rose
 from the dead4    ,some of the points  
established by this testimony are--,the 
universal  expectation that ,congress1  
state legislatures1 seminaries of       
learning1  churches1 ministers of       
religion1 and public sentiment widely   
embodied in  abolition societies1 would 
act against slavery1 calling forth the  
moral  sense of the nation1 and creating
 a power of opinion that would abolish  
the system throughout the ,union4 ,in a 
word1 that free speech and a free  press
 would be wielded against it without    
ceasing and without  restriction4 ,full 
well did the ,south know1 not only that 
the national  government would probably 
legislate against slavery wherever the  
constitution placed it within its reach1
 but she knew also that ,congress  had  
already marked out the line of national 
policy to be pursued on the             

subject--had committed itself before the
 world to a course of action  against   
slavery1 wherever she could move upon it
 without encountering a  conflicting    
jurisdiction--that the nation had       
established by solemn  ordinance a      
memorable precedent for subsequent      
action1 by abolishing  slavery in the   
northwest territory1 and by declaring   
that it should  never thenceforward     
exist there2 and this too1 as soon as by
 cession of  ,virginia and other states1
 the territory came under congressional 
control4 ,the ,south knew also that the 
sixth article in the ordinance          
prohibiting slavery1 was first proposed 
by the largest slaveholding  state in   
the confederacy--that in the ,congress  
of '#hd1 ,mr4 ,jefferson1 as  chairman  
of the committee on the ,n4,w4          
territory1 reported a resolution        
abolishing slavery there--that the      
chairman of the committee that  reported
 the ordinance of '#hg was also a       
slaveholder--that the ordinance  was    

enacted by ,congress during the session 
of the convention that formed  the      
,united ,states' ,constitution--that the
 provisions of the ordinance  were1 both
 while in prospect and when under       
discussion1 matters of  universal       
notoriety and approval with all parties1
 and when finally  passed1 received the 
vote of every member of ,congress from  
each of the  slaveholding states4 ,the  
,south also had every reason for        
believing that  the first ,congress     
under the constitution would ratify that
  ordinance--as it did unanimously4     
,a crowd of reflections1 suggested by   
the preceding testimony1 presses  for   
utterance4 ,the right of petition       
ravished and trampled by its            
constitutional guardians1 and insult and
 defiance hurled in the faces of  the   
,,sovereign ,,people while calmly       
remonstrating with their ,,servants  for
 violence committed on the nation's     
charter and their own dearest  rights6  
,added to this the right of peaceably   

assembling violently  wrested--the      
rights of minorities1 rights no         
longer--free speech  struck dumb--free  
men outlawed and murdered--free presses 
cast into  the streets and their        
fragments strewed with shoutings1 or    
flourished in  triumph before the gaze  
of approving crowds as proud mementos of
  prostrate law6 ,the spirit and power  
of our fathers1 where are they8  ,their 
deep homage always and every where      
rendered to ,,free ,,thought1 with  its 
inseparable signs--free speech and a    
free press--their reverence  for        
justice1 liberty1 rights and            
all-pervading law1 where are they8      
,but we turn from these                 
considerations--though the times on     
which we have  fallen1 and those toward 
which we are borne with headlong haste1 
call  for their discussion as with the  
voices of departing life--and proceed   
to topics relevant to the argument      
before us4    ,the seventh article of   
the amendments to the constitution is   

alleged to  withhold from ,congress the 
power to abolish slavery in the         
,district4 ,no  person shall be deprived
 of life1 liberty1 or property1 without 
due  process of law4 ,all the slaves in 
the ,district have been deprived of     
liberty by legislative acts4 ,now1 these
 legislative acts depriving  them of    
liberty1 were either due process of law1
 or they were not4  ,if they were1 then 
a legislative act1 taking from the      
master that  property which is the      
identical liberty previously taken from 
the  slave1 would be due process of law 
also1 and of course a  constitutional   
act2 but if the legislative acts        
depriving them of  liberty were not due 
process of law1 then the slaves were    
deprived  of liberty unconstitutionally1
 and these acts are void4 ,in that case 
the constitution emancipates them4      
,if the objector reply1 by saying that  
the import of the phrase due  process of
 law1 is judicial process solely1 it is 
granted1 and that  fact is our          

rejoinder2 for no slave in the ,district
 has been deprived  of his liberty by a 
judicial process1 or1 in other words1 by
 due  process of law2 consequently1 upon
 the objector's own admission1 every    
slave in the ,district has been deprived
 of liberty unconstitutionally1  and is 
therefore free by the constitution4     
,this is asserted only of  the slaves   
under the exclusive legislation of      
,congress4    ,the last clause of the   
article under consideration is quoted   
for the  same purpose3 ,nor shall       
private property he taken for public use
  without just compensation4 ,each of   
the state constitutions has a clause  of
 similar purport4 ,the abolition of     
slavery in the ,district by  ,congress1 
would not1 as we shall presently show2  
violate this clause  either directly or 
by implication4 ,granting for argument's
 sake1 that  slaves are private         
property1 and that to emancipate them1  
would be to  take private property for  
public use1 the objector admits the     

power  of ,congress to do this1 provided
 it will do something else1 that is1    
pay for them4 ,thus1 instead of denying 
the power1 the objector not  only       
admits1 but affirms it1 as the ground of
 the inference that  compensation must  
accompany it4 ,so far from disproving   
the existence of  one power1 he asserts 
the existence of two--one1 the power to 
take  the slaves from their masters1 the
 other1 the power to take the property  
of the ,united ,states to pay for them4 
,if ,congress cannot constitutionally   
impair the right of private  property1  
or take it without compensation1 it     
cannot constitutionally1  legalize the  
perpetration of such acts1 by others1   
nor protect  those who commit them4     
,does the power to rob a man of his     
earnings1 rob  the earner of his right  
to them8 ,who has a better right to the 
product than the producer8--to the      
interest1 than the owner of the         
principal8--to the hands and arms1 than 
he from whose shoulders they  swing8--to

 the body and soul1 than he whose they  
are8 ,congress not only  impairs but    
annihilates the right of private        
property1 while it  withholds from the  
slaves of the ,district their title to  
themselves4  ,what6 ,congress powerless 
to protect a man's right to himself1    
when it  can make inviolable the right  
to a dog6 ,but1 waiving this1 ,i deny   
that  the abolition of slavery in the   
,district would violate this clause4    
,what  does the clause prohibit8 ,the   
taking of private property for public   
use4 ,suppose ,congress should          
emancipate the slaves in the ,district1 
what would it take8 ,nothing4 ,what     
would it hold8 ,nothing4 ,what  would it
 put to public use8 ,nothing4 ,instead  
of taking private  property1 ,congress1 
by abolishing slavery1 would say private
  property shall not be taken2 and those
 who have been robbed of it  already1   
shall be kept out of it no longer2 and  
every man's right to his  own body shall
 be protected4 ,true1 ,congress may not 

arbitrarily take  property1 as property1
 from one man and give it to            
another--and in the  abolition of       
slavery no such thing is done4 ,a       
legislative act changes  the condition  
of the slave--makes him his own         
proprietor1 instead of  the property of 
another4 ,it determines a question of   
original right  between two classes of  
persons--doing an act of justice to one1
 and  restraining the other from acts of
 injustice2 or1 in other words1         
preventing one from robbing the other1  
by granting to the injured party  the   
protection of just and equitable laws4  
,congress1 by an act of abolition1 would
 change the condition of seven  thousand
 persons in the ,district1 but would    
take nothing4 ,to  construe this        
provision so as to enable the citizens  
of the ,district to  hold as property1  
and in perpetuity1 whatever they please1
 or to hold it  as property in all      
circumstances--all necessity1 public    
welfare1 and the  will and power of the 

government to the contrary              
notwithstanding--is a  total perversion 
of its whole intent4 ,the design of the 
provision1  was to throw up a barrier   
against ,governmental aggrandizement4   
,the right  to take property for ,state 
uses is one thing2--the right so to     
adjust the tenures by which property is 
held1 that each may have his  own       
secured to him1 is another thing1 and   
clearly within the scope of             
legislation4 ,besides1 if ,congress were
 to take the slaves in the  ,district1  
it would be adopting1 not abolishing    
slavery--becoming a  slaveholder itself1
 instead of requiring others to be such 
no longer4  ,the clause in question1    
prohibits the taking of individual      
property  for public use1 to be employed
 or disposed of as property for         
governmental purposes4 ,congress1 by    
abolishing slavery in the ,district1    
would do no such thing4 ,it would merely
 change the condition of that  which has
 been recognized as a qualified property

 by congressional acts1  though         
previously declared persons by the      
constitution4 ,more than this  is done  
continually by ,congress and every other
 ,legislature4 ,property  the most      
absolute and unqualified1 is annihilated
 by legislative acts4  ,the embargo and 
non-intercourse act1 levelled at a      
stroke a forest of  shipping1 and sunk  
millions of capital4 ,to say nothing of 
the power of  ,congress to take hundreds
 of millions from the people by direct  
taxation1 who doubts its power to       
abolish at once the whole tariff        
system1 change the seat of ,government1 
arrest the progress of national  works1 
prohibit any branch of commerce with the
 ,indian tribes or with  foreign        
nations1 change the locality of forts1  
arsenals1 magazines and  dock yards2    
abolish the ,post ,office system1 and   
the privilege of patents  and           
copyrights8 ,by such acts ,congress     
might1 in the exercise of its           
acknowledged powers1 annihilate property

 to an incalculable amount1 and  that   
without becoming liable to claims for   
compensation4    ,finally1 this clause  
prohibits the taking for public use of  
property4 ,the constitution of the      
,united ,states does not recognize      
slaves as ,,property any where1 and it  
does not recognize them in any  sense in
 the ,district of ,columbia4 ,all       
allusions to them in the  constitution  
recognize them as persons4 ,every       
reference to them points  solely to the 
element of personality2 and thus1 by the
 strongest  implication1 declares that  
the constitution knows them only as     
persons1 and will not recognize them in 
any other light4 ,if they  escape into  
free ,states1 the constitution          
authorizes their being taken  back4 ,but
 how8 ,not as the property of an owner1 
but as persons2 and  the peculiarity of 
the expression is a marked recognition  
of their  personality--a refusal to     
recognize them as chattels--persons held
  to service4 ,are oxen held to service8

 ,that can be affirmed only of  persons4
 ,again1 slaves give political power as 
persons4 ,the  constitution1 in settling
 the principle of representation1       
requires  their enumeration in the      
census4 ,how8 ,as property8 ,then why   
not include  race horses and game cocks8
 ,slaves1 like other inhabitants1 are   
enumerated as persons4 ,so by the       
constitution1 the government was        
pledged to non-interference with the    
migration or importation of such        
persons as the ,states might think      
proper to admit until #ahjh1 and        
authorized the laying of a tax on each  
person so admitted4 ,further1  slaves   
are recognized as persons by the        
exaction of their allegiance  to the    
government4 ,for offences against the   
government slaves are tried  as persons2
 as persons they are entitled to counsel
 for their defence1  to the rules of    
evidence1 and to due process of law1 and
 as persons  they are punished4 ,true1  
they are loaded with cruel disabilities 

in  courts of law1 such as greatly      
obstruct and often inevitably defeat the
  ends of justice1 yet they are still   
recognized as persons4 ,even in the     
legislation of ,congress1 and in the    
diplomacy of the general government1    
notwithstanding the frequent and wide   
departures from the integrity of  the   
constitution on this subject1 slaves are
 not recognized as  property without    
qualification4 ,congress has always     
refused to grant  compensation for      
slaves killed or taken by the enemy1    
even when these  slaves had been        
impressed into the ,united ,states'     
service4 ,in half a  score of cases     
since the last war1 ,congress has       
rejected such  applications for         
compensation4 ,besides1 both in         
,congressional acts1 and  in our        
national diplomacy1 slaves and property 
are not used as  convertible terms4     
,when mentioned in treaties and state   
papers it is in  such a way as to       
distinguish them from mere property1 and

 generally by a  recognition of their   
personality4 ,in the invariable         
recognition of  slaves as persons1 the  
,united ,states' constitution caught the
 mantle  of the glorious ,declaration1  
and most worthily wears it4 ,it         
recognizes  all human beings as men1    
persons1 and thus as equals4 ,in the    
original draft of the ,declaration1 as  
it came from the hand of  ,jefferson1 it
 is alleged that ,great ,britain had    
waged a cruel war  against human nature 
itself1 violating its most sacred rights
 of life  and liberty in the persons of 
a distant people1 carrying them into    
slavery1 99 99 determined to keep up a  
market where ,,men should be bought  and
 sold1--thus disdaining to make the     
charter of freedom a warrant for  the   
arrest of men1 that they might be shorn 
both of liberty  and humanity4    ,the  
celebrated ,roger ,sherman1 one of the  
committee of five appointed to  draft   
the ,declaration of ,independence1 and a
 member of the convention  that formed  

the ,united ,states' constitution1 said1
 in the first ,congress  after its      
adoption3 ,the constitution does not    
consider these persons1  7slaves17 as a 
species of property4--,lloyd's ,cong4   
,reg4 v4 #a1 p4  #cac4 ,that the ,united
 ,states' ,constitution does not make   
slaves  property1 is shown in the fact1 
that no person1 either as a citizen of  
the ,united ,states1 or by having his   
domicile within the ,united ,states'    
government1 can hold slaves4 ,he can    
hold them only by deriving his power    
from state laws1 or from the laws of    
,congress1 if he hold slaves  within the
 ,district4 ,but no person resident     
within the ,united ,states'             
jurisdiction1 and not within the        
,district1 nor within a state whose     
laws support slavery1 nor held to       
service under the laws of such a  state 
or district1 having escaped therefrom1  
can be held as a slave4    ,men can hold
 property under the ,united ,states'    
government though  residing beyond the  

bounds of any state1 district1 or       
territory4 ,an  inhabitant of the ,iowa 
,territory can hold property there under
 the laws  of the ,united ,states1 but  
he cannot hold slaves there under the   
,united  ,states' laws1 nor by virtue of
 the ,united ,states' ,constitution1 nor
 upon  the ground of his ,united        
,states' citizenship1 nor by having his 
domicile  within the ,united ,states'   
jurisdiction4 ,the constitution no where
  recognizes the right to slave         
property1 but merely the fact that the  
states have jurisdiction each in its own
 limits1 and that there are  certain    
persons within their jurisdictions held 
to service by their  own laws4          
,finally1 in the clause under           
consideration private property is not to
  be taken without just compensation4   
,,just6 ,if justice is to be  appealed  
to in determining the amount of         
compensation1 let her  determine the    
grounds also4 ,if it be her province to 
say how much  compensation is just1 it  

is hers to say whether any is           
just1--whether the slave is just        
property at all1 rather than a  person4 
,then1 if justice adjudges the slave to 
be private  property1 it adjudges him to
 be his own property1 since the right to
  one's self is the first right--the    
source of all others--the original      
stock by which they are accumulated--the
 principal1 of which they are  the      
interest4 ,and since the slave's private
 property has been taken1  and since    
compensation is impossible--there being 
no equivalent for  one's self--the least
 that can be done is to restore to him  
his original  private property4         
,having shown that in abolishing        
slavery1 property would not be taken    
for public use1 it may be added that1 in
 those states where slavery has  been   
abolished by law1 no claim for          
compensation has been allowed4  ,indeed 
the manifest absurdity of demanding it  
seems to have quite  forestalled the    
setting up of such a claim4    ,the     

abolition of slavery in the ,district   
instead of being a legislative  anomaly1
 would proceed upon the principles of   
every day legislation4 ,it  has been    
shown already1 that the ,united ,states'
 ,constitution does not  recognize      
slaves as property4 ,yet ordinary       
legislation is full of  precedents1     
showing that even absolute property is  
in many respects  wholly subject to     
legislation4 ,the repeal of the law of  
entailments--all  those acts that       
control the alienation of property1 its 
disposal by  will1 its passing to heirs 
by descent1 with the question1 who shall
 be  heirs1 and what shall be the rule  
of distribution among them1 or whether  
property shall be transmitted at all by 
descent1 rather than escheat to  the    
estate--these1 with statutes of         
limitation1 and various other  classes  
of legislative acts1 serve to illustrate
 the acknowledged scope  of the         
law-making power1 even where property is
 in every sense  absolute4 ,persons     

whose property is thus affected by      
public laws1  receive from the          
government no compensation for their    
losses2 unless the  state has been put  
in possession of the property taken from
 them4    ,the preamble of the ,united  
,states' ,constitution declares it to be
 a  fundamental object of the           
organization of the government to       
,,establish  ,,justice4 ,has ,congress  
no power to do that for which it was    
made the  depository of power8 ,,cannot 
the ,united ,states' ,government fulfil 
the  purpose for which it was brought   
into being8    ,to abolish slavery1 is  
to take from no rightful owner his      
property2 but  to establish justice     
between two parties4 ,to emancipate the 
slave1 is  to establish justice between 
him and his master--to throw around the 
person1 character1 conscience2 liberty1 
and domestic relations of the  one1 the 
same law that secures and blesses the   
other4 ,in other words1  to prevent by  
legal restraints one class of men from  

seizing upon  another class1 and robbing
 them at pleasure of their earnings1    
their  time1 their liberty1 their       
kindred1 and the very use and ownership 
of  their own persons4 ,finally1 to     
abolish slavery is to proclaim and      
enact that innocence and                
helplessness--now free plunder--are     
entitled to legal protection2 and that  
power1 avarice1 and lust1 shall  no     
longer revel upon their spoils under the
 license1 and by the  ministration of   
law6 ,congress1 by possessing exclusive 
legislation in  all cases whatsoever1   
has a general protective power for ,,all
 the  inhabitants of the ,district4 ,if 
it has no power to protect one man in   
the ,district it has none to protect    
another--none to protect any--and  if it
 can protect one man and is bound to do 
it1 it can protect  every man--and is   
bound to do it4 ,all admit the power of 
,congress to  protect the masters in the
 ,district against their slaves4 ,what  
part of  the constitution gives the     

power8 ,the clause so often             
quoted1--power of  legislation in all   
cases whatsoever1 equally in the case of
  defending blacks against whites1 as in
 that of defending whites against       
blacks4 ,the power is also conferred by 
,art4 #a1 ,sec4 #h1 clause              
#ae--;,congress shall have power to     
suppress insurrections--a power to      
protect1 as well blacks against whites1 
as whites against blacks4 ,if the       
constitution gives power to protect one 
class against the other1 it  gives power
 to protect either against the other4   
,suppose the blacks in  the ,district   
should seize the whites1 drive them into
 the fields and  kitchens1 force them to
 work without pay1 flog them1 imprison  
them1 and  sell them at their pleasure1 
where would ,congress find power to     
restrain  such acts8 ,answer2 a general 
power in the clause so often cited1 and 
an express one in that cited            
above--,congress shall have power to    
suppress insurrections4 ,so much for a  

supposed case4 ,here follows a  real    
one4 ,the whites in the ,district are   
perpetrating these identical  acts upon 
seven thousand blacks daily4 ,that      
,congress has power to  restrain these  
acts in one case1 all assert1 and in so 
doing they  assert the power in all     
cases whatsoever4 ,for the grant of     
power to  suppress insurrections1 is an 
unconditional grant1 not hampered by    
provisos as to the color1 shape1 size1  
sex1 language1 creed1 or  condition of  
the insurgents4 ,congress derives its   
power to suppress this  actual          
insurrection1 from the same source      
whence it derived its power  to suppress
 the same acts in the case supposed4 ,if
 one case is an  insurrection1 the other
 is4 ,the acts in both are the same2 the
  actors only are different4 ,in the one
 case1 ignorant and  degraded--goaded by
 the memory of the past1 stung by the   
present1 and  driven to desperation by  
the fearful looking for of wrongs for   
ever to  come4 ,in the other1           

enlightened into the nature of rights1  
the  principles of justice1 and the     
dictates of the law of love1 unprovoked 
by wrongs1 with cool deliberation1 and  
by system1 they perpetrate these  acts  
upon those to whom they owe unnumbered  
obligations for whole  lives of         
unrequited service4 ,on which side may  
palliation be pleaded1  and which party 
may most reasonably claim an abatement  
of the rigors of  law8 ,if ,congress has
 power to suppress such acts at all1 it 
has power  to suppress them in all4     
,it has been shown already that         
allegiance is exacted of the slave4 ,is 
the government of the ,united ,states   
unable to grant protection where  it    
exacts allegiance8 ,it is an axiom of   
the civilized world1 and a  maxim even  
with savages1 that allegiance and       
protection are reciprocal  and          
correlative4 ,are principles powerless  
with us which exact homage of           
barbarians8 ,protection is the          
,,constitutional ,,right of every human4

  being under the exclusive legislation 
of ,congress who has not forfeited  it  
by crime4    ,in conclusion1 ,i argue   
the power of ,congress to abolish       
slavery in the  ,district1 from ,art4   
#a1 sec4 #h1 clause #a1 of the          
constitution2 ,congress  shall have     
power to provide for the common defence 
and the general  welfare of the ,united 
,states4 ,has the government of the     
,united ,states  no power under this    
grant to legislate within its own       
exclusive  jurisdiction on subjects that
 vitally affect its interest8 ,suppose  
the  slaves in the district should rise 
upon their masters1 and the ,united     
,states' government1 in quelling the    
insurrection1 should kill any number  of
 them4 ,could their masters claim       
compensation of the government8         
,manifestly not2 even though no proof   
existed that the particular slaves      
killed were insurgents4 ,this was       
precisely the point at issue between    
those masters1 whose slaves were killed 

by the ,state troops at the time  of the
 ,southampton insurrection1 and the     
,virginia ,legislature3 no  evidence was
 brought to show that the slaves killed 
by the troops were  insurgents2 yet the 
,virginia ,legislature decided that     
their masters were  not entitled to     
compensation4 ,they proceeded on the    
sound principle1  that the government   
may in self-protection destroy the claim
 of its  subjects even to that which has
 been recognized as property by its own 
acts4 ,if in providing for the common   
defence1 the ,united ,states'           
government1 in the case supposed1 would 
have power to destroy slaves  both as   
property and persons1 it surely might   
stop half-way1  destroy them as property
 while it legalized their existence as  
persons1 and thus provided for the      
common defence by giving them a         
personal and powerful interest in the   
government1 and securing their  strength
 for its defence4    ,like other        
,legislatures1 ,congress has power to   

abate nuisances--to  remove or tear down
 unsafe buildings--to destroy infected  
cargoes--to  lay injunctions upon       
manufactories injurious to the public   
health--and  thus to provide for the    
common defence and general welfare by   
destroying individual property1 when    
such property puts in jeopardy the      
public weal4    ,granting1 for          
argument's sake1 that slaves are        
property in the  ,district of           
,columbia--if ,congress has a right to  
annihilate property  there when the     
public safety requires it1 it may       
annihilate its  existence as property   
when the public safety requires it1     
especially  if it transform into a      
protection and defence that which as    
property perilled the public interests4 
,in the ,district of ,columbia  there   
are1 besides the ,united ,states'       
,capitol1 the ,president's house1  the  
national offices1 and archives of the   
,departments of ,state1  ,treasury1     
,war1 and ,navy1 the ,general           

,post-office1 and ,patent office4 ,it   
is also the residence of the ,president1
 of all the highest officers of  the    
government1 of both houses of ,congress1
 and of all the foreign  ambassadors4   
,in this same ,district there are also  
seven thousand slaves4  ,jefferson1 in  
his ,notes on ,va4 p4 #bda1 says of     
slavery1 that the ,state  permitting one
 half of its citizens to trample on the 
rights of the  other1 transforms them   
into enemies2 and ,richard ,henry ,lee1 
in the  ,va4 ,house of ,burgesses in    
#ageh1 declared that to those who held  
them1  slaves must be natural enemies4  
,is ,congress so impotent that it       
cannot exercise that right pronounced   
both by municipal and national  law1 the
 most sacred and universal--the right of
 self-preservation and  defence8 ,is it 
shut up to the necessity of keeping     
seven thousand  enemies in the heart of 
the nation's citadel8 ,does the iron    
fiat of  the constitution doom it to    
such imbecility that it cannot arrest   

the  process that made them enemies1 and
 still goads to deadlier hate by  fiery 
trials1 and day by day adds others to   
their number8 ,is this  providing for   
the common defence and general welfare8 
,if to rob men of  rights excites their 
hate1 freely to restore them and make   
amends1 will  win their love4    ,by    
emancipating the slaves in the          
,district1 the government of the ,united
  ,states would disband an army of      
enemies1 and enlist for the common      
defence and general welfare1 a body     
guard of friends seven thousand  strong4
 ,in the last war1 a handful of ,british
 soldiers sacked ,washington  city1     
burned the capitol1 the ,president's    
house1 and the national  offices and    
archives2 and no marvel1 for thousands  
of the inhabitants of  the ,district had
 been ,,transformed ,,into ,,enemies4   
,would they beat back  invasion8 ,if the
 national government had exercised its  
constitutional  power to provide for the
 common defence and to promote the      

general  welfare1 by turning those      
enemies into friends1 then1 instead of a
  hostile ambush lurking in every       
thicket inviting assault1 and secret    
foes in every house paralyzing defence1 
an army of allies would have  rallied in
 the hour of her calamity1 and shouted  
defiance from their  munitions of rocks2
 whilst the banner of the republic1 then
 trampled in  dust1 would have floated  
securely over ,,freemen exulting amidst 
bulwarks  of strength4    ,to show that 
,congress can abolish slavery in the    
,district1 under the  grant of power to 
provide for the common defence and to   
promote the  general welfare1 ,i quote  
an extract from a speech of ,mr4        
,madison1 of  ,va41 in the first        
,congress under the constitution1 ,may  
#ac1 #aghi4  ,speaking of the abolition 
of the slave trade1 ,mr4 ,madison says3 
,i  should venture to say it is as much 
for the interests of ,georgia and       
,south ,carolina1 as of any state in the
 union4 ,every addition they  receive to

 their number of slaves tends to weaken 
them1 and renders  them less capable of 
self-defence4 ,in case of hostilities   
with foreign  nations1 they will be the 
means of inviting attack instead of     
repelling invasion4 ,it is a necessary  
duty of the general government to       
protect every part of the empire against
 danger1 as well internal as  external4 
,every thing1 therefore1 which tends to 
increase this danger1  though it may be 
a local affair1 yet if it involves      
national expense or  safety1 it becomes 
of concern to every part of the union1  
and is a  proper subject for the        
consideration of those charged with the 
general  administration of the          
government4 ,cong4 ,reg4 vol4 #a1 p4    
#caj1 #aa4    ,,wythe4    ,,postscript  
,my apology for adding a postscript1 to 
a discussion already perhaps  too       
protracted1 is the fact that the        
preceding sheets were in the hands  of  
the printer1 and all but the concluding 
pages had gone through the  press1      

before the passage of ,mr4 ,calhoun's   
late resolutions in the  ,senate of the 
,united ,states4 ,a proceeding so       
extraordinary1--if indeed  henceforward 
any act of ,congress in derogation of   
freedom and in  deference to slavery1   
can be deemed extraordinary1--should not
 be passed  in silence at such a crisis 
as the present2 especially as the       
passage of  one of the resolutions by a 
vote of #cf to #i1 exhibits a shift of  
position on the part of the ,south1 as  
sudden as it is unaccountable1  being   
nothing less than the surrender of a    
fortress which until then1  they had    
defended with the pertinacity of a blind
 and almost infuriated  fatuity4 ,upon  
the discussions during the pendency of  
the resolutions1  and upon the vote1 by 
which they were carried1 ,i make no     
comment1 save  only to record my        
exultation in the fact there exhibited1 
that great  emergencies are true        
touchstones1 and that henceforward1     
until this  question is settled1 whoever

 holds a seat in ,congress will find    
upon1  and around him1 a pressure strong
 enough to test him--a focal blaze that 
will find its way through the carefully 
adjusted cloak of fair  pretension1 and 
the sevenfold brass of two faced        
political intrigue1 and  no-faced       
non-committalism1 piercing to the       
dividing asunder of  joints and marrow4 
,be it known to every northern man who  
aspires to a  seat in our national      
councils1 that hereafter congressional  
action on  this subject will be a       
,,mighty ,,revelator--making secret     
thoughts public  property1 and          
proclaiming on the house-tops what is   
whispered in the  ear--smiting off      
masks1 and bursting open sepulchres     
beautiful  outwardly1 and up-heaving to 
the sun their dead men's bones4 ,to such
 we  say1--,remember the ,missouri      
,question1 and the fate of those who    
then  sold the free states and their own
 birthright6    ,passing by the         
resolutions generally without           

remark--the attention of  the reader is 
specially solicited to ,mr4 ,clay's     
substitute for ,mr4  ,calhoun's fifth   
resolution4    ,resolved1 ,that when the
 ,district of ,columbia was ceded by the
 states of  ,virginia and ,maryland to  
the ,united ,states1 domestic slavery   
existed in  both of these states1       
including the ceded territory1 and that1
 as it  still continues in both of them1
 it could not be abolished within the   
,district without a violation of that   
good faith1 which was implied in  the   
cession and in the acceptance of the    
territory2 nor1 unless  compensation    
were made to the proprietors of slaves1 
without a manifest  infringement of an  
amendment to the constitution of the    
,united ,states2  nor without exciting a
 degree of just alarm and apprehension  
in the  states recognizing slavery1 far 
transcending in mischievous tendency1   
any possible benefit which could be     
accomplished by the abolition4    ,by   
advocating this resolution1 the south   

shifted its mode of defence1  not by    
taking a position entirely new1 but by  
attempting to refortify an  old         
one--abandoned mainly long ago1 as being
 unable to hold out against  assault    
however unskillfully directed4 ,in the  
debate on this resolution1  the southern
 members of ,congress silently drew off 
from the ground  hitherto maintained by 
them1 viz4--that ,congress has no power 
by the  constitution to abolish slavery 
in the ,district4    ,the passage of    
this resolution--with the vote of every 
southern senator1  forms a new era in   
the discussion of this question4 ,we    
cannot join in  the lamentations of     
those who bewail it4 ,we hail it1 and   
rejoice in it4  ,it was as we would have
 had it--offered by a southern senator1 
advocated  by southern senators1 and on 
the ground that it was no               
compromise--that it embodied the true   
southern principle--that this           
resolution stood on as high ground as   
,mr4 ,calhoun's4--7,mr4  ,preston7--that

 ,mr4 ,clay's resolution was as strong  
as ,mr4  ,calhoun's--7,mr4 ,rives7--that
 the resolution he 7,mr4 ,calhoun7 now  
refused to support1 was as strong as his
 own1 and that in supporting it1  there 
was no abandonment of principle by the  
south4--7,mr4 ,walker1 of               
,mi47--further1 that it was advocated by
 the southern senators generally  as an 
expression of their views1 and as       
setting the question of slavery  in the 
,district on its true ground--that      
finally1 when the question  was taken1  
every slaveholding senator1 including   
,mr4 ,calhoun himself1  voted for the   
resolution4    ,by passing this         
resolution1 and with such avowals1 the  
south has  unwittingly but explicitly1  
conceded the main point argued in the   
preceding pages1 and surrendered the    
whole question at issue between  them   
and the petitioners for abolition in the
 ,district4    ,the only ground taken   
against the right of ,congress to       
abolish slavery  in the ,district is1   

that it existed in ,maryland and        
,virginia when the  cession was made1   
and as it still continues in both of    
them1 it could  not be abolished without
 a violation of that good faith which   
was  implied in the cession1 c4 ,the    
argument is not that exclusive          
sovereignty has no power to abolish     
slavery within its jurisdiction1  nor   
that the powers of even ordinary        
legislation cannot do it1 nor that  the 
clause granting ,congress exclusive     
legislation in all cases what  soever   
over such ,district1 gives no power to  
do it2 but that the  unexpressed        
expectation of one of the parties that  
the other would not  in all cases use   
the power which said party had consented
 might be  used in all cases1 prohibits 
the use of it4 ,the only cardinal point 
in the discussion1 is here not only     
yielded1 but formally laid down by  the 
,south as the leading article in their  
creed on the question of  ,congressional
 jurisdiction over slavery in the       

,district4 ,the reason  given why       
,congress should not abolish1 and the   
sole evidence that if it  did1 such     
abolition would be a violation of good  
faith1 is that  slavery still continues 
in those states1--thus admitting1 that  
if  slavery did not still continue in   
those ,states1 ,congress could  abolish 
it in the ,district4 ,the same admission
 is made also in the  premises1 which   
state that slavery existed in those     
states at the  time of the cession1 c4  
,admitting that if it had not existed   
there  then1 but had grown up in the    
,district under ,united ,states' laws1  
,congress might constitutionally abolish
 it4 ,or that if the ceded parts  of    
those states had been the only parts in 
which slaves were held  under their     
laws1 ,congress might have abolished in 
such a contingency  also4 ,the cession  
in that case leaving no slaves in those 
states1--no  good faith would be implied
 in it1 nor any violated by an act of   
abolition4 ,the resolution makes        

virtually this further admission1 that  
if ,maryland and ,virginia should at    
once abolish their slavery1 ,congress   
might at once abolish it in the         
,district4 ,the principle goes even     
further than this1 and requires         
,congress in such case to abolish       
slavery in the ,district by the good    
faith implied in the cession and        
acceptance of the territory4 ,since1    
according to the spirit and scope  of   
the resolution1 this implied good faith 
of ,maryland and ,virginia  in making   
the cession1 was1 that ,congress would  
do nothing within the  ,district which  
should counteract the policy1 or        
discredit the  institutions1 or call in 
question the usages1 or even in any way 
ruffle the prejudices of those states1  
or do what they might think  would      
unfavorably bear upon their interests2  
themselves of course  being the judges4 
,but let us dissect another limb of the 
resolution4 ,what is to be  understood  
by that good faith which was ,,implied8 

,it is of course an  admission that such
 a condition was not expressed in the   
acts of  cession--that in their terms   
there is nothing restricting the power  
of  ,congress on the subject of slavery 
in the ,district4 ,this implied  faith1 
then1 rests on no clause or word in the 
,united ,states'  ,constitution1 or in  
the acts of cession1 or in the acts of  
,congress  accepting the cession1 nor on
 any declarations of the legislatures of
  ,maryland and ,virginia1 nor on any   
act of theirs1 nor on any  declaration  
of the people of those states1 nor on   
the testimony of the  ,washingtons1     
,jeffersons1 ,madisons1 ,chases1        
,martins1 and ,jennifers1 of  those     
states and times4 ,the assertion rests  
on itself alone6 ,mr4 ,clay  guesses    
that ,maryland and ,virginia supposed   
that ,congress would by  no means use   
the power given them by the             
,constitution1 except in such  ways as  
would be well pleasing in the eyes of   
those states2 especially  as one of them

 was the ,ancient ,dominion6 ,and now   
after half a century1  this assumed     
expectation of ,maryland and ,virginia1 
the existence of  which is mere matter  
of conjecture with the #cf senators1 is 
conjured up  and duly installed upon the
 judgment-seat of final appeal1 before  
whose  nod constitutions are to flee    
away1 and with whom1 solemn grants of   
power and explicit guaranties are1 when 
weighed in the balance1  altogether     
lighter than vanity6    ,but survey it  
in another light4 ,why did ,maryland and
 ,virginia leave so  much to be         
implied88 ,why did they not in some way 
express what lay  so near their hearts8 
,had their vocabulary run so low that a 
single word  could not be eked out for  
the occasion8 ,or were those states so  
bashful  of a sudden that they dare not 
speak out and tell what they wanted8 ,or
  did they take it for granted that     
,congress would always know their       
wishes by intuition1 and always take    
them for law8 ,if1 as honorable         

senators tell us1 ,maryland and         
,virginia did verily travail with such  
abounding faith1 why brought they forth 
no works8    ,it is as true in          
legislation as in religion1 that the    
only evidence of  faith is works1 and   
that faith without works is dead1 i4e4  
has  no power4 ,but here1 forsooth1 a   
blind implication with nothing          
expressed1 an implied faith without     
works1 is omnipotent6 ,mr4 ,clay  is    
lawyer enough to know that ,maryland and
 ,virginia notions of  constitutional   
power1 abrogate no grant1 and that to   
plead them in a  court of law1 would be 
of small service1 except to jostle their
  ,honors' gravity6 ,he need not be told
 that the ,constitution gives  ,congress
 power to exercise exclusive legislation
 in all cases  whatsoever over such     
,district2 nor that ,maryland and       
,virginia  constructed their acts of    
cession with this clause before their   
eyes1  and declared those acts made in  
pursuance of it4 ,those states knew     

that the ,u4,s4 ,constitution had left  
nothing to be implied as to the  power  
of ,congress over the ,district2 an     
admonition quite sufficient1 one  would 
think1 to put them on their guard1 and  
lead them to eschew vague  implications1
 and to resort to stipulations4 ,they   
knew1 moreover1 that  those were times  
when1 in matters of high import1 nothing
 was left to  be implied4 ,the colonies 
were then panting from a twenty years'  
conflict with the mother country1 about 
bills of rights1 charters1  treaties1   
constitutions1 grants1 limitations1 and 
acts of cession4 ,the  severities of a  
long and terrible discipline had taught 
them to guard at  all points legislative
 grants1 that their exact import and    
limit might  be self-evident--leaving no
 scope for a blind faith that somehow in
  the lottery of chances1 every ticket  
would turn up a prize4 ,toil1           
suffering1 blood1 and treasure outpoured
 like water over a whole  generation1   
counselled them to make all sure by the 

use of explicit  terms1 and well chosen 
words1 and just enough of them4 ,the    
,constitution  of the ,united ,states1  
with its amendments1 those of the       
individual  states1 the national        
treaties1 and the public documents of   
the general  and state governments at   
that period1 show the universal         
conviction of  legislative bodies1 that 
nothing should be left to be implied1   
when  great public interests were at    
stake4    ,further3 suppose ,maryland   
and ,virginia had expressed their       
implied  faith in words1 and embodied it
 in their acts of cession as a  proviso1
 declaring that ,congress should not    
exercise exclusive  legislation in all  
cases whatsoever over the ,district1 but
 that the  case of slavery should be an 
exception3 who does not know that       
,congress1 if it had accepted the       
cession on those terms1 would have      
violated the ,constitution2 and who that
 has studied the free mood of  those    
times in its bearings on slavery--proofs

 of which are given in  scores on the   
preceding pages--,see pp4 #be-cg4 can be
 made to believe  that the people of the
 ,united ,states would have re-modelled 
their  ,constitution for the purpose of 
providing for slavery an inviolable     
sanctuary2 that when driven in from its 
outposts1 and everywhere  retreating    
discomfited before the march of freedom1
 it might be received  into everlasting 
habitations on the common homestead and 
hearth-stone of  the republic8 ,who can 
believe that ,virginia made such a      
condition1 or  cherished such a purpose1
 when ,washington1 ,jefferson1 ,wythe1  
,patrick  ,henry1 ,st4 ,george ,tucker1 
and all her most illustrious men1 were  
at that  moment advocating the abolition
 of slavery by law2 when ,washington had
  said1 two years before1 that ,maryland
 and ,virginia must have laws for  the  
gradual abolition of slavery1 and at a  
period not remote2 and when  ,jefferson 
in his letter to ,dr4 ,price1 three     
years before the cession1  had said1    

speaking of ,virginia1 ,this is the next
 state to which we may  turn our eyes   
for the interesting spectacle of justice
 in conflict with  avarice and          
oppression--a conflict in which ,,the   
,,sacred ,,side ,,is ,,gaining  ,,daily 
,,recruits2 when voluntary emancipations
 on the soil were then  progressing at  
the rate of between one and two thousand
 annually1 7,see  ,judge ,tucker's      
,dissertation on ,slavery1 p4 #gc27 when
 the public  sentiment of ,virginia had 
undergone1 so mighty a revolution that  
the  idea of the continuance of slavery 
as a permanent system could not be      
tolerated1 though she then contained    
about half the slaves in the ,union4    
,was this the time to stipulate for the 
perpetuity of slavery under the         
exclusive legislation of ,congress8 and 
that too when at the same  session every
 one of her delegation voted for the    
abolition of slavery  in the ,north     
,west ,territory2 a territory which she 
herself had ceded to  the ,union1 and   

surrendered along with it her           
jurisdiction over her  citizens1        
inhabitants of that territory1 who held 
slaves there--and  whose slaves were    
emancipated by that act of ,congress1 in
 which all her  delegation with one     
accord participated8    ,now in view of 
the universal belief then prevalent1    
that slavery in this  country was doomed
 to short life1 and especially that in  
,maryland and  ,virginia it would be    
speedily abolished--must we adopt the   
monstrous  conclusion that those states 
designed to bind ,congress never to     
terminate it8--that it was the intent of
 the ,ancient ,dominion thus to  bind   
the ,united ,states by an implied faith1
 and that when the  national government 
accepted the cession1 she did solemnly  
thus plight  her troth1 and that        
,virginia did then so understand it8    
,verily1  honorable senators must       
suppose themselves deputed to do our    
thinking  for us as well as our         
legislation1 or rather1 that they are   

themselves  absolved from such drudgery 
by virtue of their office6    ,another  
absurdity of this implied faith dogma   
is1 that where there was  no power to   
exact an express pledge1 there was none 
to demand an  implied one1 and where    
there was no power to give the one1     
there was  none to give the other4 ,we  
have shown already that ,congress could 
not  have accepted the cession with such
 a condition4 ,to have signed away a    
part of its constitutional grant of     
power would have been a breach of  the  
,constitution4 ,the ,congress which     
accepted the cession was competent  to  
pass a resolution pledging itself not to
 use all the power over the  ,district  
committed to it by the ,constitution4   
,but here its power ended4  ,its        
resolution could only bind itself4 ,it  
had no authority to bind a  subsequent  
,congress4 ,could the members of one    
,congress say to those of  another1     
because we do not choose to exercise all
 the authority vested  in us by the     

,constitution1 therefore you shall not8 
,this would1 have  been a prohibition to
 do what the ,constitution gives power  
to do4 ,each  successive ,congress would
 still have gone to ,,the ,,constitution
 for its  power1 brushing away in its   
course the cobwebs stretched across its 
path  by the officiousness of an        
impertinent predecessor4 ,again1 the    
legislatures of ,virginia and ,maryland1
 had no power to bind ,congress1  either
 by an express or an implied pledge1    
never to abolish slavery in  the        
,district4 ,those legislatures had no   
power to bind themselves never  to      
abolish slavery within their own        
territories--the ceded parts  included4 
,where then would they get power to bind
 another not to do  what they had no    
power to bind themselves not to do8 ,if 
a legislature  could not in this respect
 control the successive legislatures of 
its own  ,state1 could it control the   
successive ,congresses of the ,united   
,states8    ,but perhaps we shall be    

told1 that the implied faith of         
,maryland and  ,virginia was not that   
,congress should never abolish slavery  
in the  ,district1 but that it should   
not do it until they had done it within 
their bounds6 ,verily this faith comes  
little short of the faith of  miracles6 
,maryland and ,virginia have good faith 
that ,congress will not  abolish until  
they do2 and then just as good faith    
that ,congress  will abolish when they  
do6 ,excellently accommodated6 ,did     
those  states suppose that ,congress    
would legislate over the national       
domain1  for ,maryland and ,virginia    
alone8 ,and who1 did they suppose1 would
 be  judges in the matter8--themselves  
merely8 or the whole ,union8    ,this   
good faith implied in the cession is no 
longer of doubtful  interpretation4 ,the
 principle at the bottom of it1 when    
fairly stated1  is this3--,that the     
,government of the ,united ,states are  
bound in good  faith to do in the       
,district of ,columbia1 without         

demurring1 just what  and when1         
,maryland and ,virginia do within their 
own bounds4 ,in short1  that the general
 government is eased of all the burdens 
of legislation  within its exclusive    
jurisdiction1 save that of hiring a     
scrivener to  copy off the acts of the  
,maryland and ,virginia legislatures as 
fast as  they are passed1 and engross   
them1 under the title of ,laws of the   
,united ,states for the ,district of    
,columbia6 ,a slight additional expense 
would also be incurred in keeping up an 
express between the capitols of  those  
,states and ,washington city1 bringing  
,congress from time to time  its        
instructions from head quarters6        
,what a glorious ,union this doctrine of
 ,mr4 ,clay bequeaths to the  people of 
the ,united ,states6 ,we have been      
permitted to set up at our own  expense1
 and on our own territory1 two great    
sounding-boards called  ,senate ,chamber
 and ,representatives' ,hall1 for the   
purpose of sending  abroad by authority 

national echoes of state legislation6   
--permitted also to keep in our pay a   
corps of pliant national  musicians1    
with peremptory instructions to sound on
 any line of the  staff according as    
,virginia and ,maryland may give the    
sovereign  key note6    ,a careful      
analysis of ,mr4 ,clay's resolution and 
of the discussions upon  it1 will       
convince every fair mind that this is   
but the legitimate  carrying out of the 
principle pervading both4 ,they proceed 
virtually  upon the hypothesis that the 
will and pleasure of ,virginia and      
,maryland  are paramount to those of the
 ,union4 ,if the original design of     
setting  apart a federal district had   
been for the sole accommodation of the  
south1 there could hardly have been     
higher assumption or louder  vaunting4  
,the only object of having such a       
,district was in effect  totally        
perverted in the resolution of ,mr4     
,clay1 and in the discussions  of the   
entire southern delegation1 upon its    

passage4 ,instead of taking  the ground1
 that the benefit of the whole ,union   
was the sole object of  a federal       
district1 and that it was to be         
legislated over for this  end--the      
resolution proceeds upon an hypothesis  
totally the reverse4 ,it  takes a single
 point of state policy1 and exalts it   
above ,,national  interests1 utterly    
overshadowing them2 abrogating national 
rights2  making void a clause of the    
,constitution2 humbling the general     
government into a subject crouching for 
favors to a superior1 and that  too     
within its own exclusive jurisdiction4  
,all the attributes of  sovereignty     
vested in ,congress by the              
,constitution1 it impales upon the      
point of an alleged implication4 ,and   
this is ,mr4 ,clay's  peace-offering1 to
 the lust of power and the ravenings of 
state  encroachment6 ,a compromise1     
forsooth6 that sinks the general        
government on its own territory1 into a 
mere colony1 with ,virginia and         

,maryland for its mother country6 ,it is
 refreshing to turn from these  shallow1
 distorted constructions and servile    
cringings1 to the high  bearing of other
 southern men in other times2 men1 who  
as legislators  and lawyers1 scorned to 
accommodate their interpretations of    
constitutions and charters to           
geographical lines1 or to bend them to  
the  purposes of a political canvass4   
,in the celebrated case of ,cohens vs4  
the ,state of ,virginia1 ,hon4 ,william 
,pinkney1 late of ,baltimore1 and ,hon4 
,walter ,jones1 of ,washington city1    
with other eminent constitutional       
lawyers1 prepared an elaborate opinion1 
from which the following is an  extract3
 ,nor is there any danger to be         
apprehended from allowing to            
,congressional legislation with regard  
to the ,district of ,columbia1 its      
,,fullest ,,effect4 ,congress is        
responsible to the ,states1 and to the  
people  for that legislation4 ,it is in 
truth the legislation of the states over

  a district placed under their control 
,,for ,,their ,,own ,,benefit1 not for  
that of the ,district1 except as the    
prosperity of the ,district is          
involved1 and necessary to the general  
advantage4--,life of  ,pinkney1 p4 #fab4
    ,this profound legal opinion        
asserts1 #ast1 that ,congressional      
legislation  over the ,district1 is the 
legislation of the states and the       
people4 7not of two states1 and a mere  
fraction of the people27  #b;d4 ,over a 
,district placed under their control1   
i4e4 under the  control of all the      
,states1 not of two twenty-sixths of    
them4 #c;d4  ,that it was thus put under
 their control for ,,their ,,own        
benefit4  #dth4 ,it asserts that the    
design of this exclusive control of     
,congress  over the ,district was not   
for the benefit of the ,district1 except
 as  that is connected with1 and a means
 of promoting the general  advantage4   
,if this is the case with the ,district1
 which is directly  concerned1 it is    

pre-eminently so with ,maryland and     
,virginia1 which are  but indirectly    
interested4 ,the argument of ,mr4       
,madison in the ,congress  of '#hi1 an  
extract from which has been given on a  
preceding page1 lays  down the same     
principle2 that though any matter may be
 a local affair1  yet if it involves    
national ,,expense or ,,safety1 it      
becomes of concern  to every part of the
 union1 and is a proper subject for the 
consideration of those charged with the 
general administration of the           
government4--,cong4 ,reg4 vol4 #a4 p4   
#caj4    ,but these are only the        
initiatory absurdities of this good     
faith  implied4 ,mr4 ,clay's resolution 
aptly illustrates the principle1 that   
error not only conflicts with truth1 but
 is generally at issue with  itself3    
,for if it would be a violation of good 
faith to ,maryland and  ,virginia1 for  
,congress to abolish slavery in the     
,district1 it would be  equally a       
violation for ,congress to do it with   

the consent1 or even  at the unanimous  
petition of the people of the ,district3
 yet for years  it has been the southern
 doctrine1 that if the people of the    
,district  demand of ,congress relief in
 this respect1 it has power1 as their   
local  legislature1 to grant it1 and by 
abolishing slavery there1 carry out the 
will of the citizens4 ,but now new light
 has broken in6 ,the optics of ,mr4     
,clay have pierced the millstone with a 
deeper insight1 and discoveries  thicken
 faster than they can be telegraphed6   
,congress has no power1 ,o  no1 not a   
modicum6 to help the slaveholders of the
 ,district1 however  loudly they may    
clamor for it4 ,the southern doctrine1  
that ,congress is  to the ,district a   
mere local ,legislature to do its       
pleasure1 is tumbled  from the genitive 
into the vocative6 ,hard fate--and that 
too at the  hands of those who begat it6
 ,the reasonings of ,messrs4 ,pinckney  
and  ,wise1 are now found to be wholly  
at fault1 and the chanticleer rhetoric  

of ,messrs4 ,glascock and ,garland      
stalks featherless and crest-fallen4    
,for  the resolution sweeps by the board
 all those stereotyped common-places1   
such as ,congress a local ,legislature1 
consent of the ,district1  bound to     
consult the wishes of the ,district1    
with other catch phrases1  which for the
 last two sessions of ,congress have    
served to eke out  scanty supplies4 ,it 
declares1 that as slavery existed in    
,maryland and  ,virginia at the time of 
the cession1 and as it still continues  
in both  those states1 it could not be  
abolished in the ,district without a    
violation of that good faith1 c4    ,but
 let us see where this principle will   
lead us4 ,if implied faith to  ,maryland
 and ,virginia restrains ,congress from 
the abolition of slavery  in the        
,district1 because those states have not
 abolished their  slavery1 it requires  
,congress to do in the ,district what   
those states  have done within their own
 limits1 i4e41 restrain others from     

abolishing it4 ,upon the same principle 
,congress is bound to prohibit          
emancipation within the ,district4      
,there is no stopping place for this    
plighted faith4 ,congress must not only 
refrain from laying violent  hands on   
slavery1 and see to it that the         
slaveholders themselves do not1  but it 
is bound to keep the system up to the   
,maryland and ,virginia  standard of    
vigor6    ,again1 if the good faith of  
,congress to ,virginia and ,maryland    
requires  that slavery should exist in  
the ,district1 while it exists in those 
states1 it requires that it should exist
 there as it exists in those  states4   
,if to abolish every form of slavery in 
the ,district would  violate good faith1
 to abolish the form existing in those  
states1 and  to substitute a different  
one1 would also violate it4 ,the        
,congressional  good faith is to be kept
 not only with slavery1 but with the    
,maryland and ,virginia systems of      
slavery4 ,the faith of those states     

being not that ,congress would maintain 
a system1 but their system2  otherwise  
instead of sustaining1 ,congress would  
counteract their  policy--principles    
would be brought into action there      
conflicting with  their system1 and thus
 the true sprit of the implied pledge   
would be  violated4 ,on this principle1 
so long as slaves are chattels personal 
in ,virginia and ,maryland1 ,congress   
could not make them real estate in  the 
,district1 as they are in ,louisiana2   
nor could it permit slaves to  read1 nor
 to worship ,god according to           
conscience2 nor could it grant  them    
trial by jury1 nor legalize marriage2   
nor require the master to  give         
sufficient food and clothing2 nor       
prohibit the violent sundering of       
families--because such provisions would 
conflict with the existing  slave laws  
of ,virginia and ,maryland1 and thus    
violate the good faith  implied1 c4 ,so 
the principle of the resolution binds   
,congress in all  these particulars3    

#ast4 ,not to abolish slavery in the    
,district until  ,virginia and ,maryland
 abolish4 #b;d4 ,not to abolish any part
 of it that  exists in those states4    
#c;d4 ,not to abolish any form or       
appendage of  it still existing in those
 states4 #dth4 ,to abolish when they do4
 #eth4  ,to increase or abate its rigors
 when1 how1 and as the same are         
modified by those states4 ,in a word1   
,congressional action in the  ,district 
is to float passively in the wake of    
legislative action on the  subject in   
those states4    ,but here comes a      
dilemma4 ,suppose the legislation of    
those states should  steer different    
courses--then there would be two wakes6 
,can ,congress  float in both8 ,yea1    
verily6 ,nothing is too hard for it6    
,its  obsequiousness equals its power of
 legislation in all cases  whatsoever4  
,it can float up on the ,virginia tide1 
and ebb down on the  ,maryland4 ,what   
,maryland does1 ,congress will do in the
 ,maryland part4  ,what ,virginia does1 

,congress will do in the ,virginia part4
 ,though it  might not always be able to
 run at the bidding of both at once1    
especially in different directions1 yet 
if it obeyed orders cheerfully1  and    
kept in its place1 according to its good
 faith implied1  impossibilities might  
not be rigidly exacted4 ,true1 we have  
the highest  sanction for the maxim that
 no man can serve two masters--but if   
corporations have no souls1 analogy     
would absolve ,congress on that  score1 
or at most give it only a very small    
soul--not large enough to  be at all in 
the way1 as an exception to the         
universal rule laid down in  the maxim6 
,in following out the absurdities of    
this implied good faith1 it will  be    
seen at once that the doctrine of ,mr4  
,clay's ,resolution extends to  all the 
subjects of legislation existing in     
,maryland and ,virginia1  which exist   
also within the ,district4 ,every       
system1 institution1 law1  and          
established usage there1 is placed      

beyond ,congressional control  equally  
with slavery1 and by the same implied   
faith4 ,the abolition of  the lottery   
system in the ,district as an           
immorality1 was a flagrant  breach of   
this good faith to ,maryland and        
,virginia1 as the system  still         
continued in those states4 ,so to       
abolish imprisonment for debt1  or      
capital punishment1 to remodel the bank 
system1 the power of  corporations1 the 
militia law1 laws of limitation1 c41 in 
the ,district1  unless ,virginia and    
,maryland took the lead1 would violate  
the good  faith implied in the cession4 
,that in the acts of cession no such    
good faith was implied by  ,virginia and
 ,maryland as is claimed in the         
,resolution1 we argue from the  fact1   
that in #aghd ,virginia ceded to the    
,united ,states all her  north-west     
territory1 with the special proviso that
 her citizens  inhabiting that territory
 should have their possessions and      
titles  confirmed to them1 and be       

protected in the enjoyment of their     
rights  and liberties4 7,see ,journals  
of ,congress1 vol4 #i1 p4 #fc47 ,the    
cession  was made in the form of a deed1
 and signed by ,thomas ,jefferson1      
,samuel  ,hardy1 ,arthur ,lee1 and      
,james ,munroe4 ,many of these          
inhabitants held  slaves4 ,three years  
after the cession1 the ,virginia        
delegation in  ,congress proposed the   
passage of an ordinance which should    
abolish  slavery1 in that territory1 and
 declare that it should never thereafter
  exist there4 ,all the members of      
,congress from ,virginia and ,maryland  
voted for this ordinance4 ,suppose some 
member of ,congress had during the      
passage of the ordinance introduced the 
following resolution3 ,resolved1  that  
when the northwest territory was ceded  
by ,virginia to the ,united  ,states1   
domestic slavery existed in that ,state1
 including the ceded  territory1 and as 
it still continues in that ,state1 it   
could not be  abolished within the      

territory without a violation of that   
good faith1  which was implied in the   
cession and in the acceptance of the    
territory4 ,what would have been the    
indignant response of ,grayson1         
,griffin1 ,madison1 and the ,lees1 in   
the ,congress of '#hg1 to such a        
resolution1 and of ,carrington1         
,chairman of the ,committee1 who        
reported  the ratification of the       
ordinance in the ,congress of '#hi1 and 
of ,page  and ,parker1 who with every   
other member of the ,virginia delegation
  supported it8    ,but to enumerate all
 the absurdities into which those       
interested for  this resolution have    
plunged themselves1 would be to make a  
quarto  inventory4 ,we decline the task2
 and in conclusion merely add1 that ,mr4
  ,clay1 in presenting it1 and each of  
the thirty-six ,senators who voted  for 
it1 entered on the records of the       
,senate1 and proclaimed to the  world1 a
 most unworthy accusation against the   
millions of ,american  citizens who have

 during nearly half a century petitioned
 the national  legislature to abolish   
slavery in the ,district of             
,columbia1--charging  them either with  
the ignorance or the impiety of praying 
the nation to  violate its ,plighted    
,faith4 ,the resolution virtually       
indicts at the  bar of public opinion1  
and brands with odium1 all the early    
,manumission  ,societies1 the first     
petitioners for the abolition of slavery
 in the  ,district1 and for a long time 
the only ones1 petitioning from year to 
year through evil report and good       
report1 still petitioning1 by           
individual societies and in their       
national conventions4    ,but as if it  
were not enough to table the charge     
against such men as  ,benjamin ,rush1   
,william ,rawle1 ,john ,sergeant1       
,roberts ,vaux1 ,cadwallader  ,colden1  
and ,peter ,a4 ,jay1--to whom we may add
 ,rufus ,king1 ,james  ,hillhouse1      
,william ,pinkney1 ,thomas ,addis       
,emmett1 ,daniel ,d4 ,tompkins1 ,de     

,witt ,clinton1 ,james ,kent1 and       
,daniel ,webster1 besides eleven hundred
  citizens of the ,district itself1     
headed by their ,chief ,justice and     
,judges--even the sovereign ,states of  
,pennsylvania1 ,new-,york1              
,massachusetts1 ,vermont1 and           
,connecticut1 whose legislatures have   
either  memorialized ,congress to       
abolish slavery in the ,district1 or    
instructed  their ,senators to move such
 a measure1 must be gravely informed by 
,messrs4 ,clay1 ,norvell1 ,niles1       
,smith1 ,pierce1 ,benton1 ,black1       
,tipton1 and  other honorable ,senators1
 either that their perception is so     
dull1 they  know not whereof they       
affirm1 or that their moral sense is so 
blunted  they can demand without        
compunction a violation of the nation's 
faith6    ,we have spoken already of the
 concessions unwittingly made in this   
resolution to the true doctrine of      
,congressional power over the           
,district4 ,for that concession1        

important as it is2 we have small thanks
  to render4 ,that such a resolution1   
passed with such an intent1 and         
pressing at a thousand points on        
relations and interests vital to the    
free states1 should be hailed1 as it has
 been1 by a portion of the  northern    
press as a compromise originating in    
deference to northern  interests1 and to
 be received by us as a free-will       
offering of  disinterested benevolence1 
demanding our gratitude to the          
mover1--may  well cover us with shame4  
,we deserve the humiliation and have    
well  earned the mockery4 ,let it come6 
,if1 after having been set up at auction
 in the public sales-room of the        
nation1 and for thirty years1 and by    
each of a score of compromises1         
treacherously knocked off to the lowest 
bidder1 and that without money  and     
without price1 the ,north1 plundered and
 betrayed1 will not1 in  this her       
accepted time1 consider the things that 
belong to her peace  before they are    

hidden from her eyes1 then let her eat  
of the fruit of  her own way1 and be    
filled with her own devices6 ,let the   
shorn and  blinded giant grind in the   
prison-house of the ,philistines1 till  
taught  by weariness and pain the folly 
of entrusting to ,delilahs the secret   
and  the custody of his strength4       
,have the free ,states bound themselves 
by an oath never to profit by the       
lessons of experience8 ,if lost to      
reason1 are they dead to instinct  also8
 ,can nothing rouse them to cast about  
for self preservation8 ,and  shall a    
life of tame surrenders be terminated by
 suicidal sacrifice8    ,a ,,compromise6
 ,bitter irony6 ,is the plucked and     
hoodwinked ,north to be  wheedled by the
 sorcery of another ,missouri           
compromise8 ,a compromise in  which the 
,south gained all1 and the ,north lost  
all1 and lost it forever4  ,a compromise
 which embargoed the free laborer of the
 ,north and ,west1  and1 clutched at the
 staff he leaned upon1 to turn it into a

 bludgeon  and fell him with its stroke4
 ,a compromise which wrested from       
liberty  her boundless birthright       
domain1 stretching westward to the      
sunset1  while it gave to slavery loose 
reins and a free coarse1 from the       
,mississippi to the ,pacific4    ,the   
resolution1 as it finally passed1 is    
here inserted4    ,resolved1 ,that the  
interference by the citizens of any of  
the states1  with the view to the       
abolition of slavery in the ,district1  
is  endangering the rights and security 
of the people of the ,district2 and     
that any act or measure of ,congress    
designed to abolish slavery in the      
,district1 would be a violation of the  
faith implied in the cessions by  the   
states of ,virginia and ,maryland1 a    
just cause of alarm to the people  of   
the slaveholding states1 and have a     
direct and inevitable tendency to       
disturb and endanger the ,union4    ,the
 vote upon the resolution stood as      
follows3    ,yeas4--,messrs4 ,allen1    

,bayard1 ,benton1 ,black1 ,buchanan1    
,brown1 ,calhoun1  ,clay of ,alabama1   
,clay of ,kentucky1 ,clayton1           
,crittenden1 ,cuthbert1  ,fulton1       
,grundy1 ,hubbard1 ,king1 ,lumpkin1     
,lyon1 ,nicholas4 ,niles1 ,norvell1     
,pierce1 ,preston1 ,rives1 ,roane1      
,robinson1 ,sevier1 ,smith1 of          
,connecticut1  ,strange1 ,tallmadge1    
,tipton1 ,walker1 ,white1 ,williams1    
,wright1 ,young--#cf4                   
,nays4--,messrs4 ,,davis1 ,,knight1     
,mc,k,e,a,n1 ,,morris1 ,,prentiss1      
,,ruggles1  ,,smith1 of ,indiana1       
,,swift1 ,,webster--#i4           99    
99       99       99       99           
,,anti-,,slavery ,,examiner4 ,,no4 #f4  
,,narrative ,,of ,,james ,,williams1    
,,an ,,american ,,slave4    ,,one       
,,dollar ,,per #ajj #adc ,,nassau ,,st4 
,n4,y4           99       99       99   
99       99        ,,preface4           
,american ,slavery1 said the celebrated 
,john ,wesley1 is the vilest  beneath   
the sun6 ,of the truth of this emphatic 

remark1 no other proof  is required1    
than an examination of the statute books
 of the ,american  slave states4 ,tested
 by its own laws1 in all that           
facilitates and  protects the hateful   
process of converting a man into a      
chattel  personal2 in all that stamps   
the law-maker1 and law-upholder with    
meanness and hypocrisy1 it certainly has
 no present rival of its bad  eminence1 
and we may search in vain the history of
 a world's despotism  for a parallel4   
,the civil code of ,justinian never     
acknowledged1 with  that of our         
democratic despotisms1 the essential    
equality of man4 ,the  dreamer in the   
gardens of ,epicurus recognized neither 
in himself1 nor in  the slave who       
ministered to his luxury1 the           
immortality of the spiritual  nature4   
,neither ,solon nor ,lycurgus taught the
 inalienability of human  rights4 ,the  
,barons of the ,feudal ,system1 whose   
maxim was emphatically  that of         
,wordsworth's robber1       ,that he    

should take who had the power1     ,and 
he should keep who can4    while        
trampling on the necks of their vassals1
 and counting the life of  a man as of  
less value than that of a wild beast1   
never appealed to ,god  for the         
sincerity of their belief1 that all men 
were created equal4 ,it  was reserved   
for ,american slave-holders to present  
to the world the  hideous anomaly of a  
code of laws1 beginning with the        
emphatic  declaration of the inalienable
 rights of all men to life1 liberty1 and
  the pursuit of happiness1 and closing 
with a deliberate and systematic  denial
 of those rights1 in respect to a large 
portion of their  countrymen2 engrossing
 on the same parchment the antagonist   
laws of  liberty and tyranny4 ,the very 
nature of this unnatural combination has
  rendered it necessary that ,american  
slavery1 in law and in practice1  should
 exceed every other in severity and cool
 atrocity4 ,the masters of  ,greece and 
,rome permitted their slaves to read and

 write and worship the  gods of paganism
 in peace and security1 for there was   
nothing in the  laws1 literature1 or    
religion of the age to awaken in the    
soul of the  bondman a just sense of his
 rights as a man4 ,but the ,american    
slaveholder cannot be thus lenient4 ,in 
the excess of his benevolence1 as  a    
political propagandist1 he has kindled a
 fire for the oppressed of the  old     
world to gaze at with hope1 and for     
crowned heads and dynasties to  tremble 
at2 but a due regard to the safety of   
his peculiar  institution1 compels him  
to put out the eyes of his own people1  
lest  they too should see it4 ,calling  
on all the world to shake off the       
fetters of oppression1 and wade through 
the blood of tyrants to freedom1  he has
 been compelled to smother1 in darkness 
and silence1 the minds of  his own      
bondmen1 lest they too should hear and  
obey the summons1 by  putting the knife 
to his own throat4--,proclaiming the    
truths of ,divine  ,revelation1 and     

sending the ,scriptures to the four     
quarters of the  earth1 he has found it 
necessary to maintain heathenism at home
 by  special enactments2 and to make the
 second offence of teaching his  slaves 
the message of salvation punishable with
 death6    ,what marvel then that       
,american slavery even on the statute   
book  assumes the right to transform    
moral beings into brutes3,a that it     
legalizes man's usurpation of ,divine   
authority2 the substitution of the  will
 of the master1 for the moral government
 of ,god3 that it annihilates  the      
rights of conscience2 debars from the   
enjoyment of religious rights  and      
privileges by specific enactments2 and  
enjoins disobedience to the  ,divine    
lawgiver3 that it discourages purity and
 chastity1 encourages  crime1 legalizes 
concubinage2 and1 while it places the   
slave entirely in  the hands of his     
master1 provides no real protection for 
his life or  his person4    ,footnote   
,a3 ,the cardinal principle of slavery1 

that a slave is not to  be ranked among 
sentient beings1 but among things1 as an
 article of  property1 a chattel        
personal1 obtains as undoubted law1 in  
all the slave  states4 7,judge ,stroud's
 ,sketch of ,slave ,laws1 p4 #bb47      
,but it may be said1 that these laws    
afford no certain evidence of the       
actual condition of the slaves3 that1 in
 judging the system by its code1  no    
allowance is made for the humanity of   
individual masters4 ,it was a  just     
remark of the celebrated ,priestley1    
that no people ever were  found to be   
better than their laws1 though many have
 been known to be  worse4 ,all history  
and common experience confirm this4     
,besides1  admitting that the legal     
severity of a system may be softened in 
the  practice of the humane1 may it not 
also be aggravated by that of the       
avaricious and cruel8    ,but what are  
the testimony and admissions of         
slaveholders themselves on  this point8 
,in an ,essay published in ,charleston1 

,s4,c41 in #ahbb1 and  entitled ,a      
,refutation of the ,calumnies circulated
 against the ,southern  and ,western    
,states1 by the late ,edwin ,c4         
,holland1 ,esq41 it is stated1  that all
 slaveholders have laid down            
non-resistance1 and perfect and  uniform
 obedience to their orders as           
fundamental principles in the           
government of their slaves3 that this is
 a necessary result of the  relation1   
and unavoidable4 ,robert ,j4 ,turnbull1 
,esq41 of ,south  ,carolina1 in         
remarking upon the management of slaves1
 says1 ,the only  principle upon which  
may authority over them1 7the slaves17  
can be  maintained is fear1 and he who  
denies this has little knowledge of     
them4 ,to this may be added the         
testimony of ,judge ,ruffin1 of ,north  
,carolina1 as quoted in ,wheeler's ,law 
of ,slavery1 p4 #bag4 ,the slave1 to    
remain a slave1 must feel that there is 
no appeal from his master4 ,no  man can 
anticipate the provocations which the   

slave would give1 nor the  consequent   
wrath of the master1 prompting him to   
,,bloody ,,vengeance on the  turbulent  
traitor1 a vengeance generally practised
 with impunity by  reason of its        
privacy4    ,in an ,essay on the        
improvement of negroes on plantations1  
by ,rev4  ,thomas ,s4 ,clay1 a          
slaveholder of ,bryan county1 ,georgia1 
and ,printed at  the request of the     
,georgia ,presbytery1 in #ahcc1 we are  
told that the  present economy of the   
slave system is to get all you can from 
the  slave1 and give him in return as   
little as will barely support him in a  
working condition6 ,here1 in a few      
words1 the whole enormity of slavery  is
 exposed to view3 to get all you can    
from the slave--by means of  whips and  
forks and irons--by every device for    
torturing the body1  without destroying 
its capability of labor2 and in return  
give him as  little of his coarse fare  
as will keep him1 like a mere beast of  
burden1  in a working condition2 this is

 slavery1 as explained by the           
slaveholder himself4 ,mr4 ,clay further 
says3 ,offences against the  master are 
more severely punished than violations  
of the law of ,god1 a  fault which      
affects the slave's personal character a
 good deal4 ,as  examples we may notice1
 that running away is more severely     
punished  than adultery4 ,he 7the slave7
 only knows his master as lawgiver and  
executioner1 and the sole object of     
punishment held up to his view1 is  to  
make him a more obedient and profitable 
slave4    ,hon4 ,w4,b4 ,seabrook1 in an 
address before the ,agricultural        
,society of ,st4  ,john's1 ,colleton1   
published by order of the ,society1 at  
,charleston1 in  #ahcd1 after stating   
that as ,slavery exists in ,south       
,carolina1 the  action of the citizens  
should rigidly conform to that state of 
things3  and1 that no abstract opinions 
of the rights of man should be allowed  
in any instance to modify the police    
system of a plantation1 proceeds  as    

follows4 ,he 7the slave7 should be      
practically treated as a  slave2 and    
thoroughly taught the true cardinal     
principle on which our  peculiar        
institutions are founded1 viz42 that to 
his owner he is bound  by the law of    
,god and man2 and that no human         
authority can sever the  link which     
unites them4 ,the great aim of the      
slaveholder1 then1 should  be to keep   
his people in strict subordination4 ,in 
this1 it may in  truth be said1 lies his
 entire duty4 ,again1 in speaking of the
  punishments of slaves1 he remarks3 ,if
 to our army the disuse of ,,the  ,,lash
 has been prejudicial1 to the           
slaveholder it would operate to  deprive
 him of the ,,main ,,support of his     
authority4 ,for the first class of      
offences1 ,i consider imprisonment in   
,,the ,,stocks,a at night1 with or      
without hard labor by day1 as a powerful
 auxiliary in the cause of  good        
government4 ,experience has convinced me
 that there is no  punishment to which  

the slave looks with more horror1 than  
that upon  which ,i am commenting1 7the 
stocks17 and none which has been        
attended  with happier results4         
,footnote ,a3 ,of the nature of this    
punishment in the stocks1 something  may
 be learned by the following extract of 
a letter from a gentleman in            
,tallahassee1 ,florida1 to the editor of
 the ,ohio ,atlas1 dated ,june #i1      
#ahce3 ,a planter1 a professer of       
religion1 in conversing upon the        
universality of whipping1 remarked1 that
 a planter in ,g1 who had  whipped a    
great deal1 at length got tired of it1  
and invented the  following excellent   
method of punishment1 which ,i saw      
practised while  ,i was paying him a    
visit4 ,the negro was placed in a       
sitting position1  with his hands made  
fast above his head1 and his feet in the
 stocks1 so  that he could not move any 
part of the body4 ,the master retired1  
intending to leave him till morning1 but
 we were awakened in the night  by the  

groans of the negro1 which were so      
doleful that we feared he was  dying4   
,we went to him1 and found him covered  
with a cold sweat1 and  almost gone4 ,he
 could not have lived an hour longer4   
,mr4 ---- found the  'stocks' such an   
effective punishment1 that it almost    
superseded  the whip4    ,there is yet  
another class of testimony quite as     
pertinent as the  foregoing1 which may  
at any time be gleaned from the         
newspapers of the  slave states--the    
advertisements of masters for their     
runaway slaves1  and casual paragraphs  
coldly relating cruelties1 which would  
disgrace a  land of ,heathenism4 ,let   
the following suffice for a specimen3   
99       99       99       99       99  
,to the ,editors of the                 
,constitutionalist4    ,aiken1 ,s4,c41  
,dec4 #bj1 #ahcf4    ,i have just       
returned from an inquest ,i held over   
the dead body of a  negro man1 a        
runaway1 that was shot near the ,south  
,edisto1 in this  district1 7,barnwell17

 on ,saturday morning last4 ,he came to 
his death by  his own recklessness4 ,he 
refused to be taken alive2 and said that
 other  attempts to take him had been   
made1 and he was determined that he     
would  not be taken4 ,when taken he was 
nearly naked--had a large dirk or knife 
and a heavy club4 ,he was at first1     
7when those who were in pursuit of  him 
found it absolutely necessary17 shot at 
with small shot1 with the  intention of 
merely crippling him4 ,he was shot at   
several times1 and at  last he was so   
disabled as to be compelled to          
surrender4 ,he kept in the  run of a    
creek in a very dense swamp all the time
 that the neighbors  were in pursuit of 
him4 ,as soon as the negro was taken1   
the best medical  aid was procured1 but 
he died on the same evening4 ,one of the
 witnesses  at the inquisition stated   
that the negro boy said that he was from
  ,mississippi1 and belonged to so many 
persons he did not know who his  master 
was2 but again he said his master's name

 was ,brown4 ,he said his  own name was 
,sam2 and when asked by another witness 
who his master was1  he muttered        
something like ,augusta or ,augustine4  
,the boy was apparently  above #ce or   
#dj years of age--about six feet        
high--slightly yellow in the  face--very
 long beard or whiskers--and very stout 
built1 and a stern  countenance2 and    
appeared to have been run away a long   
time4    ,,william ,h4 ,,pritchard1     
,coroner1 7ex officio17 ,barnwell       
,dist41 ,s4,c4    ,the ,mississippi and 
other papers will please copy the       
above4--,georgia  ,constitutionalist4   
99       99       99       99       99  
#ajj ,,reward4--,ran away from the      
subscriber1 living on ,herring ,bay1    
,ann  ,arundel county1 ,md41 on         
,saturday1 #bhth ,january1 negro man    
,elijah1 who  calls himself ,elijah     
,cook1 is about #ba years of age1 well  
made1 of a  very dark complexion has an 
impediment in his speech1 and a scar on 
his  left cheek bone1 apparently        

occasioned by a shot4    ,j4            
,,scrivener4 ,annapolis 7,md47 ,rep41   
,feb41 #ahcg4           99       99     
99       99       99    #dj             
,,reward4--,ran away from my residence  
near ,mobile1 two negro men1  ,isaac and
 ,tim4 ,isaac is from #be to #cj years  
old1 dark complexion1 scar  on the right
 side of the head1 and also one on the  
right side of the  body1 occasioned by  
,,buck ,,shot4 ,tim is #bb years old1   
dark complexion1  scar on the right     
cheek1 as also another on the back of   
the neck4  ,captains and owners of      
steamboats1 vessels1 and water crafts of
 every  description1 are cautioned      
against taking them on board under the  
penalty of the law2 and all other       
persons against harboring or in any     
manner favoring the escape of said      
negroes under like penalty4    ,mobile1 
,sept4 #a4 ,,sarah ,,walsh4 ,montgomery 
7,ala47 ,advertiser1 ,sept4 #bi1  #ahcg4
           99       99       99       99
       99    #bjj ,,reward4--,ran away  

from the subscriber1 about three years  
ago1 a  certain negro man named ,ben1   
7commonly known by the name of ,ben     
,fox47 ,he  is about five feet five or  
six inches high1 chunky made1 yellow    
complexion1 and has but one eye4 ,also1 
one other negro1 by the name of         
,rigdon1 who ran away on the #hth of    
this month4 ,he is stout made1 tall1    
and very black1 with large lips4    ,i  
will give the reward of one hundred     
dollars for each of the above  negroes1 
to be delivered to me or confined in the
 jail of ,lenoir or  ,jones county1 or  
for the killing of them so that ,i can  
see them4  ,masters of vessels and all  
others are cautioned against harboring1 
employing1 or carrying them away1 under 
the penalty of the law4    ,w4,d4       
,,cobb4 ,lenoir county1 ,n4,c41 ,nov4   
#ab1 #ahcf4           99       99       
99       99       99    ,a negro who had
 absconded from his master1 and for who 
a reward was  offered of #ajj1 has been 
apprehended and committed to prison in  

,savannah1 ,georgia4 ,the ,editor who   
states the fact1 adds1 with as much     
coolness as though there was no         
barbarity in the matter1 that he did not
  surrender until he was considerably   
maimed by the dogs,a that had  been set 
on him1--desperately fighting them1 one 
of which he cut badly  with a sword4    
,new-,york ,commercial ,advertiser1     
,june1 #h1 #ahbg4    ,footnote ,a3 ,in  
regard to the use of bloodhounds1 for   
the recapture of  runaway slaves1 we    
insert the following from the ,new-,york
 ,evangelist1  being an extract of a    
letter from ,natchez 7,miss47 under date
 of ,january  #ca1 #ahce3 ,an instance  
was related to me in ,claiborne ,county1
 in  ,mississippi4 ,a runaway was heard 
about the house in the night4 ,the hound
  was put upon his track1 and in the    
morning was found watching the dead     
body of the negro4 ,the dogs are trained
 to this service when young4 ,a  negro  
is directed to go into the woods and    
secure himself upon a tree4  ,when      

sufficient time has elapsed for doing   
this1 the hound is put upon  his track4 
,the blacks are compelled to worry them 
until they make them  their implacable  
enemies3 and it is common to meet with  
dogs which will  take no notice of      
whites1 though entire strangers1 but    
will suffer no  blacks beside the house 
servants to enter the yard4           99
       99       99       99       99    
,from the foregoing evidence on the part
 of slaveholders themselves1 we  gather 
the following facts3    #a4 ,that       
perfect obedience is required of the    
slave--that he is made to  feel that    
there is no appeal from his master4     
#b4 ,that the authority of the master is
 only maintained by fear--a  reign of   
terror4    #c4 ,that the economy of     
slavery is to get all you can from the  
slave1  and give him in return as little
 as will barely support him in a working
  condition4    #d4 ,that runaway slaves
 may be shot down with impunity by any  
white  person4    #e4 ,that masters     

offer rewards for killing their slaves1 
so that  they may see them6    #f4 ,that
 slaves are branded with hot irons1 and 
very much scarred with  the whip4    #g4
 ,that iron collars1 with projecting    
prongs1 rendering it almost  impossible 
for the wearer to lie down1 are fastened
 upon the necks  of women4    #h4 ,that 
the ,,lash is the ,,main ,,support of   
the slaveholder's authority3  but1 that 
the stocks are a powerful auxiliary to  
his government4    #i4 ,that runaway    
slaves are chased with dogs--men hunted 
like beasts of  prey4    ,such is       
,american ,slavery in practice4    ,the 
testimony thus far adduced is only that 
of the slaveholder and  wrong-doer      
himself3 the admission of men who have a
 direct interest in  keeping out of     
sight the horrors of their system4 ,it  
is besides no  voluntary admission4     
,having framed iniquity by law1 it is   
out of their  power to hide it4 ,for the
 recovery of their runaway property1    
they are  compelled to advertise in the 

public journals1 and that it may be     
identified1 they are under the necessity
 of describing the marks of the  whip on
 the backs of women1 the iron collars   
about the neck--the  gun-shot wounds1   
and the traces of the branding-iron4    
,such testimony  must1 in the nature of 
things1 be partial and incomplete4 ,but 
for a full  revelation of the secrets of
 the prison-house1 we must look to the  
slave  himself4 ,the ,inquisitors of    
,goa and ,madrid never disclosed the    
peculiar  atrocities of their hall of   
horrors4 ,it was the escaping heretic1  
with  his swollen and disjointed limbs1 
and bearing about him the scars of  rack
 and fire1 who exposed them to the gaze 
and abhorrence of  ,christendom4    ,the
 following pages contain the simple and 
unvarnished story of an  ,,american     
,,slave1--of one1 whose situation1 in   
the first place1 as a  favorite servant 
in an aristocratic family in ,virginia2 
and afterwards  as the sole and         
confidential driver on a large          

plantation in ,alabama1  afforded him   
rare and peculiar advantages for        
accurate observation of  the practical  
workings of the system4 ,his            
intelligence1 evident candor1  and      
grateful remembrance of those           
kindnesses1 which in a land of          
,slavery1 made his cup of suffering less
 bitter2 the perfect accordance  of his 
statements1 7made at different times1   
and to different  individuals71,b one   
with another1 as well as those          
statements  themselves1 all afford      
strong confirmation of the truth and    
accuracy of  his story4 ,there seems to 
have been no effort1 on his part to make
 his  picture of ,slavery one of entire 
darkness--he details every thing of a   
mitigating character which fell under   
his observation2 and even the  cruel    
deception of his master has not rendered
 him unmindful of his  early kindness4  
,footnote ,b3 ,the reader is referred to
 ,,john ,g4 ,,whittier1 of              
,philadelphia1 or to the following      

gentlemen1 who have heard the whole1  or
 a part of his story1 from his own lips3
 ,emmor ,kimber1 of ,kimberton1  ,pa41  
,lindley ,coates1 of ,lancaster ,co41   
do42 ,james ,mott1 of ,philadelphia1    
,lewis ,tappan1 ,elizur ,wright ,jun41  
,rev4 ,dr4 ,follen1 and ,james ,g4      
,birney1  of ,new ,york4 ,the latter    
gentleman1 who was a few years ago1 a   
citizen of  ,alabama1 assures us that   
the statements made to him by ,james    
,williams1  were such as he had every   
reason to believe1 from his own         
knowledge of  slavery in that ,state4   
,the editor is fully aware that he has  
not been able to present this  affecting
 narrative in the simplicity and vivid  
freshness with which it  fell from the  
lips of the narrator4 ,he has1 however1 
as closely as  possible1 copied his     
manner1 and in many instances his       
precise language4  ,,the ,,slave ,,has  
,,spoken ,,for ,,himself4 ,acting merely
 as his amanuensis1 he  has carefully   
abstained from comments of his own4,a   

,footnote ,a3 ,as the narrator was      
unable to read or write1 it is quite    
possible that the orthography of some of
 the names of individuals  mentioned in 
his story may not be entirely correct4  
,for instance1 the  name of his master  
may have been either ,larrimer1 or      
,larrrimore4    ,the picture here       
presented to the people of the free     
states1 is1 in many  respects1 a novel  
one4 ,we all know something of ,virginia
 and ,kentucky  ,slavery4 ,we have heard
 of the internal slave trade--the pangs 
of  separation--the slave ship with its 
cargo of despair bound for the          
,new-,orleans market--the weary journey 
of the chained ,coffle to the  cotton   
country4 ,but here1 in a great measure1 
we have lost sight of the  victims of   
avarice and lust4 ,we have not studied  
the dreadful economy of  the cotton     
plantation1 and know but little of the  
secrets of its  unlimited despotism4    
,but in this narrative the scenes of the
 plantation rise before us1 with  a     

distinctness which approaches reality4  
,we hear the sound of the horn  at      
daybreak1 calling the sick and the weary
 to toil unrequited4 ,woman1  in her    
appealing delicacy and suffering1 about 
to become a mother1 is  fainting under  
the lash1 or sinking exhausted beside   
her cotton row4 ,we  hear the prayer for
 mercy answered with sneers and curses4 
,we look on  the instruments of torture1
 and the corpses of murdered men4 ,we   
see the  dogs1 reeking hot from the     
chase1 with their jaws foul with human  
blood4  ,we see the meek and aged       
,christian scarred with the lash1 and   
bowed down  with toil1 offering the     
supplication of a broken heart to his   
,father in  ,heaven1 for the forgiveness
 of his brutal enemy4 ,we hear1 and from
 our  inmost hearts repeat the affecting
 interrogatory of the aged slave1  ,how 
long1 ,oh ,lord6 how long6    ,the      
editor has written out the details of   
this painful narrative with  feelings of
 sorrow4 ,if there be any who feel a    

morbid satisfaction in  dwelling upon   
the history of outrage and cruelty1 he  
at least is not one  of them4 ,his taste
 and habits incline him rather to look  
to the pure and  beautiful in our       
nature--the sunniest side of            
humanity--its kindly  sympathies--its   
holy affections--its charities and its  
love4 ,but1 it is  because he has seen  
that all which is thus beautiful and    
excellent in  mind and heart1 perishes  
in the atmosphere of slavery3 it is     
because  humanity in the slave sinks    
down to a level with the brute and in   
the  master gives place to the          
attributes of a fiend--that he has not  
felt at  liberty to decline the task4   
,he cannot sympathize with that abstract
 and  delicate philanthropy1 which      
hesitates to bring itself in contact    
with  the sufferer1 and which shrinks   
from the effort of searching out the    
extent of his afflictions4 ,the emblem  
of ,practical ,philanthropy is the      
,samaritan stooping over the wounded    

,jew4 ,it must be no fastidious hand    
which administers the oil and the wine1 
and binds up the  unsightly gashes4     
,believing1 as he does1 that this       
narrative is one of truth2 that it      
presents an unexaggerated picture of    
,slavery as it exists on the cotton     
plantations of the ,south and ,west1 he 
would particularly invite to its        
perusal1 those individuals1 and         
especially those professing ,christians 
at the ,north1 who have ventured to     
claim for such a system1 the sanction   
and approval of the ,religion of ,jesus 
,christ4 ,in view of the facts here     
presented1 let these men seriously      
inquire of themselves1 whether in       
advancing such a claim1 they are not    
uttering a higher and more  audacious   
blasphemy than any which ever fell from 
the pens of ,voltaire  and ,paine4 ,as  
if to cover them with confusion1 and    
leave them utterly  without excuse for  
thus libelling the character of a just  
,god1 these  developments are making1   

and the veil rising1 which for long     
years of  sinful apathy has rested upon 
the abominations of ,american ,slavery4 
,light is breaking into it's dungeons1  
disclosing the wreck of buried          
intellect--of hearts broken--of human   
affections outraged--of souls  ruined4  
,the world will see it as ,god has      
always seen it2 and when ,he  shall at  
length make inquisition for blood1 and  
,his vengeance kindle  over the         
habitations of cruelty1 with a          
destruction more terrible than  that of 
,sodom and ,gomorrah1 ,his righteous    
dealing will be justified of  man1 and  
,his name glorified among the nations1  
and there will be a voice  of rejoicing 
in ,earth and in ,heaven4               
,,alleluia6--,,the ,,promise ,,is       
,,fulfilled6--,,for ,,the ,,sighing ,,of
 ,,the ,,poor ,,and ,,the ,,oppression  
,,of ,,the ,,needy1  ,,god ,,hath       
,,risen6    ,it is the earnest desire of
 the ,editor1 that this narrative may be
 the  means1 under ,god1 of awakening in

 the hearts of all who read it1 a       
sympathy for the oppressed which shall  
manifest itself in immediate1  active1  
self-sacrificing exertion for their     
deliverance2 and1 while it  excites     
abhorrence of his crimes1 call forth    
pity for the oppressor4 ,may  it have   
the effect to prevent the avowed and    
associated friends of the  slave1 from  
giving such an undue importance to their
 own trials and  grievances1 as to      
forget in a great measure the sorrows of
 the slave4  ,let its cry of wo1 coming 
up from the plantations of the ,south1  
suppress  every feeling of selfishness  
in our hearts4 ,let our regret and      
indignation at the denial of the right  
of petition1 be felt only because  we   
are thereby prevented from pleading in  
the ,halls of ,congress for the         
suffering and the dumb4 ,and let the    
fact1 that we are shut out from  half   
the territory of our country1 be        
lamented only because it prevents  us   
from bearing personally to the land of  

,slavery1 the messages of hope  for the 
slave1 and of rebuke and warning for the
 oppressor4    ,new-,york1 #bdth #ast   
mo41 #ahch4           99       99       
99       99       99        ,,narrative 
,i was born in ,powhatan ,county1       
,virginia1 on the plantation of ,george 
,larrimore4 ,sen41 at a place called    
,mount ,pleasant1 on the #afth of ,may  
#ahje4 ,may father was the slave of an  
orphan family whose name ,i have        
forgotten1 and was under the care of a  
,mr4 ,brooks1 guardian of the  family4  
,he was a native of ,africa1 and was    
brought over when a mere  child1 with   
his mother4 ,my mother was the slave of 
,george ,larrimore1  ,sen4 ,she was     
nearly white1 and is well known to have 
been the daughter  of ,mr4 ,larrimore   
himself4 ,she died when myself and my   
twin brother  ,meshech were five years  
of age--,i can scarcely remember her4   
,she had in  all eight children1 of whom
 only five are now living4 ,one1 a      
brother1  belongs to the heirs of the   

late ,mr4 ,brockenbrough of             
,charlottesville2  of whom he hires his 
time1 and pays annually #abj for it4 ,he
 is a member  of the ,baptist church1   
and used to preach occasionally4 ,his   
wife is a  free woman from              
,philadelphia1 and being able to read   
and write1 taught  her husband4 ,the    
whites do not know that he can write1   
and have often  wondered that he could  
preach so well without learning4 ,it is 
the  practice when a church is crowded1 
to turn the blacks out of their  seats4 
,my brother did not like this1 and on   
one occasion preached a  sermon from a  
text1 showing that all are of one blood4
 ,some of the  whites who heard it1 said
 that such preaching would raise an     
insurrection among the negroes4 ,two of 
them told him that if he would  prove   
his doctrine by ,scripture1 they would  
let him go1 but if he did  not1 he      
should have nine and thirty lashes4 ,he 
accordingly preached  another sermon and
 spoke with a great deal of boldness4   

,the two men who  were in favor of      
having him whipped1 left before the     
sermon was over2  those who remained1   
acknowledged that he had proved his     
doctrine1 and  preached a good sermon1  
and many of them came up and shook hands
 with  him4 ,the two opposers1 ,scott   
and ,brockley1 forbid my brother1 after 
this1 to come upon their estates4 ,they 
were both ,baptists1 and my  brother had
 before preached to their people4       
,during the cholera at  ,richmond1 my   
brother preached a sermon1 in which he  
compared the  pestilence to the plagues1
 which afflicted the ,egyptian          
slaveholders1  because they would not   
let the people go4 ,after the sermon    
some of the  whites threatened to whip  
him4 ,mr4 ,valentine1 a merchant on     
,shocko ,hill  prevented them2 and a    
young lawyer named ,brooks said it was  
wrong to  threaten a man for preaching  
the truth4 ,since the insurrection of   
,nat4  ,turner he has not been allowed  
to preach much4    ,my twin brother was 

for some time the property of ,mr4 ,john
 ,griggs1 of  ,richmond1 who sold him   
about three years since1 to an ,alabama 
,cotton  ,planter1 with whom he staid   
one year1 and then ran away and in all  
probability escaped into the free states
 or ,canada1 as he was seen near  the   
,maryland line4 ,my other brother lives 
in ,fredericksburg1 and belongs  to a   
,mr4 ,scott1 a merchant formerly of     
,richmond4 ,he was sold from ,mr4       
,larrimore's plantation because his wife
 was a slave of ,mr4 ,scott4 ,my  only  
sister is the slave of ,john ,smith1 of 
,king ,william4 ,her husband was  the   
slave of ,mr4 ,smith1 when the latter   
lived in ,powhatan county1 and  when he 
removed to ,king ,william1 she was taken
 with her husband4    ,my old master1   
,george ,larrimore1 married ,jane       
,roane1 the sister of a  gentleman named
 ,john ,roane1 one of the most          
distinguished men in  ,virginia1 who in 
turn married a sister of my master4 ,one
 of his sisters  married a ,judge       

,scott1 and another married ,mr4        
,brockenbrough of  ,charlottesville4    
,mr4 ,larrimore had three children2     
,george1 ,jane1 and  ,elizabeth4 ,the   
former was just ten days older than     
myself2 and ,i was his  playmate and    
constant associate in childhood4 ,i used
 to go with him to  his school1 and     
carry his books for him as far as the   
door1 and meet him  there when the      
school was dismissed4 ,we were very fond
 of each other1  and frequently slept   
together4 ,he taught me the letters of  
the alphabet1  and ,i should soon have  
acquired a knowledge of reading1 had not
 ,george's  mother discovered her son in
 the act of teaching me4 ,she took him  
aside  and severely reprimanded him4    
,when ,i asked him1 not long after1 to  
tell  me more of what he had learned at 
school1 he said that his mother had     
forbidden him to do so any more1 as her 
father had a slave1 who was  instructed 
in reading and writing1 and on that     
account proved very  troublesome4 ,he   

could1 they said1 imitate the           
hand-writing of the  neighboring        
planters1 and used to write passes and  
certificates of  freedom for the slaves1
 and finally wrote one for himself1 and 
went off  to ,philadelphia1 from whence 
her father received from him a saucy    
letter1 thanking him for his education4 
,the early years of my life went by     
pleasantly4 ,the bitterness of my lot   
,i had not yet realized4 ,comfortably   
clothed and fed1 kindly treated by  my  
old master and mistress and the young   
ladies1 and the playmate and  confidant 
of my young master1 ,i did not dream of 
the dark reality of  evil before me4    
,when he was fourteen years of age1     
master ,george went to his uncle        
,brockenbrough's at ,charlottesville1 as
 a student of the ,university4  ,after  
his return from ,college1 he went to    
,paris and other parts of  ,europe1 and 
spent three or four years in study and  
travelling4 ,in the  mean time ,i was a 
waiter in the house1 dining-room        

servant1 c4 ,my old  master visited and 
received visits from a great number of  
the principal  families in ,virginia4   
,each summer1 with his family1 he       
visited the  ,sulphur ,springs and the  
mountains4 ,while ,george was absent1 ,i
 went with  him to ,new-,orleans1 in the
 winter season1 on account of his       
failing  health4 ,we spent three days in
 ,charleston1 at ,mr4 ,mc,duffie's1 with
 whom  my master was on intimate terms4 
,mr4 ,mc,duffie spent several days on   
one  occasion at ,mt4 ,pleasant4 ,he    
took a fancy to me1 and offered my      
master  the servant whom he brought with
 him and #ejj beside1 for me4 ,my master
  considered it almost an insult1 and   
said after he was gone1 that ,mr4       
,mc,duffie needed money to say the      
least1 as much as he did4    ,he had a  
fine house in ,richmond1 and used to    
spend his winters there  with his       
family1 taking me with him4 ,he was not 
there much at other  times1 except when 
the ,convention of #ahbi for amending   

the ,state  ,constitution1 was held in  
that city4 ,he had a quarrel with ,mr4  
,neal of  ,richmond ,co41 in consequence
 of some remarks upon the subject of    
,slavery4 ,it came near terminating in a
 duel4 ,i recollect that during the     
sitting of the ,convention1 my master   
asked me before several other           
gentlemen1 if ,i wished to be free and  
go back to my own country4 ,i  looked at
 him with surprise1 and inquired what   
country8    ,africa1 to be sure1 said   
he1 laughing4    ,i told him that was   
not my country--that ,i was born in     
,virginia4    ,oh yes1 said he1 but your
 father was born in ,africa4 ,he then   
said  that there was a place on the     
,african coast called ,liberia where a  
great  many free blacks were going2 and 
asked me to tell him honestly1 whether  
,i would prefer to be set free on       
condition of going to ,africa1 or live  
with him and remain a slave4 ,i replied 
that ,i had rather be as ,i was4    ,i  
have frequently heard him speak against 

slavery to his visitors4 ,i  heard him  
say on one occasion1 when some gentlemen
 were arguing in favor  of sending the  
free colored people to ,africa1 that    
this was as really  the black man's     
country as the white's1 and that it     
would be as humane  to knock the free   
negroes1 at once1 on the head1 as to    
send them to  ,liberia4 ,he was a kind  
man to his slaves4 ,he was proud of     
them1 and of  the reputation he enjoyed 
of feeding and clothing them well4 ,they
 were  as near as ,i can judge about    
#cjj in number4 ,he never to my         
knowledge  sold a slave1 unless to go   
with a wife or husband1 and at the      
slave's  own request4 ,but all except   
the very wealthiest planters in his     
neighborhood sold them frequently4 ,john
 ,smoot of ,powhatan ,co4 has sold a    
great number4 ,bacon ,tait,a used to be 
one of the principal purchasers4  ,he   
had a jail at ,richmond where he kept   
them4 ,there were many others who  made 
a business of buying and selling slaves4

 ,i saw on one occasion  while          
travelling with my master1 a gang of    
nearly two hundred men  fastened with   
chains4 ,the women followed unchained   
and the children in  wagons4 ,it was a  
sorrowful sight4 ,some were praying1    
some crying1 and  they all had a look of
 extreme wretchedness4 ,it is an awful  
thing to a  ,virginia slave to be sold  
for the ,alabama and ,mississippi       
country4 ,i  have known some of them to 
die of grief1 and others to commit      
suicide1  on account of it4    ,footnote
 ,a3 ,bacon ,tait's advertisement of new
 and commodious  buildings for the      
keeping of negroes1 situated at the     
corner of #aeth  and ,carey streets1    
appears in the ,richmond ,whig of ,sept4
 #ahif4--;,,editor4    ,in my           
seventeenth year1 ,i was married to a   
girl named ,harriet1 belonging  to ,john
 ,gatewood1 a planter living about four 
miles from ,mr4 ,pleasant4  ,she was    
about a year younger than myself--was a 
tailoress1 and used to  cut out clothes 

for the hands4    ,we were married by a 
white clergyman named ,jones2 and were  
allowed to or  three weeks to ourselves1
 which we spent in visiting and other   
amusements4    ,the field hands are     
seldom married by a clergyman4 ,they    
simply invite  their friends together1  
and have a wedding party4    ,our two   
eldest children died in their infancy3  
two are now living4 ,the  youngest was  
only two months old when ,i saw him for 
the last time4 ,i  used to visit my wife
 on ,saturday and ,sunday evenings4     
,my young master came back from ,europe 
in delicate health4 ,he was advised  by 
his physicians to spend the winter in   
,new-,orleans1 whither he  accordingly  
went1 taking me with him4 ,here he      
became acquainted with a  ,french lady  
of one of the first families in the     
city4 ,the next winter he  also spent in
 ,new-,orleans1 and on his third visit1 
three years after his  return from      
,europe1 he was married to the lady     
above mentioned4 ,in ,may  he returned  

to ,mt4 ,pleasant1 and found the elder  
,larrimore on his sick  bed1 from which 
he never rose again4 ,he died on the    
#adth of ,july4 ,there  was a great and 
splendid funeral1 as his relatives and  
friends  were numerous4    ,his large   
property was left principally in the    
hands of his widow until  her decease1  
after which it was to be divided among  
the three children4  ,in ,february ,mrs4
 ,larrimore also died4 ,the             
administrators upon the estate  were    
,john ,green1 ,esq41 and ,benjamin      
,temple4 ,my young master came back     
from ,europe in delicate health4 ,he way
 advised by his physicians to  spend the
 winter in ,new-,orleans1 whither he    
accordingly went1 taking me  with him4  
,here he became acquainted with a       
,french lady of one of the  first       
families in the city4 ,the next winter  
he also spent in  ,new-,orleans1 and on 
his third visit1 three years after his  
return from  ,europe1 he was married to 
the lady above mentioned4 ,in ,may he   

returned  to ,mt4 ,pleasant1 and found  
the elder ,larrimore on his sick bed1   
from  which he never rose again4 ,he    
died on the #adth of ,july4 ,there was a
  great and splendid funeral1 as his    
relatives and friends were numerous4    
,his large property was left principally
 in the hands of his widow until  her   
decease1 after which it was to be       
divided among the three children4  ,in  
,february ,mrs4 ,larrimore also died4   
,the administrators upon the estate     
were ,john ,green1 ,esq41 and ,benjamin 
,temple4    ,my young mistresses1 ,jane 
and ,elizabeth1 were very kind to the   
servants4  ,they seemed to feel under   
obligations to afford them every comfort
 and  gratification1 consistent with the
 dreadful relation of ownership which   
they sustained towards them4 ,whipping  
was scarcely known on the estate2  and1 
whenever it did take place1 it was      
invariably against the wishes of  the   
young ladies4    ,but the wife of master
 ,george was of a disposition entirely  

the reverse4  ,feeble1 languid1 and     
inert1 sitting motionless for hours at  
her window1  or moving her small fingers
 over the strings of her guitar1 to some
 soft  and languishing air1 she would   
have seemed to a stranger incapable of  
rousing herself from that indolent      
repose1 in which mind as well as body   
participated4 ,but1 the slightest       
disregard of her commands--and          
sometimes even the neglect to anticipate
 her wishes1 on the part of the         
servants2 was sufficient to awake her4  
,the inanimate and delicate beauty  then
 changed into a stormy virago4 ,her     
black eyes flawed and sparkled  with a  
snaky fierceness1 her full lips         
compressed1 and her brows bent  and     
darkened4 ,her very voice1 soft and     
sweet when speaking to her  husband1 and
 exquisitely fine and melodious1 when   
accompanying her  guitar1 was at such   
times1 shrill1 keen1 and loud4 ,she     
would order the  servants of my young   
mistresses upon her errands1 and if they

 pleaded  their prior duty to obey the  
calls of another1 would demand that they
  should be forthwith whipped for their 
insolence4 ,if the young ladies         
remonstrated with her1 she met them with
 a perfect torrent of invective  and    
abuse4 ,in these paroxysms of fury she  
always spoke in ,french1 with a         
vehemence and volubility1 which strongly
 contrasted with the calmness  and      
firmness of the young ladies4 ,she would
 boast of what she had done  in         
,new-,orleans1 and of the excellent     
discipline of her father's slaves4  ,she
 said she had gone down in the night to 
the cell under her father's  house1 and 
whipped the slaves confined there with  
her own hands4 ,i had  heard the same   
thing from her father's servants at     
,new-,orleans1 when ,i  was there with  
my master4 ,she brought with her from   
,new-,orleans a girl  named ,frances4 ,i
 have seen her take her by the ear1 lead
 her up to the  side of the room1 and   
beat her head against it4 ,at other     

times she would  snatch off her slipper 
and strike the girl on her face and head
 with it4    ,she seldom manifested her 
evil temper before master ,george4 ,when
 she  did1 he was greatly troubled1 and 
he used to speak to his sisters about   
it4 ,her manner towards him was almost  
invariably that of extreme  fondness4   
,she was dark complexioned1 but very    
beautiful2 and the smile  of welcome    
with which she used to meet him was     
peculiarly fascinating4 ,i  did not     
marvel that he loved her2 while at the  
same time1 in common  with all the house
 servants1 ,i regarded her as a being   
possessed with an  evil spirit1--half   
woman1 and half fiend4    ,soon after   
the settlement of the estate1 ,i heard  
my master speak of  going out to        
,alabama4 ,his wife had #aejj acres of  
wild land in ,greene  ,county in that   
,state3 and he had been negociating for 
#ejj more4 ,early in  the summer of     
#ahcc1 he commenced making preparations 
for removing to  that place a sufficient

 number of hands to cultivate it4 ,he   
took great  pains to buy up the wives   
and husbands of those of his own slaves 
who  had married out of the estate1 in  
order1 as he said1 that his hands  might
 be contented in ,alabama1 and not need 
chaining together while on  their       
journey4 ,it is always found necessary  
by the regular  slave-traders1 in       
travelling with their slaves to the far 
,south1 to  handcuff and chain their    
wretched victims1 who have been bought  
up as  the interest of the trader1 and  
the luxury or necessities of the planter
  may chance to require1 without regard 
to the ties sundered or the  affections 
made desolate1 by these infernal        
bargains4 ,about the #ast of            
,september1 after the slaves destined   
for ,alabama had taken a final  farewell
 of their old home1 and of the friends  
they were leaving behind1  our party    
started on their long journey4 ,there   
were in all #bad slaves1  men1 women and
 children4 ,the men and women travelled 

on foot--the small  children in the     
wagons1 containing the baggage1 c4      
,previous to my  departure1 ,i visited  
my wife and children at ,mr4            
,gatewood's4 ,i took  leave of them with
 the belief that ,i should return with  
my master1 as  soon as he had seen his  
hands established on his new plantation4
 ,i took  my children in my arms and    
embraced them2 my wife1 who was a member
 of  the ,methodist church1 implored the
 blessing of ,god upon me1 during my    
absence1 and ,i turned away to follow my
 master4    ,our journey was a long and 
tedious one1 especially to those who    
were  compelled to walk the whole       
distance4 ,my master rode in a sulky1   
and ,i1  as his body servant1 on        
horseback3 ,when we crossed over the    
,roanoke1 and  were entering upon ,north
 ,carolina1 ,i remember with what       
sorrowful  countenances and language the
 poor slaves looked back for the last   
time  upon the land of their nativity4  
,it was their last farewell to ,old     

,virginia4 ,we passed through ,georgia1 
and crossing the ,chattahoochee1        
entered ,alabama4 ,our way for many days
 was through a sandy tract of  country1 
covered with pine woods1 with here and  
there the plantation of  an ,indian or a
 half-breed4 ,after crossing what is    
called ,line ,creek1 we  found large    
plantations along the road1 at intervals
 of four or five  miles4 ,the aspect of 
the whole country was wild and          
forbidding1 save to  the eye of a       
cotton-planter4 ,the clearings were all 
new1 and the houses  rudely constructed 
of logs4 ,the cotton fields1 were       
skirted with an  enormous growth of oak1
 pine1 and other wood4 ,charred stumps  
stood  thickly in the clearings1 with   
here and there a large tree girdled by  
the axe and left to decay4 ,we reached  
at last the place of our  destination4  
,it was a fine tract of land with a deep
 rich soil4 ,we  halted on a small      
knoll1 where the tents were pitched1 and
 the wagons  unladen4 ,i spent the night

 with my master at a neighboring        
plantation1  which was under the care of
 an overseer named ,flincher4    ,the   
next morning my master received a visit 
from a man named ,huckstep1  who had    
undertaken the management of his        
plantation as an overseer4 ,he  had been
 an overseer on cotton plantations many 
years in ,georgia and  ,north ,carolina4
 ,he was apparently about forty years of
 age1 with a  sunburnt and sallow       
countenance4 ,his thick shock of black  
hair was  marked in several places with 
streaks of white1 occasioned as he      
afterwards told me by blows received    
from slaves whom he was chastising4     
,after remaining in the vicinity for    
about a week1 my master took me  aside  
one morning--told me he was going to    
,selma in ,dallas ,county1 and  wished  
me to be in readiness on his return the 
next day1 to start for  ,virginia4 ,this
 was to me cheering news4 ,i spent that 
day and the next  among my old fellow   
servants who had lived with me in       

,virginia4 ,some of  them had messages  
to send by me to their friends and      
acquaintances4 ,in  the afternoon of the
 second day after my master's departure1
 ,i  distributed1 among them all the    
money which ,i had about me1 viz41      
fifteen dollars4 ,i noticed that the    
overseer ,huckstep laughed at this  and 
called me a fool3 and that whenever ,i  
spoke of going home with my  master1 his
 countenance indicated something between
 a smile and a sneer4    ,night came2   
but contrary to his promise1 my master  
did not come4 ,i still  however expected
 him the next day4 ,but another night   
came1 and he had  not returned4 ,i grew 
uneasy1 and inquired of ,huckstep where 
be thought  my master was4    ,on his   
way to ,old ,virginia1 said he1 with a  
malicious laugh4    ,but1 said ,i4      
,master ,george told me that he should  
come back and take  me with him to      
,virginia4    ,well1 boy1 said the      
overseer1 ,i'll now tell ye what master 
,george1 as  you call him1 told me4 ,you

 are to stay here and act as driver of  
the  field hands4 ,that was the order4  
,so you may as well submit to it  at    
once4    ,i stood silent and            
horror-struck4 ,could it be that the man
 whom ,i had  served faithfully from our
 mutual boyhood1 whose slightest wish   
had been  my law1 to serve whom ,i would
 have laid down my life1 while ,i had   
confidence in his integrity--could it be
 that he had so cruelly and  wickedly   
deceived me8 ,i looked at the overseer4 
,he stood laughing at me  in my agony4  
,master ,george gave you no such orders1
 ,i exclaimed1 maddened by the          
overseer's look and manner4    ,the     
overseer looked at me with a fiendish   
grin4 ,none of your  insolence1 said he1
 with a dreadful oath4 ,i never saw a   
,virginia  nigger that ,i couldn't      
manage1 proud as they are4 ,your master 
has left  you in my hands1 and you must 
obey my orders4 ,if you don't1 why ,i   
shall  have to make you 'hug the widow  
there1' pointing to a tree1 to which ,i 

afterwards found the slaves were tied   
when they were whipped4    ,that night  
was one of sleepless agony4             
,virginia--the hills and the  streams of
 my birth-place2 the kind and hospitable
 home2 the  gentle-hearted sisters1     
sweetening with their sympathy the      
sorrows of  the slave--my wife--my      
children--all that had thus far made up 
my  happiness1 rose in contrast with my 
present condition4 ,deeply as he has    
wronged me1 may my master himself never 
endure such a night of misery6    ,at   
daybreak1 ,huckstep told me to dress    
myself1 and attend to his  directions4  
,i rose1 subdued and wretched1 and at   
his orders handed the  horn to the      
headmen of the gang1 who summoned the   
hands to the field4  ,they were employed
 in clearing land for cultivation1      
cutting trees and  burning4 ,i was with 
them through the day1 and at night      
returned once  more to my lodgings to be
 laughed at by the overseer4 ,he told me
 that ,i  should do well1 he did not    

doubt1 by and by1 but that a ,virginia  
driver  generally had to be whipped a   
few times himself before he could be    
taught to do justice to the slaves under
 his charge4 ,they were not equal  to   
those raised in ,north ,carolina1 for   
keeping the lazy hell-hounds1 as  he    
called the slaves1 at work4    ,and this
 was my condition6--a driver set over   
more than one hundred and  sixty of my  
kindred and friends1 wish orders to     
apply the whip  unsparingly to every    
one1 whether man or woman1 who faltered 
in the  task1 or was careless in the    
execution of it1 myself subject at any  
moment to feel the accursed lash upon my
 own back1 if feelings of  humanity     
should perchance overcome the           
selfishness of misery1 and induce  me to
 spare and pity4    ,i lived in the same
 house with ,huckstep1--a large log     
house1 roughly  finished2 where we were 
waited upon by an old woman1 whom we    
used to  call aunt ,polly4 ,huckstep    
was1 ,i soon found1 inordinately fond of

 peach  brandy2 and once or twice in the
 course of a month he had a drunken     
debauch1 which usually lasted from two  
to four days4 ,he was then full of      
talk1 laughed immoderately at his own   
nonsense and would keep me up  until    
late at night listening to him4 ,he was 
at these periods terribly  severe to his
 hands1 and would order me to use up the
 cracker of my whip  every day upon the 
poor creatures1 who were toiling in the 
field1 and in  order to satisfy him1 ,i 
used to tear it off when returning home 
at  night4 ,he would then praise me for 
a good fellow1 and invite me to  drink  
with him4    ,he used to tell me at such
 times1 that if ,i would only drink as  
he did1  ,i should be worth a thousand  
dollars more for it4 ,he would sit hours
  with his peach brandy1 cursing and    
swearing1 laughing and telling  stories 
full of obscenity and blasphemy4 ,he    
would sometimes start up1  take my whip1
 and rush out to the slave quarters1    
flourish it about and  frighten the     

inmates and often cruelly beat them4 ,he
 would order the  women to pull up their
 clothes1 in ,alabama style1 as he      
called it1 and  then whip them for not  
complying4 ,he would then come back     
roaring and  shouting to the house1 and 
tell me what he had done2 if ,i did not 
laugh  with him1 he would get angry and 
demand what the matter was4 ,oh6 how    
often ,i have laughed1 at such times1   
when my heart ached within me2 and  how 
often1 when permitted to retire to my   
bed1 have ,i found relief  in tears6    
,he had no wife1 but kept a colored     
mistress in a house situated on a  gore 
of land between the plantation and that 
of ,mr4 ,goldsby4 ,he brought  her with 
him from ,north ,carolina1 and had three
 children by her4    ,sometimes in his  
fits of intoxication1 he would come     
riding into the  field1 swinging his    
whip1 and crying out to the hands to    
strip off their  shirts1 and be ready to
 take a whipping3 and this too when they
 were all  busily at work4 ,at another  

time1 he would gather the hands around  
him  and fall to cursing and swearing   
about the neighboring overseers4 ,they  
were1 he said1 cruel to their hands1    
whipped them unmercifully1 and in       
addition starved them4 ,as for himself1 
he was the kindest and best  fellow     
within forty miles2 and the hands ought 
to be thankful that they  had such a    
good man for their overseer4    ,he     
would frequently be very familiar with  
me1 and call me his child2 he  would    
tell me that our people were going to   
get ,texas1 a fine cotton  country1 and 
that he meant to go out there and have a
 plantation of his  own1 and ,i should  
go with him and be his overseer4    ,the
 houses in the negro quarters were      
constructed of logs1 and from  twelve to
 fifteen feet square2 they had no glass1
 but there were holes  to let in the    
light and air4 ,the furniture consisted 
of a table1 a few  stools1 and dishes   
made of wood1 and an iron pot1 and some 
other cooking  utensils4 ,the houses    

were placed about three or four rods    
apart1 with a  piece of ground attached 
to each of them for a garden1 where the 
occupant could raise a few vegetables4  
,the quarters were about three  hundred 
yards from the dwelling of the overseer4
    ,the hands were occupied in clearing
 land and burning brush1 and in         
constructing their houses1 through the  
winter4 ,in ,march we commenced         
ploughing3 and on the first of ,april   
began planting seed for cotton4 ,the    
hoeing season commenced about the last  
of ,may4 ,at the earliest dawn of  day1 
and frequently before that time1 the    
laborers were roused from  their sleep  
by the blowing of the horn4 ,it was     
blown by the headman of  the gang who   
led the rest in the work and acted under
 my direction1 as  my assistant4        
,previous to the blowing of the horn the
 hands generally rose and eat  what was 
called the morning's bit1 consisting of 
ham and bread4 ,if  exhaustion and      
fatigue prevented their rising before   

the dreaded sound  of the horn broke    
upon their slumbers1 they had no time to
 snatch a  mouthful1 but were harried   
out at once4    ,it was my business to  
give over to each of the hands his or   
her  appropriate implement of labor1    
from the toolhouse where they were      
deposited at night4 ,after all had been 
supplied1 they were taken to the  field1
 and set at work as soon as it was      
sufficiently light to  distinguish the  
plants from the grass and weeds4 ,i was 
employed in  passing from row to row1 in
 order to see that the work was well    
done1  and to urge forward the laborers4
 ,at #ab o'clock1 the horn was blown    
from  the overseer's house1 calling the 
hands to dinner1 each to his own  cabin4
 ,the intermission of labor was one hour
 and a half to hoers and  pickers1 and  
two hours to the ploughmen4 ,at the     
expiration of this  interval1 the horn  
again summoned them to thus labor4 ,they
 were kept in  the field until dark1    
when they were called home to supper4   

,there was little leisure for any of the
 hands on the plantation4 ,in the       
evenings1 after it was too dark for work
 in the field1 the men were  frequently 
employed in burning brush and in other  
labors until late at  night4 ,the women 
after toiling in the field by day1 were 
compelled to  card1 spin1 and weave     
cotton for their clothing1 in the       
evening4 ,even on  ,sundays there was   
little or no respite from toil4 ,those  
who had not been  able to work out all  
their tasks during the week were allowed
 by the  overseer to finish it on the   
,sabbath1 and thus save themselves from 
a  whipping on ,monday morning4 ,those  
whose tasks were finished frequently    
employed most of that day in cultivating
 their gardens4    ,many of the female  
hands were delicate young women1 who in 
,virginia had  never been accustomed to 
field labor4 ,they suffered greatly from
 the  extreme heat and the severity of  
the toil4 ,oh6 how often have ,i seen   
them dragging their weary limbs from the

 cotton field at nightfall1  faint and  
exhausted4 ,the overseer used to laugh  
at their sufferings4  ,they were1 he    
said1 ,virginia ladies1 and altogether  
too delicate for  ,alabama use3 but they
 must be made to do their tasks         
notwithstanding4  ,the recollection of  
these things even now is dreadful4 ,i   
used to tell  the poor creatures1 when  
compelled by the overseer to urge them  
forward  with the whip1 that ,i would   
much rather take their places1 and      
endure  the stripes than inflict them4  
,when but three months old1 the children
 born on the estate were given up  to   
the care of the old women who were not  
able to work out of doors4  ,their      
mothers were kept at work in the field4 
,it was the object of the overseer to   
separate me in feeling and interest  as 
widely as possible from my suffering    
brethren and sisters4 ,i had  relations 
among the field hands1 and used to call 
them my cousins4 ,he  forbid my doing   
so2 and told me if ,i acknowledged      

relationship with any  of the hands ,i  
should be flogged for it4 ,he used to   
speak of them as  devils and            
hell-hounds1 and ridicule them in every 
possible way2 and  endeavoured to make  
me speak of them and regard them in the 
same manner4  ,he would tell long       
stories about hunting and shooting      
runaway niggers1  and detail with great 
apparent satisfaction the cruel and     
horrid  punishments which he had        
inflicted4 ,one thing he said troubled  
him4 ,he  had once whipped a slave so   
severely that he died in consequence of 
it1  and it was soon after ascertained  
that he was wholly innocent of the      
offence charged against him4 ,that      
slave1 he said1 had haunted him  ever   
since4    ,soon after we commenced      
weeding our cotton1 some of the hands   
who were  threatened with a whipping for
 not finishing their tasks1 ran away4   
,the  overseer and myself went out after
 them1 taking with us five  bloodhounds1
 which were kept on the ,estate for the 

sole purpose of  catching runaways4     
,there were no other hounds in the      
vicinity1 and the  overseers of the     
neighboring plantations used to borrow  
them to hunt  their runaways4 ,a ,mr4   
,crop1 who lived about ten miles        
distant1 had two  packs1 and made it his
 sole business to catch slaves with     
them4 ,we used  to set the dogs upon the
 track of the fugitives1 and they would 
follow  them until1 to save themselves  
from being torn in pieces1 they would   
climb into a tree1 where the dogs kept  
them until we came up and  secured them4
    ,these hounds1 when young1 are      
taught to run after the negro boys2 and 
being always kept confined except when  
let out in pursuit of runaways1  they   
seldom fail of overtaking the fugitive1 
and seem to enjoy the sport  of hunting 
men as much as other dogs do that of    
chasing a fox or a deer4  ,my master    
gave a large sum for his five dogs1--a  
slut and her  four puppies4    ,while   
going over our cotton picking for the   

last time1 one of our hands  named      
,little ,john1 ran away4 ,the next      
evening the dogs were started on  his   
track4 ,we followed them awhile1 until  
we knew by their ceasing to  bark that  
they had found him4 ,we soon met the    
dogs returning4 ,their  jaws1 heads1 and
 feet1 were bloody4 ,the overseer looked
 at them and  said1 he was afraid the   
dogs had killed the nigger4 ,it being   
dark1 we  could not find him that night4
 ,early the next morning1 we started off
  with our neighbors1 ,sturtivant and   
,flincher2 and after searching about    
for some time1 we found the body of     
,little ,john lying in the midst of a   
thicket of cane4 ,it was nearly naked1  
and dreadfully mangled and gashed  by   
the teeth of the dogs4 ,they had        
evidently dragged it some yards  through
 the thicket3 blood1 tatters of clothes1
 and even the entrails of  the          
unfortunate man1 were clinging to the   
stubs of the old and broken  cane4      
,huckstep stooped over his saddle1      

looked at the body1 and muttered  an    
oath4 ,sturtivant swore it was no more  
than the fellow deserved4 ,we  dug a    
hole in the cane-brake1 where he lay1   
buried him1 and  returned home4    ,the 
murdered young man had a mother and two 
sisters on the plantation1  by whom he  
was dearly loved4 ,when ,i told the old 
woman of what had  befallen her son1 she
 only said that it was better for poor  
,john than to  live in slavery4    ,late
 in the fall of this year1 a young man1 
who had already run away  several times1
 was missing from his task4 ,it was four
 days before we  found him4 ,the dogs   
drove him at last up a tree1 where he   
was caught1  and brought home4 ,he was  
then fastened down to the ground by     
means of  forked sticks of wood selected
 for the purpose1 the longest fork being
  driven into the ground until the other
 closed down upon the neck1  ancles1 and
 wrists4 ,the overseer then sent for two
 large cats belonging  to the house4    
,these he placed upon the naked         

shoulders of his victim1  and dragged   
them suddenly by their tails downward4  
,at first they did not  scratch deeply4 
,he then ordered me to strike them with 
a small stick  after he had placed them 
once more upon the back of the sufferer4
 ,i did  so2 and the enraged animals    
extended their claws1 and tore his back 
deeply and cruelly as they were dragged 
along it4 ,he was then whipped  and     
placed in the stocks1 where he was kept 
for three days4 ,on the third  morning  
as ,i passed the stocks1 ,i stopped to  
look at him4 ,his head hung  down over  
the chain which supported his neck4 ,i  
spoke1 but he did not  answer4 ,he was  
dead in the stocks6 ,the overseer on    
seeing him seemed  surprised1 and1 ,i   
thought1 manifested some remorse4 ,four 
of the field  hands took him out of the 
stocks and buried him3 and every thing  
went  on as usual4    ,it is not in my  
power to give a narrative of the daily  
occurrences on  the plantation4 ,the    
history of one day was that of all4 ,the

 gloomy  monotony of our slavery1 was   
only broken by the overseer's periodical
  fits of drunkenness1 at which times   
neither life nor limb on the estate     
were secure from his caprice or         
violence4    ,in the spring of #ahce1   
the overseer brought me a letter from my
 wife1  written for her by her young    
mistress1 ,mr4 ,gateweed's daughter4 ,he
 read  it to me3 it stated that herself 
and children were well--spoke of her    
sad and heavy disappointment in         
consequence of my not returning with my 
master2 and of her having been told by  
him that ,i should come back the  next  
fall4    ,hope for a moment lightened my
 heart2 and ,i indulged the idea of once
  more returning to the bosom of my     
family4 ,but ,i recollected that my     
master had already cruelly deceived me2 
and despair again took hold  on me4     
,among our hands was one whom we used to
 call ,big ,harry4 ,he was a stout1     
athletic man--very intelligent1 and an  
excellent workman2 but he was of  a high

 and proud spirit1 which the weary and  
crushing weight of a life  of slavery   
had not been able to subdue4 ,on almost 
every plantation at  the ,south you may 
find one or more individuals1 whose look
 and air show  that they have preserved 
their self-respect as men2--that with   
them  the power of the tyrant ends with 
the coercion of the body--that the  soul
 is free1 and the inner man retaining   
the original uprightness of  the image  
of ,god4 ,you may know them by the stern
 sobriety of their  countenances1 and   
the contempt with which they regard the 
jests and  pastimes of their miserable  
and degraded companions1 who1 like      
,samson1  make sport for the keepers of 
their prison-house4 ,these men are      
always  feared as well as hated by their
 task-masters4 ,harry had never been    
whipped1 and had always said that he    
would die rather than submit to it4  ,he
 made no secret of his detestation of   
the overseer4 ,while most of the  slaves
 took off their hats1 with cowering     

submission1 in his presence1  ,harry    
always refused to do so4 ,he never spoke
 to him except in a brief  answer to his
 questions4 ,master ,george1 who knew1  
and dreaded the  indomitable spirit of  
the man1 told the overseer1 before he   
left the  plantation1 to beware how he  
attempted to punish him4 ,but1 the      
habits of  tyranny in which ,huckstep   
had so long indulged1 had accustomed him
 to  abject submission1 on the part of  
his subjects2 and he could not endure   
this upright and unbroken manliness4 ,he
 used frequently to curse and  swear    
about him1 and devise plans for         
punishing him on account of his         
impudence as he called it4    ,a pretext
 was at last afforded him4 ,sometime in 
,august of this year1  there was a large
 quantity of yellow unpicked cotton     
lying in the gin  house4 ,harry was     
employed at night in removing the cotton
 see1 which has  been thrown out by the 
gin4 ,the rest of the male hands were   
engaged  during the day in weeding the  

cotton for the last time1 and in the    
nigh1  in burning brush on the new lands
 clearing for the next year's crop4     
,harry was told one evening to go with  
the others and assist in burning  the   
brush4 ,he accordingly went and the next
 night a double quantity of  seed had   
accumulated in the gin house3 and       
although he worked until  nearly #b     
o'clock in the morning1 he could not    
remove it all4    ,the next morning the 
overseer came into the field1 and       
demanded of me  why ,i had not whipped  
,harry for not removing all the cotton  
seed4 ,he  then called aloud to ,harry  
to come forward and be whipped4 ,harry  
answered somewhat sternly that he would 
neither be struck by overseer  nor      
driver2 that he had worked nearly all   
night1 and had scarcely fallen  asleep  
when the horn blew to summon him to his 
toil in the field4 ,the  overseer raved 
and threatened1 but ,harry paid no      
farther attention to  him4 ,he then     
turned to me and asked me for my        

pistols1 with a pair of  which he had   
furnished me4 ,i told him they were not 
with me4 ,he growled  an oath1 threw    
himself on his horse and left us4 ,in   
the evening ,i found  him half drunk and
 raving like a madman4 ,he said he would
 no longer bear  with that nigger's     
insolence2 but would whip him if it cost
 him his  life4 ,he at length fixed upon
 a plan for seizing him2 and told me    
that  he would go out in the morning1   
ride along by the side of ,harry and    
talk  pleasantly to him1 and then1 while
 ,harry was attending to him1 ,i was to 
steal upon him and knock him down1 by a 
blow on the head1 from the  loaded and  
heavy handle of my whip4 ,i was         
compelled to promise to obey  his       
directions4    ,the next morning when we
 got to the field ,i told ,harry of the 
overseer's  plan1 and advised him by all
 means to be on his guard and watch my  
motions4 ,his eye glistened with        
gratitude4 ,thank you ,james1 said he1  
,i'll take care that you don't touch me4

    ,huckstep came into the field about 
#aj o'clock4 ,he rode along by the side 
of ,harry talking and laughing4 ,i was  
walking on the other side4 ,when ,i  saw
 that ,harry's eye was upon me ,i aimed 
a blow at him intending however  to miss
 him4 ,he evaded the blow and turned    
fiercely round with his hoe  uplifted1  
threatening to cut down any one who     
again attempted to strike  him4         
,huckstep cursed my awkwardness1 and    
told ,harry to put down his hoe  and    
came to him4 ,he refused to do so and   
swore he would kill the first  man who  
tried to lay hands on him4 ,the cowardly
 tyrant shrank away from  his enraged   
bondman1 and for two weeks ,harry was   
not again molested4    ,about the first 
of ,september1 the overseer had one of  
his drunken fits4  ,he made the house   
literally an earthly hell4 ,he urged me 
to drink1  quarrelled and swore at me   
for declining1 and chased the old woman 
round  the house1 with his bottle of    
peach brandy4 ,he then told me that     

,harry  had forgotten the attempt to    
seize him1 and that is the morning we   
must  try our old game over again4      
,on the following morning1 as ,i was    
handing to each of the hands their  hoes
 from the tool house1 ,i caught ,harry's
 eye4 ,look out1 said ,i to  him4       
,huckstep will be after you again to    
day4 ,he uttered a deep curse  against  
the overseer and passed on to his work4 
,after breakfast ,huckstep  came riding 
out to the cotton field4 ,he tied his   
horse to a tree1 and  came towards us4  
,his sallow and haggard countenance was 
flushed1 and his  step unsteady4 ,he    
came up by the side of ,harry and began 
talking about  the crops and the        
weather2 ,i came at the same time on the
 other side1  and in striking at him1   
beat off his hat4 ,he sprang aside and  
stepped  backwards4 ,huckstep with a    
dreadful oath commanded him to stop1    
saying  that he had determined to whip  
him1 and neither earth nor hell should  
prevent him4 ,harry defied him3 and said

 he had always done the work  allotted  
to him and that was enough3 he would    
sooner die than have the  accursed lash 
touch him4 ,the overseer staggered to   
his horse1 mounted  him and rode        
furiously to the house1 and soon made   
his appearance1  returning1 with his gun
 in his hand4    ,yonder comes the      
devil6 said one of the women whose row  
was near  ,harry's4    ,yes1 said       
another1 ,he's trying to scare ,harry   
with his gun4    ,let him try as he     
pleases1 said ,harry1 in his low1 deep1 
determined  tones1 ,he may shoot me1 but
 he can't whip me4    ,huckstep came    
swearing on3 when within a few yards of 
,harry he stopped1  looked at him with a
 stare of mingled rage and drunken      
imbecility2 and  bid him throw down his 
hoe and come forward4 ,the undaunted    
slave refused  to comply1 and continuing
 his work told the drunken demon to     
shoot if he  pleased4 ,huckstep advanced
 within a few steps of him when ,harry  
raised  his hoe and told him to stand   

back4 ,he stepped back a few paces1     
leveled  his gun and fired4 ,harry      
received the charge in his breast1 and  
fell  instantly across a cotton row4 ,he
 threw up his hands wildly1 and         
groaned1 ,oh1 ,lord6    ,the hands      
instantly dropped their hoes4 ,the women
 shrieked aloud4 ,for my  own part ,i   
stood silent with horror4 ,the cries of 
the women enraged the  overseer1 he     
dropped his gun1 and snatching the whip 
from my hand1 with  horrid oaths1 and   
imprecations fell to whipping them1     
laying about him  like a maniac4 ,upon  
,harry's sister he bestowed his blows   
without mercy1  commanding her to quit  
her screaming and go to work4 ,the poor 
girl1  whose brother had thus been      
murdered before her eyes1 could not     
wrestle  down the awful agony of her    
feelings1 and the brutal tormentor left 
her  without effecting his object4 ,he  
then1 without going to look of his      
victim1 told four of the hands to carry 
him to the house1 and taking up  his gun

 left the field4 ,when we got to the    
poor fellow1 he was alive1  and groaning
 faintly4 ,the hands took him up1 but   
before they reached the  house he was   
dead4 ,huckstep came out1 and looked at 
him1 and finding him  dead1 ordered the 
hands to bury him4 ,the burial of a     
slave in ,alabama is  that of a brute4  
,no coffin--no decent shroud--no prayer4
 ,a hole is dug1  and the body          
7sometimes enclosed in a rude box17 is  
thrown in without  further ceremony4    
,from this time the overseer was        
regarded by the whole gang with         
detestation and fear--as a being to     
whose rage and cruelty there were no    
limits4 ,yet he was constantly telling  
us that he was the kindest of           
overseers--that he was formerly somewhat
 severe in managing his hands1  but that
 now he was1 if any thing1 too          
indulgent4 ,indeed he had the           
reputation of being a good overseer1 and
 an excellent manager1 when  sober4 ,the
 slaves on some of the neighboring      

plantations were certainly  worse       
clothed and fed1 and more frequently and
 cruelly whipped than  ours4 ,whenever  
the saw them they complained of over    
working and short  feeding4 ,one of     
,flincher's1 and one of ,sturtivant's   
hands ran away1  while ,i was in        
,alabama3 and after remaining in the    
woods awhile1 and  despairing of being  
able to effect their escape1 resolved to
 put an end  to their existence and     
their slavery together4 ,each twisted   
himself a  vine of the muscadine grape1 
and fastened one end around the limb of 
an  oak1 and made a noose in the other4 
,jacob1 ,flincher's man1 swung himself  
off first1 and expired after a long     
struggle4 ,the other1 horrified by  the 
contortions and agony of his comrade1   
dropped his noose1 and was  retaken4    
,when discovered1 two or three days     
afterwards1 the body of  ,jacob was     
dreadfully torn and mangled1 by the     
buzzards1 those winged  hyenas and      
goules of the ,southwest4    ,among the 

slaves who were brought from ,virginia1 
were two young and  bright mulatto      
women1 who were always understood       
throughout the  plantation to have been 
the daughters of the elder ,larrimore1  
by one of  his slaves4 ,one was named   
,sarah and the other ,hannah4 ,sarah1   
being in a  state of pregnancy1 failed  
of executing her daily allotted task of 
hoeing cotton4 ,i was ordered to whip   
her1 and on my remonstrating with  the  
overseer1 and representing the condition
 of the woman1 ,i was told  that my     
business was to obey orders1 and that if
 ,i was told to whip a  dead nigger ,i  
must do it4 ,i accordingly gave her     
fifty lashes4 ,this was  on ,thursday   
evening4 ,on ,friday she also failed    
through weakness1 and was  compelled to 
lie down in the field4 ,that night the  
overseer himself  whipped her4 ,on      
,saturday the wretched woman dragged    
herself once more to  the cotton field4 
,in the burning sun1 and in a situation 
which would  have called forth pity in  

the bosom of any one save a             
cotton-growing  overseer1 she struggled 
to finish her task4 ,she failed--nature 
could do  no more--and sick and         
despairing1 she sought her cabin4 ,there
 the  overseer met her and inflicted    
fifty more lashes upon her already      
lacerated back4    ,the next morning was
 the ,sabbath4 ,it brought no joy to    
that suffering  woman4 ,instead of the  
tones of the church bell summoning to   
the house of  prayer1 she heard the     
dreadful sound of the lash falling upon 
the backs  of her brethren and sisters  
in bondage4 ,for the voice of prayer she
  heard curses4 ,for the songs of ,zion 
obscene and hateful blasphemies4 ,no    
bible was there with its consolations   
for the sick of heart4 ,faint and       
fevered1 scarred and smarting from the  
effects of her cruel punishment1  she   
lay upon her pallet of moss--dreading   
the coming of her relentless            
persecutor1--who1 in the madness of one 
of his periodical fits of  drunkenness1 

was now swearing and cursing through the
 quarters4    ,some of the poor woman's 
friends on the evening before1 had      
attempted to  relieve her of the task   
which had been assigned her1 but        
exhausted  nature1 and the selfishness  
induced by their own miserable          
situation1  did not permit them to      
finish it and the overseer1 on          
examination1 found  that the week's work
 of the woman1 was still deficient4     
,after breakfast1  he ordered her to be 
tied up to the limb of a tree1 by means 
of a rope  fastened round her wrists1 so
 as to leave her feet about six inches  
from  the ground4 ,she begged him to let
 her down for she was very sick4        
,very well6 he exclaimed with a sneer   
and a laugh1--,i shall bleed you  then1 
and take out some of your ,virginia     
blood4 ,you are too proud a miss  for   
,alabama4    ,he struck her a few blows4
 ,swinging thus by her arms1 she        
succeeded in  placing one of her feet   
against the body of the tree1 and thus  

partly  supported herself1 and relieved 
in some degree the painful weight upon  
her wrists4 ,he threw down his          
whip--took a rail from the garden fence1
  ordered her feet to be tied together1 
and thrust the rail between them4  ,he  
then ordered one of the hands to sit    
upon it4 ,her back at this time  was    
bare1 but the strings of the only       
garment which she wore passed over  her 
shoulders and prevented the full force  
of the whip from acting on  her flesh4  
,these he cut off with his pen-knife1   
and thus left her  entirely naked4 ,he  
struck her only two blows1 for the      
second one cut  open her side and       
abdomen with a frightful gash4 ,unable  
to look on any  longer in silence1 ,i   
entreated him to stop1 as ,i feared he  
had killed  her4 ,the overseer looked at
 the wound--dropped his whip1 and       
ordered her  to be untied4 ,she was     
carried into the house in a state of    
insensibility1 and died in three days   
after4    ,during the whole season of   

picking cotton1 the whip was frequently 
and  severely plied4 ,in his seasons of 
intoxication1 the overseer made no      
distinction between the stout man and   
the feeble and delicate woman--the  sick
 and the well4 ,women in a far advanced 
state of pregnancy were  driven out to  
the cotton field4 ,at other times he    
seemed to have some  consideration2 and 
to manifest something like humanity4    
,our hands did  not suffer for          
food--they had a good supply of ham and 
corn-meal1 while  on ,flincher's        
plantation the slaves had meat but once 
a year1 at  ,christmas4    ,near the    
commencement of the weeding season of   
#ahce1 ,i was ordered to  whip a young  
woman1 a light mustee1 for not          
performing her task4 ,i told  the       
overseer that she was sick4 ,he said he 
did not care for that1 she  should be   
made to work4 ,a day or two afterwards1 
,i found him in the  house half         
intoxicated4 ,he demanded of me why ,i  
had not whipped the  girl2 and ,i gave  

the same reason as before4 ,he flew into
 a dreadful  rage1 but his miserable    
situation made him an object of contempt
 rather  than fear4 ,he sat shaking his 
fist at me1 and swearing for nearly half
  an hour4 ,he said he would teach the  
,virginia lady to sham sickness2 and    
that the only reason ,i did not whip her
 was1 that she was a white woman1  and  
,i did not like to cut up her delicate  
skin4 ,some time after ,i was  ordered  
to give two of our women1 named ,hannah 
and big ,sarah1 #aej lashes  each1 for  
not performing their tasks4 ,the        
overseer stood by until he saw  ,hannah 
whipped1 and until ,sarah had been tied 
up to the tree4 ,as soon as  his back   
was turned ,i struck the tree instead of
 the woman1 who  understanding my       
object1 shrieked as if the whip at every
 blow was  cutting into her flesh4 ,the 
overseer heard the blows and the woman's
  cries1 and supposing that all was     
going on according to his mind1 left    
the field4 ,unfortunately the husband of

 ,hannah stood looking on2 and          
indignant that his wife should be       
whipped and ,sarah spared1 determined   
to revenge himself by informing against 
me4    ,next morning ,huckstep demanded 
of me whether ,i had whipped ,sarah the 
day  before2 ,i replied in the          
affirmative4 ,upon this he called ,sarah
 forward  and made her show her back1   
which bore no traces of recent whipping4
 ,he  then turned upon me and told me   
that the blows intended for ,sarah      
should  be laid on my back4 ,that night 
the overseer1 with the help of three of 
the hands1 tied me up to a large        
tree--my arms and legs being clasped    
round it1 and my body drawn up hard     
against it by two men pulling at my     
arms and one pushing against my back4   
,the agony occasioned by this alone  was
 almost intolerable4 ,i felt a sense of 
painful suffocation1 and could  scarcely
 catch my breath4    ,a moment after ,i 
felt the first blow of the overseer's   
whip across my  shoulders4 ,it seemed to

 cut into my very heart4 ,i felt the    
blood gush1  and run down my back4 ,i   
fainted at length under the torture1 and
 on  being taken down1 my shoes         
contained blood which ran from the      
gashes in  my back4 ,the skin was worn  
off from by breast1 arms1 and thighs1   
against  the rough bark of the tree4 ,i 
was sick and feverish1 and in great pain
  for three weeks afterwards2 most of   
which time ,i was obliged to lie with   
my face downwards1 in consequence of the
 extreme soreness of my sides  and back1
 ,huckstep himself seemed concerned     
about me1 and would come  frequently to 
see me1 and tell me that he should not  
have touched me had  it not been for the
 cursed peach brandy4    ,almost the    
first person that ,i was compelled to   
whip after ,i recovered1  was the man   
who pushed at my back when ,i was tied  
up to the tree4 ,the  hands who were    
looking on at that time1 all thought he 
pushed me much  harder than was         
necessary3 and they expected that ,i    

would retaliate upon  him the injury ,i 
had received4 ,after he was tied up1 the
 overseer told  me to give him a severe 
flogging1 and left me4 ,i struck the    
tree instead  of the man4 ,his wife1 who
 was looking on1 almost overwhelmed me  
with her  gratitude4    ,at length one  
morning1 late in the fall of #ahce1 ,i  
saw ,huckstep1 and a  gentleman ride out
 to the field4 ,as they approached1 ,i  
saw the latter  was my master4 ,the     
hands all ceased their labor1 and       
crowded around him1  inquiring about old
 ,virginia4 ,for my own part1 ,i could  
not hasten to  greet him4 ,he had too   
cruelly deceived me4 ,he at length came 
towards me1  and seemed somewhat        
embarrassed4 ,well ,james1 said he1 how 
do you  stand it here8 ,badly enough1 ,i
 replied4 ,i had no thought that you    
could be so cruel as to go away and     
leave me as you did4 ,well1 well1  it   
was too bad1 but it could not be        
helped--you must blame ,huckstep for    
it4 ,but1 said ,i1 ,i was not his       

servant2 ,i belonged to you1 and you    
could do as you pleased4 ,well1 said he1
 we will talk about that by  and by4 ,he
 then inquired of ,huckstep where big   
,sarah was4 ,she was sick  and died1 was
 the answer4 ,he looked round amoung the
 slaves again1 and  inquired for ,harry4
 ,the overseer told him that ,harry     
undertook to kill  him1 and that1 to    
save his life1 he was obliged to fire   
upon him1 and  that he died of the      
wound4 ,after some further inquiries1 he
 requested me  to go into the house with
 him4 ,he then asked me to tell him how 
things  had been managed during his     
absence4 ,i gave him a full account of  
the  overseer's cruelty4 ,when he heard 
of the manner of ,harry's death1 he     
seemed much affected and shed tears4 ,he
 was a favorite servant of his          
father's4 ,i showed him the deep scars  
on my back occasioned by the  whipping  
,i had received4 ,he was1 or professed  
to be1 highly indignant  with ,huckstep2
 and said he would see to it that he did

 not lay hands on  me again4 ,he told me
 he should be glad to take me with him  
to ,virginia1  but he did not know where
 he should find a driver who would be so
 kind  to the hands as ,i was4 ,if ,i   
would stay ten years1 he would give me a
  thousand dollars1 and a piece of land 
to plant on my own account4 ,but1  said 
,i1 my wife and children4 ,well1 said   
he1 ,i will do my best to  purchase     
them1 and send them on to you4 ,i now   
saw that my destiny was  fixed3 and that
 ,i was to spend my days in ,alabama1   
and ,i retired to my  bed that evening  
with a heavy heart4    ,my master staid 
only three or four days on the          
plantation4 ,before he  left1 he        
cautioned ,huckstep to be careful and   
not strike me again1 as he  would on no 
account permit it4 ,he told him to give 
the hands food  enough1 and not         
over-work them1 and1 having thus        
satisfied his  conscience1 left us to   
our fate4    ,out of the two hundred and
 fourteen slaves who were brought out   

from  ,virginia1 at least one-third of  
them were members of the ,methodist and 
,baptist churches in that ,state4 ,of   
this number five or six could read4     
,then had been torn away from the care  
and discipline of their respective      
churches1 and from the means of         
instruction1 but they retained their    
love for the exercises of religion2 and 
felt a mournful pleasure in  speaking of
 the privileges and spiritual blessings 
which they enjoyed in  ,old ,virginia4  
,three of them had been preachers1 or   
exhorters1 viz4  ,solomon1 usually      
called ,uncle ,solomon1 ,richard and    
,david4 ,uncle ,solomon  was a grave1   
elderly man1 mild and forgiving in his  
temper1 and greatly  esteemed among the 
more serious portion of our hands4 ,he  
used to snatch  every occasion to talk  
to the lewd and vicious about the       
concerns of  their souls1 and to advise 
them to fix their minds upon the        
,savior1 as  their only helper4 ,some ,i
 have heard curse and swear in answer1  

and  others would say that they could   
not keep their minds upon ,god and the  
devil 7meaning ,huckstep7 at the same   
time3 that it was of no use to try  to  
be religious--they had no time--that the
 overseer wouldn't let them  meet to    
pray--and that even ,uncle ,solomon1    
when he prayed1 had to keep  one eye    
open all the time1 to see if ,huckstep  
was coming4 ,uncle ,solomon  could both 
read and write1 and had brought out with
 him from ,virginia a  ,bible1 a        
hymn-book1 and some other religious     
books1 which he carefully  concealed    
from the overseer1 ,huckstep was himself
 an open infidel as  well as blasphemer4
 ,he used to tell the hands that there  
was no hell  hereafter for white people1
 but that they had their punishment on  
earth  in being obliged to take care of 
the negroes4 ,as for the blacks1 he was 
sure there was a hell for them4 ,he used
 frequently to sit with his  bottle by  
his side1 and a ,bible in his hand2 and 
read passages and  comment on them1 and 

pronounce them lies4 ,any thing like    
religious  feeling among the slaves     
irritated him4 ,he said that so much    
praying and  singing prevented the      
people from doing their tasks1 as it    
kept them up  nights1 when they should  
be asleep4 ,he used to mock1 and in     
every  possible way interrupt the poor  
slaves1 who after the toil of the day1  
knelt in their lowly cabins to offer    
their prayers and supplications to  ,him
 whose ear is open to the sorrowful     
sighing of the prisoner1 and who  hath  
promised in ,his own time to come down  
and deliver4 ,in his drunken  seasons he
 would make excursions at night through 
the slave-quarters1  enter the cabins1  
and frighten the inmates1 especially if 
engaged in  prayer or singing4 ,on one  
of these occasions he came back rubbing 
his  hands and laughing4 ,he said he had
 found ,uncle ,solomon in his garden1   
down on his knees1 praying like an old  
owl1 and had tipped him over1 and       
frightened him half out of his wits4 ,at

 another time he found ,uncle  ,david   
sitting on his stool with his face      
thrust up the chimney1 in order  that   
his voice might not be heard by his     
brutal persecutor4 ,he was  praying1    
giving utterance to these words1        
probably in reference to his            
bondage3--,how long1 oh1 ,lord1 how     
long8 ,as long as my whip6 cried  the   
overseer1 who had stolen behind him1    
giving him a blow4 ,it was the  sport of
 a demon4    ,not long after my master  
had left us1 the overseer ascertained   
for the  first time that some of the    
hands could read1 and that they had     
brought  books with them from ,virginia4
 ,he compelled them to give up the keys 
of  their chests1 and on searching found
 several ,bibles and hymn-books4  ,uncle
 ,solomon's chest contained quite a     
library1 which he could read at  night  
by the light of knots of the pitchpine4 
,these books he collected  together1 and
 in the evening called ,uncle ,solomon  
into the house4 ,after  jeering him for 

some time1 he gave him one of the       
,bibles and told him to  name his text  
and preach him a sermon4 ,the old man   
was silent4 ,he then  made him get up on
 the table1 and ordered him to pray4    
,uncle ,solomon  meekly replied1 that   
forced prayer was not good for soul or  
body4 ,the  overseer then knelt down    
himself1 and in a blasphemous manner1   
prayed  that the ,lord would send his   
spirit into ,uncle ,solomon2 or else let
 the  old man fall from the table and   
break his neck1 and so have an end of   
nigger preaching4 ,on getting up from   
his knees he went to the  cupboard1     
poured out a glass of brandy for        
himself1 and brought another  to the    
table4 ,james1 said he1 addressing me1  
,uncle ,solomon stands  there1 for all  
the world1 like a ,hickory ,quaker4 ,his
 spirit don't move4  ,i'll see if       
another spirit wont move it4 ,he        
compelled the old preacher  to swallow  
the brandy2 and then told him to preach 
and exhort1 for the  spirit was in him4 

,he set one of the ,bibles on fire1 and 
after it was  consumed1 mixed up the    
ashes of it in a glass of water1 and    
compelled  the old man to drink it1     
telling him that as the spirit and the  
word  were now both in him1 there was no
 longer any excuse for not preaching4   
,after tormenting the wearied old man in
 this way until nearly midnight  he     
permitted him to go to his quarters4    
,the next day ,i saw ,uncle ,solomon1   
and talked with him about his           
treatment4 ,he said it would not always 
be so--that slavery was to come  to an  
end1 for the ,bible said so--that there 
would then be no more  whippings and    
fightings1 but the lion the lamb would  
lie down together1  and all would be    
love4 ,he said he prayed for            
,huckstep--that it was not  he but the  
devil in him who behaved so4 ,at his    
request1 ,i found means to  get him a   
,bible and a hymn-book from the         
overseer's room2 and the old  man ever  
afterwards kept them concealed in the   

hen-house4    ,the weeding season of    
#ahcf1 was marked by repeated acts of   
cruelty on  the part of ,huckstep4 ,one 
of the hands1 ,priscilla1 was1 owing to 
her  delicate situation1 unable to      
perform her daily task4 ,he ordered her 
to  be tied up against a tree1 in the   
same manner that ,i had been4 ,in this  
situation she was whipped until she was 
delivered of a dead infant1 at  the foot
 of the tree6 ,our men took her upon a  
sheet1 and carried her to  the house1   
where she lay sick for several months1  
but finally recovered4  ,i have heard   
him repeatedly laugh at the             
circumstance4    ,not long after this1  
we were surprised1 one morning about ten
 o'clock1  by hearing the horn blown at 
the house4 ,presently ,aunt ,polly came 
screaming into the field4 ,what is the  
matter1 ,aunty8 ,i inquired4 ,oh  ,lor6 
said she1 ,old ,huckstep's pitched off  
his horse and broke his  head1 and is   
e'en about dead4    ,thank ,god6 said   
little ,simon1 ,the devil will have him 

at last4    ,god-a-mighty be praised6   
exclaimed half a dozen others4    ,the  
hands1 with one accord dropped their    
hoes2 and crowded round the old  woman1 
asking questions4 ,is he dead8--,will he
 die8 ,did you feel of  him--was he     
cold8    ,aunt ,polly explained as well 
as she could1 that ,huckstep1 in a state
 of  partial intoxication1 had attempted
 to leap his horse over a fence1 had    
fallen and cut a deep gash in his head1 
and that he was now lying  insensible4  
,it is impossible to describe the effect
 produced by this news among the  hands4
 ,men1 women and children shouted1      
clapped their hands1 and laughed  aloud4
 ,some cursed the overseer1 and others  
thanked the ,lord for taking  him away4 
,little ,simon got down on his knees1   
and called loudly upon ,god  to finish  
his work1 and never let the overseer    
again enter a cotton  field4 ,let him   
die1 ,lord1 said he1 let him4 ,he's     
killed enough of us3  ,oh1 good ,lord1  
let him die and not live4    ,peace1    

peace6 it is a bad spirit1 said ,uncle  
,solomon1 ,god himself  willeth not the 
death of a sinner4    ,i followed the   
old woman to the house2 and found       
,huckstep at the foot of  one of those  
trees1 so common at the ,south1 called  
the ,pride of ,china4  ,his face was    
black1 and there was a frightful        
contusion on the side of  his head4 ,he 
was carried into the house1 where1 on my
 bleeding him1 he  revived4 ,he lay in  
great pain for several days1 and it was 
nearly three  weeks before he was able  
to come out to the cotton fields4    ,on
 returning to the field after ,huckstep 
had revived1 ,i found the hands  sadly  
disappointed to hear that he was still  
living4 ,some of them fell  to cursing  
and swearing1 and were enraged with me  
for trying to save his  life4 ,little   
,simon said ,i was a fool2 if he had    
bled him he would have  done it to some 
purpose4 ,he would at least1 have so    
disable his arm that  he would never    
again try to swing a whip4 ,uncle       

,solomon remonstrated  with ,simon1 and 
told that ,i had done right4    ,the    
neighbouring overseers used frequently  
to visit ,huckstep1 and he1 in  turn1   
visited them4 ,i was sometimes present  
during their interviews1 and  heard them
 tell each other stories of             
horse-racing1 negro-huntings1 c4  ,some 
time during this season1 ,ludlow1 who   
was overseer of a plantation  about     
eight miles from ours1 told of a slave  
of his named ,thornton1 who  had twice  
attempted to escape with his wife and   
one child4 ,the first  time he was      
caught without much difficulty1 chained 
to the overseer's  horse1 and in that   
way brought back4 ,the poor man1 to save
 his wife from  a beating1 laid all the 
blame upon himself2 and said that his   
wife had  no wish to escape1 and tried  
to prevent him from attempting it4 ,he  
was  severely whipped2 but soon ran away
 again1 and was again arrested4 ,the    
overseer1 ,ludlow1 said he was          
determined to put a stop to the runaway1

  and accordingly had resort to a       
somewhat unusual method of punishment4  
,there is a great scarcity of good water
 in that section of ,alabama2 and  you  
will generally see a large cistern      
attached to the corners of the  houses  
to catch water for washing c4           
,underneath this cistern is  frequently 
a tank from eight to ten feet deep1 into
 which1 when the  former is full the    
water is permitted to run4 ,from this   
tank the water  is pumped out for use4  
,into one of these tanks the unfortunate
 slave was  placed1 and confined by one 
of his ancles to the bottom of it2 and  
the  water was suffered to flow in from 
above4 ,he was compelled to pump out    
the water as fast as it came in1 by     
means of a long rod or handle  connected
 with the pump above ground4 ,he was not
 allowed to begin until  the water had  
risen to his middle4 ,any pause or delay
 after this1 from  weakness and         
exhaustion1 would have been fatal1 as   
the water would have  risen above his   

head4 ,in this horrible dungeon1 toiling
 for his life1 he  was kept for         
twenty-four hours without any           
sustenance4 ,even ,huckstep  said that  
this was too bad--that he had himself   
formerly punished  runaways in that     
way--but should not do it again4    ,i  
rejoice to be able to say that this     
sufferer has at last escaped with  his  
wife and child1 into a free state4 ,he  
was assisted by some white  men1 but ,i 
do not know all the particulars of his  
escape4    ,our overseer had not been   
long able to ride about the plantation  
after  his accident1 before his life was
 again endangered4 ,he found two of the 
hands1 ,little ,jarret and ,simon1      
fighting with each other1 and attempted 
to chastise both of them4 ,jarret bore  
it patiently1 but ,simon turned  upon   
him1 seized a stake or pin from a cart  
near by1 and felled him to  the ground4 
,the overseer got up--went to the house1
 and told aunt ,polly  that he had      
nearly been killed by the 'niggers1' and

 requested her to  tie up his head1 from
 which the blood was streaming4 ,as soon
 as this was  done1 he took down his    
gun1 and went out in pursuit of ,simon1 
who had  fled to his cabin1 to get some 
things which he supposed necessary      
previous to attempting his escape from  
the plantation4 ,he was just  stepping  
out of the door when he met the enraged 
overseer with his gun  in his hand4 ,not
 a word was spoken by either4 ,huckstep 
raised his gun  and fired4 ,the man fell
 without a groan across the door-sill4  
,he rose up  twice on his hands and     
knees1 but died in a few minutes4 ,he   
was dragged  off and buried4 ,the       
overseer told me that there was no other
 way to deal  with such a fellow4 ,it   
was ,alabama law1 if a slave resisted to
 shoot him  at once4 ,he told me of a   
case which occurred in #ahcd1 on a      
plantation  about ten miles distant1 and
 adjoining that where ,crop1 the negro  
hunter1 boarded with his hounds4 ,the   
overseer had bought some slaves at      

,selma1 from a drove or coffle passing  
through the place4 ,they proved  very   
refractory4 ,he whipped three of them1  
and undertook to whip a  fourth who was 
from ,maryland4 ,the man raised his hoe 
in a threatening  manner1 and the       
overseer fired upon him4 ,the slave     
fell1 but instantly  rose up on his     
hands and knees1 and was beaten down    
again by the stock  of the overseer's   
gun4 ,the wounded wretch raised himself 
once more1 drew  a knife from the       
waistband of his pantaloons1 and        
catching hold of the  overseer's coat1  
raised himself high enough to inflict a 
fatal wound  upon the latter4 ,both fell
 together1 and died immediately after4  
,nothing more of special importance     
occurred until ,july1 of last year1     
when one of our men named ,john1 was    
whipped three times for not  performing 
his task4 ,on the last day of the month1
 after his third  whipping1 he ran away4
 ,on the following morning1 ,i found    
that he was  missing at his row4 ,the   

overseer said we must hunt him up2 and  
he blew  the nigger horn1 as it is      
called1 for the dogs4 ,this horn was    
only  used when we went out in pursuit  
of fugitives4 ,it is a cow's horn1 and  
makes a short1 loud sound4 ,we crossed  
,flincher's and ,goldsby's  plantations1
 as the dogs had got upon ,john's track1
 and went of barking  in that direction1
 and the two overseers joined us in the 
chase4 ,the  dogs soon caught sight of  
the runaway1 and compelled him to climb 
a  tree4 ,we came up2 ,huckstep ordered 
him down1 and secured him upon my  horse
 by tying him to my back4 ,on reaching  
home he was stripped entirely  naked and
 lashed up to a tree4 ,flincher then    
volunteered to whip him on  one side of 
his legs1 and ,goldsby on the other4 ,i 
had1 in the meantime1  been ordered to  
prepare a wash of salt and pepper1 and  
wash his wounds  with it4 ,the poor     
fellow groaned1 and his flesh shrunk and
 quivered as  the burning solution was  
applied to it4 ,this wash1 while it adds

 to the  immediate torment of the       
sufferer1 facilitates the cure of the   
wounded  parts4 ,huckstep then whipped  
him from his neck down to his thighs1   
making the cuts lengthwise of his back4 
,he was very expert with the  whip1 and 
could strike1 at any time1 within an    
inch of his mark4 ,he then  gave the    
whip to me and told me to strike        
directly across his back4 ,when  ,i had 
finished1 the miserable sufferer1 from  
his neck to his heel1 was  covered with 
blood and bruises4 ,goldsby and         
,flincher now turned to  ,huckstep1 and 
told him1 that ,i deserved a whipping as
 much as ,john did3  that they had known
 me frequently disobey his orders1 and  
that ,i was  partial to the ,virginia   
ladies1 and didn't whip them as ,i did  
the men4  ,they said if ,i was a driver 
of theirs they would know what to do    
with  me4 ,huckstep agreed with them2   
and after directing me to go to the     
house  and prepare more of the wash for 
,john's back1 he called after me with an

  oath1 to see to it that ,i had some   
for myself1 for he meant to give me1  at
 least1 two hundred and fifty lashes4 ,i
 returned to the house1 and  scarcely   
conscious of what ,i was doing1 filled  
an iron vessel with  water1 put in the  
salt and pepper2 and placed it over the 
embers4    ,as ,i stood by the fire     
watching the boiling of the mixture1 and
  reflecting upon the dreadful torture  
to which ,i was about to he  subjected1 
the thought of escape flashed upon my   
mind4 ,the chance was  a desperate one2 
but ,i resolved to attempt it4 ,i ran up
 stairs1 tied my  shirt in a            
handkerchief1 and stepped out of the    
back door of the house1  telling ,aunt  
,polly to take care of the wash at the  
fire until ,i  returned4 ,the sun was   
about one hour high1 but luckily for me 
the hands  as well as the three         
overseers1 were on the other side of the
 house4 ,i  kept the house between them 
and myself1 and ran as fast as ,i could 
for  the woods4 ,on reaching them ,i    

found myself obliged to proceed slowly  
as  there was a thick undergrowth of    
cane and reeds4 ,night came on4 ,i      
straggled forward by a dim star-light1  
amidst vines and reed beds4 ,about      
midnight the horizon began to be        
overcast2 and the darkness increased    
until in the thick forest1 ,i could     
scarcely see a yard before me4  ,fearing
 that ,i might lose my way and wander   
towards the plantation1  instead of from
 it1 ,i resolved to wait until day4 ,i  
laid down upon a  little hillock1 and   
fell asleep4    ,when ,i awoke it was   
broad day4 ,the clouds had vanished1 and
 the hot  sunshine fell through the     
trees upon my face4 ,i started up1      
realizing my  situation1 and darted     
onward4 ,my object was to reach the     
great road by  which we had travelled   
when we came out from ,virginia4 ,i had1
 however1  very little hope of escape4  
,i knew that a hot pursuit would be made
  after me1 and what ,i most dreaded    
was1 that the overseer would procure    

,crop's bloodhounds to follow my track4 
,if only the hounds of our  plantation  
were sent after me1 ,i had hopes of     
being able to make friends  of them1 as 
they were always good-natured and       
obedient to me4 ,i  travelled until1 as 
near as ,i could judge1 about ten       
o'clock1 when a  distant sound startled 
me4 ,i stopped and listened4 ,it was the
 deep bay  of the bloodhound1 apparently
 at a great distance4 ,i hurried on     
until ,i  came to a creek about fifteen 
yards wide1 skirted by an almost        
impenetrable growth of reeds and cane4  
,plunging into it1 ,i swam across  and  
ran down by the side of it a short      
distance1 and1 in order to baffle  the  
dogs1 swam back to the other side again4
 ,i stopped in the reed-bed  and        
listened4 ,the dogs seemed close at     
hand1 and by the loud barking ,i  felt  
persuaded that ,crop's hounds were with 
them4 ,i thought of the fate  of ,little
 ,john1 who had been torn in pieces by  
the hounds1 and of the  scarcely less   

dreadful condition of those who had     
escaped the dogs only  to fall into the 
hands of the overseer4 ,the yell of the 
dogs grew  louder4 ,escape seemed       
impossible4 ,i ran down to the creek    
with a  determination to drown myself4  
,i plunged into the water and went down 
to  the bottom2 but the dreadful        
strangling sensation compelled me to    
struggle up to the surface4 ,again ,i   
heard the yell of the bloodhounds2  and 
again desperately plunged down into the 
water4 ,as ,i went down ,i  opened my   
mouth1 and1 choked and gasping1 ,i found
 myself once more  struggling upward4   
,as ,i rose to the top of the water and 
caught a  glimpse of the sunshine and   
the trees1 the love of life revived in  
me4 ,i  swam to the other side of the   
creek1 and forced my way through the    
reeds  to a large tree1 and stood under 
one of its lowest limbs1 ready in case  
of necessity1 to spring up into it4     
,here panting and exhausted1 ,i stood   
waiting for the dogs4 ,the woods seemed 

full of them4 ,i heard a bell  tinkle1  
and1 a moment after1 our old hound      
,venus came bounding through  the cane1 
dripping wet from the creek4 ,as the old
 hound came towards me1  ,i called to   
her as ,i used to do when out hunting   
with her4 ,she stopped  suddenly1 looked
 up at me1 and then came wagging her    
tail and fawning  around me4 ,a moment  
after the other dog came up hot in the  
chase1 and  with their noses to the     
ground4 ,i called to them1 but they did 
not look  up1 but came yelling on4 ,i   
was just about to spring into the tree  
to  avoid them when ,venus the old hound
 met them1 and stopped them4 ,they  then
 all came fawning and playing and       
jumping about me4 ,the very  creatures  
whom a moment before ,i had feared would
 tear me limb from  limb1 were now      
leaping and licking my hands1 and       
rolling on the leaves  around me4 ,i    
listened awhile in the fear of hearing  
the voices of men  following the dogs1  
but there was no sound in the forest    

save the  gurgling of the sluggish      
waters of the creek1 and the chirp of   
black  squirrels in the trees4 ,i took  
courage and started onward once more1   
taking the dogs with me4 ,the bell on   
the neck of the old dog1 ,i feared      
might betray me1 and1 unable to get it  
off her neck1 ,i twisted some of  the   
long moss of the trees around it1 so as 
to prevent its ringing4 ,at  night ,i   
halted once more with the dogs by my    
side4 ,harassed with fear1  and         
tormented with hunger1 ,i laid down and 
tried to sleep4 ,but the dogs  were     
uneasy1 and would start up and bark at  
the cries or the footsteps  of wild     
animals1 and ,i was obliged1 to use my  
utmost exertions to keep  them quiet1   
fearing that their barking would draw my
 pursuers upon me4 ,i  slept but little2
 and as soon as daylight1 started       
forward again4 ,the  next day towards   
evening1 ,i reached a great road which1 
,i rejoiced to  find1 was the same which
 my master and myself had travelled on  

our way  to ,greene county4 ,i now      
thought it best to get rid of the dogs1 
and  accordingly started them in pursuit
 of a deer4 ,they went off1 yelling on  
the track1 and ,i never saw them again4 
,i remembered that my master told  me1  
near this place1 that we were in the    
,creek country1 and that there  were    
some ,indian settlements not far        
distant4 ,in the course of the  evening 
,i crossed the road1 and striking into a
 path through the woods1  soon came to a
 number of ,indian cabins4 ,i went into 
one of them and  begged for some food4  
,the ,indian women received me with a   
great deal of  kindness1 and gave me a  
good supper of venison1 corn bread1 and 
stewed  pumpkin4 ,i remained with them  
till the evening of the next day1 when  
,i  started afresh on my journey4 ,i    
kept on the road leading to ,georgia4   
,in  the latter part of the night ,i    
entered into a long low bottom1 heavily 
timbered--sometimes called ,wolf        
,valley4 ,it was a dreary and frightful 

place4 ,as ,i walked on1 ,i heard on all
 sides the howling of the wolves1  and  
the quick patter of their feet on the   
leaves and sticks1 as they ran  through 
the woods4 ,at daylight ,i laid down1   
but had scarcely closed my  eyes when ,i
 was roused up by the wolves snarling   
and howling around me4  ,i started on my
 feet1 and saw several of them running  
by me4 ,i did not  again close my eyes  
during the whole day4 ,in the afternoon1
 a bear with  her two cubs came to a    
large chestnut tree near where ,i lay4  
,she crept  up the tree1 went out on one
 of the limbs1 and broke off several    
twigs  in trying to shake down the nuts4
 ,they were not ripe enough to fall1    
and1 after several vain attempts to     
procure some of them1 she crawled  down 
the tree again and went off with her    
young4    ,the day was long and tedious4
 ,as soon as it was dark1 ,i once more  
resumed my journey4 ,but fatigue and the
 want of food and sleep rendered  me    
almost incapable of further effort4 ,it 

was not long before ,i fell  asleep1    
while walking1 and wandered out of the  
road4 ,i was awakened by a  bunch of    
moss which hung down from the limb of a 
tree and met my face4 ,i  looked up and 
saw1 as ,i thought1 a large man standing
 just before me4 ,my  first idea was    
that some one had struck me over the    
face1 and that ,i had  been at last     
overtaken by ,huckstep4 ,rubbing my eyes
 once more1 ,i saw the  figure before me
 sink down upon its hands and knees4    
,another glance  assured me that it was 
a bear and not a man4 ,he passed across 
the road  and disappeared4 ,this        
adventure kept me awake for the         
remainder of the  night4 ,towards       
morning ,i passed by a plantation1 on   
which was a fine  growth of peach trees1
 full of ripe fruit4 ,i took as many of 
them as ,i  could conveniently carry in 
my hands and pockets1 and retiring a    
little  distance into the woods1 laid   
down and slept till evening1 when ,i    
again  went forward4    ,sleeping thus  

by day and travelling by night1 in a    
direction towards the  ,north ,star1 ,i 
entered ,georgia4 ,as ,i only travelled 
in the night time1 ,i  was unable to    
recognize rivers and places which ,i had
 seen before until  ,i reached          
,columbus1 where ,i recollected ,i had  
been with my master4 ,from  this place  
,i took the road leading to ,washington1
 and passed directly  through that      
village4 ,on leaving the village1 ,i    
found myself contrary to  my            
expectation1 in an open country with no 
woods in view4 ,i walked on  until day  
broke in the east4 ,at a considerable   
distance ahead1 ,i saw a  group of      
trees1 and hurried on towards it4 ,large
 and beautiful  plantations were on each
 side of me1 from which ,i could hear   
dogs bark1  and the driver's horn       
sounding4 ,on reaching the trees1 ,i    
found that they  afforded but a poor    
place of concealment4 ,on either hand1  
through its  openings1 ,i could see the 
men turning out to the cotton fields4 ,i

 found  a place to lie down between two 
oak stumps1 around which the new shoots 
had sprung up thickly1 forming a        
comparatively close shelter4 ,after     
eating some peaches1 which since leaving
 the ,indian settlement had  constituted
 my sole food1 ,i fell asleep4 ,i was   
waked by the barking of a  dog4 ,raising
 my head and looking through the bushes1
 ,i found that the  dog was barking at a
 black squirrel who was chattering on a 
limb almost  directly above me4 ,a      
moment after1 ,i heard a voice speaking 
to the dog1  and soon saw a man with a  
gun in his hand1 stealing through the   
wood4 ,he  passed close to the stumps1  
where ,i lay trembling with terror lest 
he  should discover me4 ,he kept his eye
 however upon the tree1 and raising  his
 gun1 fired4 ,the squirrel dropped dead 
close by my side4 ,i saw that  any      
further attempt at concealment would be 
in vain1 and sprang upon my  feet4 ,the 
man started forward on seeing me1 struck
 at me with his gun  and beat my hat    

off4 ,i leaped into the road2 and he    
followed after1  swearing he would shoot
 me if ,i didn't stop4 ,knowing that his
 gun was  not loaded1 ,i paid no        
attention to him1 but ran across the    
road into a  cotton field where there   
was a great gang of slaves working4 ,the
 man  with the gun followed1 and called 
to the two colored drivers who were on  
horseback1 to ride after me and stop me4
 ,i saw a large piece of woodland  at   
some distance ahead1 and directed my    
course towards it4 ,just as ,i  reached 
it1 ,i looked back1 and saw my pursuer  
far behind me2 and found1  to my great  
joy1 that the two drivers had not       
followed me4 ,i got behind  a tree1 and 
soon heard the man enter the woods and  
pass me4 ,after all  had been still for 
more than an hour1 ,i crept into a low  
place in the  depth of the woods and    
laid down amidst a bed of reeds1 where  
,i again  fell asleep4 ,towards evening1
 on awaking1 ,i found the sky beginning 
to  be cloudy1 and before night set in  

it was completely overcast4 ,having     
lost my hat1 ,i tied an old handkerchief
 over my head1 and prepared to  resume  
my journey4 ,it was foggy and very dark1
 and involved as ,i was in  the mazes of
 the forest1 ,i did not know in what    
direction ,i was going4 ,i  wandered on 
until ,i reached a road1 which ,i       
supposed to be the same one  which ,i   
had left4 ,the next day the weather was 
still dark and rainy1 and  continued so 
for several days4 ,during this time ,i  
slept only by leaning  against the body 
of a tree1 as the ground was soaked with
 rain4 ,on the  fifth night after my    
adventure near ,washington1 the clouds  
broke away1  and the clear moonlight and
 the stars shone down upon me4    ,i    
looked up to see the ,north ,star1 which
 ,i supposed still before me4 ,but  ,i  
sought it in vain in all that quarter of
 the heavens4 ,a dreadful  thought came 
over me that ,i had been travelling out 
of my way4 ,i turned  round and saw the 
,north ,star1 which had been shining    

directly upon my  back4 ,i then knew    
that ,i had been travelling away from   
freedom1 and  towards the place of my   
captivity ever since ,i left the woods  
into which  ,i had been pursued on the  
#bast1 five days before4 ,oh1 the keen  
and  bitter agony of that moment6 ,i sat
 down on the decaying trunk of a  fallen
 tree1 and wept like a child4 ,exhausted
 in mind and body1 nature  came at last 
to my relief1 and ,i fell asleep upon   
the log4 ,when ,i awoke  it was still   
dark4 ,i rose and nerved myself for     
another effort for  freedom4 ,taking the
 ,north ,star for my guide1 ,i turned   
upon my track1 and  left once more the  
dreaded frontiers of ,alabama behind me4
 ,the next  night1 after crossing the   
one on which ,i travelled1 and which    
seemed to  lead more directly towards   
the ,north4 ,i took this road1 and the  
next  night after1 ,i came to a large   
village4 ,passing through the main      
street1  ,i saw a large hotel which ,i  
at once recollected4 ,i was in ,augusta1

 and  this was the hotel at which my    
master had spent several days when ,i   
was  with him1 on one of his southern   
visits4 ,i heard the guards patrolling  
the town cry the hour of twelve2 and    
fearful of being taken up1 ,i turned    
out of the main street1 and got upon the
 road leading to ,petersburg4 ,on       
reaching the latter place1 ,i swam over 
the ,savannah river into ,south         
,carolina1 and from thence passed into  
,north ,carolina4    ,hitherto ,i had   
lived mainly upon peaches1 which were   
plenty on almost  all the plantations in
 ,alabama and ,georgia2 but the season  
was now too  far advanced for them1 and 
,i was obliged to resort to apples4     
,these ,i  obtained without much        
difficulty until within two or three    
days journey  of the ,virginia line4 ,at
 this time ,i had had nothing to eat but
 two or  three small and sour apples for
 twenty-four hours1 and ,i waited       
impatiently for night1 in the hope of   
obtaining fruit from the orchards  along

 the road4 ,i passed by several         
plantations1 but found no apples4       
,after midnight1 ,i passed near a large 
house1 with fruit trees around it4  ,i  
searched under1 and climbed up and shook
 several of them to no  purpose4 ,at    
last ,i found a tree on which there were
 a few apples4 ,on  shaking it1 half a  
dozen fell4 ,i got down1 and went       
groping and feeling  about for them in  
the grass1 but could find only two1 the 
rest were  devoured by several hogs who 
were there on the same errand with      
myself4  ,i pursued my way until day was
 about breaking1 when ,i passed another 
house4 ,the feeling of extreme hunger   
was here so intense1 that it  required  
all the resolution ,i was master of to  
keep myself from going1  up to the house
 and breaking into it in search of food4
 ,but the thought  of being again made a
 slave1 and of suffering the horrible   
punishment of  a runaway restrained me4 
,i lay in the worlds all that day       
without food4  ,the next evening1 ,i    

soon found a large pile of excellent    
apples1 from  which ,i supplied myself4 
,the next evening ,i reached ,halifax   
,court ,house1 and ,i then knew that ,i 
was near ,virginia4 ,on the #gth of     
,october1 ,i came to the ,roanoke1 and  
crossed it in the midst of a violent    
storm of rain and thunder4 ,the  current
 ran so furiously that ,i was carried   
down with it1 and with great            
difficulty1 and in a state of complete  
exhaustion1 reached the  opposite shore4
    ,at about #b o'clock1 on the night  
of the #aeth1 ,i approached ,richmond1  
but  not daring to go into the city at  
that hour1 on account of the patrols1   
,i lay in the woods near ,manchester1   
until the next evening1 when ,i  started
 in the twilight1 in order to enter     
before the setting of the  watch4 ,i    
passed over the bridge unmolested1      
although in great fear1 as  my tattered 
clothes and naked head were well        
calculated to excite  suspicion2 and    
being well acquainted with the          

localities of the city1  made my way to 
the house of a friend4 ,i was received  
with the utmost  kindness1 and welcomed 
as one risen from the dead4 ,oh1 how    
inexpressibly  sweet were the tones of  
human sympathy1 after the dreadful      
trials to  which ,i had been            
subjected--the wrongs and outrages which
 ,i witnessed  and suffered6 ,for       
between two and three months ,i had not 
spoken with a  human being1 and the     
sound even of my own voice now seemed   
strange to my  ears4 ,during this time1 
save in two or three instances ,i had   
tasted of  no food except peaches and   
apples4 ,i was supplied with some dried 
meat  and coffee1 but the first mouthful
 occasioned nausea and faintness4 ,i    
was compelled to take my bed1 and lay   
sick for several days4 ,by the          
assiduous attention and kindness of my  
friends1 ,i was supplied with  every    
thing which was necessary during my     
sickness4 ,i was detained in  ,richmond 
nearly a month4 ,as soon as ,i had      

sufficiently recovered to be  able to   
proceed on my journey1 ,i bade my kind  
host and his wife an  affectionate      
farewell1 and set forward once more     
towards a land of  freedom4 ,i longed to
 visit my wife and children in ,powhatan
 county1 but  the dread of being        
discovered prevented me from attempting 
it4 ,i had  learned from my friends in  
,richmond that they were living and in  
good  health1 but greatly distressed on 
my account4    ,my friends had provided 
me with a fur cap1 and with as much lean
 ham1  cake and biscuit1 as ,i could    
conveniently carry4 ,i proceeded in the 
same  way as before1 travelling by night
 and lying close and sleeping by day4   
,about the last of ,november ,i reached 
the ,shenandoah river4 ,it was very     
cold2 ice had already formed along the  
margin1 and in swimming the river  ,i   
was chilled through2 and my clothes     
froze about me soon after ,i had        
reached the opposite side4 ,i passed    
into ,maryland1 and on the #eth of      

,december1 stepped across the line which
 divided the free state of              
,pennsylvania from the land of slavery4 
,i had a few shillings in money which   
were given me at ,richmond1 and  after  
travelling nearly twenty-four hours from
 the time ,i crossed the  line1 ,i      
ventured to call at a tavern1 and buy a 
dinner4 ,on reaching  ,carlisle1 ,i     
enquired of the ostler in a stable if he
 knew of any one who  wished to hire a  
house servant or coachman4 ,he said he  
did not4 ,some  more colored people came
 in1 and taking me aside told me that   
they knew  that ,i was from ,virginia1  
by my pronunciation of certain          
words--that ,i  was probably a runaway  
slave--but that ,i need not be alarmed1 
as they  were friends1 and would do all 
in their power to protect me4 ,i was    
taken  home by one of them1 and treated 
with the utmost kindness2 and at night  
he took me in a wagon1 and carried me   
some distance on my way to  ,harrisburg1
 where he said ,i should meet with      

friends4    ,he told me that ,i had     
better go directly to ,philadelphia1 as 
there would  be less danger of my being 
discovered and retaken there than in the
  country1 and there were a great many  
persons there who would exert           
themselves to secure me from the        
slaveholders4 ,in parting he cautioned  
me against conversing or stopping with  
any man on the road1 unless he  wore a  
plain1 straight collar on a round coat1 
and said1 thee1 and  thou4 ,by following
 his directions ,i arrived safely in    
,philadelphia1  having been kindly      
entertained and assisted on my journey1 
by several  benevolent gentlemen and    
ladies1 whose compassion for the wayworn
 and  hunted stranger ,i shall never    
forget1 and whose names will always be  
dear to me4 ,on reaching ,philadelphia1 
,i was visited by a large number of  the
 ,abolitionists1 and friends of the     
colored people1 who1 after hearing  my  
story1 thought it would not be safe for 
me to remain in any part of  the ,united

 ,states4 ,i remained in ,philadelphia a
 few days2 and then a  gentleman came on
 to ,new-,york with me1 ,i being        
considered on board the  steam-boat1 and
 in the cars1 as his servant4 ,i arrived
 at ,new-,york1 on  the #ast of         
,january4 ,the sympathy and kindness    
which ,i have every where  met with     
since leaving the slave states1 has been
 the more grateful to  me because it was
 in a great measure unexpected4 ,the    
slaves are always  told that if they    
escape into a free state1 they will be  
seized and put  in prison1 until their  
masters send for them4 ,i had heard     
,huckstep and  the other overseers      
occasionally speak of the               
,abolitionists1 but ,i did  not know or 
dream that they were the friends of the 
slave4 ,oh1 if the  miserable men and   
women1 now toiling on the plantations of
 ,alabama1  could know that thousands in
 the free states are praying and        
striving  for their deliverance1 how    
would the glad tidings be whispered from

  cabin to cabin1 and how would the     
slave-mother as she watches over her    
infant1 bless ,god1 on her knees1 for   
the hope that this child of her day  of 
sorrow1 might never realize in stripes1 
and toil1 and grief  unspeakable1 what  
it is to be a slave8           99       
99       99       99       99    ,this  
,narrative can he had at the ,depository
 of the ,american ,anti-,slavery        
,society1 ,no #adc ,nassau ,street1 ,new
 ,york1 in a neat volume1 #ajh pp4      
#abmo41 embellished with an elegant and 
accurate steel engraved likeness  of    
,james ,williams1 price #be cts4 single 
copy1 #ag per hundred4           99     
99       99       99       99           
,,no4 #g    ,,the ,,anti-,,slavery      
,,examiner4        ,,emancipation ,,in  
,,the ,,west ,,indies4    ,a ,,six      
,,months' ,,tour ,,in ,,antigua1        
,,barbadoes1 ,,and ,,jamaica ,,in ,,the 
,,year #ahcg4    ,,by ,,jas4 ,a4        
,,thome1 ,,and ,j4 ,,horace ,,kimball4  
,,new ,,york3    ,,published ,,by ,,the 

,,american ,,anti-,,slavery ,,society1  
,no4 #adc ,,nassau-,,street4  #ahch4    
,this periodical contains #d            
sheets4--,postage under #ajj miles1 #f  
cents2  over #ajj miles1 #aj cents4     
,,entered1     according to the act of  
,congress1 in the year #ahch1 by        
,,john ,,rankin1     ,treasurer1 of the 
,american1 ,anti-,slavery ,society1     
in the ,clerk's ,office of the ,district
 ,court of the ,united ,states1     for 
the ,southern ,district of ,new ,york4  
,price #ab #ej per hundred copies1      
#ah-c_/d cents single copy1 in sheets3  
#ac #be per hundred1 and #bj cents      
single1 if stitched4    ,,note4--,this  
work is published in this cheap form1 to
 give it a wide  circulation4 ,please1  
after perusal1 to send it to some       
friend4    ,this work1 as originally    
published1 can be had at the ,depository
 of the  ,american ,anti-,slavery       
,society1 ,no4 #adc1 ,nassau ,street1   
,new ,york1 on fine  paper1 handsomely  
bound1 in a volume of #dhi pages1 price 

one dollar per  copy1 #ge per hundred4  
,,contents4             99       99     
99       99       99                    
,,antigua4--,,chapter ,i4               
,geography and ,statistics of the       
,island1--,reflections on               
arrival1--,interview with               
,clergymen1--with the ,governor1--with a
      member of                         
,assembly1--,sabbath1--,service at the  
,moravian      ,chapel1--,sabbath       
,school1--,service at the ,episcopal    
,church1--,service      at the ,wesleyan
 ,chapel1--,millar's                    
,estate1--,cane-holing1--,colored       
planter1--,fitch's ,creek               
,estate1--,free ,villages1--,dinner at  
the      ,governor's1--,donovan's       
,estate1--,breakfast at ,mr4            
,watkins1--,dr4                         
,ferguson1--,market1--,lockup           
house1--,christmas ,holidays1--,colored 
,population1--,thibou ,jarvis's         
,estate1--,testimony of the             
,manager1--,anniversary of the ,friendly

 ,society1--,a negro                    
patriarch1--,green ,castle              
,estate1--,testimony of the             
,manager1--,anniversary of the ,juvenile
 ,association1--,wetherill              
,estate1--,testimony of the             
,manager1--,conversation with a         
boatman1--,moravian station at          
,newfield1--,testimony of the           
,missionaries1--,school for             
,adults1--,interview with the ,speaker  
of the      ,assembly1--,moravian       
,speaking1--,conversation with          
,emancipated      ,slaves1--,the ,rector
 of ,st4 ,philip's1--,frey's            
,estate1--,interview with      the      
,american ,consul1--,sabbath at         
,millar's1--,breakfast at the ,villa    
,estate1--,a ,fair1--,breakfast at ,mr4 
,cranstoun's1--,his                     
,testimony1--,moravian ,station at      
,cedar ,hall1--,conversation with       
,emancipated ,slaves1--,moravian        
,station at ,grace ,bay1--,testimony of 
the ,missionaries1--,grandfather        

,jacob1--,mr4 ,scotland's ,estate4--,a  
day      at ,fitch's ,creek1--,views of 
the ,manager1--,a call from the         
,archdeacon1--from ,rev4 ,edward        
,fraser1--,wesleyan ,district           
,meeting1--,social interviews with the  
,missionaries1--,their ,views and       
,testimony1--,religious                 
,anniversaries1--,temperance            
,society1--,bible                       
,society1--,wesleyan ,missionary        
,society4--,resolution of the           
,meeting1--,laying the ,corner ,stone of
 a ,wesleyan ,chapel1--,resolutions     
of the ,missionaries4                   
,,antigua4--,,chapter ,,ii4    ,,general
 ,,results4                             
,religion1--,statistics of              
,denominations1--,morality1--,reverence 
for      the ,lord's                    
,day1--,marriage1--,conjugal            
faithfulness1--,concubinage             
decreasing1--,temperance1--,profane     
,language rare1--,statistics of the     
,bible ,society1--,missionary           

,associations1--,temperance             
,societies1--,friendly                  
,societies1--,daily ,meal               
,society1--,distressed      ,females'   
,friend ,society1--,education1--,annual 
,examination of the      ,parochial     
,school1--,infant ,schools in the       
,country1--,examination at              
,parham1--at ,willoughby ,bay1--,mr4    
,thwaite's ,replies to ,queries on      
,education1--,great ,ignorance before   
,emancipation1--,aptness of the         
,negroes to learn1--,civil and          
,political ,condition of the            
,emancipated4      ,,antigua4--,,chapter
 ,,iii4    ,,facts ,,and ,,testimony4   
,,immediate ,,abolition--an immense     
change to the condition of the          
,slave1--,adopted from ,political and   
,pecuniary ,considerations1--,went      
into operation peaceably1--gave         
additional security to ,persons and     
,property1--,is regarded by all as a    
great blessing to the                   
,island1--,free1 cheaper than ,slave    

labor1--,more work done1 and better     
done1 since ,emancipation1--,freemen    
more easily managed than                
,slaves1--,the ,emancipated more        
,trustworthy than when ,slaves1--,they  
appreciate and reverence ,law1--,they   
stay at home and mind their own         
business1--,are less insolent than when 
,slaves1--,gratitude a strong      trait
 of their character1--,emancipation has 
elevated them1--,it has      raised the 
price of ,real ,estate1 given new life  
to ,trade1 and to all      kinds of     
business1--,wrought a total change in   
the views of the                        
,planters1--,weakened ,prejudice against
 ,color1--,the ,discussions             
preceding ,emancipation restrained      
,masters from                           
,cruelties1--,concluding ,remarks4      
,,barbadoes4        ,passage to         
,barbadoes1--,bridgetown1--,visit to the
 ,governor1--,to the                    
,archdeacon1--,lear's                   
,estate1--,testimony of the             

,manager1--,dinner ,party      at       
,lear's1--,ride to ,scotland1--,the ,red
 ,shanks1--,sabbath at ,lear's2         
,religious ,service1--,tour to the      
,windward1--,breakfast ,party at the    
,colliton ,estate1--,testimony to the   
,working of the                         
,apprenticeship1--,the ,working of it in
 ,demerara1--,the ,codrington           
,estate1--,codrington ,college1--,the   
,horse1--,an ,estate on ,fire1--,the    
,ridge ,estate2 ,dinner with a ,company 
of ,planters1--,a ,day at ,colonel      
,ashby's2 his ,testimony to the ,working
 of the                                 
,apprenticeship1--,interviews with      
,planters2 their ,testimony1--,the      
,belle ,estate1--,edgecombe ,estate2    
,colonel ,barrow1--,horton              
,estate1--,drax ,hall ,estate1--,dinner 
,party at the                           
,governor's1--,testimony concerning the 
,apprenticeship1--,market               
,people1--,interview with ,special      
,justice ,hamilton2 his                 

,testimony1--,station ,house1 ,district 
,a2 ,trials of ,apprentices before      
,special ,magistrate                    
,colthurst1--,testimony of the          
,superintendent of      the ,rural      
,police1--,communication from ,special  
,justice                                
,colthurst1--,communication from        
,special ,justice ,hamilton1--,testimony
      of ,clergymen and                 
,missionaries1--,curate of ,st4         
,paul's1--,a ,,free      ,church1--,a   
,sabbath ,school ,annual                
,examination1--,interview with          
,episcopal ,clergymen2 their            
,testimony1--,visit to                  
,schools1--,interview      with the     
,superintendent of the ,wesleyan        
,mission1--,persecution of the          
,methodists by ,slaveholders1--,the     
,moravian ,mission1--,colored           
,population1--,dinner ,party at ,mr4    
,harris's1--,testimony concerning the   
objects of our ,mission1--,a ,new       
,englander1--,history of an ,emancipated

      ,slave1--,breakfast ,party at ,mr4
 ,thorne's1--,facts and ,testimony      
concerning ,slavery and the             
,apprenticeship1--,history of an        
,emancipated ,slave1--,breakfast ,party 
at ,mr4 ,prescod's1--,character and     
,history of the late ,editor of the ,new
 ,times1--,breakfast ,party at ,mr4     
,bourne's1--,prejudice1--,history and   
,character of an ,emancipated           
,slave1--,prejudice1                    
vincible1--,concubinage1--,barbadoes as 
it was2      ,reign of                  
,terror2--,testimony2                   
,cruelties1--,insurrection of           
#ahaf1--,licentiousness1--,prejudice--,i
ndolence and ,inefficiency of the       
,whites1--,hostility to                 
,emancipation1--,barbadoes as it        
is1--,the      ,apprenticeship ,system2 
,provisions respecting the ,special     
,magistrates1--,provisions respecting   
the ,master1--,provisions               
respecting the ,apprentice1--,the       
,design of the                          

,apprenticeship1--,practical ,operation 
of the      ,apprenticeship1--,sympathy 
of the ,special ,magistrates with the   
,masters1--,apprenticeship1 modified    
,slavery1--,vexatious to the            
,master1--,no ,preparation for          
,freedom1--,begets hostility between    
,master and ,apprentice1--,has          
illustrated the ,forbearance of the     
,negroes1--,its tendency to exasperate  
them1--,testimony to the ,working       
of the ,apprenticeship in the ,windward 
,islands generally4      ,,jamaica4     
,sketch of its ,scenery1--,interview    
with the ,attorney ,general1--,the      
,solicitor ,general2 his                
,testimony1--,the ,american ,consul2 his
      ,testimony1--,the ,superintendent 
of the ,wesleyan ,missions1--,the       
,baptist ,missionaries2 ,sabbath2       
,service in a ,baptist                  
,chapel1--,moravians2 ,episcopalians2   
,scotch ,presbyterians1--,schools in    
,kingston1--,communication from the     
,teacher of the ,wolmer ,free ,school2  

,education2 ,statistics1--,the ,union   
,school1--,prejudice                    
,vincible1--,disabilities and           
,persecutions of ,colored               
,people1--,edward      ,jordan1         
,esq41--,colored ,members of            
,assembly1--,richard ,hill1             
,esq41--,colored ,artisans and          
,merchants in ,kingston1--,police ,court
 of      ,kingston1--,american          
,prejudice in the                       
limbos1--,amalgamation6--,st4           
,andrew's ,house of ,correction2        
,tread-mill1--,tour through ,st4 ,thomas
      in the ,east1--,morant ,bay2      
,local ,magistrate2 his lachrymal       
forebodings1--,proprietor of ,green     
,wall ,estate2 his                      
,testimony1--,testimony of a ,wesleyan  
,missionary1--,belvidere ,estate2       
,testimony of the ,manager1--,chapel    
built by ,apprentices1--,house of       
,correction1--,chain-,gang1--,a call    
from ,special ,justice ,baines2 his     
,testimony1--,bath1--,special ,justice's

 ,office2 his                           
,testimony1--,alarming                  
,rebellion1--,testimony of a ,wesleyan  
,missionary1--,principal of the ,mico   
,charity ,school2 his                   
,testimony1--,noble instance of ,filial 
,affection in a ,negro                  
,girl1--,plantain ,garden ,river        
,valley2 ,alexander ,barclay1           
,esq41--,golden ,grove ,estate2         
,testimony of the ,manager1--,the       
,custos of      the ,parish2 his        
,testimony1--,amity ,hall ,estate2      
,testimony of the      ,manager1--,lord 
,belmore's ,prophecy1--,manchioneal2    
,special ,magistrate      ,chamberlain2 
his ,testimony1--his ,weekly            
,court1--,pro slavery                   
gnashings1--,visit with the ,special    
,magistrate to the ,williamsfield       
,estate2 ,testimony of the              
,manager1--,oppression of               
,book-keepers1--,sabbath2 ,service at a 
,baptist ,chapel1--,interview with      
,apprentices2 their ,testimony1--,tour  

through ,st4 ,andrew's and ,port        
,royal1--,visit to ,estates in company  
with ,special ,justice                  
,bourne1--,white ,emigrants to          
,jamaica1--,dublin ,castle ,estate2     
,special      ,justice ,court1--,a      
,despot in convulsions2 arbitrary power 
dies      hard1--,encounter with ,mules 
in a mountain pass1--,silver ,hill      
,estate2      cases tried2 ,appraisement
 of an ,apprentice1--,peter's ,rock     
,estate1--,hall's ,prospect             
,estate1--,female ,traveling            
,merchant1--,negro      ,provision      
,grounds1--,apprentices eager to work   
for ,money1--,jury of                   
,inquest1--,character of                
,overseers1--,conversation with ,special
 ,justice      ,hamilton1--,with a      
,proprietor of ,estates and ,local      
,magistrate2                            
,testimony1--,spanishtown1--,richard    
,hill1 ,esq41 ,secretary of the         
,special ,magistracy1--,testimony of    
,lord ,sligo concerning him1--,lord     

,sligo's ,administration2 its           
independence and                        
impartiality1--,statements of ,mr4      
,hill1--,statements of ,special         
,justice ,ramsey1--,special ,justice's  
,court1--,baptist ,missionary at        
,spanishtown2 his ,testimony1--,actual  
,working of the ,apprenticeship2      no
 ,insurrection2 no fear of it2 no       
,increase of ,crime2 ,negroes           
improving2 ,marriage increased2 ,sabbath
 better kept2 ,religious      ,worship  
better attended2 ,law                   
obeyed1--,apprenticeship vexatious to   
both parties1--,atrocities perpetrated  
by ,masters and                         
,magistrates1--,causes of the           
ill-working of the                      
,apprenticeship--,provisions of the     
,emancipation ,act defeated by          
,planters and ,magistrates1--,the       
present ,governor a favorite with the   
,planters1--,special ,justice ,palmer   
suspended by him1--,persecution of      
,special ,justice ,bourne1--,character  

of the ,special                         
,magistrates1--,official ,cruelty2      
,correspondence between a ,missionary   
and ,special ,magistrate1--,sir ,lionel 
,smith's ,message to the ,house of      
,assembly1--,causes of the ,diminished  
,crops since                            
,emancipation1--,anticipated            
,consequences of full ,emancipation in  
#ahdj1--;,examination of the grounds of 
such anticipations1--,views of          
,missionaries and ,colored ,people1     
,magistrates and                        
,planters2--,concluding ,remarks4       
,,appendix4        ,official            
,communication from ,special ,justice   
,lyon1--,communication      from the    
,solicitor ,general of                  
,jamaica1--,communication from ,special 
,justice ,colthurst1--,official ,returns
 of the ,imports and ,exports of        
,barbadoes1--,valuations of ,apprentices
 in ,jamaica1--,tabular ,view of        
the ,crops in ,jamaica for fifty-three  
years preceding #ahcf2 ,comments      of

 the ,jamaica ,watchman on the foregoing
 ,table1--,comments of the              
,spanishtown ,telegraph1--,brougham's   
,speech in ,parliament4                 
,,introduction4    ,it is hardly        
possible that the success of ,british   
,west ,india  ,emancipation should be   
more conclusively proved1 than it has   
been by the  absence among us of the    
exultation which awaited its failure4   
,so many  thousands of the citizens of  
the ,united ,states1 without counting   
slaveholders1 would not have suffered   
their prophesyings to be  falsified1 if 
they could have found whereof to        
manufacture fulfilment4  ,but it is     
remarkable that1 even since the first of
 ,august1 #ahcd1 the  evils of ,west    
,india emancipation on the lips of the  
advocates of  slavery1 or1 as the most  
of them nicely prefer to be termed1 the 
opponents of abolition1 have remained in
 the future tense4 ,the bad  reports of 
the newspapers1 spiritless as they have 
been compared with  the predictions1    

have been traceable1 on the slightest   
inspection1 not  to emancipation1 but to
 the illegal continuance of slavery1    
under the  cover of its legal           
substitute4 ,not the slightest reference
 to the rash  act1 whereby the thirty   
thousand slaves of ,antigua were        
immediately  turned loose1 now mingles  
with the croaking which strives to      
defend  our republican slavery against  
argument and common sense4    ,the      
,executive ,committee of the ,american  
,anti-,slavery ,society1 deemed it      
important that the silence which the    
pro-slavery press of the ,united        
,states has seemed so desirous to       
maintain in regard to what is strangely 
enough termed the great experiment of   
freedom1 should be thoroughly  broken up
 by a publication of facts and testimony
 collected on the spot4  ,to this end1  
,,rev4 ,,james ,a4 ,,thome1 and ,,joseph
 ,h4 ,,kimball1 ,,esq41 were  deputed to
 the ,west ,indies to make the proper   
investigations4 ,of their               

qualifications for the task1 the        
subsequent pages will furnish the best  
evidence3 it is proper1 however1 to     
remark1 that ,mr4 ,thome is thoroughly  
acquainted with our own system of       
slavery1 being a native and still a     
resident of ,kentucky1 and the son of a 
slaveholder1 7happily no longer  so17   
and that ,mr4 ,kimball is well known as 
the able editor of the ,herald  of      
,freedom1 published at ,concord1 ,new   
,hampshire4    ,they sailed from ,new   
,york1 the last of ,november1 #ahcf1 and
 returned  early in ,june1 #ahcg4 ,they 
improved a short stay at the ,danish    
island of  ,st4 ,thomas1 to give a      
description of slavery as it exists     
there1 which1  as it appeared for the   
most part in the anti-slavery papers1   
and as it  is not directly connected    
with the great question at issue1 has   
not been  inserted in the present       
volume4 ,hastily touching at some of the
 other  ,british islands1 they made     
,antigua1 ,barbadoes1 and ,jamaica1     

successively  the objects of their      
deliberate and laborious study--as      
fairly  presenting the three grand      
phases of the experiment--,antigua1     
exemplifying immediate unrestricted     
abolition2 ,barbadoes1 the best  working
 of the apprenticeship1 and ,jamaica the
 worst4 ,nine weeks were  spent in      
,antigua1 and the remainder of their    
time was divided between  the other two 
islands4    ,the reception of the       
delegates was in the highest degree     
favorable to  the promotion of their    
object1 and their work will show how    
well they  have used the extraordinary  
facilities afforded them4 ,the committee
  have1 in some instances1 restored     
testimonials which their modesty led    
them to suppress1 showing in what       
estimation they themselves1 as well as  
the object of their mission1 were held  
by some of the most distinguished       
persons in the islands which they       
visited4    ,so wide was the field      
before them1 and so rich and various the

 fruit to  be gathered1 that they were  
tempted to go far beyond the strength   
supplied by the failing health they     
carried with them4 ,most nobly did  they
 postpone every personal consideration  
to the interests of the  cause1 and the 
reader will1 we think1 agree with us1   
that they have  achieved a result which 
undiminished energies could not have    
been  expected to exceed--a result      
sufficient1 if any thing could be1 to   
justify the sacrifice it cost them4 ,we 
regret to add that the labors and       
exposures of ,mr4 ,kimball1 so far      
prevented his recovery from the         
disease,a which obliged him to resort to
 a milder climate1 or perhaps  we should
 say aggravated it1 that he has been    
compelled to leave to his  colleague1   
aided by a friend1 nearly the whole     
burden of preparing for  the            
press--which1 together with the great   
labor of condensing from the  immense   
amount of collected materials1 accounts 
for the delay of the  publication4 ,as  

neither ,mr4 ,thome nor ,mr4 ,kimball   
were here while the  work was in the    
press1 it is not improbable that trivial
 errors have  occurred1 especially in   
the names of individuals4    ,footnote  
,a3 ,we learn that ,mr4 ,kimball closed 
his mortal career at  ,pembroke1 ,n4,h4 
,april #abth1 in the #beth year of his  
age4 ,very few men in  the              
,anti-,slavery cause have been more     
distinguished1 than this lamented       
brother1 for the zeal1 discretion and   
ability with which he has  advocated the
 cause of the oppressed4 ,peace to the  
memory of a man  of worth6    ,it will  
be perceived that the delegates rest    
nothing of importance on  their own     
unattested observation4 ,at every point 
they are fortified by  the statements of
 a multitude of responsible persons in  
the islands1  whose names1 when not     
forbidden1 they leave taken the liberty 
to use in  behalf of humanity4 ,many of 
these statements were given in the      
handwriting of the parties1 and are in  

the possession of the ,executive        
,committee4 ,most of these island       
authorities are as unchallengeable on   
the score of previous leaning towards   
abolitionism1 as ,mr4 ,mc,duffie of     
,mr4 ,calhoun would be two years hence1 
if slavery were to be abolished         
throughout the ,united ,states tomorrow4
    ,among the points established in    
this work1 beyond the power of dispute  
or cavil1 are the following3    #a4     
,that the act of ,,immediate            
,,emancipation in ,antigua1 was not     
attended  with any disorder whatever4   
#b4 ,that the emancipated slaves have   
readily1 faithfully1 and efficiently    
worked for wages from the first4    #c4 
,that wherever there has been any       
disturbance in the working of the       
apprenticeship1 it has been invariably  
by the fault of the masters1 or  of the 
officers charged with the execution of  
the ,abolition ,act4    #d4 ,that the   
prejudice of caste is fast disappearing 
in the emancipated  islands4    #e4     

,that the apprenticeship was not sought 
for by the planters as a  preparation   
for freedom4    #f4 ,that no such       
preparation was needed4    #g4 ,that the
 planters who have fairly made the      
experiment1 now greatly  prefer the new 
system to the old4    #h4 ,that the     
emancipated people are perceptibly      
rising in the scale of  civilization1   
morals1 and religion4    ,from these    
established facts1 reason cannot fail to
 make its inferences  in favor of the   
two and a half millions of slaves in our
 republic4 ,we  present the work to our 
countrymen who yet hold slaves1 with the
 utmost  confidence that its perusal    
will not leave in their minds a doubt1  
either of the duty or perfect safety of 
immediate emancipation1  however it may 
fail to persuade their hearts--which    
,god grant it  may not6    ,by order of 
the ,executive ,committee of the        
,american ,anti-,slavery  ,society4     
,new ,york1 ,april #bhth1 #ahch4        
99       99       99       99       99  

,,explanation ,,of ,,terms ,,used ,,in  
,,the ,,narrative4    #a4 ,the words    
',clergy' and ',missionary' are used to 
distinguish between  the ministers of   
the ,english or ,scotch church1 and     
those of all other  denominations4      
#b4 ,the terms 'church' and 'chapel'    
denote a corresponding distinction in   
the places of worship1 though the       
,english ,church have what are          
technically called 'chapels of ease6'   
#c4 ',manager' and 'overseer' are terms 
designating in different islands  the   
same station4 ,in ,antigua and          
,barbadoes1 manager is the word in      
general use1 in ,jamaica it is          
overseer--both meaning the practical    
conductor or immediate superintendent of
 an estate4 ,in our own country1  a     
peculiar odium is attached to the latter
 term4 ,in the ,west ,indies1 the       
station of manager or overseer is an    
honorable one2 proprietors of  estates1 
and even men of rank1 do not hesitate to
 occupy it4    #d4 ,the terms 'colored' 

and 'black' or 'negro' indicate a       
distinction  long kept up in the ,west  
,indies between the mixed blood and the 
pure  negro4 ,the former as a body were 
few previous to the abolition act2 and  
for this reason chiefly we presume the  
term of distinction was  originally     
applied to them4 ,to have used these    
terms interchangeably in  accordance    
with the usage in the ,united ,states1  
would have occasioned  endless confusion
 in the narrative4    #e4 ',praedial'   
and 'non-praedial' are terms used in the
 apprenticeship  colonies to mark the   
difference between the agricultural     
class and the  domestic2 the former are 
called praedials1 the latter            
non-praedials4           99       99    
99       99       99    ,,population    
,,of ,,the ,,british 7,,formerly        
,,slave7 ,,colonies4    7,compiled from 
recent authentic documents47    ,british
 ,colonies4          ,white4   ,slave4  
,f4 ,col'd4   ,total4  ,anguilla        
#cfe    #b1chh       #ceg      #c1aaj   

,antigua,a                 #a1ihj       
#bi1hci     #c1hie     #ce1gad  ,bahamas
                    #d1bdj    #i1bfh    
#b1iia     #af1dii  ,barbadoes          
#ae1jjj   #hb1jjj     #e1ajj    #ajb1ajj
  ,berbicel                     #eej    
#ba1cjj     #a1aej     #bc1jjj          
,bermuda,a                 #c1ijj       
#d1fjj       #gdj      #i1bdj  ,cape of 
,good ,hope,b      #dc1jjj   #ce1ejj    
#bi1jjj    #ajg1ejj  ,demerara,b        
#c1jjj   #gj1jjj     #f1djj     #gi1djj 
,dominica                     #hej      
#ae1djj     #c1fjj     #ai1hej  ,grenada
                      #hjj   #bd1jjj    
#b1hjj     #bg1fjj  ,honduras,b         
#bej    #b1ajj     #b1cjj      #d1fej   
,jamaica                   #cg1jjj      
#cbc1jjj    #ee1jjj    #dae1jjj         
,mauritius,b               #h1jjj       
#gf1jjj    #ae1jjj     #ii1jjj          
,montserrat                   #ccj      
#f1bjj       #hjj      #g1ccj  ,nevis   
#gjj    #f1fjj     #b1jjj      #i1cjj   
,st4 ,christophers1,st4 ,kitts #a1fab   

#ai1caj     #c1jjj     #bc1ibb  ,st4    
,lucia,b                 #ihj   #ac1fjj 
#c1gjj     #ah1bhj  ,st4 ,vincent       
#a1cjj   #bc1ejj     #b1hjj     #bg1fjj 
,tobago                       #cbj      
#ab1ejj     #a1bjj     #ad1jbj  ,tortola
                      #dhj    #e1djj    
#a1cjj      #g1ahj  ,trinidad,b         
#d1bjj   #bd1jjj    #af1jjj     #dd1bjj 
,virgin ,isles                 #hjj     
#e1djj       #fjj      #f1hjj    ,total 
#aca1beg  #hca1aje   #afb1gcc           
#a1abe1jie    ,footnote ,a3 ,these      
islands adopted immediate emancipation1 
,aug #a1 #ahcd4    ,footnote ,b3 ,these 
are crown colonies1 and have no local   
legislature4        ,,antigua4          
,,chapter ,i4    ,antigua is about      
eighteen miles long and fifteen broad2  
the interior is  low and undulating1 the
 coast mountainous4 ,from the heights on
 the coast  the whole island may be     
taken in at one view1 and in a clear day
 the  ocean can be seen entirely around 
the land1 with the exception of a few   

miles of cliff in one quarter4 ,the     
population of ,antigua is about         
#cg1jjj1 of whom #cj1jjj are            
negroes--lately slaves--#dejj are free  
people  of color1 and #bejj are whites4 
,the cultivation of the island is       
principally in sugar1 of which the      
average annual crop is #ae1jjj          
hogsheads4 ,antigua is one of the oldest
 of  the ,british ,west ,india colonies1
 and ranks high in importance and       
influence4 ,owing to the proportion of  
proprietors resident in the  ,island1   
there is an accumulation of talent1     
intelligence and refinement1  greater1  
perhaps1 than in any ,english colony1   
excepting ,jamaica4    ,our solicitude  
on entering the ,island of ,antigua was 
intense4 ,charged  with a mission so    
nearly concerning the political and     
domestic  institutions of the colony1 we
 might well be doubtful as to the manner
  of our reception4 ,we knew indeed that
 slavery was abolished1 that  ,antigua  
had rejected the apprenticeship1 and    

adopted entire  emancipation4 ,we knew  
also1 that the free system had surpassed
 the hopes  of its advocates4 ,but we   
were in the midst of those whose habits 
and  sentiments had been formed under   
the influences of slavery1 whose        
prejudices still clinging to it might   
lead them to regard our visit with      
indifference at least1 if not with      
jealousy4 ,we dared not hope for aid    
from men who1 not three years before1   
were slaveholders1 and who1 as a  body1 
strenuously resisted the abolition      
measure1 finally yielding to it  only   
because they found resistance vain4     
,mingled with the depressing anxieties  
already referred to1 were emotions  of  
pleasure and exultation1 when we stepped
 upon the shores of an  unfettered isle4
 ,we trod a soil from which the last    
vestige of slavery  had been swept away6
 ,to us1 accustomed as we were to infer 
the existence  of slavery from the      
presence of a particular hue1 the       
numbers of negroes  passing to and fro1 

engaged in their several employments1   
denoted a land  of oppression2 but the  
erect forms1 the active movements1 and  
the  sprightly countenances1 bespoke    
that spirit of disinthrallment which had
  gone abroad through ,antigua4    ,on  
the day of our arrival we had an        
interview with the ,rev4 ,james ,cox1   
the superintendent of the ,wesleyan     
mission in the island4 ,he assured us   
that we need apprehend no difficulty in 
procuring information1 adding1  ,we are 
all free here now2 every man can speak  
his sentiments unawed4 ,we  have nothing
 to conceal in our present system2 had  
you come here as the  advocates of      
slavery you might have met with a very  
different  reception4    ,at the same   
time we met the ,rev4 ,n4 ,gilbert1 a   
clergyman of the ,english  ,church1 and 
proprietor of an estate4 ,mr4 ,g4       
expressed the hope that we  might gather
 such facts during our stay in the      
island1 as would tend  effectually to   
remove the curse of slavery from the    

,united ,states4 ,he  said that the     
failure of the crops1 from the          
extraordinary drought which  was still  
prevailing1 would1 he feared1 be charged
 by persons abroad to  the new system4  
,the enemies of freedom1 said he1 will  
not ascribe the  failure to the proper  
cause4 ,it will be in vain that we      
solemnly  declare1 that for more than   
thirty years the island has not         
experienced  such a drought4 ,our       
enemies will persist in laying all to   
the charge of  our free system2 men will
 look only at the amount of sugar       
exported1  which will be less than half 
the average4 ,they will run away with   
this  fact1 and triumph over it as the  
disastrous consequence of abolition4    
,on the same day we were introduced to  
the ,rev4 ,bennet ,harvey1 the          
principal of the ,moravian mission1 to a
 merchant1 an agent for several         
estates1 and to an intelligent manager4 
,each of these gentlemen gave us  the   
most cordial welcome1 and expressed a   

warm sympathy in the objects  of our    
visit4 ,on the following day we dined1  
by invitation1 with the  superintendent 
of the ,wesleyan mission1 in company    
with several  missionaries4 ,freedom in 
,antigua was the engrossing and         
delightful  topic4 ,they rejoiced in the
 change1 not merely from sympathy with  
the  disinthralled negroes1 but because 
it had emancipated them from a          
disheartening surveillance1 and opened  
new fields of usefulness4 ,they  hailed 
the star of freedom with exceeding great
 joy1 because it  heralded the speedy   
dawning of the ,sun of ,righteousness4  
,we took an early opportunity to call on
 the ,governor1 whom we found  affable  
and courteous4 ,on learning that we were
 from the ,united ,states1  he remarked1
 that he entertained a high respect for 
our country1 but its  slavery was a     
stain upon the whole nation4 ,he        
expressed his conviction  that the      
instigators of northern mobs must be    
implicated in some way1  pecuniary or   

otherwise1 with slavery4 ,the ,governor 
stated various  particulars in which    
,antigua had been greatly improved by   
the abolition  of slavery4 ,he said1 the
 planters all conceded that emancipation
 had  been a great blessing to the      
island1 and he did not know of a single 
individual who wished to return to the  
old system4    ,his excellency proffered
 us every assistance in his power1 and  
requested  his secretary--a colored     
gentleman--to furnish us with certain   
documents which he thought would be of  
service to us4 ,when we rose to  leave1 
the ,governor followed us to the door1  
repeating the advice that  we should see
 with our own eyes1 and hear with our   
own ears4 ,the  interest which his      
,excellency manifested in our           
enterprise1 satisfied us  that the      
prevalent feeling in the island was     
opposed to slavery1 since  it was a     
matter well understood that the         
,governor's partialities1 if he  had    
any1 were on the side of the planters   

rather than the people4    ,on the same 
day we were introduced to a barrister1 a
 member of the  assembly and proprietor 
of an estate4 ,he was in the assembly at
 the time  the abolition act was under  
discussion4 ,he said that it was        
violently  opposed1 until it was seen to
 be inevitable4 ,many were the          
predictions  made respecting the ruin   
which would be brought upon the colony2 
but  these predictions had failed1 and  
abolition was now regarded as the       
salvation of the island4    ,,sabbath4  
,the morning of our first ,sabbath in   
,antigua came with that hushed          
stillness which marks the ,sabbath dawn 
in the retired villages of ,new         
,england4 ,the arrangements of the      
family were conducted with a studied    
silence that indicated habitual respect 
for the ,lord's day4 ,at #aj  o'clock   
the streets were filled with the        
church-going throng4 ,the rich  rolled  
along in their splendid vehicles with   
liveried outriders and  postillions4    

,the poor moved in lowlier procession1  
yet in neat attire1  and with the       
serious air of ,christian worshippers4  
,we attended the  ,moravian service4 ,in
 going to the chapel1 which is situated 
on the  border of the town1 we passed   
through and across the most frequented  
streets4 ,no persons were to be seen1   
excepting those whose course was  toward
 some place of worship4 ,the shops were 
all shut1 and the voices of  business   
and amusement were hushed4 ,the market  
place1 which yesterday  was full of     
swarming life1 and sent forth a confused
 uproar1 was  deserted and dumb--not a  
straggler was to be seen of all the     
multitude4    ,on approaching the       
,moravian chapel we observed the        
negroes1 wending  their way churchward1 
from the surrounding estates1 along the 
roads  leading into town4    ,when we   
entered the chapel the service had      
begun1 and the people were  standing1   
and repeating their liturgy4 ,the house1
 which was capable of  holding about a  

thousand persons1 was filled4 ,the      
audience were all  black and colored1   
mostly of the deepest ,ethiopian hue1   
and had come up  thither from the       
estates1 where once they toiled as      
slaves1 but now as  freemen1 to present 
their thank-offerings unto ,him whose   
truth and  ,spirit had made them free4  
,in the simplicity and tidiness of their
  attire1 in its uniformity and freedom 
from ornament1 it resembled the  dress  
of the ,friends4 ,the females were clad 
in plain white gowns1 with  neat turbans
 of cambric or muslin on their heads4   
,the males were dressed  in spencers1   
vests1 and pantaloons1 all of white4    
,all were serious in  their demeanor1   
and although the services continued more
 than two hours1  they gave a wakeful   
attention to the end4 ,their responses  
in the litany  were solemn and regular4 
,great respect was paid to the aged and 
infirm4 ,a poor blind man came  groping 
his way1 and was kindly conducted to a  
seat in an airy place4 ,a  lame man came

 wearily up to the door1 when one within
 the house rose and  led him to the seat
 he himself had just occupied4 ,as we   
sat facing the  congregation1 we looked 
around upon the multitude to find the   
marks of  those demoniac passions which 
are to strew carnage through our own    
country when its bondmen shall be made  
free4 ,the countenances gathered  there1
 bore the traces of benevolence1 of     
humility1 of meekness1 of  docility1 and
 reverence2 and we felt1 while looking  
on them1 that the  doers of justice to a
 wronged people shall surely dwell in   
safety and  be quiet from fear of evil4 
,after the service1 we visited the      
,sabbath school4 ,the superintendent was
  an interesting young colored man4 ,we 
attended the recitation of a  ,testament
 class of children of both sexes from   
eight to twelve4 ,they  read1 and       
answered numerous questions with great  
sprightliness4    ,in the afternoon we  
attended the ,episcopal church1 of which
 the ,rev4  ,robert ,holberton is       

rector4 ,we here saw a specimen of the  
aristocracy of  the island4 ,a          
considerable number present were        
whites1--rich proprietors  with their   
families1 managers of estates1 officers 
of government1 and  merchants4 ,the     
greater proportion of the auditory1     
however1 were colored  people and       
blacks4 ,it might be expected that      
distinctions of color would  be found   
here1 if any where2--however1 the actual
 distinction1 even in  this the most    
fashionable church in ,antigua1 amounted
 only to this1 that  the body pews on   
each side of the broad aisle were       
occupied by the  whites1 the side pews  
by the colored people1 and the broad    
aisle in the  middle by the negroes4    
,the gallery1 on one side1 was also     
appropriated  to the colored people1 and
 on the other to the blacks4 ,the finery
 of the  negroes was in sad contrast    
with the simplicity we had just seen at 
the  ,moravian chapel4 ,their dresses   
were of every color and style2 their    

hats  were of all shapes and sizes1 and 
fillagreed with the most tawdry         
superfluity of ribbons4 ,beneath these  
gaudy bonnets were glossy  ringlets1    
false and real1 clustering in tropical  
luxuriance4 ,this  fantastic display was
 evidently a rude attempt to follow the 
example set  them by the white          
aristocracy4    ,the choir was composed 
chiefly of colored boys1 who were placed
 on the  right side of the organ1 and   
about an equal number of colored girls  
on  the left4 ,in front of the organ    
were eight or ten white children4 ,the  
music of this colored1 or rather        
amalgamated choir1 directed by a        
colored chorister1 and accompanied by a 
colored organist1 was in  good taste4   
,in the evening1 we accompanied a friend
 to the ,wesleyan chapel1 of which  the 
,rev4 ,james ,cox is pastor4 ,the       
minister invited us to a seat within    
the altar1 where we could have a full   
view of the congregation4 ,the  chapel  
was crowded4 ,nearly twelve hundred     

persons were present4 ,all sat          
promiscuously in respect of color4 ,in  
one pew was a family of whites1  next a 
family of colored persons1 and behind   
that perhaps might be seen1  side by    
side1 the ebon hue of the negro1 the    
mixed tint of the mulatto1  and the     
unblended whiteness of the ,european4   
,thus they sat in crowded  contact1     
seemingly unconscious that they were    
outraging good taste1  violating natural
 laws1 and confounding distinctions of  
divine  appointment6 ,in whatever       
direction we turned1 there was the same 
commixture of colors4 ,what to one of   
our own countrymen whose contempt  for  
the oppressed has defended itself with  
the plea of prejudice  against color1   
would have been a combination absolutely
 shocking1 was  to us a scene as        
gratifying as it was new4    ,on both   
sides1 the gallery presented the same   
unconscious blending of  colors4 ,the   
choir was composed of a large number1   
mostly colored1 of all  ages4 ,the front

 seats were filled by children of       
various ages--the rear1  of adults1     
rising above these tiny choristers1 and 
softening the  shrillness of their notes
 by the deeper tones of mature age4     
,the style of the preaching which we    
heard on the different occasions  above 
described1 so far as it is any index to 
the intelligence of the  several        
congregations1 is certainly a high      
commendation4 ,the language  used1 would
 not offend the taste of any            
congregation1 however refined4    ,on   
the other hand1 the fixed attention of  
the people showed that the  truths      
delivered were understood and           
appreciated4    ,we observed1 that in   
the last two services the subject of the
 present  drought was particularly      
noticed in prayer4    ,the account here 
given is but a fair specimen of the     
solemnity and  decorum of an ,antigua   
sabbath4    ,,visit ,,to ,,millar',s    
,,estate4    ,early in the week after   
our arrival1 by the special invitation  

of the  manager1 we visited this estate4
 ,it is situated about four miles from  
the town of ,st4 ,john's4    ,the smooth
 ,mac,adamized road extending across the
 rolling plains and  gently sloping hill
 sides1 covered with waving cane1 and   
interspersed  with provision grounds1   
contributed with the fresh bracing air  
of the  morning to make the drive       
pleasant and animating4    ,at short    
intervals were seen the buildings of the
 different estates  thrown together in  
small groups1 consisting of the         
manager's mansion and  out-houses1 negro
 huts1 boiling house1 cooling houses1   
distillery1 and  windmill4 ,the mansion 
is generally on an elevated spot1       
commanding a  view of the estate and    
surrounding country4 ,the cane fields   
presented a  novel appearance--being    
without fences of any description4 ,even
 those  fields which lie bordering on   
the highways1 are wholly unprotected by 
hedge1 ditch1 or rails4 ,this is from   
necessity4 ,wooden fences they  cannot  

have1 for lack of timber4 ,hedges are   
not used1 because they are  found to    
withdraw the moisture from the canes4   
,to prevent depredations1  there are    
watchmen on every estate employed both  
day and night4 ,there  are also stock   
keepers employed by day in keeping the  
cattle within  proper grazing limits4   
,as each estate guards its own stock by 
day and  folds them by night1 the fields
 are in little danger4    ,we passed    
great numbers of negroes on the road1   
loaded with every kind  of commodity for
 the town market4 ,the head is the beast
 of burthen  among the negroes          
throughout the ,west ,indies4 ,whatever 
the load1 whether  it be trifling or    
valuable1 strong or frail1 it is        
consigned to the  head1 both for safe   
keeping and for transportation4 ,while  
the head is  thus taxed1 the hands hang 
useless by the side1 or are busied in   
gesticulating1 as the people chat       
together along the way4 ,the negroes we 
passed were all decently clad4 ,they    

uniformly stopped as they came  opposite
 to us1 to pay the usual civilities4    
,this the men did by  touching their    
hats and bowing1 and the women1 by      
making a low courtesy1  and adding1     
sometimes1 howdy1 massa1 or mornin'1    
massa4 ,we passed  several loaded       
wagons1 drawn by three1 four1 or five   
yoke of oxen1 and  in every instance the
 driver1 so far from manifesting any    
disposition  insolently to crowd us off 
the road1 or to contend for his part of 
it1  turned his team aside1 leaving us  
double room to go by1 and sometimes     
stopping until we had passed4    ,we    
were kindly received at ,millar's by    
,mr4 ,bourne1 the manager4 ,millar's  is
 one of the first estates in ,antigua4  
,the last year it made the  largest     
sugar crop on the island4 ,mr4 ,b4 took 
us before breakfast to  view the estate4
 ,on the way1 he remarked that we had   
visited the island  at a very           
unfavorable time for seeing the         
cultivation of it1 as every  thing was  

suffering greatly from the drought4     
,there had not been a  single copious   
rain1 such as would make the water run1 
since the first  of ,march previous4 ,as
 we approached the laborers1 the manager
 pointed  out one company of ten1 who   
were at work with their hoes by the side
 of  the road1 while a larger one of    
thirty were in the middle of the field4 
,they greeted us in the most friendly   
manner4 ,the manager spoke kindly to    
them1 encouraging them to be industrious
 ,he stopped a moment to explain  to us 
the process of cane-holing4 ,the field  
is first ploughed,a in one  direction1  
and the ground thrown up in ridges of   
about a foot high4 ,then  similar ridges
 are formed crosswise1 with the hoe1    
making regular  squares of              
two-feet-sides over the field4 ,by      
raising the soil1 a clear  space of six 
inches square is left at the bottom4 ,in
 this space the  plant is placed        
horizontally1 and slightly covered with 
earth4 ,the  ridges are left about it1  

for the purpose of conducting the rain  
to the  roots1 and also to retain the   
moisture4 ,when we came up to the large 
company1 they paused a moment1 and with 
a hearty salutation1 which ran  all     
along the line1 bade us good mornin'1   
and immediately resumed  their labor4   
,the men and women were intermingled2   
the latter kept pace  with the former1  
wielding their hoes with energy and     
effect4 ,the manager  addressed them for
 a few moments1 telling them who we     
were1 and the  object of our visit4 ,he 
told them of the great number of slaves 
in  ,america1 and appealed to them to   
know whether they would not be sober1   
industrious1 and diligent1 so as to     
prove to ,american slaveholders the     
benefit of freeing all their slaves4 ,at
 the close of each sentence1 they  all  
responded1 ,yes1 massa1 or ,god bless de
 massas1 and at the  conclusion1 they   
answered the appeal1 with much feeling1 
,yes1 massa2  please ,god massa1 we will
 all do so4 ,when we turned to leave1   

they  wished to know what we thought of 
their industry4 ,we assured them that   
we were much pleased1 for which they    
returned their thankee1 massa4  ,they   
were working at a job4 ,the manager had 
given them a piece of  ground to hole1  
engaging to pay them sixteen dollars    
when they had  finished it4 ,he remarked
 that he had found it a good plan to    
give  jobs4 ,he obtained more work in   
this way than he did by giving the      
ordinary wages1 which is about eleven   
cents per day4 ,it looked very much     
like slavery to see the females working 
in the field2 but the manager  said they
 chose it generally for the sake of the 
wages4 ,mr4 ,b4  returned with us to the
 house1 leaving the gangs in the field1 
with only  an aged negro in charge of   
the work1 as superintendent4 ,such now  
is  the name of the overseer4 ,the very 
terms1 driver and overseer1 are         
banished from ,antigua2 and the whip is 
buried beneath the soil  of freedom4    
,footnote ,a3 ,in those cases where the 

plough is used at all4 ,it is not  yet  
generally introduced throughout the     
,west ,indies4 ,where the plough is  not
 used1 the whole process of holing is   
done with the hoe1 and is  extremely    
laborious    ,when we reached the house 
we were introduced to ,mr4 ,watkins1 a  
colored  planter1 whom ,mr4 ,b4 had     
invited to breakfast with us4 ,mr4      
,watkins was  very communicative1 and   
from him and ,mr4 ,b41 who was equally  
free1 we  obtained information on a     
great variety of points1 which we       
reserve for  the different heads to     
which they appropriately belong4        
,,fitch',s ,,creek ,,estate4    ,from   
,millar's we proceeded to ,fitch's      
,creek ,estate1 where we had been       
invited to dine by the intelligent      
manager1 ,mr4 ,h4 ,armstrong4 ,we three 
met several ,wesleyan missionaries4 ,mr4
 ,a4 is himself a local preacher in  the
 ,wesleyan connection4 ,when a stranger 
visits an estate in the ,west  ,indies1 
almost the first thing is an offer from 

the manager to accompany  him through   
the sugar works4 ,mr4 ,a4 conducted us  
first to a new boiling  house1 which he 
was building after a plan of his own    
devising4 ,the house  is of brick1 on a 
very extensive scale4 ,it has been built
 entirely by  negroes--chiefly those    
belonging to the estate who were        
emancipated in  #ahcd4 ,fitch's ,creek  
,estate is one of the largest on the    
,island1  consisting of #ejj acres1 of  
which #cjj are under cultivation4 ,the  
number  of people employed and living on
 the property is #bfj4 ,this estate     
indicates any thing else than an        
apprehension of approaching ruin4 ,it   
presents the appearance1 far more1 of a 
resurrection1 from the grave4  ,in      
addition to his improved sugar and      
boiling establishment1 he has  projected
 a plan for a new village1 7as the      
collection of negro houses  is called17 
and has already selected the ground and 
begun to build4 ,the  houses are to be  
larger than those at present in use1    

they are to be  built of stone instead  
of mud and sticks1 and to be neatly     
roofed4  ,instead of being huddled      
together in a bye place1 as has mostly  
been the  case1 they are to be built on 
an elevated site1 and ranged at regular 
intervals around three sides of a large 
square1 in the centre of which a        
building for a chapel and school house  
is to be erected4 ,each house is  to    
have a garden4 ,this and similar        
improvements are now in progress1  with 
the view of adding to the comforts of   
the laborers1 and attaching  them to the
 estate4 ,it has become the interest of 
the planter to make it  for the interest
 of the people to remain on his estate4 
,this mutual  interest is the only sure 
basis of prosperity on the one hand and 
of  industry on the other4    ,the whole
 company heartily joined in assuring us 
that a knowledge of the  actual working 
of abolition in ,antigua1 would be      
altogether favorable to  the cause of   
freedom1 and that the more thorough our 

knowledge of the  facts in the case1 the
 more perfect would be our confidence in
 the  safety of ,,immediate             
emancipation4    ,mr4 ,a4 said that the 
spirit of enterprise1 before dormant1   
had been  roused since emancipation1 and
 planters were now beginning to inquire 
as  to the best modes of cultivation1   
and to propose measures of general      
improvement4 ,one of these measures was 
the establishing of free  villages1 in  
which the laborers might dwell by paying
 a small rent4  ,when the adjacent      
planters needed help they could here    
find a supply for  the occasion4 ,this  
plan would relieve the laborers from    
some of that  dependence which they must
 feel so long as they live on the estate
 and  in the houses of the planters4    
,many advantages of such a system were  
specified4 ,we allude to it here only as
 an illustration of that spirit  of     
inquiry1 which freedom has kindled in   
the minds of the planters4    ,no little
 desire was manifested by the company to

 know the state of the  slavery question
 in this country4 ,they all1 planters   
and missionaries1  spoke in terms of    
abhorrence of our slavery1 our snobs1   
our prejudice1  and our ,christianity4  
,one of the missionaries said it would  
never do for  him to go to ,america1 for
 he should certainly be excommunicated  
by his  ,methodist brethren1 and        
,lynched by the advocates of slaver4 ,he
 insisted  that slaveholding professors 
and ministers should be cut off from the
  communion of the ,church4    ,as we   
were about to take leave1 the proprietor
 of the estate rode up1  accompanied by 
the governor1 who he had brought to see 
the new  boiling-house1 and the other   
improvements which were in progress4    
,the  proprietor reside in ,st4 ,john's1
 is a gentleman of large fortune1 and a 
member of the assembly4 ,he said he     
would be happy to aid us in any         
way--but added1 that in all details of a
 practical kind1 and in all  matters of 
fact1 the planters were the best        

witnesses1 for they were the  conductors
 of the present system4 ,we were glad to
 obtain the endorsement  of an          
influential proprietor to the testimony 
of practical planters4    ,,dinner ,,at 
,,the ,,governor',s4    ,on the         
following day having received a very    
courteous invitation,a from  the        
governor1 to dine at the government     
house1 we made our arrangements  to do  
so4 ,the ,hon4 ,paul ,horsford1 a member
 of the council1 called during  the day1
 to say1 that he expected to dine with  
us at the government  house and that he 
would be happy to call for us at the    
appointed hour1  and conduct us thither4
 ,at six o'clock ,mr4 ,h4's carriage    
drove up to our  door1 and we           
accompanied him to the governor's1 where
 we were introduced  to ,col4 ,jarvis1 a
 member of the privy council1 and       
proprietor of several  estates in the   
island1 ,col4 ,edwards1 a member of the 
assembly and a  barrister1 ,dr4         
,musgrave1 a member of the assembly1 and

 ,mr4 ,shiel1  attorney general4 ,a     
dinner of state1 at a ,governor's house1
 attended by  a company of high-toned   
politicians1 professional gentlemen1 and
  proprietors1 could hardly be expected 
to furnish large accessions to our      
stock of information1 relating to the   
object of our visit4 ,dinner being      
announced1 we were hardly seated at the 
table when his excellency  politely     
offered to drink a glass of ,madeira    
with us4 ,we begged leave to  decline   
the honor4 ,in a short time he proposed 
a glass of  ,champaign--again we        
declined4 ,why1 surely1 gentlemen1      
exclaimed the  ,governor1 you must      
belong to the temperance society4 ,yes1 
sir1 we  do4 ,is it possible8 but you   
will surely take a glass of liqueur8    
,your excellency must pardon us if we   
again decline the honor2 we drink  no   
wines4 ,this announcement of ultra      
temperance principles excited no  little
 surprise4 ,finding that our allegiance 
to cold water was not to be  shaken1 the

 governor condescended at last to meet  
us on middle ground1  and drink his wine
 to our water4    ,footnote ,a3 ,we     
venture to publish the note in which the
 governor  conveyed his invitation1     
simply because1 though a trifle in      
itself1 it  will serve to show the      
estimation in which our mission was     
held4        ,if ,messrs4 ,kimball and  
,thome are not engaged ,tuesday next1   
the      ,lieut4 ,governor will be happy
 to see them at dinner1 at six o'clock1 
when he will endeavor to facilitate     
their philanthropic inquiries1      by  
inviting two or three proprietors to met
 them4        ,government ,house1 ,st4  
,john's1 ,dec4 #ahth1 #ahcf4      ,the  
conversation on the subject of          
emancipation served to show that the    
prevailing sentiment was decidedly      
favorable to the free system4 ,col4     
,jarvis1 who is the proprietor of three 
estates1 said that he was in  ,england  
at the time the bill for immediate      
emancipation passed the  legislature4   

,had he been in the island he should    
have opposed it2 but  now he was glad it
 had prevailed4 ,the evil consequences  
which he  apprehended had not been      
realized1 and he was now confident that 
they  never would be4    ,as to         
prejudice against the black and colored 
people1 all thought it was  rapidly     
decreasing--indeed1 they could scarcely 
say there was now any  such thing4 ,to  
be sure1 there was an aversion among the
 higher classes  of the whites1 and     
especially among females1 to associating
 in parties  with colored people2 but it
 was not on account of their color1 but 
chiefly because of their illegitimacy4  
,this was to us a new source  of        
prejudice3 but subsequent information   
fully explained its bearings4  ,the     
whites of the ,west ,indies are         
themselves the authors of that          
illegitimacy1 out of which their        
aversion springs4 ,it is not to be      
wondered at that they should be         
unwilling to invite the colored people  

to their social parties1 seeing they    
might not unfrequently be subjected  to 
the embarrassment of introducing to     
their white wives a colored  mistress or
 an illegitimate daughter4 ,this also   
explains the special  prejudice which   
the ladies of the higher classes feel   
toward those  among whom are their      
guilty rivals in a husband's affections1
 and those  whose every feature tells   
the story of a husband's unfaithfulness6
    ,a few days after our dinner with   
the governor and his friends1 we took   
breakfast1 by invitation1 with ,mr4     
,watkins1 the colored planter whom  we  
had the pleasure of meeting at          
,millar's1 on a previous occasion4 ,mr4 
,w4 politely sent in his chaise for us1 
a distance of five miles1 ,at an  early 
hour we reached ,donovan's1 the estate  
of which he is manager4 ,we  found the  
sugar works in active operation3 the    
broad wings of the  windmill were       
wheeling their stately revolutions1 and 
the smoke was  issuing in dense volumes 

from the chimney of the boiling house4  
,some of  the negroes were employed in  
carrying cane to the mill1 others in    
carrying away the trash or megass1 as   
the cane is called after the  juice is  
expressed from it4 ,others1 chiefly the 
old men and women1 were  tearing the    
megass apart1 and strewing it on the    
ground to dry4 ,it is  the only fuel    
used for boiling the sugar4    ,on      
entering the house we found three       
planters whom ,mr4 ,w4 had invited to   
breakfast with us4 ,the meeting of a    
number of intelligent practical         
planters afforded a good opportunity for
 comparing their views4 ,on all  the    
main points1 touching the working of    
freedom1 there was a strong             
coincidence4    ,when breakfast was     
ready1 ,mrs4 ,w4 entered the room1 and  
after our  introduction to her1 took her
 place at the head of the table4 ,her   
conversation was intelligent1 her       
manners highly polished1 and she        
presided at the table with admirable    

grace and dignity4    ,on the following 
day1 ,dr4 ,ferguson1 of ,st4 ,john's1   
called on us4 ,dr4  ,ferguson is a      
member of the assembly1 and one of the  
first physicians in  the island4 ,the   
,doctor said that freedom had wrought   
like a magician1  and had it not been   
for the unprecedented drought1 the      
island would now  be in a state of      
prosperity unequalled in any period of  
its history4 ,dr4  ,f4 remarked that a  
general spirit of improvement was       
pervading the  island4 ,the moral       
condition of the whites was rapidly     
brightening2  formerly concubinage was  
respectable2 it had been customary for  
married men--those of the highest       
standing--to keep one or two colored    
mistresses4 ,this practice was now      
becoming disreputable4 ,there had been  
a great alteration as to the observance 
of the ,sabbath2 formerly more  business
 was done in ,st4 ,john's on ,sunday1 by
 the merchants1 than on all  the other  
days of the week together4 ,the         

mercantile business of the town  had    
increased astonishingly2 he thought that
 the stores and shops had  multiplied in
 a ratio of ten to one4 ,mechanical     
pursuits were likewise  in a flourishing
 condition4 ,dr4 ,f4 said that a greater
 number of  buildings had been erected  
since emancipation1 than had been put up
 for  twenty years before4 ,great       
improvements had also been made in the  
streets and roads in town and country4  
,,market4    ,,saturday4--,this is the  
regular market-day here4 ,the negroes   
come from all  parts of the island2     
walking sometimes ten or fifteen miles  
to attend  the ,st4 ,john's market4 ,we 
pressed our way through the dense mass  
of all  hues1 which crowded the market4 
,the ground was covered with wooden     
trays  filled with all kinds of fruits1 
grain1 vegetables1 fowls1 fish1 and     
flesh4 ,each one1 as we passed1 called  
attention to his or her little  stock4  
,we passed up to the head of the avenue1
 where men and women were  employed in  

cutting up the light fire-wood which    
they had brought from  the country on   
their heads1 and in binding it into     
small bundles for  sale4 ,here we paused
 a moment and looked down upon the busy 
multitude  below4 ,the whole street was 
a moving mass4 ,there were broad ,panama
 hats1  and gaudy turbans1 and uncovered
 heads1 and heads laden with water pots1
  and boxes1 and baskets1 and trays--all
 moving and mingling in seemingly       
inextricable confusion4 ,there could not
 have been less than fifteen  hundred   
people congregated in that street--all1 
or nearly all1  emancipated slaves4     
,yet1 amidst all the excitements and    
competitions of  trade1 their conduct   
toward each other was polite and kind4  
,not a word1  or look1 or gesture of    
insolence or indecency did we observe4  
,smiling  countenances and friendly     
voices greeted us on every side1 and we 
felt  no fears either of having our     
pockets picked or our throats cut6      
,at the other end of the market-place   

stood the ,lock-up ,house1 the  ,cage1  
and the ,whipping ,post1 with stocks for
 feet and wrists4 ,these  are almost the
 sole relics of slavery which still     
linger in the town4  ,the ,lock-up      
,house is a sort of jail1 built of      
stone--about fifteen feet  square1 and  
originally designed as a place of       
confinement for slaves  taken up by the 
patrol4 ,the ,cage is a smaller         
building1 adjoining the  former1 the    
sides of which are composed of strong   
iron bars--fitly  called a cage6 ,the   
prisoner was exposed to the gaze and    
insult of  every passer by1 without the 
possibility of concealment4 ,the        
,whipping  ,post is hard by1 but its    
occupation is gone4 ,indeed1 all these  
appendages of slavery have gone into    
entire disuse1 and ,time is doing  his  
work of dilapidation upon them4 ,we     
fancied we could see in the  marketers1 
as they walked in and out at the        
doorless entrance of the  ,lock-up      
,house1 or leaned against the ,whipping 

,post1 in careless chat1  that harmless 
defiance which would prompt one to beard
 the dead lion4    ,returning from the  
market we observed a negro woman passing
 through the  street1 with several large
 hat boxes strung on her arm4 ,she      
accidentally  let one of them fall4 ,the
 box had hardly reached the ground1 when
 a  little boy sprang from the back of a
 carriage rolling by1 handed the  woman 
the box1 and hastened to remount the    
carriage4    ,,christmas4    ,during the
 reign of slavery1 the ,christmas       
holidays brought with them  general     
alarm4 ,to prevent insurrections1 the   
militia was uniformly  called out1 and  
an array made of all that was formidable
 in military  enginery4 ,this custom was
 dispensed with at once1 after          
emancipation4 ,as  ,christmas came on   
the ,sabbath1 it tested the respect for 
that day4 ,the  morning was similar1 in 
all respects1 to the morning of the     
,sabbath  described above2 the same     
serenity reigning everywhere--the same  

quiet  in the household movements1 and  
the same tranquillity prevailing through
  the streets4 ,we attended morning     
service at the ,moravian chapel4        
,notwithstanding the descriptions we had
 heard of the great change which        
emancipation had wrought in the         
observance of ,christmas1 we were quite 
unprepared for the delightful reality   
around us4 ,though thirty thousand      
slaves had but lately been turned loose 
upon a white population of  less than   
three thousand6 instead of meeting with 
scenes of disorder1  what were the      
sights which greeted our eyes8 ,the neat
 attire1 the  serious demeanor1 and the 
thronged procession to the place of     
worship4  ,in every direction the roads 
leading into town were lined with happy 
beings--attired for the house of ,god4  
,when groups coming from different      
quarters met at the corners1 they       
stopped a moment to exchange            
salutations and shake hands1 and then   
proceeded on together4    ,the ,moravian

 chapel was slightly decorated with     
green branches4 ,they  were the only    
adorning which marked the plain         
sanctuary of a plain  people4 ,it was   
crowded with black and colored people1  
and very many  stood without1 who could 
not get in4 ,after the close of the     
service in  the chapel1 the minister    
proceeded to the adjacent school room1  
and  preached to another crowded        
audience4 ,in the evening the ,wesleyan 
chapel  was crowded to overflowing4 ,the
 aisles and communion place were full4  
,on  all festivals and holidays1 which  
occur on the ,sabbath1 the churches and 
chapels are more thronged than on any   
other ,lord's day4    ,it is hardly     
necessary to state that there was no    
instance of a dance or  drunken riot1   
nor wild shouts of mirth during the day4
 ,the ,christmas1  instead of breaking  
in upon the repose of the ,sabbath1     
seemed only to  enhance the usual       
solemnity of the day4    ,the holidays  
continued until the next ,wednesday     

morning1 and the same  order prevailed  
to the close of them4 ,on ,monday there 
were religious  services in most of the 
churches and chapels1 where             
sabbath-school  addresses1 discourses on
 the relative duties of husband and     
wife1 and on  kindred subjects1 were    
delivered4    ,an intelligent gentleman 
informed us that the negroes1 while     
slaves1  used to spend during the       
,christmas holidays1 the extra money    
which they  got during the year4 ,now   
they save it--to buy small tracts of    
land for  their own cultivation4    ,the
 ,governor informed us that the police  
returns did not report a single  case of
 arrest during the holidays4 ,he said he
 had been well acquainted  with the     
country districts of ,england1 he had   
also travelled extensively  in ,europe1 
yet he had never found such a peaceable1
 orderly1 and  law-abiding people as    
those of ,antigua4    ,an acquaintance  
of nine weeks with the colored          
population of ,st4 ,john's1  meeting    

them by the wayside1 in their shops1 in 
their parlors1 and  elsewhere1 enables  
us to pronounce them a people of general
  intelligence1 refinement of manners1  
personal accomplishments1 and true      
politeness4 ,as to their style of dress 
and mode of living1 were we  disposed to
 make any criticism1 we should say that 
they were  extravagant4 ,in refined and 
elevated conversation1 they would       
certainly  bear a comparison with the   
white families of the island4    ,,visit
 ,,to ,,thibou ,,jarvis',s ,,estate4    
,after the ,christmas holidays were     
over1 we resumed our visits to the      
country4 ,being provided with a letter  
to the manager of ,thibou ,jarvis's     
estate1 ,mr4 ,james ,howell1 we embraced
 the earliest opportunity to call  on   
him4 ,mr4 ,h4 has been in ,antigua for  
thirty-six years1 and has been a        
practical planter during the whole of   
that time4 ,he has the management  of   
two estates1 on which there are more    
than five hundred people4 ,the          

principal items of ,mr4 ,howell's       
testimony will be found in another      
place4 ,in this connection we shall     
record only miscellaneous statements  of
 a local nature4    #a4 ,the severity of
 the drought4 ,he had been in ,antigua  
since the year  #ahjj1 and he had never 
known so long a continuance of dry      
weather1  although the island is subject
 to severe droughts4 ,he stated that a  
field of yams1 which in ordinary seasons
 yielded ten cart-loads to the  acre1   
would not produce this year more than   
three4 ,the failure in the  crops was   
not in the least degree chargeable upon 
the laborers1 for in  the first place1  
the cane plants for the present crop    
were put in  earlier and in greater     
quantities than usual1 and until the    
drought  commenced1 the fields promised 
a large return4    #b4 ,the religious   
condition of the negroes1 during        
slavery1 was  extremely low4 ,it seemed 
almost impossible to teach them any     
higher  religion than obedience to their

 masters4 ,their highest notion of  ,god
 was that he was a little above their   
owner4 ,he mentioned1 by way  of        
illustration1 that the slaves of a      
certain large proprietor used to  have  
this saying1 ,massa only want he little 
finger to touch ,god6 that  is1 their   
master was lower than ,god only by the  
length of his little  finger4 ,but now  
the religious and moral condition of the
 people was  fast improving4    #c4 ,a  
great change in the use of rum had been 
effected on the estates  under his      
management since emancipation4 ,he      
formerly1 in accordance with  the       
prevalent custom1 gave his people a     
weekly allowance of rum1 and  this was  
regarded as essential to their health   
and effectiveness4 ,but he  has lately  
discontinued this altogether1 and his   
people had not suffered  any            
inconvenience from it4 ,he gave them in 
lieu of the rum1 an allowance  of       
molasses1 with which they appeared to be
 entirely satisfied4 ,when ,mr4  ,h4    

informed the people of his intention to 
discontinue the spirits1 he  told them  
that he should set them the example of  
total abstinence1 by  abandoning wine   
and malt liquor also1 which he          
accordingly did4    #d4 ,there had been 
much less pretended sickness among the  
negroes since  freedom4 ,they had now a 
strong aversion to going to the sick    
house,a1  so much so that on many       
estates it had been put to some other   
use4    ,footnote ,a3 ,the estate       
hospital1 in which1 during slavery1 all 
sick  persons were placed for medical   
attendance and nursing4 ,there was one  
on  every estate4    ,we were taken     
through the negro village1 and shown the
 interior of  several houses4 ,one of   
the finest looking huts was decorated   
with  pictures1 printed cards1 and      
booksellers' advertisements in large    
letters4 ,amongst many ornaments of this
 kind1 was an advertisement not         
unfamiliar to our eyes--,,the ,,girl',s 
,,own ,,book4 ,,by ,,mrs4 ,,child4      

,we generally found the women at home4  
,some of them had been informed of  our 
intention to visit them1 and took pains 
to have every thing in the  best order  
for our reception4 ,the negro village on
 this estate contains  one hundred      
houses1 each of which is occupied by a  
separate family4 ,mr4  ,h4 next         
conducted us to a neighboring field1    
where the great gang,b  were at work4   
,there were about fifty persons in the  
gang--the majority  females--under two  
inspectors or superintendents1 men who  
take the place  of the quondam drivers1 
though their province is totally        
different4  ,they merely direct the     
laborers in their work1 employing with  
the  loiterers the stimulus of          
persuasion1 or at farthest1 no more than
 the  violence of the tongue4           
,footnote ,b3 ,the people on most       
estates are divided into three gangs2   
first1 the great gang1 composed of the  
principal effective men and  women2     
second1 the weeding gang1 consisting of 

younger and weekly  persons2 and third1 
the grass gang1 which embraces all the  
children  able to work4    ,mr4 ,h4     
requested them to stop their work1 and  
told them who we were1 and  as we bowed1
 the men took off their hats and the    
women made a low  courtesy4 ,mr4 ,howell
 then informed them that we had come    
from ,america1  where there were a great
 many slaves3 that we had visited       
,antigua to see  how freedom was        
working1 and whether the people who were
 made free on  the first of ,august were
 doing well--and added1 that he hoped   
these  gentlemen might be able to carry 
back such a report as would induce the  
masters in ,america to set their slaves 
free4 ,they unanimously replied1  ,yes1 
massa1 we hope dem will gib um free4 ,we
 spoke a few words3 told  them of the   
condition of the slaves in ,america1    
urged them to pray for  them that they  
might be patient under their sufferings1
 and that they  might soon be made free4
 ,they repeatedly promised to pray for  

the poor  slaves in ,america4 ,we then  
received their hearty ,good bye1 massa1 
and  returned to the house1 while they  
resumed their work4    ,we took leave of
 ,mr4 ,howell1 grateful for his kind    
offices in  furtherance of the objects  
of our mission4    ,we had not been long
 in ,antigua before we perceived the    
distress of the  poor from the scarcity 
of water4 ,as there are but few springs 
in the  island1 the sole reliance is    
upon rain water4 ,wealthy families have 
cisterns or tanks in their yards1 to    
receive the rain from the roofs4  ,there
 are also a few public cisterns in ,st4 
,john's4 ,these ordinarily  supply the  
whole population4 ,during the present   
season many of these  cisterns have been
 dry1 and the supply of water has been  
entirely  inadequate to the wants of the
 people4 ,there are several large open  
ponds in the vicinity of ,st4 ,john's1  
which are commonly used to water  stock4
 ,there are one or more on every estate1
 for the same purpose4  ,the poor people

 were obliged to use the water from     
these ponds both for  drinking and      
cooking while we were in ,antigua4 ,in  
taking our morning  walks1 we uniformly 
met the negroes either going to1 or     
returning from  the ponds1 with their   
large pails balanced on their heads1    
happy  apparently in being able to get  
even such foul water4    ,attended the  
anniversary of the ,friendly ,society1  
connected with the  church in ,st4      
,john's4 ,many of the most respectable  
citizens1 including  the ,governor1 were
 present4 ,after the services in the    
church1 the  society moved in procession
 to the ,rectory school-room4 ,we       
counted one  hundred males and two      
hundred and sixty females in the        
procession4  ,having been kindly invited
 by the ,rector to attend at the        
school-room1  we followed the           
procession4 ,we found the house crowded 
with women1 many  others1 besides those 
in the procession1 having convened4 ,the
 men were  seated without under a       

canvass1 extended along one side of the 
house4  ,the whole number present was   
supposed to be nine hundred4 ,short     
addresses were made by the ,rector1 the 
,archdeacon1 and the ,governor4    ,the 
,seventh ,annual ,report of the         
,society1 drawn up by the secretary1 a  
colored man1 was read4 ,it was          
creditable to the author4 ,the ,rector  
in  his address affectionally warned the
 society1 especially the female         
members1 against extravagance in dress4 
,the ,archdeacon exhorted them to       
domestic and conjugal faithfulness4 ,he 
alluded to the prevalence of inconstancy
 during past years1 and to the  great   
improvement in this particular lately2  
and concluded by wishing  them all a    
happy new-year and many of them1 and a  
blessed immortality  in the end4 ,for   
this kind wish they returned a loud and 
general  thankee1 massa4    ,the        
,governor then said1 that he rose merely
 to remark1 that this society  might aid
 in the emancipation of millions of     

slaves1 now in bondage in  other        
countries4 ,a people who are capable of 
forming such societies as  this among   
themselves1 deserve to be free1 and     
ought no longer to be  held in bondage4 
,you1 said he1 are showing to the world 
what the negro  race are capable of     
doing4 ,the ,governor's remarks were    
received with  applause4 ,after the     
addresses the audience were served with 
refreshments1 previous to which the     
,rector read the following lines1  which
 were sung to the tune of ,old ,hundred1
 the whole congregation  standing4      
,lord at our table now appear       ,and
 bless us here1 as every where2     ,let
 manna to our souls be given1       ,the
 bread of life sent down from heaven4   
,the simple refreshment was then handed 
round4 ,it consisted merely of  buns and
 lemonade4 ,the ,governor and the       
,rector1 each drank to the health  and  
happiness of the members4 ,the loud     
response came up from all within  and   
all around the                          

house--thankee--thankee--thankee--massa-
-thankee  good massa4 ,a scene of       
animation ensued4 ,the whole concourse  
of  black1 colored and white1 from the  
humblest to the highest1 from the       
unlettered apprentice to the ,archdeacon
 and the ,governor of the island1       
joined in a common festivity4    ,after 
the repast was concluded1 thanks were   
returned in the following  verse1 also  
sung to ,old ,hundred4       ,we thank  
thee1 ,lord1 for this our food1         
,but bless thee more for ,jesus' blood2 
,let manna to our souls be given1       
,the bread of life sent down from       
heaven4    ,the benediction was         
pronounced1 and the assembly retired4   
,there was an aged negro man present1   
who was noticed with marked  attention  
by the ,archdeacon1 the ,rector and     
other clergymen4 ,he is  sometimes      
called the ,african ,bishop4 ,he was    
evidently used to  familiarity with the 
clergy1 and laid his hand on their      
shoulders as he  spoke to them4 ,the old

 patriarch was highly delighted with the
 scene4 ,he  said1 when he was young he 
never saw nothing1 but sin and ,satan4  
,now ,i  just begin to live4    ,on the 
same occasion the ,governor remarked to 
us that the first thing to  be done in  
our country1 toward the removal of      
slavery1 was to discard  the absurd     
notion that color made any difference1  
intellectually or  morally1 among men4  
,all distinctions1 said he1 founded in  
color1 must  be abolished everywhere4   
,we should learn to talk of men not as  
colored  men1 but as ,,men as fellow    
citizens and fellow subjects4 ,his      
,excellency certainly showed on this    
occasion a disposition to put in        
practice his doctrine4 ,he spoke        
affectionately to the children1 and     
conversed freely with the adults4       
,,visit ,,to ,,green ,,castle4          
,according to a previous engagement1 a  
member of the assembly called and  took 
us in his carriage to ,green ,castle    
estate4    ,green ,castle lies about    

three miles south-east from ,st4        
,john's1 and  contains #idj acres4 ,the 
mansion stands on a rocky cliff2        
overlooking the  estate1 and commanding 
a wide view of the island4 ,in one      
direction  spreads a valley1            
interspersed with fields of sugar-cane  
and provisions4  ,in another stretches a
 range of hills1 with their sides clad  
in culture1  and their tops covered with
 clouds4 ,at the base of the rock are   
the  sugar ,houses4 ,on a neighboring   
upland lies the negro village1 in the   
rear of which are the provision grounds4
 ,samuel ,bernard1 ,esq41 the  manager1 
received us kindly4 ,he said1 he had    
been on the island  forty-four years1   
most of the time engaged in the         
management of estates4  ,he is now the  
manager of two estates1 and the attorney
 for six1 and has  lately purchased an  
estate himself4 ,mr4 ,b4 is now an aged 
man1 grown old  in the practice of slave
 holding4 ,he has survived the wreck of 
slavery1  and now stripped of a tyrant's

 power1 he still lives among the people1
  who were lately his slaves1 and       
manages an estate which was once his    
empire4 ,the testimony of such a man is 
invaluable4 ,hear him4    #a4 ,mr4 ,b4  
said1 that the negroes throughout the   
island were very  peaceable when they   
received their freedom4    #b4 ,he said 
he had found no difficulty in getting   
his people to work  after they had      
received their freedom4 ,some estates   
had suffered for a  short time2 there   
was a pretty general fluctuation for a  
month or two1  the people leaving one   
estate and going to another4 ,but this1 
said ,mr4  ,b41 was chargeable to the   
folly of the planters1 who overbid each 
other in order to secure the best hands 
and enough of them4 ,the negroes  had a 
strong attachment to their homes1 and   
they would rarely abandon  them unless  
harshly treated4    #c4 ,he thought that
 the assembly acted very wisely in      
rejecting the  apprenticeship4 ,he      
considered it absurd4 ,it took the      

chains partly from  off the slave1 and  
fastened them on the master1 and        
enslaved them  both4 ,it withdrew from  
the latter the power of compelling      
labor1 and it  supplied to the former no
 incentive to industry4    ,he was      
opposed to the measures which many had  
adopted for further  securing the       
benefits of emancipation4--,he referred 
particularly to the  system of education
 which now prevailed4 ,he thought that  
the education  of the emancipated       
negroes should combine industry with    
study even in  childhood1 so as not to  
disqualify the taught for cultivating   
the  ground4 ,it will be readily seen   
that this prejudice against education1  
evidently the remains of his attachment 
to slavery1 gives additional  weight to 
his testimony4    ,the ,mansion on the  
,rock 7which from its elevated and      
almost inaccessible  position1 and from 
the rich shrubbery in perpetual foliage 
surrounding  it1 very fitly takes the   
name of ,green ,castle7 is memorable as 

the scene  of the murder of the present 
proprietor's grandfather4 ,he refused to
  give his slaves holiday on a          
particular occasion4 ,they came several 
times in a body and asked for the       
holiday1 but he obstinately refused to  
grant it4 ,they rushed into his bedroom1
 fell upon him with their hoes1  and    
killed him4    ,on our return to ,st4   
,john's1 we received a polite note from 
a colored  lady1 inviting us to attend  
the anniversary of the ,juvenile        
,association1 at eleven o'clock4 ,we    
found about forty children  assembled1  
the greater part of them colored girls1 
but some were white4  ,the ages of these
 juvenile philanthropists varied from   
four to fourteen4  ,after singing and   
prayer1 the object of the association   
was stated1  which was to raise money by
 sewing1 soliciting contributions1 and  
otherwise1 for charitable purposes4     
,from the annual report it appeared that
 this was the twenty-first  anniversary 
of the society4 ,the treasurer reported 

nearly #fj currency  7or about #aej7    
received and disbursed during the year4 
,more than one  hundred dollars had been
 given towards the erection of the new  
,wesleyan  chapel in ,st4 ,john's4      
,several resolutions were presented by  
little  misses1 expressive of gratitude 
to ,god for continued blessings1 which  
were adopted unanimously--every child   
holding up its right hand in token  of  
assent4    ,after the resolutions and   
other business were despatched1 the     
children  listened to several addresses 
from the gentlemen present4 ,the last   
speaker was a member of the assembly4   
,he said that his presence there  was   
quite accidental2 but that he had been  
amply repaid for coming by  witnessing  
the goodly work to which this juvenile  
society was engaged4  ,as there was a   
male branch association about to be     
organized1 he begged  the privilege of  
enrolling his name as an honorary       
member1 and promised  to be a constant  
contributor to its funds4 ,he concluded 

by saying1 that  though he had not      
before enjoyed the happiness of         
attending their  anniversaries1 he      
should never again fail to be present   
7with the  permission of their worthy   
patroness7 at the future meetings of    
this  most interesting society4 ,we give
 the substance of this address1 as one  
of the signs of the times4 ,the speaker 
was a wealthy merchant of  ,st4 ,john's4
    ,this society was organized in      
#ahae4 ,the first proposal came from a  
few  little colored girls1 who1 after   
hearing a sermon on the blessedness  of 
doing good1 wanted to know whether they 
might not have a society for  raising   
money to give to the poor4    ,this     
,juvenile ,association has1 since its   
organization1 raised the sum of         
fourteen hundred dollars6 ,even this    
little association has experienced  a   
great impulse from the free system4     
,from a table of the annual  receipts   
since #ahae1 we found that the amount   
raised the two last years1  is nearly   

equal to that received during any three 
years before4    ,,dr4                  
,,daniell--,,weatherill ,,estate4    ,on
 our return from ,thibou ,jarvis's      
estate1 we called at ,weatherill's2  but
 the manager1 ,dr4 ,daniell1 not being  
at home1 we left our names1 with  an    
intimation of the object of our visit4  
,dr4 ,d4 called soon after at  our      
lodgings4 ,as authority1 he is          
unquestionable4 ,before retiring from   
the practice of medicine1 he stood at   
the head of his profession in the       
island4 ,he is now a member of the      
council1 is proprietor of an estate1    
manager of another1 and attorney for    
six4    ,the fact that such men as ,dr4 
,d41 but yesterday large slaveholders1  
and  still holding high civil and       
political stations1 should most         
cheerfully  facilitate our anti-slavery 
investigations1 manifesting a solicitude
 to  furnish us with all the information
 in their power1 is of itself the       
highest eulogy of the new system4 ,the  

testimony of ,dr4 ,d4 will be found     
mainly in a subsequent part of the work4
 ,we state1 in passing1 a few           
incidentals4 ,he was satisfied that     
immediate emancipation was better       
policy than a temporary apprenticeship4 
,the apprenticeship was a middle        
state--kept the negroes in              
suspense--vexed and harrassed them--fed 
them  on a starved hope2 and therefore  
they would not be so likely1 when they  
ultimately obtained freedom1 to feel    
grateful1 and conduct themselves        
properly4 ,the reflection that they had 
been cheated out of their liberty  for  
six years would sour their minds4 ,the  
planters in ,antigua1 by  giving        
immediate freedom1 had secured the      
attachment of their people4    ,the     
,doctor said he did not expect to make  
more than two thirds of his  average    
crop2 but he assured us that this was   
owing solely to the want  of rain4      
,there had been no deficiency of labor4 
,the crops were in1 in  season1         

throughout the island1 and the estates  
were never under better  cultivation    
than at the present time4 ,nothing was  
wanting but  ,,rain--,,rain4    ,he said
 that the ,west ,india planters were    
very anxious to retain the  services of 
the negro population4    ,dr4 ,d4 made  
some inquiries as to the extent of      
slavery in the ,united  ,states1 and    
what was doing for its abolition4 ,he   
thought that  emancipation in our       
country would not be the result of a    
slow process4  ,the anti-slavery feeling
 of the civilized world had become too  
strong to  wait for a long course of    
preparations and ameliorations4 ,and    
besides1 continued he1 the arbitrary    
control of a master can never be a      
preparation for freedom2--sound and     
wholesome legal restraints are the  only
 preparative4    ,the ,doctor also spoke
 of the absurdity and wickedness of the 
caste of  color which prevailed in the  
,united ,states4 ,it was the offspring  
of  slavery1 and it must disappear when 

slavery is abolished4    ,,conversation 
,,with ,a ,,negro4    ,we had a         
conversation one morning with a boatman1
 while he was rowing us  across the     
harbor of ,st4 ,john's4 ,he was a young 
negro man4 ,said he was a  slave until  
emancipation4 ,we inquired whether he   
heard any thing about  emancipation     
before it took place4 ,he said1 yes--the
 slaves heard of it1  but it was talked 
about so long that many of them lost all
 believement  in it1 got tired waiting1 
and bought their freedom2 but he had    
more  patience1 and got his for nothing4
 ,we inquired of him1 what the negroes  
did on the first of ,august1 #ahcd4 ,he 
said they all went to church and        
chapel4 ,dare was more religious on dat 
day dan you could tire of4  ,speaking of
 the law1 he said it was his friend4 ,if
 there was no law  to take his part1 a  
man1 who was stronger than he1 might    
step up and  knock him down4 ,but now no
 one dare do so2 all were afraid of the 
law1--the law would never hurt any body 

who behaved well2 but a master  would   
slash a fellow1 let him do his best4    
,,visit ,,to ,,newfield4    ,drove out  
to ,newfield1 a ,moravian station1 about
 eight miles from ,st4  ,john's4 ,the   
,rev4 ,mr4 ,morrish1 the missionary at  
that station1 has under  his charge two 
thousand people4 ,connected with the    
station is a day  school for children1  
and a night school for adults twice in  
each week4    ,we looked in upon the day
 school1 and found one hundred and      
fifteen  children4 ,the teacher and     
assistant were colored persons4 ,mr4 ,m4
  superintends4 ,he was just dismissing 
the school1 by singing and prayer1  and 
the children marched out to the music of
 one of their little songs4  ,during the
 afternoon1 ,mr4 ,favey1 manager of a   
neighboring estate1  7,lavicount's17    
called on us4    ,he spoke of the       
tranquillity of the late ,christmas     
holidays4 ,they ended  ,tuesday evening1
 and his people were all in the field at
 work on  ,wednesday morning--there were

 no stragglers4 ,being asked to specify 
the  chief advantages of the new system 
over slavery1 he stated at once the     
following things3 #ast4 ,it 7free labor7
 is less expensive4 #b;d4 ,it costs  a  
planter far less trouble to manage free 
laborers1 than it did to  manage slaves4
 #c;d4 ,it had removed all danger of    
insurrection1  conflagration1 and       
conspiracies4    ,,adult ,,school4      
,in the evening1 ,mr4 ,morrish's adult  
school for women was held4 ,about       
thirty women assembled from different   
estates--some walking several  miles4   
,most of them were just beginning to    
read4 ,they had just begun to  learn    
something about figures1 and it was no  
small effort to add #d and #b  together4
 ,they were incredibly ignorant about   
the simplest matters4 ,when  they first 
came to the school1 they could not tell 
which was their right  arm or their     
right side1 and they had scarcely       
mastered that secret1  after repeated   
showing4 ,we were astonished to observe 

that when ,mr4 ,m4  asked them to point 
to their cheeks1 they laid their finger 
upon their  chins4 ,they were much      
pleased with the evolutions of a dumb   
clock1 which  ,mr4 ,m4 exhibited1 but   
none of them could tell the time of day 
by it4  ,such is a specimen of the      
intelligence of the ,antigua negroes4   
,mr4 ,m4  told us that they were a      
pretty fair sample of the country       
negroes  generally4 ,it surely cannot be
 said that they were uncommonly well    
prepared for freedom2 yet with all their
 ignorance1 and with the merest         
infantile state of intellect1 they prove
 the peaceable subjects of law4  ,that  
they have a great desire to learn1 is   
manifest from their coming  such        
distances1 after working in the field   
all day4 ,the school which  they attend 
has been established since the abolition
 of slavery4    ,the next morning1 we   
visited the day school4 ,it was opened  
with singing  and prayer4 ,the children 
knelt and repeated the ,lord's ,prayer  

after ,mr4  ,m4 ,they then formed into a
 line and marched around the room1      
singing and  keeping the step4 ,a tiny  
little one1 just beginning to walk1     
occasionally straggled out of the line4 
,the next child1 not a little           
displeased with such disorderly         
movements1 repeatedly seized the        
straggler by the frock1 and pulled her  
into the ranks2 but finally  despaired  
of reducing her to subordination4 ,when 
the children had taken  their seats1    
,mr4 ,m41 at our request1 asked all     
those who were free  before ,august1    
#ahcd1 to rise4 ,only one girl arose1   
and she was in no way  distinguishable  
from a white child4 ,the first exercise1
 was an  examination of a passage of    
scripture4 ,the children were then      
questioned  on the simple rules of      
addition and subtraction1 and their     
answers were  prompt and accurate4      
,,dr4 ,,nugent4    ,the hour having     
arrived when we were to visit a         
neighboring estate1 ,mr4  ,m4 kindly    

accompanied us to ,lyon's1 the estate   
upon which ,dr4 ,nugent  resides4 ,in   
respect to general intelligence1        
scientific acquirements1  and           
agricultural knowledge1 no man in       
,antigua stands higher than ,dr4        
,nugent4 ,he has long been speaker of   
the house of assembly1 and is  favorably
 known in ,europe as a geologist and man
 of science4 ,he is  manager of the     
estate on which he resides1 and         
proprietor of another4    ,the ,doctor  
informed us that the crop on his estate 
had almost totally  failed1 on account  
of the drought--being reduced from one  
hundred and  fifty hogsheads1 the       
average crop1 to fifteen6 ,his provision
 grounds  had yielded almost nothing4   
,the same soil which ordinarily produced
 ten  cart-loads of yams to the         
acre--the present season barely averaged
 one  load to ten acres6 ,yams were     
reduced from the dimensions of a man's  
head1 to the size of a radish4 ,the     
cattle were dying from want of  water   

and grass4 ,he had himself lost five    
oxen within the past week4    ,previous 
to emancipation1 said the ,doctor1 no   
man in the island dared to  avow        
anti-slavery sentiments1 if he wished to
 maintain a respectable  standing4      
,planters might have their hopes and    
aspirations2 but they  could not make   
them public without incurring general   
odium1 and being  denounced as the      
enemies of their country4    ,in        
allusion to the motives which prompted  
the legislature to reject the           
apprenticeship and adopt immediate      
emancipation1 ,dr4 ,n4 said1 ,when we   
saw that abolition was inevitable1 we   
began1 to inquire what would be  the    
safest course for getting rid of        
slavery4 ,we wished to let  ourselves   
down in the easiest manner              
possible--,,therefore ,,we ,,chose      
,,immediate ,,emancipation6 ,these were 
his words4    ,on returning to the      
hospitable mansion of ,mr4 ,morrish1 we 
had an  opportunity of witnessing a     

custom peculiar to the ,moravians4 ,it  
is  called 'speaking4' ,all the members 
of the church are required to call on   
the missionary once a month1 and        
particular days are appropriated to it4 
,they come singly or in small companies1
 and the minister converses with  each  
individual4    ,mr4 ,m4 manifested great
 faithfulness in this duty4 ,he was     
affectionate  in manner--entered into   
all the minutiae of individual and      
family  affairs1 and advised with them  
as a father with his children4 ,we had  
an  opportunity of conversing with some 
of those who came4 ,we asked one old    
man what he did on the ,first of        
,august8,a ,his reply was1 ,massa1 we   
went to church1 and tank de ,lord for   
make a we all free4    ,footnote ,a3 ,by
 this phrase the freed people always    
understand the #ast  of ,august1 #ahcd1 
when slavery was abolished4    ,an aged 
infirm woman said to us1 among other    
things1 ,since de free  come de massa   
give me no--no1 nothing to eat--gets all

 from my  cousins4 ,we next conversed   
with two men1 who were masons on an     
estate4  ,being asked how they liked    
liberty1 they replied1 ,o1 it very      
comfortable1 ,sir--very comfortable     
indeed4 ,they said1 that on the day     
when freedom came1 they were as happy1  
as though they had just been  going to  
heaven4 ,they said1 now they had got    
free1 they never would be  slaves again4
 ,they were asked if they would not be  
willing to sell  themselves to a man who
 would treat them well4 ,they replied   
immediately  that they would be very    
willing to serve such a man1 but they   
would  not sell themselves to the best  
person in the world6 ,what fine         
logicians a slave's experience had made 
these men6 ,without any effort  they    
struck out a distinction1 which has     
puzzled learned men in church  and      
state1 the difference between serving a 
man and being his  property4    ,being  
asked how they conducted themselves on  
the #ast of ,august they said  they had 

no frolicking1 but they all went to     
church to tank ,god for  make a we free4
 ,they said1 they were very desirous to 
have their  children learn all they     
could while they were young4 ,we asked  
them if  they did not fear that their   
children would become lazy if they went 
to  school all the time4 ,one said1     
shrewdly1 ,eh6 nebber mind--dey come to 
by'm by--belly 'blige 'em to work4      
,in the evening ,mr4 ,m4 held a         
religious meeting in the chapel2 the    
weekly  meeting for exhortation4 ,he    
stated to the people the object of our  
visit1 and requested one of us to say a 
few words4 ,accordingly1 a short  time  
was occupied in stating the number of   
slaves in ,america1 and in  explaining  
their condition1 physical1 moral1 and   
spiritual2 and the  congregation were   
urged to pray for the deliverance of the
 millions of  our bondmen4 ,they        
manifested much sympathy1 and promised  
repeatedly to  pray that they might be  
free like we4 ,at the close of the      

meeting they  pressed around us to say  
howdy1 massa2 and when we left the      
chapel1  they showered a thousand       
blessings upon us4 ,several of them1 men
 and  women1 gathered about ,mr4 ,m4's  
door after we went in1 and wished to    
talk  with us4 ,the men were mechanics1 
foremen1 and watchmen2 the women were   
nurses4 ,during our interview1 which    
lasted nearly an hour1 these persons    
remained standing4    ,when we asked    
them how they liked freedom1 and whether
 it was better  than slavery1 they      
answered with a significant umph and a  
shrug of the  shoulders1 as though they 
would say1 ,why you ask dat question1   
massa8    ,they said1 all the people    
went to chapel on the first of ,august1 
to  tank ,god for make such poor        
undeserving sinners as we free2 we no   
nebber  expect to hab it4 ,but it please
 de ,lord to gib we free1 and we tank   
him  good ,lord for it4    ,we asked    
them if they thought the wages they got 
7a shilling per day1 or  about eleven   

cents17 was enough for them4 ,they said 
it seemed to be very  small1 and it was 
as much as they could do to get along   
with it2 but  they could not get any    
more1 and they had to be satify and     
conten4    ,as it grew late and the good
 people had far to walk1 we shook hands 
with  them1 and bade them good bye1     
telling them we hoped to meet them again
  in a world where all would be free4   
,the next morning ,mr4 ,m4 accompanied  
us to the residence of the ,rev4 ,mr4   
,jones1 the rector of ,st4 ,phillip's4  
,mr4 ,j4 informed us that the planters  
in that part of the island were         
gratified with the working of the new   
system4 ,he alluded to the  prejudices  
of some against having the children     
educated1 lest it should  foster        
indolence4 ,but1 said ,mr4 ,j41 the     
planters have always been  opposed to   
improvements1 until they were effected1 
and their good  results began to be     
manifest4 ,they first insisted that the 
abolition of  the slave-trade would ruin

 the colonies--next the abolition of    
slavery  was to be the certain          
destruction of the islands--and now the 
education  of children is deprecated as 
fraught with disastrous consequences4   
,,frey',s ,,estate--,,mr4 ,,hatley4     
,mr4 ,morrish accompanied us to a       
neighboring estate called ,frey's1 which
  lies on the road from ,newfield to    
,english ,harbor4 ,mr4 ,hatley1 the     
manager1 showed an enthusiastic         
admiration of the new system4 ,most of  
his testimony will be found in ,chapter 
,,iii4 ,he said1 that owing to the  dry 
weather he should not make one third of 
his average crop4 ,yet his  people had  
acted their part well4 ,he had been     
encouraged by their  improved industry  
and efficiency1 to bring into           
cultivation lands that  had never before
 been tilled4    ,it was delightful to  
witness the change which had been       
wrought in this  planter by the         
abolition of slavery4 ,although         
accustomed for years to  command a      

hundred human beings with absolute      
authority1 he could rejoice  in the fact
 that his power was wrested from him1   
and when asked to  specify the          
advantages of freedom over slavery1 he  
named emphatically  and above all others
 the abolition of flogging4 ,formerly1  
he said1 it  was                        
whip--whip--whip--incessantly1 but now  
we are relieved from this  disagreeable 
task4    ,,the ,,american ,,consul      
,we called on the ,american ,consul1    
,mr4 ,higginbotham1 at his country      
residence1 about four miles from ,st4   
,john's4 ,shortly after we reached  his 
elevated and picturesque seat1 we were  
joined by ,mr4 ,cranstoun1 a  planter1  
who had been invited to dine with us4   
,mr4 ,c4 is a colored  gentleman4 ,the  
,consul received him in such a manner as
 plainly showed  that they were on terms
 of intimacy4 ,mr4 ,c4 is a gentleman of
  intelligence and respectability1 and  
occupies a station of trust and  honor  
in the island4 ,on taking leave of us1  

he politely requested our  company at   
breakfast on a following morning1       
saying1 he would send his  gig for us4  
,at the urgent request of ,mr4 ,bourne1 
of ,miller's1 we consented to  address  
the people of his estate1 on ,sabbath   
evening4 ,he sent in his gig  for us in 
the afternoon1 and we drove out4    ,at 
the appointed hour we went to the place 
of meeting4 ,the chapel was  crowded    
with attentive listeners4 ,whenever     
allusions were made to the  grout       
blessings which ,god had conferred upon 
them in delivering them  from bondage1  
the audience heartily responded in their
 rough but earnest  way to the          
sentiments expressed4 ,at the conclusion
 of the meeting1 they  gradually        
withdrew1 bowing or courtesying as they 
passed us1 and  dropping upon our ear   
their gentle good bye1 massa4 ,during   
slavery  every estate had its dungeon   
for refractory slaves4 ,just as we were 
leaving ,miller's1 me asked ,mr4 ,b4    
what had become of these dungeons4 ,he  

instantly replied1 ,i'll show you one1  
,in a few moments we stood at the  door 
of the old prison1 a small stone        
building1 strongly built1 with two      
cells4 ,it was a dismal looking den1    
surrounded by stables1 pig-styes1  and  
cattlepens4 ,the door was off its       
hinges1 and the entrance partly  filled 
up with mason work4 ,the sheep and goats
 went in and out  at pleasure4    ,we   
breakfasted one morning at the ,villa   
estate1 which lies within half a  mile  
of ,st4 ,john's4 ,the manager was less  
sanguine in his views of  emancipation  
than the planters generally4 ,we were   
disposed to think  that1 were it not for
 the force of public sentiment1 he might
 declare  himself against it4 ,his      
feelings are easily accounted for4 ,the 
estate is  situated so near the town2   
that his people are assailed by a       
variety of  temptations to leave their  
work2 from which those on other estates 
are  exempt4 ,the manager admitted that 
the danger of insurrection was          

removed--crime was lessened--and the    
moral condition of society was  rapidly 
improving4    ,a few days after1 we went
 by invitation to a bazaar1 or fair1    
which was  held in the court-house in   
,st4 ,john's4 ,the avails were to be    
appropriated to the building of a new   
,wesleyan chapel in the town4 ,the      
council chamber and the assembly's call 
were given for the purpose4 ,the  former
 spacious room was crowded with people  
of every class and  complexion4 ,the    
fair was got up by the colored members  
of the ,wesleyan  church2 nevertheless1 
some of the first ladies and gentlemen  
in town  attended it1 and mingled       
promiscuously in the throng4 ,wealthy   
proprietors1 lawyers legislators1       
military officers in their uniform1     
merchants1 etc4 swelled the crowd4 ,we  
recognised a number of ladies whom  we  
had previously met at a fashionable     
dinner in ,st4 ,john's4 ,colored  ladies
 presided at the tables1 and before them
 was spread a profusion of  rich fancy  

articles4 ,among a small number of books
 exhibited for sale  were several copies
 of a work entitled ,,commemorative     
,,wreath1 being a  collection of        
poetical pieces relating to the         
abolition of slavery in  the ,west      
,indies4    ,,visit ,,to ,,mr4          
,,cranstoun',s4    ,on the following    
morning ,mr4 ,c4's gig came for us1 and 
we drove out to  his residence4 ,we were
 met at the door by the ,american       
,consul1 who  breakfasted with us4 ,when
 he had taken leave1 ,mr4 ,c4 proposed  
that we  should go over his grounds4 ,to
 reach the estate1 which lies in a      
beautiful valley far below ,mr4 ,c4's   
mountainous residence1 we were  obliged 
to go on foot by a narrow path that     
wound along the sides of the            
precipitous hills4 ,this estate is the  
property of ,mr4 ,athill1 a colored     
gentleman now residing in ,england4 ,mr4
 ,a4 is post-master general of          
,antigua1 one of the first merchants in 
,st4 ,john's1 and was a member of  the  

assembly until the close of #ahcf1 when1
 on account of his continued  absence1  
he resigned his seat4 ,a high-born white
 man1 the ,attorney  ,general1 now      
occupies the same chair which this      
colored member vacated4  ,mr4 ,c4 was   
formerly attorney for several estates1  
is now agent for a  number of them1 and 
also a magistrate4    ,he remarked1 that
 since emancipation the nocturnal       
disorders and  quarrels in the negro    
villages1 which were incessant during   
slavery1 had  nearly ceased4 ,the people
 were ready and willing to work4 ,he had
  frequently given his gang jobs1       
instead of paying them by the day4 ,this
  had proved a gear stimulant to        
industry1 and the work of the estate was
  performed so much quicker by this plan
 that it was less expensive than  daily 
wages4 ,when they had jobs given them1  
they would sometimes go to  work by     
three o'clock in the morning1 and work  
by moonlight4 ,when the  moon was not   
shining1 he had known them to kindle    

fires among the trash  or dry cane      
leaves to work by4 ,they would then     
continue working all day  until four o  
clock1 stopping only for breakfast1 and 
dispensing with the  usual intermission 
from twelve to two4    ,we requested him
 to state briefly what were in his      
estimation the  advantages of the free  
system over slavery4 ,he replied thus3  
#ast4 ,the  diminished expense of free  
labor4 #b;d4 ,the absence of coercion4  
#c;d4 ,the  greater facility in managing
 an estate4 ,managers had not half the  
perplexity and trouble in watching1     
driving1 c4 ,they could leave the       
affairs of the estate in the hands of   
the people with safety4 #dth4 ,the      
freedom from danger4 ,they had now put  
away all fears of insurrections1        
robbery1 and incendiarism4    ,there are
 two reflections which the perusal of   
these items will probably  suggest to   
most minds3 #ast4 ,the coincidence in   
the replies of different  planters to   
the question--,what are the advantages  

of freedom over  slavery8 ,these replies
 are almost identically the same in     
every case1  though given by men who    
reside in different parts of the island1
 and  have little communication with    
each other4 #b;d4 ,they all speak       
exclusively of the advantages to the    
master1 and say nothing of the  benefit 
accruing to the emancipated4 ,we are at 
some loss to decide  whether this arose 
from indifference to the interests of   
the  emancipated1 or from a conviction  
that the blessings of freedom to them   
were self-evident and needed no         
specification4    ,while we were in the 
boiling-house we witnessed a scene which
  illustrated one of the benefits of    
freedom to the slave2 it came quite     
opportunely1 and supplied the deficiency
 in the manager's enumeration of        
advantages4 ,the head boiler was        
performing the work of 'striking off2'  
i4e4 of removing the liquor1 after it   
had been sufficiently boiled1 from  the 
copper to the coolers4 ,the liquor had  

been taken out of the boiler  by the    
skipper1 and thence was being conducted 
to the coolers by a long  open spout4   
,by some means the spout became choaked1
 and the liquor began  to run over4 ,mr4
 ,c4 ordered the man to let down the    
valve1 but he became  confused1 and     
instead of letting go the string which  
lifted the valve1  he pulled on it the  
more4 ,the consequence was that the     
liquor poured  over the sides of the    
spout in a torrent4 ,the manager        
screamed at the  top of his voice--let  
down the valve1 let it down6 ,but the   
poor man1  more and more frightened1    
hoisted it still higher1--and the       
precious  liquid--pure sugar--spread in 
a thick sheet over the earthen floor4   
,the  manager at last sprang forward1   
thrust aside the man1 and stopped the   
mischief1 but not until many gallons of 
sugar were lost4 ,such an  accident as  
this1 occurring during slavery1 would   
have cost the negro a  severe flogging4 
,as it was1 however1 in the present     

case1 although ,mr4  ,c4 'looked        
daggers1' and exclaimed by the workings 
of his countenance1  'a kingdom for a   
cat1',a yet the severest thing which he 
could say  was1 ,you bungling fellow--if
 you can't manage better than this1 ,i  
shall  put some other person in your    
place--that's all4 ',that's ,,all'      
indeed1  but it would not have been all1
 three years ago4 ,the negro replied to 
his chidings in a humble way1 saying ',i
 couldn't help it1 sir1 ,i  couldn't    
help it' ,mr4 ,c4 finally turned to us1 
and said in a calmer  tone1 ,the poor   
fellow got confused1 and was frightened 
half to death4    ,footnote ,a3 ,a      
species of whip1 well know in the ,west 
,indies4    ,,visit ,,to ,,grace ,,bay4 
,we made a visit to the ,moravian       
settlement at ,grace ,bay1 which is on  
the  opposite side of the island4 ,we   
called1 in passing1 at ,cedar ,hall1 a  
,moravian establishment four miles from 
town4 ,mr4 ,newby1 one of the           
missionaries stationed at this place1 is

 the oldest preacher of the  ,gospel in 
the island4 ,he has been in ,antigua for
 twenty-seven years4 ,he  is quite of   
the old way of thinking on all subjects1
 especially the  divine right of kings1 
and the scriptural sanction of slavery4 
,nevertheless1 he was persuaded that    
emancipation had been a great  blessing 
to the island and to all parties        
concerned4 ,when he first came  to      
,antigua in #ahji1 he was not suffered  
to teach the slaves4 ,after some  time  
he ventured to keep an evening school in
 a secret way4 ,now there  is a day     
school of one hundred and twenty        
children connected with the  station4   
,it has been formed since emancipation4 
,from ,cedar ,hail we proceeded to      
,grace ,bay4 ,on the way we met some    
negro  men at work on the road1 and     
stopped our chaise to chat with them4   
,they  told us that they lived on       
,harvey's estate1 which they pointed out
 to  us4 ,before emancipation that      
estate had four hundred slaves on it1   

but a  great number had since left      
because of ill usage during slavery4    
,they  would not live on the estate1    
because the same manager remained1 and  
they could not trust him4    ,they told 
us they were ,moravians1 and that on the
 first of ,august they  all went to the 
,moravian chapel at ,grace ,bay1 'to    
tank and praise de  good ,savior for    
make a we free4' ,we asked them if they 
still liked  liberty2 they said1 ,yes1  
massa1 we all quite proud to be free4   
,the  negroes use the word proud to     
express a strong feeling of delight4    
,one  man said1 ,one morning as ,i was  
walking along the road all alone1 ,i    
prayed that the ,savior would make me   
free1 for then ,i could be so happy4  ,i
 don't know what made me pray so1 for ,i
 wasn't looking for de free2 but  please
 massa1 in one month de free come4      
,they declared that they worked a great 
deal better since emancipation1  because
 they were paid for it4 ,to be sure1    
said they1 we get very  little wages1   

but it is better than none4 ,they       
repeated it again and  again1 that men  
could not be made to work well by       
flogging them1 it  was no use to try it4
    ,we asked one of the men1 whether he
 would not be willing to be a slave     
again provided he was sure of having a  
kind master4 ,heigh6 me massa1  said he1
 me neber slave no more4 ,a good massa a
 very good ting1 but  freedom till      
better4 ,they said that it was a great  
blessing to them to  have their children
 go to school4 ,after getting them to   
show us the way  to ,grace ,bay1 we bade
 them good bye4    ,we were welcomed at 
,grace ,bay by the missionary1 and his  
wife1 ,mr4 and  ,mrs4 ,mhne4,b ,the     
place where these missionaries reside is
 a beautiful  spot4 ,their              
dwelling-house and the chapel are       
situated on a high  promontory1 almost  
surrounded by the sea4 ,a range of tall 
hills in the  rear cuts off the view of 
the island1 giving to the missionary    
station  an air of loneliness and       

seclusion truly impressive4 ,in this    
sequestered  spot1 the found ,mr4 and   
,mrs4 ,m4 living alone4 ,they informed  
us that they  rarely have white         
visiters1 but their house is the        
constant resort of  the negroes1 who    
gather there after the toil of the day  
to 'speak' about  their souls4 ,mr4 and 
,mrs4 ,m4 are wholly engrossed in their 
labors of  love4 ,they find their       
happiness in leading their numerous     
flock by the  still waters and the green
 pastures of salvation4 ,occupied in    
this  delightful work1 they covet not   
other employments1 nor other company1   
and desire no other earthly abode than  
their own little hill-embosomed1        
sea-girt missionary home4    ,footnote  
,b3 ,pronounced ,maynuh4    ,there are a
 thousand people belonging to the church
 at this station1  each of whom1 the    
missionaries see once every month4 ,a   
day school has  been lately established1
 and one hundred children are already in
  attendance4 ,after dinner we walked   

out accompanied by the missionaries  to 
enjoy the beautiful sunset4 ,it is one  
of the few harmless luxuries  of a ,west
 ,india climate1 to go forth after the  
heat of the day is spent  and the sun is
 sinking in the sea1 and enjoy the      
refreshing coolness of  the air4 ,the   
ocean stretched before us1 motionless   
after the turmoil of  the day1 like a   
child which has rocked itself asleep1   
yet indicating by  its mighty breathings
 as it heaved along the beach1 that it  
only  slumbered4 ,as the sun went down1 
the full moon arose1 only less          
luminous1 and gradually the stars began 
to light up their beaming fires4  ,the  
work of the day now being over1 the     
weary laborers were seen coming  from   
different directions to have a 'speak'  
with the missionaries4 ,mr4  ,m4 stated 
a fact illustrative of the influence of 
the missionaries over  the negroes4     
,some time ago1 the laborers on a       
certain estate became  dissatisfied with
 the wages they were receiving1 and     

refused to work  unless they were       
increased4 ,the manager tried in vain to
 reconcile his  people to the grievance 
of which they complained1 and then sent 
to ,mr4  ,m41 requesting him to visit   
the estate1 and use his influence to    
persuade the negroes1 most of whom      
belonged to his church1 to work at  the 
usual terms4 ,mr4 ,m4 sent word to the  
manager that it was not his  province1  
as minister1 to interfere with the      
affairs of any estate2 but  he would    
talk with the people about it           
individually1 when they came to         
'speak4' ,accordingly he spoke to each  
one1 as he came1 in a kind manner1      
advising him to return to his work1 and 
live as formerly4 ,in a short  time     
peace and confidence were restored1 and 
the whole gang to a man  were in the    
field4    ,mr4 and ,mrs4 ,m4 stated that
 notwithstanding the very low rate of   
wages1  which was scarcely sufficient to
 support life1 they had never seen a    
single individual who desired to return 

to the condition of a slave4  ,even the 
old and infirm1 who were sometimes      
really in a suffering state  from       
neglect of the planters and from        
inability of their relatives  adequately
 to provide for them1 expressed the     
liveliest gratitude for  the great      
blessing which the ,savior had given    
them4 ,they would often say  to ,mrs4   
,m4 ,why1 ,missus1 old sinner just      
sinkin in de grave1 but ,god let  me old
 eyes see dis blessed sun4    ,the      
missionaries affirmed that the negroes  
were an affectionate  people--remarkably
 so4 ,any kindness shown them by a white
 person1 was  treasured up and never    
forgotten4 ,on the other hand1 the      
slightest  neglect or contempt from a   
white person1 was keenly felt4 ,they are
 very  fond of saying 'howdy' to white  
people2 but if the salutation is not    
returned1 or noticed kindly1 they are   
not likely to repeat it to the  same    
individual4 ,to shake hands with a white
 person is a gratification  which they  

highly prize4 ,mrs4 ,m4 pleasantly      
remarked1 that after service  on        
,sabbath1 she was usually wearied out   
with saying howdy1 and  shaking hands4  
,during the evening we had some         
conversation with two men who came to   
'speak4' ,they spoke about the blessings
 of liberty1 and their gratitude  to    
,god for making them free4 ,they spoke  
also1 with deep feeling1 of the  still  
greater importance of being free from   
sin4 ,that1 they said1 was  better4     
,heaven was the first best1 and freedom 
was the next best4    ,they gave us some
 account1 in the course of the evening1 
of an aged  saint called ,grandfather   
,jacob1 who lived on a neighboring      
estate4 ,he  had been a helper,a in the 
,moravian church1 until he became too   
infirm to discharge the duties connected
 with that station4 ,being for  the same
 reason discharged from labor on the    
estate1 he now occupied  himself in     
giving religious instruction to the     
other superannuated  people on the      

estate4    ,footnote ,a3 ,an office     
somewhat similar to that of deacon      
,mrs4 ,m4 said it would constitute an   
era in the life of the old man1 if  he  
could have an interview with two        
strangers from a distant land2          
accordingly1 she sent a servant to ask  
him to come to the mission-house  early 
the next morning4 ,the old man was      
prompt to obey the call4 ,he left  home1
 as he said1 'before the gun            
fire'--about five o'clock--and came     
nearly three miles on foot4 ,he was of a
 slender form1 and had been tall1  but  
age and slavery had bowed him down4 ,he 
shook us by the hand very  warmly1      
exclaiming1 ,god bless you1 ,god bless  
you--me bery glad to see  you4 ,he      
immediately commenced giving us an      
account of his conversion4  ,said he1   
putting his hand on his breast1 ,you see
 old ,jacob8 de old  sinner use to go on
 drinkin'1 swearin'1 dancin'1 fightin'6 
,no ,god--  no ,savior--no soul6 ,when  
old ,england and de ,merica fall out de 

first  time1 old ,jacob was a man--a    
wicked sinner6--drink rum1 fight--love  
to  fight6 ,carry coffin to de grabe on 
me head2 put dead body under            
ground--dance over it--den fight and    
knock man down--go 'way1 drink rum1  den
 take de fiddle4 ,and so me went on1    
just so1 till me get sick and  going to 
die--thought when me die1 dat be de end 
of me2--den de ,savior  come to me6     
,jacob love de ,savior1 and been        
followin' de good ,savior  ever since4  
,he continued his story1 describing the 
opposition he had to  contend with1 and 
the sacrifices he made to go to church4 
,after working  on the estate till six  
o'clock at night1 he and several others 
would  each take a large stone on his   
head and start for ,st4 ,john's2 nine   
miles  over the hills4 ,they carried the
 stones to aid is building the ,moravian
  chapel at ,spring ,garden1 ,st4       
,john's4 ,after he had finished this    
account1  he read to us1 in a highly    
animated style1 some of the hymns which 

he  taught to the old people1 and then  
sung one of them4 ,these exercises      
caused the old man's heart to burn      
within him1 and again he ran over his   
past life1 his early wickedness1 and the
 grace that snatched him from  ruin1    
while the mingled tides of gratitude    
burst forth from heart1 and  eyes1 and  
tongue4    ,when we turned his attention
 to the temporal freedom he had         
received1 he  instantly caught the word 
,,free1 and exclaimed vehemently1 ,o    
yes1 me  ,massa--dat is anoder kind     
blessin from de ,savior6 ,him make we   
all  free4 ,can never praise him too    
much for dat4 ,we inquired whether he   
was now provided for by the manager4 ,he
 said he was not--never received  any   
thing from him--his children supported  
him4 ,we then asked him  whether it was 
not better to be a slave if he could get
 food and  clothing1 than to be free and
 not have enough4 ,he darted his quick  
eye  at us and said 'rader be free      
still4' ,he had been severely flogged   

twice since his conversion1 for leaving 
his post as watchman to bury the  dead4 
,the minister was sick1 and he was      
applied to1 in his capacity of  helper1 
to perform funeral rites1 and he left   
his watch to do it4 ,he  said1 his      
heavenly ,master called him1 and he     
would go though he  expected a flogging4
 ,he must serve his ,savior whatever    
come4 ,can't put  we in dungeon now1    
said ,grandfather ,jacob with a         
triumphant look4    ,when told that     
there were slaves in ,america1 and that 
they were not yet  emancipated1 he      
exclaimed1 ,ah1 de ,savior make we free1
 and he will make  dem free too4 ,he    
come to ,antigo first--he'll be in      
,merica soon4    ,when the time had come
 for him to leave1 he came and pressed  
our hands1  and fervently gave us his   
patriarchal blessing4 ,our interview    
with  ,grandfather ,jacob can never be  
forgotten4 ,our hearts1 we trust1 will  
long cherish his heavenly savor--well   
assured that if allowed a part in  the  

resurrection of the just1 we shall      
behold his tall form1 erect in  the     
vigor of immortal youth1 amidst the     
patriarchs of past generations4         
,after breakfast we took leave of the   
kind-hearted missionaries1 whose        
singular devotedness and delightful     
spirit won greatly upon our  affections1
 and bent our way homeward by another   
route4    ,,mr4 ,,scotland',s ,,estate4 
,we called at the estate of ,mr4 ,j4    
,scotland1 ,jr41 barrister1 and member  
of the assembly4 ,we expected to meet   
with the proprietor1 but the  manager   
informed us that pressing business at   
court had called him to  ,st4 ,john's on
 the preceding day4 ,the testimony of   
the manager concerning  the dry weather1
 the consequent failure in the crop1 the
 industry of the  laborers1 and so      
forth1 was similar to that which we had 
heard before4  ,he remarked that he had 
not been able to introduce job-work     
among his  people4 ,it was a new thing  
with them1 and they did not understand  

it4 ,he  had lately made a proposal to  
give the gang four dollars per acre for 
holding a certain field4 ,they asked a  
little time to consider upon so  novel a
 proposition4 ,he gave them half a day1 
and at the end of that  time asked them 
what their conclusion was4 ,one1 acting 
as spokesman for  the rest1 said1 ,we   
rada hab de shilling wages4 ,that was   
certain2 the  job might yield them more1
 and it might fall short--quite a common
 sense  transaction6    ,at the pressing
 request of ,mr4 ,armstrong we spent a  
day with him at  ,fitch's ,creek4 ,mr4  
,a4 received us with the most cordial   
hospitality1  remarking that he was glad
 to have another opportunity to state   
some  things which he regarded as       
obstacles to the complete success of the
  experiment in ,antigua4 ,one was the  
entire want of concert among the        
planters4 ,there was no disposition to  
meet and compare views respecting       
different modes of agriculture1         
treatment of laborers1 and employment of

  machinery4 ,another evil was1 allowing
 people to live on the estates who  took
 no part in the regular labor of        
cultivation4 ,some planters had  adapted
 the foolish policy of encouraging such 
persons to remain on the  estates1 in   
order that they might have help at hand 
in cases of  emergency4 ,mr4 ,a4        
strongly condemned this policy4 ,it     
withheld laborers  from the estates     
which needed them2 it was calculated to 
make the  regular field hands           
discontented1 and it offered a direct   
encouragement  to the negroes to follow 
irregular modes of living4 ,a third     
obstacle to  the successful operation of
 free labor1 was the absence of the most
  influential proprietors4 ,the         
consequences of absenteeism were very   
serious4 ,the proprietors were of all   
men the most deeply interested in  the  
soil2 and no attorneys1 agents1 or      
managers1 whom they could employ1  would
 feel an equal interest in it1 nor make 
the same efforts to secure  the         

prosperous workings of the new system4  
,in the year #ahcc1 when the abolition  
excitement was at its height in         
,england1 and the people were thundering
 at the doors of parliament for         
emancipation1 ,mr4 ,a4 visited that     
country for his health4 ,to use his own 
expressive words1 he got a terrible     
scraping wherever he went4 ,he said  he 
could not travel in a stage-coach1 or go
 into a party1 or attend a  religious   
meeting1 without being attacked4 ,no one
 the most remotely  connected with the  
system could have peace there4 ,he said 
it was  astonishing to see what a       
feeling was abroad1 how mightily the    
mind of  the whole country1 peer and    
priest and peasant1 was wrought up4 ,the
  national heart seemed on fire4    ,mr4
 ,a4 said1 he became a religious man    
whilst the manager of a slave  estate1  
and when he became a ,christian1 he     
became an abolitionist4 ,yet  this man1 
while his conscience was accusing       
him--while he was longing  and praying  

for abolition--did not dare open his    
mouth in public to  urge it on6 ,how    
many such men are there in our southern 
states--men who  are inwardly cheering  
on the abolitionist in his devoted work1
 and yet  send up no voice to encourage 
him1 but perhaps are traducing and      
denouncing him6    ,we received a call  
at our lodgings in ,st4 ,john's from the
 ,archdeacon4 ,he  made interesting     
statements respecting the improvement of
 the negroes in  dress1 morals1         
education and religion1 since           
emancipation4 ,he had  resided in the   
island some years previous to the       
abolition of slavery1  and spoke from   
personal observation4    ,among many    
other gentlemen who honored us with a   
call about the same  time1 was the ,rev4
 ,edward ,fraser1 ,wesleyan missionary1 
and a colored  gentleman4 ,he is a      
native of ,bermuda1 and ten years ago   
was a slave4  ,he received a mercantile 
education1 and was for several years the
  confidential clerk of his master4 ,he 

was treated with much regard and        
general kindness4 ,he said he was       
another ,joseph--every thing which his  
master had was in his hands4 ,the       
account books and money were all        
committed to him4 ,he had servants under
 him1 and did almost as he              
pleased--except becoming free4 ,yet he  
must say1 as respected himself1  kindly 
as he was treated1 that slavery was a   
grievous wrong1 most  unjust and sinful4
 ,the very thought--and it often came   
over him--that  he was a slave1 brought 
with it a terrible sense of degradation4
 ,it came  over the soul like a frost4  
,his sense of degradation grew more     
intense  in proportion as his mind      
became more cultivated4 ,he said1       
education  was a disagreeable companion 
for a slave4 ,but while he said this1   
,mr4  ,f4 spoke very respectfully and   
tenderly of his master4 ,he would not   
willingly utter a word which would savor
 of unkindness towards him4 ,such  was  
the spirit of one whose best days had   

been spent under the exactions  of      
slavery4 ,he was a local preacher in the
 ,wesleyan connection while he  was a   
slave1 and was liberated by his master1 
without remuneration1 at  the request of
 the ,british ,conference1 who wished to
 employ him as an  itinerant4 ,he is    
highly esteemed both for his natural    
talents and  general literary           
acquisitions and moral worth4 ,the      
,conference have  recently called him to
 ,england to act as an agent in that    
country1 to  procure funds for          
educational and religious purposes in   
these islands4    ,,meeting ,,of        
,,wesleyan ,,missionaries4    ,as we    
were present at the annual meeting of   
the ,wesleyan missionaries  for this    
district1 we gained much information    
concerning the object of  our mission1  
as there were about twenty missionaries1
 mostly from  ,dominica1 ,montserrat1   
,nevis1 ,st4 ,christophers1 ,anguilla1  
and ,tortola4    ,not a few of them were
 men of superior acquirements1 who had  

sacrificed  ease and popular applause at
 home1 to minister to the outcast and   
oppressed4 ,they are the devoted friends
 of the black man4 ,it was              
soul-cheering to hear them rejoice over 
the abolition of slavery4 ,it was  as   
though their own limbs had been of a    
sudden unshackled1 and a high  wall had 
fallen from around them4 ,liberty had   
broken upon them like the  bursting     
forth of the sun to the watchman on his 
midnight tower4    ,during the session1 
the mission-house was thrown open to us1
 and we  frequently dined with the      
numerous company of missionaries1 who   
there  ate at a common table4 ,mrs4 ,f41
 wife of the colored clergyman mentioned
  above1 presided at the social board4  
,the missionaries and their wives       
associated with ,mr4 and ,mrs4 ,f4 as   
unreservedly as though they wore the    
most delicate ,european tint4 ,the first
 time we took supper with them1 at  one 
side of a large table1 around which were
 about twenty missionaries  with their  

wives1 sat ,mrs4 ,f41 with the furniture
 of a tea table before  her4 ,on the    
other side1 with the coffee urn and its 
accompaniments1 sat  the wife of a      
missionary1 with a skin as lily-hued as 
the fairest  ,caucasian4 ,nearly        
opposite to her1 between two white      
preachers1 sat a  colored missionary4   
,farther down1 with the chairman of the 
district on  his right1 sat another     
colored gentleman1 a merchant and local 
preacher  in ,antigua4 ,such was the    
uniform appearance of the table1        
excepting that  the numbers were        
occasionally swelled by the addition of 
several other  colored gentlemen and    
ladies4 ,on another occasion1 at dinner1
 we had an  interesting conversation1 in
 which the whole company of missionaries
  participated4 ,the ,rev4 ,m4 ,banks1  
of ,st4 ,bartholomews1 remarked1 that   
one  of the grossest of all absurdities 
was that of preparing men for  freedom4 
,some1 said he1 pretend that immediate  
emancipation is unsafe1  but it was     

evident to him that if men are peaceable
 while they are  slaves1 they might be  
trusted in any other condition1 for they
 could  not possibly be placed in one   
more aggravating4 ,if slavery is a safe 
system1 freedom surely will be4 ,there  
can be no better evidence that a  people
 are prepared for liberty1 than their   
patient endurance of  slavery4 ,he      
expressed the greatest regret at the    
conduct of the  ,american churches1     
particularly that of the ,methodist     
church4 ,tell  them1 said he1 on your   
return1 that the missionaries in these  
islands  are cast down and grieved when 
they think of their brethren in         
,america4  ,we feel persuaded that they 
are holding back the car of freedom2    
they  are holding up the gospel4 ,rev4  
,mr4 ,cheesbrough1 of ,st4              
,christopher's1  said1 ,tell them that  
much as we desire to visit the ,united  
,states1 we  cannot go so long as we are
 prohibited from speaking against       
slavery1 or  while that abominable      

prejudice is encouraged in the churches4
 ,we  could not administer the sacrament
 to a church in which the distinction   
of colors was maintained4 ,tell our     
brethren of the ,wesleyan  connection1  
said ,mr4 ,b4 again1 that slavery must  
be abolished by  ,christians1 and the   
church ought to take her stand at once  
against  it4 ,we told him that a large  
number of ,methodists and other         
,christians  had engaged already in the 
work1 and that the number was daily     
increasing4 ,that's right1 he exclaimed1
 agitate1 agitate1 ,,agitate6  ,you must
 succeed3 the ,lord is with you4 ,he    
dwelt particularly on the  obligations  
resting upon ,christians in the free    
states4 ,he said1 ,men  must be at a    
distance from slavery to judge of its   
real character4  ,persons living in the 
midst of it1 gradually become           
familiarized with  its horrors and woes1
 so that they can view calmly1          
exhibitions from  which they would once 
have shrunk in dismay4    ,we had some  

conversation with ,rev4 ,mr4 ,walton1 of
 ,montserrat4 ,after  making a number of
 statements in reference to the         
apprenticeship there1  ,mr4 ,w4 stated  
that there had been repeated instances  
of planters  emancipating all their     
apprentices4 ,he thought there had been 
a case  of this kind every month for a  
year past4 ,the planters were becoming  
tired of the apprenticeship1 and from   
mere considerations of interest  and    
comfort1 were adopting free labor4    ,a
 new impulse had been given to education
 in ,montserrat1 and schools  were      
springing up in all parts of the island4
 ,mr4 ,w4 thought there was  no island  
in which education was so extensive4    
,religious influences were  spreading   
among the people of all classes4        
,marriages were occurring  every week4  
,we had an interview with the ,rev4 ,mr4
 ,h41 an aged colored minister4 ,he  has
 a high standing among his brethren1 for
 talents1 piety1 and  usefulness4 ,there
 are few ministers in the ,west ,indies 

who have  accomplished more for the     
cause of ,christ than has ,mr4 ,h4,a    
,footnote ,a3 ,it is a fact well known  
in ,antigua and ,barbadoes1 that this   
colored missionary has been instrumental
 in the conversion of several  clergymen
 of the ,episcopal ,church in those     
islands1 who are now  currently devoted 
men4    ,he said he had at different    
periods been stationed in ,antigua1     
,anguilla1  ,tortola1 and some other    
islands4 ,he said that the negroes in   
the other  islands in which he had      
preached1 were as intelligent as those  
in  ,antigua1 and in every respect as   
well prepared for freedom4 ,he was in   
,anguilla when emancipation took place4 
,the negroes there were kept at  work on
 the very day that freedom came6 ,they  
worked as orderly as on  any other day4 
,the ,sabbath following1 he preached to 
them on their new  state1 explaining the
 apprenticeship to them4 ,he said the   
whole  congregation were in a state of  
high excitement1 weeping and shouting4  

,one man sprang to his feet1 and        
exclaimed1 ',me never forget ,god and   
,king  ,william4' ,this same man was so 
full that he went out of the chapel1 and
  burst into loud weeping4    ,the      
preaching of the missionaries1 during   
their stay in ,antigua1 was  full of    
allusions to the abolition of slavery in
 the ,west ,indies1 and  especially to  
the entire emancipation in ,antigua4    
,indeed1 we rarely  attended a meeting  
in ,antigua1 of any kind1 in which the  
late  emancipation was not in some way  
alluded to with feelings of gratitude   
and exultation4 ,in the ordinary        
services of the ,sabbath1 this subject  
was almost uniformly introduced1 either 
in the prayer or sermon4  ,whenever     
thanksgiving was rendered to ,god for   
favors1 freedom was  among the number4  
,the meeting of the district afforded an
 opportunity for holding a number  of   
anniversary meetings4 ,we notice them   
here1 believing that they will  present 
the most accurate view that can be given

 of the religious and  moral condition  
of ,antigua4    ,on the evening of the  
#ast of ,february1 the first anniversary
 of the  ,antigua ,temperance ,society  
was held in the ,wesleyan chapel4 ,we   
had been  invited to attend and take a  
part in the exercises4 ,the chapel was  
crowded with a congregation of all      
grades and complexions4 ,colored and    
white gentlemen appeared together on the
 platform4 ,we intimated to a  member of
 the committee1 that we could not       
conscientiously speak without           
advocating total abstinence1 which      
doctrine1 we concluded from the  nature 
of the pledge1 7which only included     
ardent spirits17 would not be  well     
received4 ,we were assured that we might
 use the most perfect  freedom in       
avowing our sentiments4    ,the speakers
 on this occasion were two planters1 a  
,wesleyan missionary1  and ourselves4   
,all advocated the doctrine of total    
abstinence4 ,the first  speaker1 a      
planter1 concluded by saying1 that it   

was commonly believed  that wine and    
malt were rendered absolutely           
indispensable in the ,west  ,indies1 by 
the exhausting nature of the climate4   
,but facts disprove the  truth of this  
notion4 ,i am happy to say that ,i can  
now present this  large assembly with   
ocular demonstration of the fallacy of  
the popular  opinion4 ,i need only point
 you to the worthy occupants of this    
platform4  ,who are the healthiest among
 them8 ,the cold water drinkers--the    
teetotallers6 ,we can assure you that we
 have not lost a pound of flesh1  by    
abandoning our cups4 ,we have tried the 
cold water experiment  faithfully1 and  
we can testify that since we became cold
 water men1 we  work better1 we eat     
better1 we sleep better1 and we do every
 thing  better than before4 ,the next   
speaker1 a planter also1 dwelt on the   
inconsistency of using wine and malt1   
and at the same time calling upon  the  
poor to give up ardent spirits4 ,he said
 this inconsistency had been  cast in   

his teeth by his negroes4 ,he never     
could prevail upon them to  stop        
drinking rum1 until he threw away his   
wine and porter4 ,now he and  all his   
people were teetotallists4 ,there were  
two other planters who had  taken the   
same course4 ,he stated1 as the result  
of a careful calculation  which he had  
made1 that he and the two planters      
referred to1 had been in  the habit of  
giving to their people not less than one
 thousand gallons  of rum annually4 ,the
 whole of this was now withheld1 and    
molasses and  sugar were given instead4 
,the missionary who followed them was   
not a  whit behind in boldness and zeal1
 and between them1 they left us little  
to say in our turn on the subject of    
total abstinence4    ,on the following  
evening the anniversary of the ,bible   
,society was held  in the ,moravian     
school-room4 ,during the day we received
 a note from the  ,secretary of the     
,society1 politely requesting us to be  
present4 ,the  spacious school-room was 

filled1 and the broad platform crowded  
with  church clergymen1 ,moravian       
ministers1 and ,wesleyan missionaries1  
colored  and white4 ,the ,secretary1 a  
,moravian minister1 read the            
twenty-first  annual report4 ,it spoke  
emphatically of 'the joyful event of    
emancipation'1 and in allusion to an    
individual in ,england1 of whom it      
spoke in terms of high commendation1 it 
designated him1 as one who was          
distinguished for his efforts in the    
abolition of slavery4 ,the adoption  of 
the report was moved by one of the      
,wesleyan missionaries1 who spoke  at   
some length4 ,he commenced by speaking  
of the peculiar emotions with  which he 
always arose to address an assembly of  
the free people of  ,antigua4 ,it had   
been his lot for a year past to labor in
 a colony,a  where slavery still        
reigned1 and he could not but thank ,god
 for the  happiness of setting his foot 
once more on the free soil of an        
emancipated island4    ,footnote ,a3    

,st4 ,martin's    ,perhaps the most     
interesting meeting in the series1 was  
the anniversary  of the ,wesleyan       
,missionary ,society of ,antigua4 ,both 
parts of the day  were devoted to this  
anniversary4 ,the meetings were held in 
the ,wesleyan  chapel1 which was filled 
above and below1 with the usual         
commixture of  white1 colored1 and      
black4 ,we saw1 as on former occasions1 
several  colored gentlemen seated among 
the ministers4 ,after the usual         
introductory exercises of singing and   
prayer1 the annual report was read  by  
the ,secretary1 ,rev4 ,e4 ,fraser1 the  
colored minister already  mentioned4 ,it
 was terse1 direct1 and business like4  
,the meeting was then  addressed by a   
,moravian missionary4 ,he dwelt upon the
 decrease of the  sectarian spirit1 and 
hailed the coming of ,christian charity 
and  brotherly communion4 ,he opened his
 ,bible1 and read about the middle wall 
of partition being broken down4 ,yes1   
brother1 said ,mr4 ,horne1 and  every   

other wall4 ,the rest are but paper     
walls1 responded the  speaker1 and when 
once the middle wall is removed1 these  
will soon be  burned up by the fire of  
,christian love4    ,the next speaker   
was a ,wesleyan missionary of ,nevis4   
,he spoke of the  various               
instrumentalities which were now        
employed for the conversion of  the     
world4 ,we welcome1 said he1 the        
co-operation of ,america1 and with  all 
our hearts do we rejoice that she is now
 beginning to put away from  her that   
vile system of oppression which has     
hitherto crippled her moral  energy and 
her religious enterprise4 ,then turning 
and addressing  himself to us1 he said1 
,we hail you1 dear brethren1 as         
co-workers with  us4 ,go forward in your
 blessed undertaking4 ,be not dismayed  
with the  huge dimensions of that vice  
which you are laboring to overthrow6 ,be
 not  disheartened by the violence and  
menaces of your enemies6 ,go forward4   
,proclaim to the church and to your     

countrymen the sinfulness of slavery1   
and be assured that soon the fire of    
truth will melt down the massy  chains  
of oppression4 ,he then urged upon the  
people of ,antigua their  peculiar      
obligations to extend the gospel to     
other lands4 ,it was the  ,bible that   
made them free1 and he begged them to   
bear in mind that  there were millions  
of their countrymen still in the chains 
of  slavery4 ,this appeal was received  
with great enthusiasm4    ,we then spoke
 on a resolution which had been handed  
us by the ,secretary1  and which        
affirmed that the increasing and        
acknowledged usefulness of  ,christian  
missions was a subject of               
congratulation4 ,we spoke of the        
increase of missionary operations in our
 own country1 and of the spirit  of     
self-denial which was widely spreading1 
particularly among young  ,christians4  
,we spoke of that accursed thing in our 
midst1 which not only  tended greatly to
 kill the spirit of missions in the     

church1 but which  directly withheld    
many young men from foreign missionary  
fields4 ,it  had made more than two     
millions of heathen in our country2 and 
so long  as the cries of these heathen  
at home entered the ears of our young   
men and young women1 they could not1    
dare not1 go abroad4 ,how could they  go
 to ,ceylon1 to ,burmah1 or to          
,hindostan1 with the cry of their       
country's heathen ringing their ears6   
,how could they tear themselves  away   
from famished millions kneeling at their
 feet in chains and begging  for the    
bread of life1 and roam afar to ,china  
or the ,south ,sea ,islands6            
,increasing numbers filed with a        
missionary spirit felt that their       
obligations were at home1 and they were 
resolved that if they could not  carry  
the gospel forthwith to the slaves1 they
 would labor for the  overthrow of that 
system which made it a crime punishable 
with death to  preach salvation to the  
poor4 ,in conclusion1 the hope was      

expressed that  the people of           
,antigua--so highly favored with        
freedom1 education1 and  religion1 would
 never forget that in the nation whence 
we came1 there  were two millions and a 
half of heathen1 who1 instead of bread1 
received stones and scorpions2 instead  
of the ,bible1 bolts and bars2  instead 
of the gospel1 chains and scourgings2   
instead of the hope of  salvation thick 
darkness and despair4 ,they were        
entreated to remember  that in the      
gloomy dungeon1 from which they had     
lately escaped there  were deeper and   
more dismal cells1 yet filled with      
millions of their  countrymen4 ,the     
state of feeling produced by this       
reference to slavery1  was such as might
 be anticipated in an audience1 a       
portion of which were  once slaves1 and 
still remembered freshly the horrors of 
their late  condition4    ,the meeting  
was concluded after a sitting of more   
than four hours4 ,the  attendance in the
 evening was larger than on any former  

occasion4 ,many  were unable to get     
within the chapel4 ,we were again       
favored with an  opportunity of urging a
 variety of considerations touching the 
general  cause1 as well as those drawn  
from the condition of our own country1  
and  the special objects of our mission4
    ,the ,rev4 ,mr4 ,horne spoke very   
pointedly on the subject of slavery4 ,he
  began by saying that he had been so   
long accustomed to speak  cautiously    
about slavery that he was even now      
almost afraid of his own  voice when he 
alluded to it4 ,general laughter4 ,but  
he would remember  that he was in a free
 island1 and that he spoke to freemen1  
and  therefore he had nothing to fear4  
,he said the peace and prosperity of    
these colonies is a matter of great     
moment in itself considered1 but it was 
only when viewed as an example  to the  
rest of the slaveholding world that its 
real magnitude and  importance was      
perceived4 ,the influence of abolition1 
and especially of  entire emancipation  

in ,antigua1 must be very great4 ,the   
eyes of the  world were fixed upon her4 
,the great nation of ,america must now  
soon  toll the knell of slavery1 and    
this event will be hastened by the      
happy operation of freedom here4    ,mr4
 ,h4 proceeded to say1 that during the  
agitation of the slavery  question at   
home1 he had been suspected of not being
 a friend to  emancipation2 and it would
 probably be remembered by some present 
that  his name appeared in the report of
 the committee of the ,house of         
,commons1 where it stood in no enviable 
society4 ,but whatever might be  thought
 of his course at that time1 he felt    
assumed that the day was not  far       
distant when he should be able to clear 
up every thing connected  with it4 ,it  
was not a little gratifying to us to see
 that the time had  come in the ,west   
,indies1 when the suspicion of having   
been opposed to  emancipation is a stain
 upon the memory from which a public man
 is glad  to vindicate himself4         

,,resolution ,,of ,,the ,,meeting4      
,after a few other addresses were       
delivered1 and just previous to the     
dismission of the assembly1 ,rev4 ,mr4  
,cox1 ,chairman of the ,district1  arose
 and said1 that as this was the last of 
the anniversary meetings1  he begged to 
move a resolution which he had no doubt 
would meet with the  hearty and         
unanimous approval of that large        
assembly4 ,he then read the  following  
resolution1 which we insert here as an  
illustration of the  universal sympathy 
in the objects of our mission4 ,as the  
resolution is  not easily divisible1 we 
insert the whole of it1 making no ado on
 the  score of modesty4    ,resolved1   
that this meeting is deeply impressed   
with the importance of  the services    
rendered this day to the cause of       
missions by the  acceptable addresses of
 ,mr4 ----1 from ,america1 and begs     
especially to  express to him and his   
friend ,mr4 ----1 the assurance of their
 sincere  sympathy in the object of     

their visit to ,antigua4    ,mr4 ,c4    
said he would make no remarks in support
 of the resolution he had  just read for
 he did not deem them necessary4 ,he    
would therefore propose  at once that   
the vote be taken by rising4 ,the       
,chairman read the  resolution          
accordingly1 and requested those who    
were in favor of  adopting it1 to rise4 
,not an individual in the crowded       
congregation kept  his seat4 ,the       
masters and the slaves of yesterday--all
 rose together--a  phalanx of freemen1  
to testify their sincere sympathy in the
 efforts  and objects of ,american      
abolitionists4    ,after the            
congregation had resumed their seats1   
the worthy ,chairman  addressed us      
briefly in behalf of the congregation1  
saying1 that it was  incumbent on him to
 convey to us the unanimous expression  
of sympathy on  the part of this        
numerous assembly in the object of our  
visit to the  island4 ,we might regard  
it as an unfeigned assurance that we    

were  welcomed among them1 and that the 
cause which we were laboring to  promote
 was dear to the hearts of the people of
 ,antigua4    ,this was the testimonial 
of an assembly1 many of whom1 only three
 years  before1 were themselves         
slaveholders4 ,it was not given at a    
meeting  specially concerted and called 
for the purpose1 but grew up            
unexpectedly  and spontaneously out of  
the feelings of the occasion1 a         
free-will  offering1 the cheerful       
impulsive gush of free sympathies4 ,we  
returned  our acknowledgments in the    
best manner that our excited emotions   
permitted4    ,,laying ,,the ,,corner   
,,stone ,,of ,a ,,wesleyan ,,chapel4    
,the corner stone of a new ,wesleyan    
,chapel was laid in ,st4 ,john's1 during
  the district meeting4 ,the concourse  
of spectators was immense4 ,at eleven   
o'clock religious exercises were held in
 the old chapel4 ,at the close of  the  
service a procession was formed1        
composed of ,wesleyan missionaries1     

,moravian ministers1 clergymen of the   
church1 members of the council and  of  
the assembly1 planters1 merchants1 and  
other gentlemen1 and the  children of   
the ,sunday and infant schools1         
connected with the  ,wesleyan ,chapel4  
,as the procession moved to the new     
site1 a hymn was sung1 in which the     
whole procession united4 ,our position  
in the procession1 to which we  were    
assigned by the marshal1 and much to our
 satisfaction1 was at  either side of   
two colored gentlemen1 with whom we     
walked1 four abreast4    ,on one side of
 the foundation a gallery had been      
raised1 which was  covered with an      
awning1 and was occupied by a dense mass
 of white and  colored ladies4 ,on      
another side the gentlemen of the       
procession stood4  ,the other sides were
 thronged with a promiscuous multitude  
of all  colors4 ,after singing and      
prayer1 the ,hon4 ,nicholas ,nugent1    
speaker of  the house of assembly1      
descended from the platform by a flight 

of stairs  into the cellar1 escorted by 
two missionaries4 ,the sealed phial was 
then  placed in his hand1 and ,mr4 ,p41 
a ,wesleyan missionary1 read from a     
paper  the inscription written on the   
parchment within the phial4 ,the closing
  words of the inscription alluded to   
the present condition of the island1    
thus3 ,the demand for a new and larger  
place of worship was pressing1  and the 
progress of public liberality advancing 
on a scale highly  creditable to this   
,,free1 enlightened1 and evangelized    
colony4 ,the  ,speaker then placed the  
phial in the cavity of the rock4 ,when  
it was  properly secured1 and the corner
 stone lowered down by pullies to its   
place1 he struck three blows upon it    
with a mallet1 and then returned to  the
 platform4 ,the most eager curiosity was
 exhibited on every side to  witness the
 ceremony4    ,at the conclusion of it1 
several addresses were delivered4 ,the  
speakers  were1 ,rev4 ,messrs4 ,horne   
and ,harvey1 and ,d4,b4 ,garling1 ,esq4 

,mr4 ,horne1  after enumerating several 
things which were deserving of praise1  
and  worthy of imitation1 exclaimed1    
,the grand crowning glory of all--that  
which places ,antigua above all her     
sister colonies--was the magnanimous    
measure of the legislature in entirely  
abolishing slavery4 ,it was  estimated  
that there were more than two thousand  
persons assembled on  this occasion4    
,the order which prevailed among such a 
concourse was  highly creditable to the 
island4 ,it was pleasing to see the     
perfect  intermixture of colors and     
conditions2 not less so to observe the  
kindly  bearing of the high toward the  
low4,a ,after the exercises were        
finished1 the numerous assembly         
dispersed quietly4 ,not an instance of  
drunkenness1 quarrelling1 or anger1 fell
 under our notice during  the day4      
,footnote ,a3 ,during ,mr4 ,home's      
address1 we observed ,mr4 ,a41 a        
planter1  send his umbrella to a negro  
man who stood at the corner-stone1      

exposed  to the sun4    ,,resolutions   
,,of ,,the ,,missionaries4    ,toward   
the close of the district meeting1 we   
received a kind note from  the chairman1
 inviting us to attend the meeting1 and 
receive in person1  a set of resolutions
 which had been drawn up at our request1
 and signed  by all the missionaries4   
,at the hour appointed1 we repaired to  
the  chapel4 ,the missionaries all arose
 as we entered1 and gave us a  brotherly
 salutation4 ,we were invited to take   
our seats at the right  hand of the     
chairman4 ,he then1 in the presence of  
the meeting1 read to  us the subjoined  
resolutions2 we briefly expressed1 in   
behalf of  ourselves and our cause1 the 
high sense we had of the value of the   
testimony1 which the meeting had been   
pleased to give us4 ,the venerable      
father ,horne then prayed with us1      
commending our cause to the blessing  of
 the ,head of the church1 and ourselves 
to the protection and guidance  of our  
heavenly ,father4 ,after which we shook 

hands with the brethren1  severally1    
receiving their warmest assurances of   
affectionate regard1  and withdrew4     
,resolutions passed at the meeting of   
the ,wesleyan ,missionaries of the      
,antigua ,district1 assembled at ,st4   
,john's1 ,antigua1 ,february #gth1      
#ahcg4        #a4 ,that the emancipation
 of the slaves of the ,west ,indies1    
while it      was an act of undoubted   
justice to that oppressed people1 has   
operated most favorably in furthering   
the triumphs of the gospel1 by          
removing one prolific source of         
unmerited suspicion of religious        
teachers1 and thus opening a door to    
their more extensive labors and         
usefulness--by furnishing a greater     
portion of time for the service      of 
the negro1 and thus preventing the      
continuance of unavoidable      ,sabbath
 desecrations1 in labor and neglect of  
the means of      grace--and in its     
operation as a stimulus to proprietors  
and other      influential gentlemen1 to

 encourage religious education1 and the 
wide dissemination of the ,scriptures1  
as an incentive to industry      and    
good order4        #b4 ,that while the  
above statements are true with reference
 to all      the islands1 even where the
 system of apprenticeship prevails1 they
      are especially applicable to      
,antigua1 where the results of the great
      measure1 of entire freedom1 so    
humanely and judiciously granted by     
the legislature1 cannot be contemplated 
without the most devout      thanks     
givings to ,almighty ,god4        #c4   
,that we regard with much gratification1
 the great diminution      among all    
classes in these islands1 of the most   
unchristian      prejudice of color the 
total absence of it in the government   
and      ordinances of the churches of  
,god1 with which we are connected1 and  
the prospect of its complete removal1 by
 the abolition of slavery1      by the  
increased diffusion of general          
knowledge1 and of that      religion    

which teaches to honor all men1 and to  
love our      neighbor as ourselves4    
#d4 ,that we cannot but contemplate with
 much humiliation and      distress1 the
 existence1 among professing ,christians
 in ,america1 of      this partial1     
unseemly1 and unchristian system of     
caste1 so      distinctly prohibited in 
the word of ,god1 and so utterly        
irreconcileable with ,christian charity4
        #e4 ,that regarding slavery as a
 most unjustifiable infringement of     
the rational and inalienable rights of  
men1 and in its moral      consequences1
 7from our own personal observation as  
well as other      sources17 as one of  
the greatest curses with which the great
      ,governor of the nations ever     
suffered this world to be blighted3 we  
cannot but deeply regret the connection 
which so intimately exists      between 
the various churches of ,christ in the  
,united ,states of      ,america1 and   
this unchristian system4 ,with much     
sorrow do we learn      that the        

principle of the lawfulness of slavery  
has been defended      by some who are  
ministers of ,christ1 that so large a   
proportion of      that body in         
,america1 are exerting their influence  
in favor of the      continuance of so  
indefensible and monstrous a system--and
 that      these emotions of sorrow are 
especially occasioned with reference to 
our own denomination4        #f4 ,that  
while we should deprecate and condemn   
any recourse on the      part of the    
slaves1 to measures of rebellion1 as an 
unjustifiable      mode of obtaining    
their freedom1 we would most solemnly1  
and      affectionately1 and            
imploringly1 adjure our respected       
fathers and      brethren in ,america1  
to endeavor1 in every legitimate way1 to
 wipe      away this reproach from their
 body1 and thus act in perfect          
accordance with the deliberate and      
recorded sentiments of our              
venerated founder on this subject1 and  
in harmony with the feelings      and   

proceedings of their brethren in the    
,united ,kingdom1 who have      had the 
honor to take a distinguished part in   
awakening such a      determined and    
resistless public feeling in that       
country1 as issued      in the abolition
 of slavery among #hjj1jjj of our fellow
 subjects4        #g4 ,that we hail with
 the most lively satisfaction the       
progress in      ,america of            
anti-slavery principles1 the            
multiplication of      anti-slavery     
societies1 and the diffusion of correct 
views on this      subject4 ,we offer to
 the noble band of truly patriotic1 and 
enlightened1 and philanthropic men1 who 
are combating in that      country with 
such a fearful evil1 the assurance of   
our most cordial      and fraternal     
sympathy1 and our earnest prayers for   
their complete      success4 ,we view   
with pity and sorrow the vile calumnies 
with which      they have been assailed4
 ,we welcome with ,christian joyfulness1
 in      the success which has already  

attended their efforts1 the dawn of a   
cloudless day of light and glory1 which 
shall presently shine upon      that    
vast continent1 when the song of        
universal freedom shall sound      in   
its length and breadth4        #h4 ,that
 these sentiments have been increased   
and confirmed by the      intercourse1  
which some of our body ,have enjoyed    
with our beloved      brethren1 the     
,rev4 ,james ,a4 ,thome1 and ,joseph    
,horace ,kimball1 ,esq41      the       
deputation to these islands1 front the  
,anti-,slavery ,society in              
,america4 ,we regard this appointment1  
and the nomination of such men      to  
fulfil it1 as most judicious4 ,we trust 
we can appreciate the      spirit of    
entire devotedness to this cause1 which 
animates our      respected brethren1   
and breathes throughout their whole     
deportment1      and rejoice in such a  
manifestation of the fruits of that     
divine      charity1 which flow from the
 constraining love of ,christ1 and which

      many waters cannot quench4        
#i4 ,that the assurance of the          
affectionate sympathy of the            
twenty-five brethren who compose this   
district meeting1 and our      devout   
wishes for their success in the objects 
of their mission1 are      hereby       
presented1 in our collective and        
individual capacity1 to our             
endeared and ,christian friends from    
,america4        7,signed7 ,,james      
,,cox1 chairman of the district1 and    
resident in      ,antigua4              
,jonathan ,cadman1 ,st4 ,martin's4      
,james ,horne1 ,st4 ,kitts4 ,matthew    
,banks1 ,st4 ,bartholomew's4 ,e4        
,frazer1 ,antigua4 ,charles ,bates1 do4 
,john ,keightley1 do4 ,jesse ,pilcher1  
do4 ,benjamin ,tregaskiss1 do4          
,thomas ,edwards1 ,st4 ,kitts4 ,robert  
,hawkins1 ,tortola4 ,thomas ,pearson1   
,nevis4 ,george ,craft1 do4 ,w4,s4      
,wamouth1 ,st4 ,kitts4 ,john ,hodge1    
,tortola4 ,william ,satchel1 ,dominica4 
,john ,cullingford1 ,dominica4 ,j4      

,cameron1 ,nevis4 ,b4 ,gartside1 ,st4   
,kitts4 ,john ,parker1 do4 ,hilton      
,cheeseborough1 do4 ,thomas ,jeffery1   
do4 ,william ,rigglesworth1             
,tortola4 ,daniel ,stepney1 ,nevis4     
,james ,walton1 ,montserrat4          99
       99       99       99       99    
,,chapter ,,ii4    ,,general ,,results4 
,having given a general outline of our  
sojourn in ,antigua1 we proceed to  a   
mere minute account of the results of   
our investigations4 ,we arrange  the    
testimony in two general divisions1     
placing that which relates to  the past 
and present condition of the colony in  
one1 and that which  bears directly upon
 the question of slavery in ,america in 
another4    ,,religion4    ,there are   
three denominations of ,christians in   
,antigua3 the ,established  ,church2 the
 ,moravians1 and ,wesleyans4 ,the       
,moravians number fifteen               
thousand--almost exclusively negroes4   
,the ,wesleyans embrace three  thousand 
members1 and about as many more         

attendants4 ,of the three  thousand     
members1 says a ,wesleyan missionary1   
not fifty are whites--a  larger number  
are colored2 but the greater part black4
 ,the attendance  of the negro          
population at the churches and chapels1 
7of the  established order17 says the   
,rector of ,st4 ,john's1 amounts to four
  thousand six hundred and thirty-six4  
,the whole number of blacks  receiving  
religious instruction from these        
,christian bodies1 making  allowance for
 the proportion of white and colored    
included in the three  thousand         
,wesleyans1 is about twenty-two         
thousand--leaving a population  of eight
 thousand negroes in ,antigua who are   
unsupplied with religious  instruction4 
,the ,established ,church has six parish
 churches1 as many chapels of  ease1 and
 nine clergymen4 ,the ,moravians have   
five settlements and  thirteen          
missionaries4 ,the ,wesleyans have seven
 chapels1 with as many  more small      
preaching places on estates1 and twelve 

ministers2 half of  whom are itinerant  
missionaries1 and the other half1 local 
preachers1  employed as planters1 or in 
mercantile1 and other pursuits1 and     
preaching only occasionally4 ,from the  
limited number of chapels and           
missionaries1 it may be inferred that   
only a portion of the twenty-two        
thousand can enjoy stated weekly        
instruction4 ,the superintendent of the 
,moravian mission stated that their     
chapels could not accommodate more  than
 one third of their members4    ,each of
 the denominations complains of the lack
 of men and houses4 ,the  ,wesleyans are
 now building a large chapel in ,st4    
,john's4 ,it will  accommodate two      
thousand persons4 ,besides free         
sittings1 there will be  nearly two     
hundred pews1 every one of which is now 
in demand4    ,however much disposed the
 churches of different denominations    
might have  been during slavery to      
maintain a strict discipline1 they found
 it  exceedingly difficult to do so4 ,it

 seems impossible to elevate a body of  
slaves1 remaining such1 to honesty and  
purity4 ,the reekings of slavery  will  
almost inevitably taint the institutions
 of religion1 and degrade  the standard 
of piety4 ,accordingly the ministers of 
every denomination  in ,antigua1 feel   
that in the abolition of slavery their  
greatest enemy  has been vanquished1 and
 they now evince a determination to     
assume  higher ground than they ever    
aspired to during the reign of slavery4 
,the  motto of all creeds is1 ,we expect
 great things of freemen4 ,a report     
which we obtained from the ,wesleyan    
brethren1 states1 ,our own brethren     
preach almost daily4 ,we think the      
negroes are uncommonly punctual and     
regular in their attendance upon divine 
worship1 particularly on the  ,sabbath4 
,they always show a readiness to        
contribute to the support of  the       
gospel4 ,with the present low wages1 and
 the entire charge of  self-maintenance1
 they have little to spare4 ,parham and 

,sion ,hill 7taken  as specimens7 have  
societies almost entirely composed of   
rural  blacks--about thirteen hundred   
and fifty in number4 ,these have        
contributed this year above #ccj        
sterling1 or sixteen hundred and fifty  
dollars1 in little weekly subscriptions2
 besides giving to special  objects     
occasionally1 and contributing for the  
support of schools4,a    ,footnote ,a3  
,the superintendent of the ,wesleyan    
mission informed us that  the collection
 in the several ,wesleyan chapels last  
year1 independent of  occasional        
contributions to ,sunday schools1       
,missionary objects1 c41  amounted to   
#hej sterling1 or more than #djjj6      
,in a letter dated ,december #b;d1      
#ahcd1 but four months after            
emancipation1  and addressed to the     
missionary board in ,england1 the ,rev4 
,b4 ,harvey  thus speaks of the         
,moravian missions3 ,with respect to our
 people1 ,i  believe2 ,i may say that in
 all our places here1 they attend the   

meetings  of the church more numerously 
than ever1 and that many are now in     
frequent attendance who could very      
seldom appear amongst us during         
slavery4 ,the same statements           
substantially were made to us by ,mr4   
,h41  showing that instead of any       
falling off the attendance was still on 
the increase4    ,in a statement drawn  
up at our request by the ,rector of ,st4
 ,john's1 is  the following3 ,cases of  
discipline are more frequent than is    
usual in  ,english congregations1 but at
 the same time it should be observed1   
that  a closer oversight is maintained  
by the ministers1 and a greater         
readiness to submit themselves 7to      
discipline7 is manifested by the  late  
slaves here than by those who have      
always been a free people4 ,i  am able  
to speak very favorably of the          
attendance at church--it is  regular and
 crowded4 ,the negroes on some estates  
have been known to  contribute willingly
 to the ,bible ,society1 since #ahcb4   

,they are now  beginning to pay a penny 
and a half currency per week for their  
children's instruction4    ,,morality4  
,the condition of ,antigua1 but a very  
few years previous to emancipation1  is 
represented to have been truly          
revolting4 ,it has already been stated  
that the ,sabbath was the market day up 
to #ahcb1 and this is evidence  enough  
that the ,lord's day was utterly        
desecrated by the mass of the           
population4 ,now there are few parts of 
our own country1 equal in  population1  
which can vie with ,antigua in the      
solemn and respectful  observance of the
 ,sabbath4 ,christians in ,st4 ,john's  
spoke with joy and  gratitude of the    
tranquillity of the ,sabbath4 ,they had 
long been shocked  with its open and    
abounding profanation--until they had   
well-nigh forgot  the aspect of a       
,christian ,sabbath4 ,at length the     
full-orbed blessing  beamed upon them1  
and they rejoiced in its brightness1 and
 thanked ,god  for its holy repose4     

,all persons of all professions testify 
to the fact that marriages are  rapidly 
increasing4 ,in truth1 there was        
scarcely such a thing as  marriage      
before the abolition of slavery4        
,promiscuous intercourse of the  sexes  
was almost universal4 ,in a report of   
the ,antigua ,branch  ,association of   
the ,society for advancing the          
,christian ,faith in the  ,british ,west
 ,indies1 7for #ahcf17 the following    
statements are made3    ,the number of  
marriages in the six parishes of the    
island1 in the year  #ahce1 the first   
entire year of freedom1 was #dgf2 all of
 which1 excepting  about #ej1 were      
between persons formerly slaves4 ,the   
total number of  marriages between      
slaves solemnized in the ,church during 
the nine years  ending ,december #ca1   
#ahcb1 was #aeg2 in #ahcc1 the last     
entire year of  slavery1 it was #fa4    
,thus it appears that the whole number  
of marriages during ten years  previous 
to emancipation 7by far the most        

favorable ten years that could  have    
been selected7 was but half as great as 
the number for a single  year following 
emancipation6    ,the ,governor1 in one 
of our earliest interviews with him1    
said1 the  great crime of this island1  
as indeed of all the ,west ,india       
,colonies1  has been licentiousness1 but
 we are certainly fast improving in this
  particular4 ,an aged ,christian1 who  
has spent many years in the island1  and
 is now actively engaged in             
superintending several day schools for  
the negro children1 informed us that    
there was not one third as much         
concubinage as formerly4 ,this he said  
was owing mainly to the greater         
frequency of marriages1 and the         
cessation of late night work on the     
estates1 and in the boiling houses1 by  
which the females were constantly       
exposed during slavery4 ,now they may   
all be in their houses by dark4         
,formerly the mothers were the betrayers
 of their daughters1 encouraging  them  

to form unhallowed connections1 and even
 selling them to  licentious white and  
colored men1 for their own gain4 ,now   
they were  using great strictness to    
preserve the chastity of their          
daughters4    ,a worthy planter1 who has
 been in the island since #ahjj1 stated1
 that it  used to be a common practice  
for mothers to sell their daughters to  
the highest bidder6--generally a manager
 or overseer4 ,but now2 said he1  the   
mothers hold their daughters up for     
marriage1 and take pains to  let every  
body know that their virtue is not to be
 bought and sold any  longer4 ,he also  
stated that those who live unmarried now
 are uniformly  neglected and suffer    
great deprivations4 ,faithfulness after 
marriage1  exists also to a greater     
extent than could have been expected    
from the  utter looseness to which they 
had been previously accustomed1 and with
  their ignorance of the nature and     
obligations of the marriage relation4   
,we were informed both by the           

missionaries and the planters1 that     
every  year and month they are becoming 
more constant1 as husband and wife1     
more faithful as parents1 and more      
dutiful as children4 ,one planter said  
that out of a number who left his employ
 after #ahcd1 nearly all had  companions
 on other estates1 and left for the     
purpose of being with  them4 ,he was    
also of the opinion that the greater    
proportion of changes  of residence     
among the emancipated which took place  
at that time1 were  owing to the same   
cause4,a ,in an address before the      
,friendly ,society in  ,st4 ,john's1 the
 ,archdeacon stated that during the     
previous year 7#ahce7  several          
individuals had been expelled from that 
society for domestic  unfaithfulness2   
but he was happy to say that he had not 
heard of a  single instance of expulsion
 for this cause during the year then    
ended4  ,much inconvenience is felt on  
account of the ,moravian and ,wesleyan  
missionaries being prohibited from      

performing the marriage service1 even   
for their own people4 ,efforts are now  
making to obtain the repeal of the  law 
which makes marriages performed by      
sectarians 7as all save the  established
 church are called7 void4    ,footnote  
,a3 ,what a resurrection to domestic    
life was that1 when long  severed       
families flocked from the four corners  
of the island to meet  their kindred    
members6 ,and what a glorious           
resurrection will that be in  our own   
country1 when the millions of           
emancipated beings scattered over  the  
west and south1 shall seek the embraces 
of parental and fraternal  and conjugal 
love4    ,that form of licentiousness   
which appears among the higher classes  
in  every slaveholding country1 abounded
 in ,antigua during the reign of        
slavery4 ,it has yielded its redundant  
fruits in a population of four  thousand
 colored people2 double the number of   
whites4 ,the planters1 with  but few    
exceptions1 were unmarried and          

licentious4 ,nor was this vice  confined
 to the unmarried4 ,men with large      
families1 kept one or more  mistresses  
without any effort at concealment4 ,we  
were told of an  ,honorable gentleman1  
who had his ,english wife and two       
concubines1 a  colored and a black one4 
,the governor himself stated as an      
apology for  the prevalence of          
licentiousness among the slaves1 that   
the example was  set them constantly by 
their masters1 and it was not to be     
wondered at  if they copied after their 
superiors4 ,but it is now plain that    
concubinage among the whites is nearly  
at an end4 ,an unguarded statement  of a
 public man revealed the conviction     
which exists among his class  that      
concubinage must soon cease4 ,he said   
that the present race of  colored people
 could not be received into the society 
of the whites1  because of illegitimacy2
 but the next generation would be fit   
associates for the whites1 because they 
would be chiefly born  in wedlock4      

,the uniform testimony respecting       
intemperance was1 that it never had     
been one of the vices of the negroes4   
,several planters declared that  they   
had rarely seen a black person          
intoxicated4 ,the report of the         
,wesleyan missionaries already referred 
to1 says1 ,intemperance is most         
uncommon among the rural negroes4 ,many 
have joined the ,temperance  ,society1  
and many act on tee-total principles4   
,the only colored  person 7either black 
or brown7 whom we saw drunk during a    
residence of  nine weeks in ,antigua1   
was a carpenter in ,st4 ,john's1 who as 
he reeled  by1 stared in our faces and  
mumbled out his sentence of condemnation
  against wine bibbers1 --,gemmen--you  
sees ,i'se a little bit drunk1 but  'pon
 honor ,i only took th--th-ree bottles  
of wine--that's all4 ,it was  ,christmas
 times1 and doubtless the poor man      
thought he would venture  for once in   
the year to copy the example of the     
whites4    ,in conclusion1 on the       

subject of morals in ,antigua1 we are   
warranted in  stating1 #ast41 ,that     
during the continuance of slavery1      
immoralities  were rife4    #b;d4 ,that 
the repeated efforts of the home        
,government and the local  ,legislature1
 for several successive years previous  
to #ahcd1 to  ameliorate the system of  
slavery1 seconded by the labors of      
clergymen  and missionaries1 teachers   
and catechists1 to improve the character
 of  the slaves1 failed to arrest the   
current of vice and profligacy4 ,what   
few reformations were effected were very
 partial1 leaving the more  enormous    
immoralities as shameless and defiant as
 ever1 up to the very  day of abolition2
 demonstrating the utter impotence of   
all attempts to  purify the streams     
while the fountain is poison4    #c;d4  
,that the abolition of slavery gave the 
death blow to open vice1  overgrown and 
emboldened as it had become4 ,immediate 
emancipation1  instead of lifting the   
flood-gates1 was the only power strong  

enough to  shut them down6 ,it restored 
the proper restraints upon vice1 and    
supplied the incentives to virtue4      
,those great controllers of moral       
action1 self-respect1 attachment to law1
 and veneration for ,god1 which  slavery
 annihilated1 freedom has resuscitated1 
and now they stand  round about the     
emancipated with flaming swords         
deterring from evil1 and  with cheering 
voices exhorting to good4 ,it is        
explicitly affirmed that  the grosser   
forms of immorality1 which in every     
country attend upon  slavery1 have in   
,antigua either shrunk into concealment 
or  become extinct4    ,,benevolent     
,,institutions4    ,we insert here a    
brief account of the benevolent         
institutions of  ,antigua4 ,our design  
in giving it1 is to show the effect of  
freedom in  bringing into play those    
charities of social life1 which slavery 
uniformly stifles4 ,antigua abounds in  
benevolent societies1 all of which  have
 been materially revived since          

emancipation1 and some of them have     
been formed since that event4    ,,the  
,,bible ,,society4    ,this is the      
oldest society in the island4 ,it was   
organized in #ahae4 ,all  denominations 
in the island cordially unite in this   
cause4 ,the principal  design of this   
society is to promote the ,circulation  
of the ,scriptures  among the laboring  
population of the island4 ,to secure    
this object  numerous branch            
associations--amounting to nearly       
fifty--have been  organized throughout  
the island among the negroes themselves4
 ,the  society has been enabled not only
 to circulate the ,scriptures among the 
people of ,antigua1 but to send them    
extensively to the neighboring  islands4
    ,the following table1 drawn up at   
our request by the ,secretary of the    
,society1 will show the extent of       
foreign operations3    ,years4          
,colonies ,supplied4 ,bibles4 ,test's4  
#ahbb       ,anguilla             #id   
#aef    #bc       ,demerara             

#ah       #ah    #bd       ,dominica    
#hi      #bjd    #be       ,montserrat  
#eg      #adi    #bg       ,nevis       
#gi      #aag    #cb       ,saba        
#f       #ab    #cc       ,st4 ,bart's  
#aaa       #fe    #cd       ,st4        
,eustatius        #ig      #adh    #ce  
,st4 ,kitts           #bbg      #dhg    
,st4 ,martins          #dh       #cg    
#cf       ,tortola              #fi     
#acf  ,to  #ahcg       ,trinidad        
#be       #fg                           
,total       #ibj     #aeif    ,from the
 last annual report we quote the        
following cheering account1  touching   
the events of #ahcd3    ,the next event 
of importance in or annals is the       
magnificent grant of  the parent        
society1 on occasion of the emancipation
 of the slaves1 and  the perpetual      
banishment of slavery from the shores of
 ,antigua1 on the  first of ,august1    
#ahcd2 by which a choice portion of the 
,holy ,scriptures  was gratuitously     
circulated to about one third of the    

inhabitants of  this colony4 ,nine      
thousand seven hundred copies of the    
,new ,testament1  bound together with   
the book of ,psalms1 were thus placed at
 the disposal  of your committee4    99 
99 99 ,following hard upon this joyful  
event another gratifying  circumstance  
occurred among us4 ,the attention of the
 people was roused1  and their gratitude
 excited towards the ,bible ,society1   
and they who had  freely received1 now  
freely gave1 and thus a considerable sum
 of money  was presented to the parent  
society in acknowledgment of its        
beneficent grant4    ,we here add an    
extract from the annual report for      
#ahbf4 ,its sentiments  contrast        
strongly with the congratulations of the
 last report upon 'the  joyful event' of
 emancipation4    ,another question of  
considerable delicacy and importance    
still remains  to be discussed4 ,is it  
advisable1 under all the circumstances  
of the  case1 to circulate the ,holy    
,scriptures1 without note of comment1   

among  the slave population of these    
islands8 ,your ,committee can feel no   
hesitation in affirming that such a     
measure is not merely expedient1 but    
one of almost indispensable necessity4  
,the ,sacred ,volume is in many         
respects peculiarly adapted to the      
slave4 ,it enjoins upon him precepts  so
 plain1 that the most ignorant cannot   
fail to understand them3  ',slaves1 obey
 in all things your masters1 not with   
eye service1 as men  pleasers1 but in   
singleness of heart1 fearing ,god4' ,it 
furnishes him  with motives the most    
impressive and consoling3 ',ye serve1'  
says the  ,apostle1 'the ,lord ,christ4'
 ,it promises him rewards sufficient to 
stimulate the most indolent to exertion3
 ',whatsoever good thing any man  doeth1
 the same shall he receive of the ,lord1
 whether he be bond or  free4' ,and it  
holds forth to him an example so        
glorious1 that it would  ennoble even   
angels to imitate it3 ',let this mind be
 in you which was  also in ,christ      

,jesus1 who made himself of no          
reputation1 and took upon  him the form 
of a slave6'    ,it may here be proper  
to observe1 that the precise import of  
the word1  which in general throughout  
the ,english ,bible is translated       
servant1  is strictly that which has    
been assigned it in the foregoing       
quotations2  767 and so understood1 the 
,sacred ,volume will be found to hold   
out to  our slaves1 both by precept and 
example the most persuasive and the most
  compelling motives to industry1       
obedience1 and submission4    ,nothing  
could more plainly show the corrupting  
influences of slavery1  upon all within 
its reach1 than this spectacle of a     
noble1 religious  institution1          
prostituted to the vile work of         
defending oppression1 and1  in the zeal 
of its advocacy1 blasphemously degrading
 the ,savior into a  self-made slave6   
,the receipts of the ,antigua ,branch   
,society have greatly increased since   
emancipation4 ,from receipts for the    

year #ahcf1 in each of the ,british     
islands1 it appears that the            
contributions from ,antigua and         
,bermuda1 the  only two islands which   
adopted entire emancipation1 are about  
double  those from any other two        
islands4    ,,missionary ,,associations4
    ,these associations are connected   
with the ,wesleyan mission1 and have    
been in existence since #ahbj4 ,their   
object is to raise funds for the  parent
 society in ,england4 ,although it has  
been in existence for several  years1   
yet it was mostly confined to the whites
 and free people of  color1 during      
slavery4 ,the calling together          
assemblies of rural negroes1  and       
addressing them on the subject of       
missions1 and soliciting  contributions 
in aid of the cause1 is a new feature in
 the missionary  operations to which    
nothing but freedom could give birth4   
,,temperance ,,societies4    ,the first 
temperance society in ,antigua was      
formed at the beginning of  #ahcf4 ,we  

give an extract from the first annual   
report3 ,temperance  societies have been
 formed in each town1 and on many of the
 estates4 ,a  large number of persons   
who once used spirituous liquors        
moderately1  have entirely relinquished 
the use4 ,some who were once intemperate
 have  been reclaimed1 and in some      
instances an adoption of the principles 
of  the temperance society1 has been    
followed by the pursuit and enjoyment   
of vital religion4 ,domestic peace and  
quietness have superseded discord  and  
strife1 and a very general sense of     
astonishment at the gross  delusion     
which these drinks have long produced on
 the human species  is manifest4    ,the
 numbers on the various books of the    
society amount to about #agjj4  ,one    
pleasing feature in their history1 is   
the very small number of those  who have
 violated their pledge4    ,on several  
estates1 the usual allowance of spirits 
has been  discontinued1 and sugar or    
molasses substituted4    ,the temperance

 society in ,antigua may be specially   
regarded as a result  of emancipation4  
,it is one of the guardian angels which 
hastened to the  island as soon as the  
demon of slavery was cast out4          
,,friendly ,,societies4    ,the friendly
 societies are designed exclusively for 
the benefit of the  negro population4   
,the general object is thus stated in   
the constitution  of one of these       
societies3 ,the object of this society  
is to assist in  the purchase of        
articles of mourning for the dead2 to   
give relief in  cases of unlooked for   
distress2 to help those who through age 
or  infirmities are incapable of helping
 themselves by marketing1 or working    
their grounds2 to encourage sobriety and
 industry1 and to check  disorderly and 
immoral conduct4    ,these societies    
obtain their funds by laying a tax of   
one shilling per  month on every member 
above eighteen years of age1 and of six 
pence per  month on all members under   
that age and above twelve1 which is the 

minimum of membership4 ,the aged members
 are required to pay no more than  the  
sum last mentioned4    ,the first       
society of this kind was established in 
,st4 ,john's by the  present rector1 in 
#ahbi4 ,subsequently the ,moravians and 
,wesleyans formed  similar societies    
among their own people4 ,independent of 
the pecuniary  assistance which these   
societies bestow1 they encourage in a   
variety of  ways the good order of the  
community4 ,for example1 no one is      
allowed to  receive assistance who is   
disabled by drunkenness1 debauchery1 or 
disorderly living2 also1 if any member  
of the society1 male or female1  is     
guilty of adultery or fornication1 the  
offending member shall be  suspended for
 so long a time as the members shall see
 fit1 and shall  lose all claim on the  
society for any benefit during the      
suspension1 and  shall not be readmitted
 until clear and satisfactory evidence  
is given  of penitence4 ,furthermore1   
,if any member of the society shall be  

expelled from the church to which he or 
she belongs1 or shall commit any        
offence punishable by a magistrate1 that
 member forfeits his membership  in the 
society4 ,again1 the society directly   
encourages marriage1 by  making a       
present of a young pig to every child   
born in wedlock1 and  according as their
 funds will admit of it1 giving rewards 
to those  married persons living        
faithfully1 or single persons living    
virtuously1  who take a pride in keeping
 their houses neat and tidy1 and their  
gardens flourishing4    ,these societies
 have been more than doubled1 both in   
the number of  members and in the annual
 receipts1 since emancipation4    ,of   
the societies connected with the        
established church1 the rector of  ,st4 
,john's thus speaks3 ,at the beginning  
of #ahcd there were eleven  societies1  
embracing #afjb members4 ,at the        
beginning of #ahce they  numbered #daig2
 and in #ahcf there were #defj members1 
almost quadrupled  in two years6    ,the

 societies connected with the ,moravian 
church1 have more than  doubled1 both in
 members and funds1 since emancipation4 
,the funds now  amount to #aj1jjj per   
year4    ,the ,wesleyans have four      
,friendly societies4 ,the largest       
society1 which  contained six hundred   
and fifty members1 was organized in the 
month of  ,august1 #ahcd4 ,the last year
 it had expended #gjj currency1 and had 
then  in its treasury #fjj currency4    
,now1 be it remembered that the         
,friendly societies exist solely among  
the  freed negroes1 and that the moneys 
are raised exclusively among them4      
,among whom8 ,a people who are said to  
be so proverbially improvident1  that to
 emancipate them1 would be to abandon   
them to beggary1 nakedness1  and        
starvation2--a people who cannot take   
care of themselves2 who  will not work  
when freed from the fear of the lash2   
who would  squander the earnings of the 
day in debaucheries at night2 who would 
never provide for to-morrow for the     

wants of a family1 or for the           
infirmities of old age4 ,yea1 among     
negroes these things are done2 and      
that1 too1 where the wages are but one  
shilling per day--less than  sufficient1
 one would reasonably suppose1 to       
provide daily food4    ,,daily ,,meal   
,,society4    ,the main object of this  
society is denoted by its name4 ,it     
supplies a  daily meal to those who are 
otherwise unprovided for4 ,a commodious 
house  had just been completed in the   
suburbs of the town1 capable of lodging 
a  considerable number of beneficiaries4
 ,it is designed to shelter those  who  
are diseased1 and cannot walk to and fro
 for their meals4 ,the number  now fed  
at this house is from eighty to a       
hundred4 ,the diseased1 who  live at the
 dispensary1 are mostly those who are   
afflicted with the  elephantiasis1 by   
which they are rendered entirely        
helpless4 ,medical aid  is supplied free
 of expense4 ,it is worthy of remark1   
that there is no  public poor-house in  

,antigua1--a proof of the industry and  
prosperity  of the emancipated people4  
,,distressed ,,females' ,,friend        
,,society4    ,this is a society in ,st4
 ,john's3 there is also a similar one1  
called the  ,female ,refuge ,society1 at
 ,english ,harbor4 ,both these societies
 were  established and are conducted by 
colored ladies4 ,they are designed to   
promote two objects3 the support of     
destitute aged females of color1 and    
the rescue of poor young colored females
 from vice4 ,the necessity for  special 
efforts for the first object1 arose out 
of the fact1 that the  colored people   
were allowed no parochial aid whatever1 
though they were  required to pay their 
parochial taxes2 hence1 the support of  
their own  poor devolved upon           
themselves4 ,the demand for vigorous    
action in behalf  of the young1 grew out
 of the prevailing licentiousness of    
slave-holding  times4 ,the society in   
,st4 ,john's has been in existence since
 #ahae4 ,it  has a large and commodious 

asylum1 and an annual income1 by        
subscriptions1 of #cej1 currency4 ,this 
society1 and the ,female ,refuge        
,society established at ,english        
,harbor1 have been instrumental in      
effecting a great reform in the morals  
of females1 and particularly in         
exciting reprobation against that horrid
 traffic--the sale of girls by  their   
mothers for purposes of lust4 ,we were  
told of a number of cases in  which the 
society in ,st4 ,john's had rescued     
young females from impending  ruin4     
,many members of the society itself1    
look to it as the guardian of  their    
orphanage4 ,among other cases related to
 us1 was that of a lovely  girl of      
fifteen1 who was bartered away to a     
planter by her mother1 a  dissolute     
woman4 ,the planter was to give her a   
quantity of cloth to the  value of #hj  
currency1 and two young slaves2 he was  
also to give the  grandmother1 for her  
interest in the girl1 one gallon of rum6
 ,the  night was appointed1 and a gig in

 waiting to take away the victim1 when  
a female friend was made acquainted with
 the plot1 just in time to save  the    
girl by removing her to her own house4  
,the mother was infuriated1  and        
endeavored to get her back1 but the girl
 had occasionally attended a  ,sabbath  
school1 where she imbibed principles    
which forbade her to yield  even to her 
mother for such an unhallowed purpose4  
,she was taken before  a magistrate1 and
 indentured herself to a milliner for   
two years4 ,the  mother made an attempt 
to regain her1 and was assisted by some 
whites  with money to commence a suit   
for that purpose4 ,the lady who defended
  her was accordingly prosecuted1 and   
the whole case became notorious4 ,the   
prosecutors were foiled4 ,at the close  
of her apprenticeship1 the young  woman 
was married to a highly respectable     
colored gentleman1 now  resident in ,st4
 ,john's4 ,the notoriety which was given
 to the above case  had a happy effect4 
,it brought the society and its object  

more fully  before the public1 and the  
contributions for its support greatly   
increased4 ,those for whose benefit the 
asylum was opened1 heard of it1  and    
came begging to be received4    ,this   
society is a signal evidence that the   
colored people neither lack  the ability
 to devise1 nor the hearts to cherish1  
nor the zeal to  execute plans of       
enlarged benevolence and mercy4    ,the 
,juvenile ,association1 too1 of which we
 gave some account in  describing its   
anniversary1 originated with the colored
 people1 and  furnishes additional      
evidence of the talents and charities of
 that class  of the community4 ,besides 
the societies already enumerated1 there 
are  two associations connected with the
 ,established ,church1 called the       
,society for the ,promotion of          
,christian ,knowledge1 and the ,branch  
,association of the ,society for        
,advancing the ,christian ,faith in the 
,british ,west ,indies1 c4 ,these       
societies are also designed chiefly for 

the benefit of the negro population4    
,,education4    ,our inquiries under    
this head were directed to three        
principal  points--first1 ,the extent to
 which education prevailed previous to  
emancipation2 second1 ,the improvements 
introduced since2 and third1 ,the       
comparative capacity of negroes for     
receiving instruction4    ,being        
providentially in the island at the     
season of the year when all  the schools
 have their annual examinations1 we     
enjoyed the most  favorable             
opportunities for procuring intelligence
 on the subject of  education4 ,from    
various quarters we received invitations
 to attend  school examinations4 ,we    
visited the schools at ,parham1         
,willoughby ,bay1  ,newfield2 ,cedar    
,hall1 ,grace ,bay1 ,fitch's ,creek1 and
 others3 besides  visiting the parochial
 school1 the rectory school1 the        
,moravian and  ,wesleyan schools1 in    
,st4 ,john's4 ,all the schools1 save    
those in ,st4  ,john's1 were almost     

exclusively composed of emancipated     
children from  the estates4    ,,visit  
,,to ,,the ,,parochial ,,school4    ,at 
the invitation of the ,governor1 we     
accompanied him to the annual           
examination of the parochial school1 in 
,st4 ,john's1 under the  superintendance
 of the ,episcopal church4 ,it has      
increased greatly1 both  in scholars and
 efficiency1 since emancipation1 and    
contributions are  made to its support  
by the parents whose children receive   
its benefits4  ,we found one hundred and
 fifty children1 of both sexes1         
assembled in the  society's rooms4      
,there was every color present1 from the
 deepest hue of  the ,ethiopian1 to the 
faintest shadowing of brown4    ,the    
boys constituting the first class1 to   
the number of fifty1 were  called up4   
,they read with much fluency and        
distinctness1 equalling white  boys of  
the same age anywhere4 ,after reading1  
various questions were put  to them by  
the ,archdeacon1 which they answered    

with promptness and  accuracy4 ,words   
were promiscuously selected from the    
chapter they had  read1 and every one   
was promptly spelled4 ,the catechism was
 the next  exercise1 and they manifested
 a thorough acquaintance with its       
contents4    ,our attention was         
particularly called to the examination  
in arithmetic4  ,many of the children   
solved questions readily in the compound
 rules1 and  several of them in         
,practice1 giving the different parts of
 the pound1  shilling1 and penny1 used  
in that rule1 and all the whys and      
wherefores  of the thing1 with great    
promptness4 ,one lad1 only ten years of 
age1  whose attendance had been very    
irregular on account of being employed  
in  learning a trade1 performed         
intricate examples in ,practice1 with a 
facility worthy the counting-house desk4
 ,we put several inquiries on  different
 parts of the process1 in order to test 
their real knowledge1  to which we      
always received clear answers4    ,the  

girls were then examined in the same    
studies and exercises1 except           
arithmetic1 and displayed the same      
gratifying proficiency4 ,they also      
presented specimens of needlework and   
strawbraiding1 which the ladies1  on    
whose better judgment we depend1        
pronounced very creditable4 ,we  noticed
 several girls much older than the      
others1 who had made much less  advance 
in their studies1 and on inquiry        
learned1 that they had been  members of 
the school but a short time1 having     
formerly been employed to  wield the    
heavy hoe in the cane field4 ,the       
parents are very desirous to  give their
 children education1 and make many      
sacrifices for that  purpose4 ,many who 
are field-laborers in the country1      
receiving their  shilling a day1 have   
sent their children to reside with some 
relations  or friends in town1 for the  
purpose of giving them the benefits of  
this  school4 ,several such children    
were pointed out to us4 ,the increase of

  female scholars during the first year 
of emancipation1 was in this  school    
alone1 about eighty4    ,for our        
gratification1 the ,governor requested  
that all the children  emancipated on   
the first of ,august1 might be called up
 and placed on  our side of the room4   
,nearly one hundred children1 of both   
sexes1 who  two years ago were slaves1  
now stood up before us ,,free4 ,we      
noticed one  little girl among the rest1
 about ten years old1 who bore not the  
least  tinge of color4 ,her hair was    
straight and light1 and her face had    
that  mingling of vermilion and white1  
which ,americans seem to consider1 not  
only the nonpareil standard of beauty1  
but the immaculate test of human        
rights4 ,at her side was another with   
the deepest hue of the native  ,african4
 ,there were high emotions on the       
countenances of those redeemed  ones1   
when we spoke to them of emancipation4  
,the undying principle of  freedom      
living and burning in the soul of the   

most degraded slave1 like  lamps amid   
the darkness of eastern sepulchres1 was 
kindling up  brilliantly within them1   
young as they were1 and flashing in     
smiles upon  their ebon faces4    ,the  
,governor made a few remarks1 in which  
he gave some good advice1 and  expressed
 himself highly pleased with the        
appearance and proficiency of  the      
school4    ,his excellency remarked to  
us in a tone of pleasantry1 ,you see1   
gentlemen1 these children have souls4   
,during the progress of the examination2
 he said to us1 ,you perceive  that it  
is our policy to give these children    
every chance to make men  of themselves4
 ,we look upon them as our future       
citizens4 ,he had no  doubt that the    
rising generation would assume a        
position in society  above the contempt 
or opposition of the whites4    ,,infant
 ,,schools ,,in ,,the ,,country4    ,we 
had the pleasure of attending one of the
 infant schools in the  vicinity of     
,parham1 on the east side of the island4

 ,having been invited  by a planter1 who
 kindly sent his horse and carriage for 
our conveyance1  to call and take       
breakfast with him on our way1 we drove 
out early in  the morning4    ,while we 
were walking about the estate1 our      
attention was arrested by  distant      
singing4 ,as we cast our eyes up a road 
crossing the estate1 we  discovered a   
party of children6 ,they were about     
twenty in number1 and  were marching    
hand in hand to the music of their      
infant voices4 ,they  were children from
 a neighboring estate1 on their way to  
the examination  at ,parham1 and were   
singing the hymns which they had learned
 at school4  ,all had their ,testaments 
in their hands1 and seemed right        
merry-hearted4    ,we were received at  
the gate of the chapel by the ,wesleyan 
missionary  located in this distinct1 a 
highly respectable and intelligent      
colored  man1 who was ten years since a 
slave4 ,he gave us a cordial welcome1   
and conducted us to the chapel1 where we

 found the children1 to the  number of  
four hundred1 assembled1 and the        
examination already  commenced4 ,there  
were six schools present1 representing  
about twenty  estates1 and arranged     
under their respective teachers4 ,the   
ages of the  pupils were from three to  
ten or twelve4 ,they were all1 with the 
exception of two or three1 the children 
of emancipated slaves4    ,they came up 
by classes to the superintendent's desk1
 where they read  and were examined4    
,they read correctly2 some of them too1 
who had been  in school only a few      
mouths1 in any portion of the ,new      
,testament  selected for them4 ,by      
request of the superintendent1 we put   
several  inquiries to them1 which they  
answered in a way which showed that they
  thought4 ,they manifested an          
acquaintance with the ,bible and the use
 of  language which was truly           
surprising4 ,it was delightful to see so
 many  tiny beings stand around you1    
dressed in their tidy gowns and frocks1 

with their bright morning faces1 and    
read with the self-composure of         
manhood1 any passage chosen for them4   
,they all1 large and small1 bore in     
their hands the charter of their        
freedom1 the book by the influence of   
which they received all the privileges  
they were enjoying4 ,on the cover  of   
each was stamped in large               
capitals--,,presented ,,by ,,the        
,,british ,,and  ,,foreign ,,bible      
,,society1 ,,in ,,commemoration ,,of    
,,the ,,first ,,of ,,august1 #ahcd4     
,at the close of the examination1 the   
rewards1 consisting of books1           
work-bags1 c4 c41 chiefly sent by a     
society of females in ,england1  were   
distributed4 ,it was impossible to      
repress the effervescence of the  little
 expectants4 ,as a little one four years
 old came up for her  reward1 the       
superintendent said to her--,well1      
little ,becky1 what do you  want8 ,me   
wants a bag1 said ,becky1 and me wants a
 pin-cushion1 and me  wants a little    

book4 ,becky's desires were large1 but  
being a good girl1  she was gratified4  
,occasionally the girls were left to    
choose between a  book and a work-bag1  
and although the bag might be gaudy and 
tempting1  they invariably took the     
book4    ,the teachers were all but one 
blacks1 and were formerly slaves4 ,they 
are  very devoted and faithful1 but are 
ill-qualified for their duties1  having 
obtained all the learning they possess  
in the ,sabbath school4  ,they are all  
pious1 and exert a harpy influence on   
the morals of  their pupils4    ,the    
number of scholars has very greatly     
increased since emancipation1  and their
 morals have essentially improved4      
,instances of falsehood and  theft1     
which at first were fearfully frequent  
and bold1 have much  lessened4 ,they    
begin to have a regard for character4   
,their sense of  right and wrong is     
enlightened1 and their power of         
resisting temptation1  and adhering to  
right1 manifestly increased4    ,on the 

whole1 we know not where we have looked 
on a more delightful  scene4 ,to stand  
in front of the pulpit and look around  
on a multitude of  negro children1      
gathered from the sordid huts into which
 slavery had  carried ignorance and     
misery--to see them coming up1 with     
their teachers  of the same proscribed  
hue1 to hear them read the ,bible1      
answer with  readiness the questions of 
their superintendent1 and lift up       
together  their songs of infant praise1 
and then to remember that two years ago 
these four hundred children were slaves1
 and still more to remember  that in our
 own country1 boasting its republicanism
 and ,christian  institutions1 there are
 thousands of just such children under  
the yoke  and scourge1 in utter         
heathenism1 the victims of tyrannic law 
or of  more tyrannic public             
opinion--caused the heart to swell with 
emotions  unutterable4 ,there were as   
many intelligent countenances1 and as   
much  activity and sprightliness1 as we 

ever saw among an equal number of       
children anywhere4 ,the correctness of  
their reading1 the pertinence of  their 
replies1 the general proofs of talent   
which they showed through  all the      
exercises1 evinced that they are none   
inferior to the children  of their white
 oppressors4    ,after singing a hymn   
they all kneeled down1 and the school   
closed with a  prayer and benediction4  
,they continued singing as they retired 
from the  house1 and long after they had
 parted on their different ways home1   
their voices swelled on the breeze at a 
distance as the little parties  from the
 estates chanted on their way the songs 
of the school room4    ,,willoughby     
,,bay ,,examination4    ,when we entered
 the school house at ,willoughby ,bay1  
which is capable of  containing a       
thousand persons1 a low murmur1 like the
 notes of  preparation1 ran over the    
multitude4 ,one school came in after we 
arrived1 marching in regular file1 with 
their teacher1 a negro man1 at  their   

head1 and their standard bearer         
following2 next1 a sable girl  with a   
box of ,testaments on her head4 ,the    
whole number of children was  three     
hundred and fifty4 ,the male division   
was first called out1 and  marched      
several times around the room1 singing  
and keeping a regular  step4 ,after     
several rounds1 they came to a halt1    
filing off and forming  into ranks four 
rows deep--in quarter-circle shape4 ,the
 music still  continuing1 the girls     
sallied forth1 went through the same    
evolutions1  and finally formed in rows 
corresponding with those of the boys1 so
 as  to compose with the latter a       
semicircle4    ,the schools were        
successively examined in spelling1      
reading1 writing1  cyphering1 c41 after 
the manner already detailed4 ,in most   
respects they  showed equal proficiency 
with the children of ,parham2 and in    
reading the  ,testament1 their accuracy 
was even greater4 ,in looking over the  
writing1  several incendiary copies     

caught our eyes4 ,one was1 ,masters1    
give  unto your servants that which is  
just and equal4 ,another1 ,if ,i        
neglect the cause of my servant1 what   
shall ,i do when ,i appear before my    
,master6 ,a few years ago1 had children 
been permitted to write at  all1 one    
such copy as the above would have       
exploded the school1 and  perchance sent
 the teacher to jail for sedition4 ,but 
now1 thanks to ,god6  the ,negro        
children of ,antigua are taught liberty 
from their ,bibles1 from  their song    
books1 and from their copy books too2   
they read of liberty1  they sing of it1 
and they write of it2 they chant to     
liberty in their  school rooms1 and they
 resume the strains on their homeward   
way1 till  every rustling lime-grove1   
and waving cane-field1 is alive with    
their  notes1 and every hillock and dell
 rings with free echoes4    ,the girls1 
in their turn1 pressed around us with   
the liveliest eagerness  to display     
their little pieces of needle-work4     

,some had samplers marked  with letters 
and devices in vari-colored silk4       
,others showed specimens  of stitching2 
while the little ones held up their rude
 attempts at  hemming handkerchiefs1    
aprons1 and so on4    ,during the       
exercises we spoke to several elderly   
women1 who were present  to witness the 
scene4 ,they were laborers on the       
estates1 but having  children in the    
school1 they had put on their ,sunday   
dresses1 and come  to see4 ,we spoke to 
one1 of the privileges which the        
children were  enjoying1 since freedom4 
,her eyes filled1 and she exclaimed1    
,yes1  massa1 we do tank de good ,lord  
for bring de free--never can be too     
tankful4 ,she said she had seven        
children present1 and it made her feel  
happy to know that they were learning to
 read4 ,another woman said1 when  she   
heard the children reading so finely1   
she wanted to take de word's  out of da 
mouts and put em in her own4 ,in the    
morning1 when she first  entered the    

school house1 she felt quite sick1 but  
all the pleasant  things she saw and    
heard1 had made her well1 and she added1
 ,i tell you1  me massa1 it do my old   
heart good to come here4 ,another aged  
woman1 who  had grand-children in the   
school1 said1 when she saw what         
advantages the  children enjoyed1 she   
almost cried to think she was not a     
child too4  ,besides these there were a 
number of adult men and women1 whom     
curiosity  or parental solicitude had   
brought together1 and they were         
thronging  about the windows and doors  
witnessing the various exercises with   
the  deepest interest4 ,among the rest  
was one old patriarch1 who1 anxious to  
bear some part however humble in the    
exercises of the occasion1 walked  to   
and fro among the children1 with a six  
feet pole in his hand1 to  keep order4  
,these schools1 and those examined at   
,parham1 are under the general          
supervision of ,mr4 ,charles ,thwaites1 
an indefatigable and long tried  friend 

of the negroes4    ,we here insert a    
valuable communication which we received
 from ,mr4 ,t4 in  reply to several     
queries addressed to him4 ,it will give 
further  information relative to the    
schools4    ,mr4 ,charles ,thwaites'    
,replies to ,queries on ,education in   
,antigua4    #a4 ,what has been your    
business for some years past in         
,antigua8    ,a superintendent of       
schools1 and catechist to the negroes4  
#b4 ,how long have you been engaged in  
this business8    ,twenty-four years4   
,the first four years engaged           
gratuitously1 ten years  employed by the
 ,church ,missionary ,society1 and      
since1 by the ,wesleyan  ,missionary    
,society4    #c4 ,how many schools have 
you under your charge8    ,sunday       
schools1 7including all belonging to the
 ,wesleyan ,missionary  ,society17      
eight1 with #ahej scholars2 day schools1
 seventeen with #abej  scholars2 night  
schools on twenty-six estates1 #ccf     
scholars4 ,the total  number of scholars

 under instruction is about #cejj4      
#d4 ,are the scholars principally the   
children who were emancipated in        
,august1 #ahcd8    ,yes1 except the     
children in ,st4 ,john's1 most of whom  
were free before4    #e4 ,are the       
teachers negroes1 colored1 or white8    
,one white1 four colored1 and sixteen   
black4,a    ,footnote ,a3 ,this number  
includes only salaried teachers1 and not
 the  gratuitous4    #f4 ,how many of   
the teachers were slaves prior to the   
first of ,august1  #ahcd8    ,thirteen4 
#g4 ,what were their opportunities for  
learning8    ,the ,sunday and night     
schools2 and they have much improved    
themselves  since they have been in     
their present employment4    #h4 ,what  
are their qualifications for teaching1  
as to education1  religion1 zeal1       
perseverance1 c48    ,the white and two 
of the colored teachers1 ,i presume1 are
 well  calculated1 in all respects1 to  
carry on a school in the ablest manner4 
,the others are deficient in education1 

but are zealous1 and very  persevering4 
#i4 ,what are the wages of these        
teachers8    ,the teachers' pay is1 some
 four1 and some three dollars per month4
 ,this  sum is far too small1 and would 
be greater if the funds were sufficient4
    #aj4 ,how and by whom are the       
expenses of superintendent1 teachers1   
and  schools defrayed8    ,the          
superintendent's salary1 c41 is paid by 
the ,wesleyan ,missionary  ,society4    
,the expenses of teachers and schools   
are defrayed by charitable  societies   
and friends in ,england1 particularly   
the ,negro ,education  ,society1 which  
grants #ejl4 sterling per annum towards 
this object1 and  pays the rent of the  
,church ,missionary ,society's premises 
in ,willoughby  ,bay for use of the     
schools4 ,about #dfl4 sterling per annum
 is also raised  from the children2 each
 child taught writing and needle-work1  
pays  #a-a_/b;d4 sterling per week4     
#aa4 ,is it your opinion that the negro 
children are as ready to receive        

instruction as white children8    ,yes1 
perfectly so4    #ab4 ,do parents       
manifest interest in the education of   
their children8    ,they do4 ,some of   
the parents are1 however1 still very    
ignorant1 and are  not aware how much   
their children lose by irregular        
attendance at  the schools4    #ac4     
,have there been many instances of theft
 among the scholars8    ,not more than  
among any other class of children4      
,,results4    ,besides an attendance    
upon the various schools1 we procured   
specific  information from teachers1    
missionaries1 planters1 and others1 with
  regard to the past and present state  
of education1 and the weight of         
testimony was to the following effect3  
,first1 ,that education was by no means 
extensive previous to  emancipation4    
,the testimony of one planter was1 that 
not a tenth part  of the present adult  
population knew the letters of the      
alphabet4 ,other  planters1 and some    
missionaries1 thought the proportion    

might be  somewhat larger2 but all      
agreed that it was very small4 ,the     
testimony of  the venerable ,mr4 ,newby1
 the oldest ,moravian missionary in the 
island1  was1 that such was the         
opposition among the planters1 it was   
impossible  to teach the slaves1        
excepting by night1 secretly4 ,mr4      
,thwaites informed  us that the children
 were not allowed to attend day school  
after they  were six years old4 ,all the
 instruction they obtained after that   
age1  was got at night--a very          
unsuitable time to study1 for those who 
worked  all day under an exhausting sun4
 ,it is manifest that the instruction   
received under six years of age1 would  
soon be effaced by the incessant  toil  
of subsequent life4 ,the account given  
in a former connection of the  adult    
school under the charge of ,mr4         
,morrish1 at ,newfield1 shows most      
clearly the past inattention to         
education4 ,and yet ,mr4 ,m4 stated that
  his school was a fair specimen of the 

intelligence of the negroes  generally4 
,one more evidence in point is the      
acknowledged ignorance of  ,mr4         
,thwaites' teachers4 ,after searching   
through the whole freed  population for 
a dozen suitable teachers of children4  
,mr4 ,t4 could not  find even that      
number who could read well4 ,many       
children in the  schools of six years   
old read better than their teachers4    
,we must not be understood to intimate  
that up to the period of the            
,emancipation1 the planters utterly     
prohibited the education of their       
slaves4 ,public sentiment had undergone 
some change previous to that  event4    
,when the public opinion of ,england    
began to be awakened against  slavery1  
the planters were indured1 for peace    
sake1 to tolerate  education to some    
extent2 though they cannot be said to   
have  encouraged it until after         
,emancipation4 ,this is the substance of
 the  statements made to us4 ,hence it  
appears that when the active opposition 

of the planters to education ceased1 it 
was succeeded by a general              
indifference1 but little less           
discouraging4 ,we of course speak of the
  planters as a body2 there were some   
honorable exceptions4    ,second1       
,education has become very extensive    
since emancipation4 ,there  are probably
 not less than six thousand children who
 now enjoy daily  instruction4 ,these   
are of all ages under twelve4 ,all      
classes feel an  interest in knowledge4 
,while the schools previously           
established are  flourishing in newness 
of life1 additional ones are springing  
up in  every quarter4 ,sabbath schools1 
adult and infant schools1 day and       
evening schools1 are all crowded4 ,a    
teacher in a ,sabbath school in ,st4    
,john's informed us1 that the increase  
in that school immediately after        
emancipation was so sudden and great1   
that he could compare it to  nothing but
 the rising of the mercury when the     
thermometer is removed  out of the shade

 into the sun4    ,we learned that the  
,bible was the principal book taught in 
all the  schools throughout the island4 
,as soon as the children have learned to
  read1 the ,bible is put into their    
hands4 ,they not only read it1 but      
commit to memory portions of it every   
day3--the first lesson in the  morning  
is an examination on some passage of    
scripture4 ,we have never  seen1 even   
among ,sabbath school children1 a better
 acquaintance with the  characters and  
events recorded in the ,old and ,new    
,testaments1 than among  the negro      
children in ,antigua4 ,those passages   
which inculcate obedience  to law are   
strongly enforced2 and the prohibitions 
against stealing1  lying1 cheating1     
idleness1 c41 are reiterated day and    
night4    ,great attention is paid to   
singing in all the schools4    ,the     
songs which they usually sung1 embraced 
such topics as ,love to  ,god--the      
presence of ,god--obedience to          
parents--friendship for brothers  and   

sisters and schoolmates--love of        
school--the sinfulness of sloth1 of     
lying1 and of stealing4 ,we quote the   
following hymn as a specimen of the     
subjects which are introduced into their
 songs3 often were we greeted  with this
 sweet hymn1 while visiting the         
different schools throughout  the       
island4    ,,brotherly ,,love4          
,,chorus4       ,we're all brothers1    
sisters1 brothers1     ,we're sisters   
and brothers1       ,and heaven is our  
home4     ,we're all brothers1 sisters1 
brothers1     ,we're sisters and        
brothers1     ,and heaven is our home4  
,the ,god of heaven is pleased to see   
,that little children all agree2        
,and will not slight the praise they    
bring1     ,when loving children join to
 sing3     ,we're all brothers1 sisters1
 brothers1 c4       ,for love and       
kindness please him more     ,than if we
 gave him all our store2     ,and       
children here1 who dwell in love1       
,are like his happy ones above4         

,we're all brothers1 sisters1 brothers1 
c4       ,the gentle child that tries to
 please1     ,that hates to quarrel1    
fret1 and teaze1     ,and would not say 
an angry word--     ,that child is      
pleasing to the ,lord4     ,we're all   
brothers1 sisters1 brothers1 c4       ,o
 ,god6 forgive1 whenever we     ,forget 
thy will1 and disagree2     ,and grant  
that each of us1 may find     ,the sweet
 delight of being kind4     ,we're all  
brothers1 sisters1 brothers1 c4    ,we  
were convinced that the negroes were as 
capable of receiving  instruction as any
 people in the world4 ,the testimony of 
teachers1  missionaries1 clergymen1 and 
planters1 was uniform on this point4    
,said one planter of age and long       
experience on the island1 ,the negroes  
are as capable of culture as any people 
on earth4 ,color makes no  difference in
 minds4 ,it is slavery alone that has   
degraded the negro4    ,another planter1
 by way of replying to our inquiry on   
this subject1 sent  for a negro child of

 five years1 who read with great fluency
 in any part  of the ,testament to which
 we turned her4 ,now1 said the          
gentleman1 ,i  should be ashamed to let 
you hear my own son1 of the same age    
with that  little girl1 read after her4 
,we put the following questions to the  
,wesleyan missionaries3 ,are the negroes
 as apt to learn1 as other  people in   
similar circumstances8 ,their written   
reply was this3 ,we  think they are2 the
 same diversified qualities of intellect
 appear among  them1 as among other     
people4 ,we put the same question to the
 ,moravian  missionaries1 to the        
clergymen1 and to the teachers of each  
denomination1 some of whom1 having      
taught schools in ,england1 were well   
qualified to judge between the ,european
 children and the negro children2  and  
we uniformly received substantially the 
same answer4 ,such1 however1  was the   
air of surprise with which our question 
was often received1 that  it required   
some courage to repeat it4 ,sometimes it

 excited a smile1 as  though we could   
not be serious in the inquiry4 ,and     
indeed we seldom got  a direct and      
explicit answer1 without previously     
stating by way of  explanation that we  
had no doubts of our own1 but wished to 
remove those  extensively entertained   
among our countrymen4 ,after all1 we    
were  scarcely credited in ,antigua4    
,such cases as the following were common
 in  every school3 children of four and 
five years old reading the ,bible2      
children beginning in their ,a1 ,b1     
,c's1 and learning to read in four      
months2 children of five and six1       
answering a variety of questions on  the
 historical parts of the ,old           
,testament2 children but a little older1
  displaying fine specimens of          
penmanship1 performing sums in the      
compound  rules1 and running over the   
multiplication table1 and the pound1    
shilling1 and pence table1 without      
mistake4    ,we were grieved to find    
that most of the teachers employed in   

the  instruction of the children1 were  
exceedingly unfit for the work4 ,they   
are very ignorant themselves1 and have  
but little skill in the  management of  
children4 ,this however is a necessary  
evil4 ,the  emancipated negroes feel a  
great anxiety for the education of their
  children4 ,they encourage them to go  
to school1 and they labor to support    
them1 while they have strong temptation 
to detain them at home to work4  ,they  
also pay a small sum every week for the 
maintenance of the schools4    ,in      
conclusion1 we would observe1 that one  
of the prominent features of            
regenerated ,antigua1 is its education4 
,an intelligent religion1 and  a        
religious education1 are the twin       
glories of this emancipated colony4  ,it
 is comment enough upon the difference  
between slavery and freedom1  that the  
same agents which are deprecated as the 
destroyers of the one1  are cherished as
 the defenders of the other4    ,before 
entering upon a detail of the testimony 

which bears more directly  upon slavery 
in ,america1 we deem it proper to       
consider the inquiry4    ,what is the   
amount of freedom in ,antigua1 as       
regulated by law8    #ast4 ,the people  
are entirely free from the whip1 and    
from all compulsory  control of the     
master4    #b;d4 ,they can change       
employers whenever they become          
dissatisfied with  their situation1 by  
previously giving a month's notice4     
#c;d4 ,they have the right of trial by  
jury in all cases of a serious  nature1 
while for small offences1 the           
magistrate's court is open4 ,they  may  
have legal redress for any wrong or     
violence inflicted by their  employers4 
#dth4 ,parents have the entire control  
of their children4 ,the planter  cannot 
in any way interfere with them4 ,the    
parents have the whole charge  of their 
support4    #eth4 ,by an express        
provision of the legislature1 it was    
made obligatory  upon every planter to  
support all the superannuated1 infirm1  

or diseased  on the estate1 who were    
such at this time of emancipation4      
,those who  have become so since #ahcd1 
fall upon the hands of their relatives  
for  maintenance4    #fth4 ,the amount  
of wages is not determined by law4 ,by a
 general  understanding among the       
planters1 the rate is at present fixed  
at a  shilling per day1 or a little more
 than fifty cents per week1 counting    
five working days4 ,this matter is      
wisely left to be regulated by the      
character of the seasons1 and the mutual
 agreement of the parties  concerned4   
,as the island is suffering rather from 
a paucity of laborers1  than otherwise1 
labor must in good seasons command good 
wages4 ,the  present rate of wages is   
extremely low1 though it is made barely 
tolerable by the additional perquisites 
which the people enjoy4 ,they  have them
 houses rent free1 and in connection    
with them small premises  forty feet    
square1 suitable for gardens1 and for   
raising poultry1 and  pigs1 c42 for     

which they always find a ready market4  
,moreover1 they are  burthened with no  
taxes whatever2 and added to this1 they 
are supplied  with medical attendance at
 the expense of the estates4    #gth4   
,the master is authorized in case of    
neglect of work1 or turning out  late in
 the morning1 or entire absence from    
labor1 to reduce the wages1  or withhold
 them for a time1 not exceeding a week4 
#hth4 ,the agricultural laborers may    
leave the field whenever they choose1   
7provided they give a month's previous  
notice17 and engage in any other        
business2 or they may purchase land and 
become cultivators themselves1  though  
in either case they are of course liable
 to forfeit their houses  on the        
estates4    #ith4 ,they may leave the   
island1 if they choose1 and seek their  
fortunes  in any other part of the      
world1 by making provision for their    
near  relatives left behind4 ,this      
privilege has been lately tested by the 
emigration of some of the negroes to    

,demerara4 ,the authorities of the      
island became alarmed lest they should  
lose too many of the laboring           
population1 and the question was under  
discussion1 at the time we were  in     
,antigua1 whether it would not be lawful
 to prohibit the emigration4  ,it was   
settled1 however1 that such a measure   
would be illegal1 and the  planters were
 left to the alternative of either being
 abandoned by their  negroes1 or of     
securing their continuance by adding to 
their comforts  and treating them       
kindly4    #aj4 ,the right of suffrage1 
and eligibility to office are subject to
 no  restrictions1 save the single one  
of property1 which is the same with  all
 colors4 ,the property qualification1   
however1 is so great1 as  effectually to
 exclude the whole agricultural negro   
population for  many years4    #aath4   
,the main constabulary force is composed
 of emancipated negroes1  living on the 
estates4 ,one or two trust-worthy men on
 each estate are  empowered with the    

authority of constables in relation to  
the people on  the same estate1 and much
 reliance is placed upon these men1 to  
preserve  order and to bring offenders  
to trial4    #abth4 ,a body of police   
has been established1 whose duty it is  
to arrest  all disorderly or riotous    
persons1 to repair to the estates in    
case of  trouble1 and co-operate with   
the constables1 in arraigning all       
persons  charged with the violation of  
law4    #acth4 ,the punishment for      
slight offences1 such as stealing       
sugar-canes  from the field1 is         
confinement in the house of correction1 
or being  sentenced to the tread-mill1  
for any period from three days to three 
months4 ,the punishment for burglary1   
and other high offences1 is  solitary   
confinement in chains1 or transportation
 for life to  ,botany ,bay4    ,such are
 the main features in the statutes1     
regulating the freedom of  the          
emancipated population of ,antigua4 ,it 
will be seen that there is no  enactment

 which materially modifies1 or unduly   
restrains1 the liberty of  the subject4 
,there are no secret reservations or    
postscript provisoes1  which nullify the
 boon of freedom4 ,not only is slavery  
utterly  abolished1 but all its         
appendages are scattered to the winds2  
and a  system of impartial laws secures 
justice to all1 of every color and      
condition4    ,the measure of success   
which has crowned the experiment of     
emancipation  in ,antigua--an experiment
 tried under so many adverse            
circumstances1 and  with comparatively  
few local advantages--is highly         
encouraging to  slaveholders in our     
country4 ,it must be evident that the   
balance of  advantages between the      
situation of ,antigua and that of the   
,south1 is  decidedly in favor of the   
latter4 ,the ,south has her resident    
proprietors1 her resources of wealth1   
talent1 and enterprise1 and her         
preponderance of white population2 she  
also enjoys a regularity of  seasons1   

but rarely disturbed by desolating      
droughts1 a bracing climate1  which     
imparts energy and activity to her      
laboring population1 and  comparatively 
numerous wants to stimulate and press   
the laborer up to  the working mark2 she
 has close by her side the example of a 
free  country1 whose superior progress  
in internal improvements1 wealth1 the   
arts and sciences1 morals and religion1 
all ocular demonstration to her  of her 
own wretched policy1 and a moving appeal
 in favor of abolition2  and above all1 
site has the opportunity of choosing her
 own mode1 and of  ensuring all the     
blessings of a voluntary and peaceable  
manumission1  while the energies1 the   
resources1 the sympathies1 and the      
prayers of  the ,north1 stand pledged to
 her assistance4           99       99  
99       99       99        ,,chapter   
,,iii4    ,,facts ,,and ,,testimony4    
,we have reserved the mass of facts and 
testimony1 bearing immediately  upon    
slavery in ,america1 in order that we   

might present them together in  a       
condensed furor1 under distinct heads4  
,these heads1 it will be  perceived1    
consist chiefly of propositions which   
are warmly contested in  our country4   
,will the reader examine these          
principles in the light of  facts8 ,will
 the candid of our countrymen--whatever 
opinions they may  hitherto hate        
entertained on this subject--hear the   
concurrent testimony  of numerous       
planters1 legislators1 lawyers1         
physicians1 and merchants1  who have    
until three years past been wedded to   
slavery by birth1  education1 prejudice1
 associations1 and supposed interest1   
but who have  since been divorced from  
all connection with the system8    ,in  
most cases we shall give the names1 the 
stations1 and business of our           
witnesses2 in a few instances1 in which 
we were requested to withhold  the name1
 we shall state such circumstances as   
will serve to show the  standing and    
competency of the individuals4 ,if the  

reader should find in  what follows1    
very little testimony unfavorable to    
emancipation1 he may  know the reason to
 be1 that little was to be gleaned from 
any part of  ,antigua4 ,indeed1 we may  
say that1 with very few exceptions1 the 
sentiments here recorded as coming from 
individuals1 are really the  sentiments 
of the whole community4 ,there is no    
such thing known in  ,antigua as an     
opposing1 disaffected party4 ,so        
complete and thorough  has been the     
change in public opinion1 that it would 
be now  disreputable to speak against   
emancipation4    ,,first                
,,proposition4--,the transition from    
slavery to freedom is  represented as a 
greet revolution1 by which a prodigious 
change was  effected in the condition of
 the negroes4    ,in conversation with  
us1 the planters often spoke of the     
greatness and  suddenness of the change4
 ,said ,mr4 ,barnard1 of ,green ,castle 
estate1 ,the  transition from slavery to
 freedom1 was like passing suddenly out 

of a  dark dungeon into the light of the
 sun4    ,r4,b4 ,eldridge1 ,esq41 a     
member of the assembly1 remarked1 that1 
,there  never had been in the history of
 the world so great and instantaneous a 
change in the condition of so large a   
body of people4    ,the ,honorable      
,nicholas ,nugent1 speaker of the house 
of assembly1 and  proprietor1 said1     
,there never was so sudden a transition 
from one state  to another1 by so large 
a body of people4 ,when the clock began 
to strike  the hour of twelve on the    
last night of ,july1 #ahcd1 the negroes 
of  ,antigua were slaves--when it ceased
 they were all freemen6 ,it was a       
stupendous change1 he said1 and it was  
one of the sublimest spectacles  ever   
witnessed1 to see the subjects of the   
change engaged at the very  moment it   
occurred1 in worshipping ,god4          
,these1 and very many similar ones1 were
 the spontaneous expressions of  men who
 had long contended against the change  
of which they spoke4    ,it is          

exceedingly difficult to make           
slaveholders see that there is any      
material difference between slavery and 
freedom2 but when they have once        
renounced slavery1 they will magnify    
this distinction more than any  other   
class of men4    ,,second               
,,proposition4--,emancipation in        
,antigua was the result of political    
and pecuniary considerations merely4    
,abolition was seen to be inevitable1   
and there were but two courses left  to 
the colonists--to adopt the             
apprenticeship system1 or immediate     
emancipation4 ,motives of convenience   
led them to choose the latter4          
,considerations of general philanthropy1
 of human rights1 and of the  sinfulness
 of slavery1 were scarcely so much as   
thought of4    ,some time previous to   
the abolition of slavery1 a meeting of  
the  influential men of the island was  
called in ,st4 ,john's1 to memorialize  
parliament against the measure of       
abolition4 ,when the meeting convened1  

the ,hon4 ,samuel ,o4 ,baijer1 who had  
been the champion of the opposition1    
was called upon to propose a plan of    
procedure4 ,to the consternation of  the
 pro-slavery meeting1 their leader arose
 and spoke to the following             
effect3--,gentlemen1 my previous        
sentiments on this subject are well     
known to you all2 be not surprised to   
learn that they have undergone an       
entire change1 ,i have not altered my   
views without mature deliberation4  ,i  
have been making calculations with      
regard to the probable results of       
emancipation1 and ,i have ascertained   
beyond a doubt1 that ,i can  cultivate  
my estate at least one third cheaper by 
free labor than by  slave labor4 ,after 
,mr4 ,b4 had finished his remarks1 ,mr4 
,s4 ,shands1  member of assembly1 and a 
wealthy proprietor1 observed that he    
entertained precisely the same views    
with those just expressed2 but he       
thought that the honorable gentleman had
 been unwise in uttering them in  so    

public a manner2 for1 said he1 should   
these sentiments reach the  ear of      
parliament1 as coming from us1 it might 
induce them to withhold  the            
compensation4    ,col4 ,edwards1 member 
of the assembly1 then arose and said1   
that he had  long been opposed to       
slavery1 but he had not dared to avow   
his  sentiments4    ,as might be        
supposed1 the meeting adjourned without 
effecting the object  for which it was  
convened4    ,when the question came    
before the colonial assembly1 similar   
discussions  ensued1 and finally the    
bill for immediate emancipation passed  
both  bodies unanimously4 ,it was an    
evidence of the spirit of selfish       
expediency1 which prompted the whole    
procedure1 that they clogged the        
emancipation bill with the proviso that 
a certain governmental tax on  exports1 
called the four and a half per cent     
tax,a1 should be repealed4  ,thus       
clogged1 the bill was sent home for     
sanction1 but it was rejected  by       

parliament1 and sent back with          
instructions1 that before it could      
receive his majesty's seal1 it must     
appear wholly unencumbered with         
extraneous provisoes4 ,this was a great 
disappointment to the  legislature1 and 
it so chagrined them that very many     
actually withdrew  their support from   
the bill for emancipation1 which passed 
finally in  the assembly only by the    
casting vote of the speaker4            
,footnote ,a3 ,we subjoin the following 
brief history of the four and a  half   
per cent4 tax1 which we procured from   
the speaker of the assembly4  ,in the   
rein of ,charles ,,ii41 ,antigua was    
conquered by the ,french1 and the       
inhabitants were forced to swear        
allegiance to the ,french government4   
,in  a very short time the ,french were 
driven off the island and the ,english  
again took possession of it4 ,it was    
then declared1 by order of the king1    
that as the people had1 by swearing     
allegiance to another government1       

forfeited the protection of the ,british
 government1 and all title to  their    
lands1 they should not again receive    
either1 except on condition  of paying  
to the king a duty of four and a half   
per cent on every  article exported from
 the island--and that they were to do in
  perpetuity4 ,to this hard condition   
they were obliged to submit1 and  they  
have groaned under the onerous duty ever
 since4 ,on every occasion1  which      
offered any hope1 they have sought the  
repeal of the tax1 but have  uniformly  
been defeated4 ,when they saw that the  
abolition question was  coming to a     
crisis1 they resolved to make a last    
effort for the repeal  of the four and a
 half percent duty4 ,they therefore     
adopted immediate  emancipation1 and    
then1 covered as they were1 with the    
laurels of so  magnanimous an act1 they 
presented to parliament their cherished 
object4  ,the defeat was a humiliating  
one1 and it produced such a reaction in 
the  island1 as well nigh led to the    

rescinding of the abolition bill4       
,the verbal and written statements of   
numerous planters also confirm the      
declaration that emancipation was a     
measure solely of selfish policy4       
,said ,mr4 ,bernard1 of ,green ,castle  
estate ,emancipation was preferred to   
apprenticeship1 because it was attended 
with less trouble1 and left the         
planters independent1 instead of being  
saddled with a legion of  stipendiary   
magistrates4    ,said ,dr4 ,daniell1    
member of the council1 and              
proprietor--,the  apprenticeship was    
rejected by us solely from motives of   
policy4 ,we did  not wish to be annoyed 
with stipendiary magistrates4    ,said  
,hon4 ,n4 ,nugent--,we wished to let    
ourselves down in the easiest  manner   
possible2 therefore we chose immediate  
freedom in preference to  the           
apprenticeship4    ,emancipation was    
preferred to apprenticeship1 because of 
the inevitable  and endless perplexities
 connected with the latter              

system4--,david  ,cranstoun1 ,esq41     
colonial magistrate and planter4    ,it 
is not pretended that emancipation was  
produced by the influence of  religious 
considerations4 ,it was a measure of    
mere convenience and  interest4--,a     
,moravian ,missionary4    ,the following
 testimony is extracted from a letter   
addressed to us by a  highly respectable
 merchant of ,st4 ,john's--a gentleman  
of long  experience on the island1 and  
now agent for several estates4          
,emancipation was an act of mere policy1
 adopted as the safest and most         
economic measure4    ,our last item of  
testimony under this head is from a     
written statement  by the ,hon4 ,n4     
,nugent1 speaker of the assembly1 at the
 time of  emancipation4 ,his remarks on 
this subject1 although long1 we are sure
  will be read with interest4 ,alluding 
to the adoption of immediate            
emancipation in preference to the       
apprenticeship1 he observes3--    ,the  
reasons and considerations which led to 

this step were various1 of  course      
impressing the minds of different       
individuals in different  degrees4 ,as  
slave emancipation could not be averted1
 and must inevitably  take place very   
shortly1 it was better to meet the      
crisis at once1 than  to have it hanging
 over our heads for six years1 with all 
its harassing  doubts and anxieties2    
better to give an air of grace to that  
which would  be ultimately unavoidable2 
the slaves should rather have a motive  
of  gratitude and kind reciprocation1   
than to feel1 on being declared free1   
that their emancipation could neither be
 withheld nor retarded by their  owners4
 ,the projected apprenticeship1 while it
 destroyed the means of an  instant     
coercion in a state of involuntary      
labor1 equally withdrew or  neutralized 
all those urgent motives which constrain
 to industrious  exertion in the case of
 freemen4 ,it abstracted from the       
master1 in a  state of things then      
barely remunerative1 one fourth of the  

time and  labor required in cultivation1
 and gave it to the servant1 while it   
compelled the master to supply the same 
allowances as before4 ,with many        
irksome restraints1 conditions1 and     
responsibilities imposed on the  master1
 it had no equivalent advantages4 ,there
 appeared no reason1 in  short1 why     
general emancipation would not do as    
well in #ahcd as in #ahdj4  ,finally1 a 
strong conviction existed that from     
peculiarity of climate  and soil1 the   
physical wants and necessities of the   
peasantry would  compel them to labor   
for their subsistence1 to seek          
employment and wages  from the          
proprietors of the soil2 and if the     
transformation could be  safely and     
quietly brought about1 that the free    
system might be  cheaper and more       
profitable than the other4    ,the      
general testimony of planters1          
missionaries1 clergymen1 merchants1  and
 others1 was in confirmation of the same
 truth4    ,there is little reason to   

believe that the views of the colonists 
on  this subject have subsequently      
undergone much change4 ,we did not hear1
  excepting occasionally among the      
missionaries and clergy1 the slightest  
insinuation thrown out that slavery was 
sinful2 that the slaves had a  right to 
freedom1 or that it would have been     
wrong to have continued  them in        
bondage4 ,the politics of anti-slavery  
the ,antiguans are  exceedingly well    
versed in1 but of its religion1 they    
seem to feel but  little4 ,they seem    
never to have examined slavery in its   
moral relations2  never to have         
perceived its monstrous violations of   
right and its  impious tramplings upon  
,god and man4 ,the ,antigua planters1 it
 would  appear1 have yet to repent of   
the sin of slaveholding4    ,if the     
results of an emancipation so destitute 
of principle1 so purely  selfish1 could 
produce such general satisfaction1 and  
be followed by  such happy results1 it  
warrants us in anticipating still more  

decided  and unmingled blessings in the 
train of a voluntary1 conscientious1 and
  religious abolition4    ,,third       
,,proposition4--,the event of           
emancipation passed ,,peacefully4 ,the  
first of ,august1 #ahcd1 is universally 
regarded in ,antigua1 as having         
presented a most imposing and sublime   
moral spectacle4 ,it is almost          
impossible to be in the company of a    
missionary1 a planter1 or an            
emancipated negro1 for ten minutes1     
without hearing some allusion to  that  
occasion4 ,even at the time of our visit
 to ,antigua1 after the lapse  of nearly
 three years1 they spoke of the event   
with an admiration  apparently unabated4
    ,for some time previous to the first
 of ,august1 forebodings of disaster    
lowered over the island4 ,the day was   
fixed6 ,thirty thousand degraded  human 
beings were to be brought forth from the
 dungeon of slavery and  turned loose on
 the community6 and this was to be done 
in a moment1  in the twinkling of an    

eye4    ,gloomy apprehensions were      
entertained by many of the planters4    
,some  timorous families did not go to  
bed on the night of the #cast of ,july2 
fear drove sleep from their eyes1 and   
they awaited with fluttering pulse  the 
hour of midnight1 fearing lest the same 
bell which sounded the  jubilee of the  
slaves might toll the death knell of the
 masters4,a    ,footnote ,a3 ,we were   
informed by a merchant of ,st4 ,john's1 
that several  ,american vessels which   
had lain for weeks in the harbor1       
weighed anchor  on the #cast of ,july1  
and made their escape1 through actual   
fear1 that  the island would be         
destroyed on the following day4 ,ere    
they set sail  they earnestly besought  
our informant to escape from the island1
 as he  valued his life4    ,the more   
intelligent1 who understood the         
disposition of the negroes1 and         
contemplated the natural tendencies of  
emancipation1 through  philosophical    
principles1 and to the light of human   

nature and history1  were free from     
alarm4    ,to convey to the reader some 
idea of the manner in which the great   
crisis passed1 we give the substance of 
several accounts which were  related to 
us in different parts of the island1 by 
those who  witnessed them4    ,the      
,wesleyans kept watch-night in all their
 chapels on the night of  the #cast     
,july4 ,one of the ,wesleyan            
missionaries gave us an account of  the 
watch meeting at the chapel in ,st4     
,john's4 ,the spacious house was  filled
 with the candidates for liberty4 ,all  
was animation and eagerness4  ,a mighty 
chorus of voices swelled the song of    
expectation and joy1 and  as they united
 in prayer1 the voice of the leader was 
drowned in the  universal acclamations  
of thanksgiving and praise1 and         
blessing1 and  honor1 and glory1 to     
,god1 who had come down for their       
deliverance4 ,in  such exercises the    
evening was spent until the hour of     
twelve  approached4 ,the missionary then

 proposed that when the clock on the    
cathedral should begin to strike1 the   
whole congregation should fall  upon    
their knees and receive the boon of     
freedom in silence4  ,accordingly1 as   
the loud bell tolled its first note1 the
 immense  assembly fell prostrate on    
their knees4 ,all was silence1 save the 
quivering half-stifled breath of the    
struggling spirit4 ,the slow notes  of  
the clock fell upon the multitude2 peal 
on peal1 peal on peal1 rolled  over the 
prostrate throng1 in tones of angels'   
voices1 thrilling among  the desolate   
chords and weary heart strings4 ,scarce 
had the clock  sounded its last note1   
when the lightning flashed vividly      
around1 and a  loud peal of thunder     
roared along the sky--,god's pillar of  
fire1 and  trump of jubilee6 ,a moment  
of profoundest silence passed--then came
 the  burst--they broke forth in prayer2
 they shouted1 they sung1 ,glory1       
alleluia2 they clapped their hands1     
leaped up1 fell down1 clasped each      

other in their free arms1 cried1        
laughed1 and went to and fro1 tossing   
upward their unfettered hands2 but high 
above the whole there was a  mighty     
sound which ever and anon swelled up2 it
 was the utterings in  broken negro     
dialect of gratitude to ,god4    ,after 
this gush of excitement had spent       
itself2 and the congregation  became    
calm1 the religious exercises were      
resumed1 and the remainder of  the night
 was occupied in singing and prayer1 in 
reading the ,bible1 and  in addresses   
from the missionaries explaining the    
nature of the freedom  just received1   
and exhorting the freed people to be    
industrious1 steady1  obedient to the   
laws1 and to show themselves in all     
things worthy of the  high boon which   
,god had conferred upon them4    ,the   
first of ,august came on ,friday1 and a 
release was proclaimed from  all work   
until the next ,monday4 ,the day was    
chiefly spent by the great  mass of the 
negroes in the churches and chapels4    

,thither they flocked  as clouds1 and as
 doves to their windows4 ,the clergy and
 missionaries  throughout the island    
were actively engaged1 seizing the      
opportunity in  order to enlighten the  
people on all the duties and            
responsibilities of  their new relation1
 and above all1 urging them to the      
attainment of that  higher liberty with 
which ,christ maketh his children free4 
,in every  quarter we were assured that 
the day was like a ,sabbath4 ,work had  
ceased2 the hum of business was still1  
and noise and tumult were unheard  on   
the streets4 ,tranquillity pervaded the 
towns and country4 ,a ,sabbath  indeed6 
when the wicked ceased from troubling1  
and the weary were at  rest1 and the    
slave was free from his master6 ,the    
planters informed us  that they went to 
the chapels where their own people were 
assembled1  greeted them1 shook hands   
with them1 and exchanged the most hearty
  good wishes4    ,the churches and     
chapels were thronged all over the      

island4 ,at ,cedar  ,hall1 a ,moravian  
station1 the crowd was so great that the
 minister was  obliged to remove the    
meeting from the chapel to a neighboring
 grove4    ,at ,grace ,hill1 another    
,moravian station1 the negroes went to  
the  ,missionary on the day before the  
first of ,august1 and begged that they  
might be allowed to have a meeting in   
the chapel at sunrise4 ,it is the  usual
 practice among the ,moravians to hold  
but one sunrise meeting  during the     
year1 and that is on the morning of     
,easter3 but as the people  besought    
very earnestly for this special favor on
 the ,easter morning of  their freedom1 
it was granted to them4    ,early in the
 morning they assembled at the chapel4  
,for some time they  sat in perfect     
silence4 ,the missionary then proposed  
that they should  kneel down and sing4  
,the whole audience fell upon their     
knees1 and sung  a hymn commencing with 
the following verse3       ,now let us  
praise the ,lord1     ,with body1 soul  

and spirit1     ,who doth such wondrous 
things1     ,beyond our sense and merit4
    ,the singing was frequently         
interrupted with the tears and sobbings 
of  the melted people1 until finally it 
was wholly arrested1 and a tumult of    
emotion overwhelmed the congregation4   
,during the day1 repeated meetings were 
held4 ,at eleven o'clock1 the  people   
assembled in vast numbers4 ,there were  
at least a thousand  persons around the 
chapel1 who could not get in4 ,for once 
the house of  ,god suffered violence1   
and the violent took it by force4 ,after
 all the  services of the day1 the      
people went again to the missionaries in
 a  body1 and petitioned to have a      
meeting in the evening4    ,at ,grace   
,bay1 the people1 all dressed in white1 
assembled in a spacious  court in front 
of the ,moravian chapel4 ,they formed a 
procession and  walked arm in arm into  
the chapel4 ,similar scenes occurred at 
all the  chapels and at the churches    
also4 ,we were told by the missionaries 

that  the dress of the negroes on that  
occasion was uncommonly simple and      
modest4 ,there was not the least        
disposition of gaiety4    ,we were also 
informed by planters and missionaries in
 every part of the  island1 that there  
was not a single dance known of1 either 
day or night1  nor so much as a fiddle  
played4 ,there were no riotous          
assemblies1 no  drunken carousals4 ,it  
was not in such channels that the       
excitement of  the emancipated flowed4  
,they were as far from dissipation and  
debauchery1 as they were from violence  
and carnage4 ,,gratitude was the        
absorbing emotion4 ,from the hill-tops1 
and the valleys1 the cry of a           
disenthralled people went upward like   
the sound of many waters1 ,glory  to    
,god1 glory to ,god4    ,the testimony  
of the planters corresponds fully with  
that of the  missionaries4    ,said     
,r4,b4 ,eldridge1 ,esq41 after speaking 
of the number emancipated1 ,yet  this   
vast body1 7#cj1jjj17 glided out of     

slavery into freedom with the  utmost   
tranquillity4    ,dr4 ,daniell observed1
 that after so prodigious a revolution  
in the  condition of the negroes1 he    
expected that some irregularities would 
ensue2 but he had been entirely         
disappointed4 ,he also said that he     
anticipated some relaxation from labour 
during the week following  emancipation4
 ,but he found his hands in the field   
early on ,monday  morning1 and not one  
missing4 ,the same day he received word 
from another  estate1 of which he was   
proprietor1,a that the negroes had to a 
man  refused to go to the field4 ,he    
immediately rode to the estate and found
  the people standing with their hoes in
 their hands doing nothing4 ,he         
accosted them in a friendly manner3     
,what does this mean1 my fellows1  that 
you are not at work this morning8 ,they 
immediately replied1 ,it's  not because 
we don't want to work1 massa1 but we    
wanted to see you first  and foremost to
 know what the bargain would be4 ,as    

soon as that  matter was settled1 the   
whole body of negroes turned out        
cheerfully1  without a moment's cavil4  
,footnote ,a3 ,it is not unusual in the 
,west ,indies for proprietors to  commit
 their own estates into the hands of    
managers2 and be themselves1  the       
managers of other men's estates4    ,mr4
 ,bourne1 of ,millar's1 informed us that
 the largest gang he had ever  seen in  
the field on his property1 turned out   
the week after  emancipation4    ,said  
,hon4 ,n4 ,nugent1 ,nothing could       
surpass the universal propriety of  the 
negroes' conduct on the first of        
,august1 #ahcd6 ,never was there a  more
 beautiful and interesting spectacle    
exhibited1 than on that  occasion4      
,,fourth ,,proposition4--,there has been
 since emancipation1 not only no        
rebellion in fact1 but ,,no ,,fear ,,of 
,,it in ,antigua4    ,proof #ast4 ,the  
militia were not called out during      
,christmas holidays4  ,before           
emancipation1 martial law invariably    

prevailed on the holidays1  but the very
 first ,christmas after emancipation1   
the ,governor made a  proclamation      
stating that in consequence of the      
abolition of slavery  it was no longer  
necessary to resort to such a           
precaution4 ,there has not  been a      
parade of soldiery on any subsequent    
,christmas4,b    ,footnote ,b3 ,this has
 been followed by a measure on the part 
of the  ,legislature1 which is further  
proof of the same thing4 ,it is an ,act 
for  amending and further continuing the
 several ,acts at present in force for  
better organizing and ordering the      
militia4    ,the preamble reads thus3   
,,whereas the abolition of slavery in   
this island renders it      expedient to
 provide against an unnecessary         
augmentation of the      militia1 and   
the existing laws for better organizing 
and ordering      that local force      
require amendment4    ,the following    
military advertisement also shows the   
increasing  confidence which is felt in 

the freed men3        ,,recruits        
,,wanted4--,the free men of ,antigua are
 now called on to show      their       
gratitude and loyalty to ,king          
,,william1 for the benefits he has      
conferred on them and their families1 by
 volunteering their services      as    
soldiers in his ,first ,west ,india     
,regiment2 in doing which they      will
 acquire a still higher rank in society1
 by being placed on a      footing of   
perfect equality with the other troops  
in his ,majesty's      service1 and     
receive the same bounty1 pay1 clothing1 
rations and      allowances4            
,none but young men of good character   
can be received1 and all such      will 
meet with every encouragement by        
applying at ,st4 ,john's      ,barracks1
 to        ,h4 ,,downie1 ,capt4 #ast    
,w4,i4 ,regt4 ,september #aeth1 #ahcf4  
#b;d4 ,the uniform declaration of       
planters and others3    ,previous to    
emancipation1 many persons apprehended  
violence and  bloodshed as the          

consequence of turning the slaves all   
loose4 ,but when  emancipation took     
place1 all these apprehensions vanished4
 ,the sense of  personal security is    
universal4 ,we know not of a single     
instance in  which the negroes have     
exhibited a revengeful spirit4    ,s4   
,bourne1 ,esq41 of ,millar's4--,watkins1
 ,esq41 of ,donovan's4    ,it has always
 appeared to me self-evident1 that if a 
man is peaceable  while a slave1 he will
 be so when a free man4    ,dr4         
,ferguson4    ,there is no possible     
danger of personal violence from the    
slaves2  should a foreign power invade  
our island1 ,i have no doubt that the   
negroes would1 to a man1 fight for the  
planters4 ,i have the utmost  confidence
 in all the people who are under my     
management2 they are my  friends1 and   
they consider me their friend4    ,h4   
,armstrong1 ,esq41 of ,fitch's ,creek4  
,the same gentleman informed us that    
during slavery1 he used frequently  to  
lie sleepless on his bed1 thinking about

 his dangerous situation--a  lone white 
person far away from help1 and          
surrounded by hundreds of  savage       
slaves2 and he had spent hours thus1 in 
devising plans of  self-defence in case 
the house should be attacked by the     
negroes4 ,if  they come1 he would say to
 himself1 and break down the door1 and  
fill  my bedroom1 what shall ,i do8 ,it 
will be useless to fire at them2 my only
  hope is to frighten the superstitious 
fellows by covering myself with a  white
 sheet1 and rushing into the midst of   
them1 crying1  'ghost1 ghost4'    ,now  
,mr4 ,a4 sleeps in peace and safety1    
without conjuring up a ghost to  keep   
guard at his bedside4 ,his bodyguard is 
a battalion of substantial  flesh and   
blood1 made up of those who were once   
the objects of his  nightly terror6     
,there has been no instance of personal 
violence since freedom4 ,some  persons  
pretended1 prior to emancipation1 to    
apprehend disastrous  results2 but for  
my part ,i cannot say that ,i ever      

entertained such  fears4 ,i could not   
see any thing which was to instigate    
negroes to  rebellion1 after they had   
obtained their liberty4 ,i have not     
heard of  a single case of even         
meditated revenge4    ,dr4 ,daniell1    
,proprietor1 ,member of ,council1       
,attorney of six estates1  and ,manager 
of ,weatherill's4    ,one of the        
blessings of emancipation has been1 that
 it has banished the  fear of           
insurrections1 incendiarism1 c4    ,mr4 
,favey1 ,manager of ,lavicount's4    ,in
 my extensive intercourse with the      
people1 as missionary1 ,i have  never   
heard of an instance of violence or     
revenge on the part of the  negroes1    
even where they had been ill-treated    
during slavery4    ,rev4 ,mr4 ,morrish1 
,moravian ,missionary4    ,insurrection 
or revenge is in no case dreaded1 not   
even by those  planters who were most   
cruel in the time of slavery4 ,my family
 go to  sleep every night with the doors
 unlocked1 and we fear neither violence 

nor robbery4    ,hon4 ,n4 ,nugent4      
,again1 in a written communication1 the 
same gentleman remarks3--,there  is not 
the slightest feeling of                
insecurity--quite the contrary4         
,property  is more secure1 for all idea 
of insurrection is abolished forever4   
,we have no cause now to fear           
insurrections2 emancipation has freed us
  from all danger on this score4        
,david ,cranstoun1 ,esq4    ,extract of 
a letter from a merchant of ,st4 ,john's
 who has resided in  ,antigua more than 
thirty years3    ,there is no sense of  
personal danger arising from            
insurrections or  conspiracies among the
 blacks4 ,serious apprehensions of this 
nature were  formerly entertained2 but  
they gradually died away during the     
first  year of freedom4    ,we quote the
 following from a communication         
addressed to us by a  gentleman of long 
experience in ,antigua--now a merchant  
in ,st4  ,john's--,james ,scotland1     
,sen41 ,esq4    ,disturbances1          

insubordinations1 and revelry1 have     
greatly decreased  since emancipation2  
and it is a remarkable fact1 that on the
 day of  abolition1 which was observed  
with the solemnity and services of the  
,sabbath1 not an instance of common     
insolence was experienced from any      
freed man4    ,there is no feeling of   
insecurity4 ,a stronger proof of this   
cannot be  given than the dispensing1   
within five months after emancipation1  
with  the ,christmas guards1 which had  
been regularly and uninterruptedly kept1
  for nearly one hundred years--during  
the whole time of slavery4    ,the      
military has never been called out1 but 
on one occasion1 since the  abolition1  
and that was when a certain planter1 the
 most violent enemy  of freedom1        
reported to the ,governor that there    
were strong symptoms of  insurrection   
among his negroes4 ,the story was       
generally laughed at1 and  the reporter 
of it was quite ashamed of his weakness 
and fears4    ,my former occupation1 as 

editor of a newspaper1 rendered it      
necessary  for me to make incessant     
inquiries into the conduct as well as   
the  treatment of the emancipated1 and  
,i have never heard any instance of     
revenge for former injuries4 ,the       
negroes have quitted managers who  were 
harsh or cruel to them in their bondage1
 but they removed in a  peaceable and   
orderly manner4    ,our negroes1 and ,i 
presume other negroes too1 are very     
little less  sensible to the force of   
those motives which lead to the peace1  
order1  and welfare of society1 than any
 other set of people4    ,the general   
conduct of the negroes has been worthy  
of much praise1  especially considering 
the sudden transition from slavery to   
unrestricted freedom4 ,their demeanor is
 peaceable and orderly4    ,ralph       
,higinbothom1 ,u4 ,s4 ,consul4    ,as we
 mingled with the missionaries1 both in 
town and country1 they all  bore witness
 to the security of their persons and   
families4 ,they1  equally with the      

planters1 were surprised that we should 
make any  inquiries about insurrections4
 ,a question on this subject generally  
excited a smile1 a look of astonishment1
 or some exclamation1 such as           
,insurrection6 my dear sirs1 we do not  
think of such a thing2 or1  ,rebellion  
indeed6 why1 what should they rebel for 
now1 since they  have got their liberty6
    ,physicians informed us that they   
were in the habit of riding into the    
country at all hours of the night1 and  
though they were constantly  passing    
negroes1 both singly and in companies1  
they never had  experienced any         
rudeness1 nor even so much as an        
insolent word4 ,they  could go by night 
or day1 into any part of the island     
where their  professional duties called 
them1 without the slightest sense of    
danger4    ,a residence of nine weeks in
 the island gave us no small opportunity
 of  testing the reality of its boasted 
security4 ,the hospitality of planters  
and missionaries1 of which we have      

recorded so many instances in a         
previous part of this work1 gave us free
 access to their houses in every  part  
of the island4 ,in many cases we were   
constrained to spend the night  with    
them1 and thus enjoyed1 in the          
intimacies of the domestic circle1  and 
in the unguarded moments of social      
intercourse1 every opportunity of       
detecting any lurking fears of violence1
 if such there had been2 but we  saw no 
evidence of it1 either in the           
arrangements of the houses or in  the   
conduct of the inmates,a4    ,footnote  
,a3 ,in addition to the evidence derived
 from ,antigua1 we  would mention the   
following fact3    ,a planter1 who is   
also an attorney1 informed us that on   
the neighboring  little island of       
,barbuda1 7which is leased from the     
,english government  by ,sir            
,christopher ,coddrington17 there are   
five hundred negroes and only  three    
white men4 ,the negroes are entirely    
free1 yet the whites  continue to live  

among them without any fear of having   
their throats  cut4 ,the island is      
cultivated in sugar4--,barbuda is under 
the  government of ,antigua1 and        
accordingly the act of entire           
emancipation  extended to that island4  
,,fifth ,,proposition4--,there has been 
no fear of house breaking1 highway      
robberies1 and like misdemeanors1 since 
emancipation4 ,statements1  similar to  
those adduced under the last head1 from 
planters1 and other  gentlemen1 might be
 introduced here2 but as this           
proposition is so  intimately involved  
in the foregoing1 separate proof is not 
necessary4  ,the same causes which      
excite apprehensions of insurrection1   
produce  fears of robberies and other   
acts of violence2 so also the same state
 of  society which establishes security 
of person1 insures the safety of        
property4 ,both in town and country we  
heard gentlemen repeatedly speak  of the
 slight fastenings to their houses4 ,a  
mere lock1 or bolt1 was all  that       

secured the outside doors1 and they     
might be burst open with ease1  by a    
single man4 ,in some cases1 as has      
already been intimated1 the  planters   
habitually neglect to fasten their      
doors--so strong is their  confidence of
 safety4 ,we were not a little struck   
with the remark of a  gentleman in ,st4 
,john's4 ,he said he had long been      
desirous to remove to  ,england1 his    
native country1 and had slavery         
continued much longer in  ,antigua1 he  
certainly should have gone2 but now the 
security of  property was so much       
greater in ,antigua than it was in      
,england1 that he  thought it doubtful  
whether he should ever venture to take  
his  family thither4    ,,sixth         
,,proposition4--,emancipation is        
regarded by all classes as a great      
blessing to the island4    ,there is not
 a class1 or party1 or sect1 who do not 
esteem the abolition  of slavery as a   
special blessing to them4 ,the rich1    
because it  relieved them of property   

which was fast becoming a disgrace1 as  
it  had always been a vexation and a    
tax1 and because it has emancipated     
them from the terrors of insurrection1  
which kept them all their life  time    
subject to bondage4 ,the poor           
whites--because it lifted from off  them
 the yoke of civil oppression4 ,the free
 colored population--because  it gave   
the death blow to the prejudice that    
crushed them1 and opened  the prospect  
of social1 civil1 and political equality
 with the whites4  ,the slaves--because 
it broke open their dungeon1 led them   
out to  liberty1 and gave them1 in one  
munificent donation1 their wives1 their 
children1 their bodies1 their           
souls--every thing6    ,the following   
extracts from the journals of the       
legislature1 show the  state of feeling 
existing shortly after emancipation4    
,the first is dated  ,october #cj1      
#ahcd3    ,the ,speaker said1 that he   
looked with exultation at the prospect  
before  us4 ,the hand of the ,most ,high

 was evidently working for us4 ,could we
  regard the universal tranquillity1 the
 respectful demeanor of the lower       
classes1 as less than an interposition  
of ,providence8 ,the agricultural  and  
commercial prosperity of the island were
 absolutely on the advance2  and for his
 part he would not hesitate to purchase 
estates to-morrow4    ,the following    
remark was made in the course of a      
speech by a member of  the council1     
,november #ab1 #ahcd3    ,colonel ,brown
 stated1 that since emancipation he had 
never been without  a sufficient number 
of laborers1 and he was certain he could
 obtain as  many more to-morrow as he   
should wish4    ,the general confidence 
in the beneficial results of            
emancipation1 has  grown stronger with  
every succeeding year and month4 ,it has
 been seen  that freedom will bear      
trial2 that it will endure1 and continue
 to bring  forth fruits of increasing   
value4    ,the ,governor informed us    
that it was universally admitted1 that  

emancipation had been a great blessing  
to the island4    ,in a company of      
proprietors and planters1 who met us on 
a certain  occasion1 among whom were    
lawyers1 magistrates1 and members of the
  council1 and of the assembly1 the     
sentiment was distinctly avowed1 that   
emancipation was highly beneficial to   
the island1 and there was not a         
dissenting opinion4    ,emancipation is 
working most admirably1 especially for  
the planters4 ,it  is infinitely better 
policy than slavery or the              
apprenticeship either4  --,dr4          
,ferguson4    ,our planters find that   
freedom answers a far better purpose    
than  slavery ever did4 ,a gentleman1   
who is attorney for eight estates1      
assured me that there was no comparison 
between the benefits and  advantages of 
the two systems4--,archdeacon ,parry4   
,all the planters in my neighborhood    
7,st4 ,philip's parish7 are highly      
pleased with the operation of the new   
system4--,rev4 ,mr4 ,jones1 ,rector  of 

,st4 ,philip's4    ,i do not know of    
more than one or two planters in the    
whole island1 who  do not consider      
emancipation as a decided advantage to  
all parties4  --,dr4 ,daniell4    ,that 
emancipation should be universally      
regarded as a blessing1 is  remarkable1 
when we consider that combination of    
untoward circumstances  which it has    
been called to encounter--a combination 
wholly  unprecedented in the history of 
the island4 ,in #ahce1 the first year of
  the new system1 the colony was visited
 by one of the most desolating          
hurricanes which has occurred for many  
years4 ,in the same year1  cultivation  
was arrested1 and the crops greatly     
reduced1 by drought4  ,about the same   
time1 the yellow fever prevailed with   
fearful mortality4  ,the next year the  
drought returned1 and brooded in terror 
from ,march  until ,january1 and from   
,january until ,june3 not only blasting 
the  harvest of '#cf1 but extending its 
blight over the crops of '#cg4          

,nothing could be better calculated to  
try the confidence in the new  system4  
,yet we find all classes zealously      
exonerating emancipation1 and  in       
despite of tornado1 plague1 and wasting1
 still affirming the  blessings and     
advantages of freedom6    ,,seventh     
,,proposition4--,free labor is decidedly
 ,,less ,,expensive than  slave labor4  
,it costs the planter actually less to  
pay his free  laborers daily wages1 than
 it did to maintain his slaves4 ,it will
 be  observed in the testimony which    
follows1 that there is some difference  
of opinion as to the precise amount of  
reduction in the expenses1  which is    
owing to the various modes of management
 on different estates1  and more        
particularly1 to the fact that some     
estates raise all their  provisions1    
while others raise none4 ,but as to the 
fact itself1 there  can scarcely be said
 to be any dispute among the planters4  
,there was one  class of planters whose 
expenses seemed to be somewhat          

increased1 viz4  those who raised all   
their provisions before emancipation1   
and ceased to  raise any after that     
event4 ,but in the opinion of the most  
intelligent  planters1 even these did   
not really sustain any loss1 for        
originally it  was bad policy to raise  
provisions1 since it engrossed that     
labor which  would have been more       
profitably directed to the cultivation  
of sugar2  and hence they would         
ultimately be gainers by the change4    
,s4 ,bourne1 ,esq4 stated that the      
expenses on ,millar's estate1 of which  
he  is manager1 had diminished about one
 third4    ,mr4 ,barnard1 of ,green     
,castle1 thought his expenses were about
 the same  that they were formerly4     
,mr4 ,favey1 of ,lavicount's estate1    
enumerated1 among the advantages of     
freedom over slavery1 the diminished    
expense4    ,dr4 ,nugent also stated1   
that the expenses of cultivation were   
greatly  diminished4    ,mr4 ,hatley1   
manager of ,fry's estate1 said that the 

expenses on his  estate had been greatly
 reduced since emancipation4 ,he showed 
us the  account of his expenditures for 
the last year of slavery1 and the first 
full year of freedom1 #ahce4 ,the       
expenses during the last year of slavery
  were #acgal4 #bs4 #d-a_/b;d42 the     
expenses for #ahce were #hbal4 #afs4    
#g-a_/b;d43 showing a reduction of more 
than one third4    ,d4 ,cranstoun1      
,esq41 informed us that his weekly      
expenses during slavery1  on the estate 
which he managed1 were1 on an average1  
#del42 the average  expenses now do not 
exceed #bjl4    ,extract of a letter    
from ,hon4 ,n4 ,nugent3    ,the expenses
 of cultivating sugar estates have in no
 instance1 ,i  believe1 been found      
greater than before4 ,as far as my      
experience goes1  they are certainly    
less1 particularly as regards those     
properties which  were overhanded       
before1 when proprietors were compelled 
to support more  dependents than they   
required4 ,in some cases1 the present   

cost is less  by one third4 ,i have not 
time to furnish you with any detailed   
statements1 but the elements of the     
calculation are simple enough4    ,it is
 not difficult to account for the       
diminution in the cost of  cultivation4 
,in the first place1 for those estates  
that bought their  provision previous to
 emancipation1 it cost more money to    
purchase their  stores than they now pay
 out in wages4 ,this was especially true
 in dry  seasons1 when home provisions  
failed1 and the island was mainly       
dependent upon foreign supplies4    ,but
 the chief source of the diminution lies
 in the reduced number of  people to be 
supported by the planter4 ,during       
slavery1 the planter was  required by   
law to maintain all the slaves belonging
 to the estate2  the superannuated1 the 
infirm1 the pregnant1 the nurses1 the   
young  children1 and the infants1 as    
well as the working slaves4 ,now it is  
only  the latter class1 the effective   
laborers1 7with the addition of such as 

were superannuated or infirm at the     
period of emancipation17 who are        
dependent upon the planter4 ,these are  
generally not more than one half1       
frequently less than a third1 of the    
whole number of negroes resident on  the
 estate2 consequently a very            
considerable burthen has been removed   
from the planter4    ,the reader may    
form some estimate of the reduced       
expense to the planter1  resulting from 
these causes combined1 by considering   
the statement made  to us by ,hon4 ,n4  
,nugent1 and repeatedly by proprietors  
and managers1  that had slavery been in 
existence during the present drought1   
many of  the smaller estates must have  
been inevitably ruined2 on account of   
the high price of imported provisions1  
7home provisions having fallen  short7  
and the number of slaves to be fed4     
,,eighth ,,proposition4--,the negroes   
work more cheerfully1 and do their  work
 better than they did during slavery4   
,wages are found to be an  ample        

substitute for the lash--they never fail
 to secure the amount of  labor desired4
 ,this is particularly true where task  
work is tried1 which  is done           
occasionally in cases of a pressing     
nature1 when considerable  effort is    
required4 ,we heard of no complaints on 
the score of idleness1  but on the      
contrary1 the negroes were highly       
commended for the  punctuality and      
cheerfulness with which they performed  
the work  assigned them4    ,the        
,governor stated1 that he was assured by
 planters1 from every part  of the      
island1 that the negroes were very      
industriously disposed4    ,my people   
have become much more industrious since 
they were  emancipated4 ,i have been    
induced to extend the sugar cultivation 
over a  number of acres more than have  
ever been cultivated before4--,mr4      
,watkins1 of ,donovan's4    ,fearing the
 consequences of emancipation1 ,i       
reduced my cultivation in  the year     
'#cd2 but soon finding that my people   

would work as well as  ever1 ,i brought 
up the cultivation the next year to the 
customary  extent1 and this year 7'#cf7 
,i have added fifteen acres of new      
land4--,s4 ,bourne1 of ,millar's4       
,throughout the island the estates were 
never in a more advanced state  than    
they now are4 ,the failure in the crops 
is not in the slightest  degree         
chargeable to a deficiency of labor4 ,i 
have frequently adopted  the job system 
for short periods2 the results have     
always been  gratifying--the negroes    
accomplished twice as much as when they 
worked  for daily wages1 because they   
made more money4 ,on some days they     
would  make three shillings--three times
 the ordinary wages4--,dr4 ,daniell4    
,they are as a body more industrious    
than when slaves1 for the obvious       
reason that they are working for        
themselves4--,ralph ,higinbothom1       
,u4,s4 ,consul4    ,i have no hesitation
 in saying that on my estate cultivation
 is more  forward than ever it has been 

at the same season4 ,the failure of the 
crops is not in the least degree the    
fault of the laborers4 ,they have  done 
well4--,mr4 ,favey1 of ,lavicount's     
estate4    ,the most general            
apprehension prior to emancipation was1 
that the  negroes would not work after  
they were made free--that they would be 
indolent1 buy small parcels of land1 and
 'squat' on them to the  neglect of     
sugar cultivation4 ,time1 however1 has  
proved that there was  no foundation for
 this apprehension4 ,the estates were   
never in better  order than they are at 
present4 ,if you are interrogated on    
your return  home concerning the        
cultivation of ,antigua1 you can say    
that every thing  depends upon the      
weather4 ,if we have sufficient rain1   
you may be  certain that we shall       
realize abundant crops4 ,if we have no  
rain1 the  crops must inevitably fail4  
,but we always depend upon the laborers4
  ,on account of the stimulus to        
industry which wages afford1 there is   

far  less feigned sickness than there   
was during slavery4 ,when slaves1 the   
negroes were glad to find any excuse for
 deserting their labor1 and they  were  
incessantly feigning sickness4 ,the     
sick-house was thronged with  real and  
pretended invalids4 ,after '#cd1 it was 
wholly deserted4 ,the  negroes would not
 go near it2 and1 in truth1 ,i have     
lately used it for a  stable4--,hon4 ,n4
 ,nugent4    ,though the laborers on    
both the estates under my management    
have been  considerably reduced since   
freedom1 yet the grounds have never been
 in a  finer state of cultivation1 than 
they are at present4 ,when my work is   
backward1 ,i give it out in jobs1 and it
 is always done in half the  usual time4
    ,emancipation has almost wholly put 
an end to the practice of  skulking1 or 
pretending to be sick4 ,that was a thing
 which caused the  planter a vast deal  
of trouble during slavery4 ,every       
,monday morning  regularly1 when ,i     
awoke1 ,i found ten or a dozen1 or      

perhaps twenty men  and women1 standing 
around my door1 waiting for me to make  
my first  appearance1 and begging that  
,i would let them off from work that day
 on  account of sickness4 ,it was seldom
 the case that one fourth of the        
applicants were really unwell2 but every
 one would maintain that he was  very   
sick1 and as it was hard to contend with
 them about it1 they were  all sent off 
to the sick-house4 ,now this is entirely
 done away1 and my  sick-house is       
converted into a chapel for religious   
worship4--,james  ,howell1 ,esq4    ,i  
find my people much more disposed to    
work than they formerly were4  ,the     
habit of feigning sickness to get rid of
 going to the field1 is  completely     
broken up4 ,this practice was very      
common during slavery4 ,it  was often   
amusing to hear their complaints4 ,one  
would come carrying an  arm in one hand1
 and declaring that it had a mighty pain
 in it1 and he  could not use the hoe no
 way2 another would make his appearance 

with  both hands on his breast1 and with
 a rueful look complain of a great  pain
 in the stomach2 a third came limping   
along1 with a dreadful  rheumatiz in his
 knees2 and so on for a dozen or more4  
,it was vain to  dispute with them1     
although it was often manifest that     
nothing earthly  was ailing them4 ,they 
would say1 ',ah6 me massa1 you no tink  
how bad me  feel--it's deep in1 massa4' 
,but all this trouble is passed4 ,we    
have no  sick-house now2 no feigned     
sickness1 and really much less actual   
illness  than formerly4 ,my people say1 
'they have not time to be sick now4' ,my
  cultivation has never been so far     
advanced at the same season1 or in      
finer order than it is at the present   
time4 ,i have been encouraged by  the   
increasing industry of my people to     
bring several additional acres  under   
cultivation4--,mr4 ,hatley1 ,fry's      
estate4    ,i get my work done better   
than formerly1 and with incomparably    
more  cheerfulness4 ,my estate was never

 in a finer state of cultivation than   
it is now1 though ,i employ fewer       
laborers than during slavery4 ,i have   
occasionally used job1 or task work1 and
 with great success4 ,when ,i give  out 
a job1 it is accomplished in about half 
the time that it would have  required by
 giving the customary wages4 ,the people
 will do as much in  one week at job    
work1 as they will in two1 working for a
 shilling a day4  ,i have known them1   
when they had a job to do1 turn out     
before three  o'clock in the morning1   
and work by moonlight4--,d4 ,cranstoun1 
,esq4    ,my people work very well for  
the ordinary wages2 ,i have no fault to 
find with them in this                  
respect4--,manager of ,scotland's       
estate4    ,extract from the            
,superintendent's ,report to the        
,commander in ,chief4                   
,,superintendent',s ,,office1 ,june     
#fth4 #ahcf4        ,during the last    
month ,i have visited the country in    
almost every      direction1 with the   

express object of paying a strict       
attention to      all branches of       
agricultural operations at that period  
progressing4        ,the result of my   
observations is decidedly favorable1 as 
regards      proprietors and laborers4  
,the manufacture of sugar has advanced  
as      far as the long and continued   
want of rain will admit2 the lands1     
generally1 appear to be in a forward    
state of preparation for the            
ensuing crop1 and the laborers seem to  
work with more steadiness and           
satisfaction to themselves and their    
employers1 than they have               
manifested for some length of time past1
 and their work is much more            
correctly performed4        ,complaints 
are1 for the most part1 adduced by the  
employers against      the laborers1 and
 principally consist1 7as hitherto17 of 
breaches of      contract2 but ,i am    
happy to observe1 that a diminution of  
dissatisfaction on this head even1 has  
taken place1 as will be seen      by the

 accompanying general return of offences
 reported4        ,your honor's most    
obedient1 humble servant1               
,richard ,s4 ,wickham1 ,superintendent  
of police4    ,,ninth                   
,,proposition4--,the negroes are more   
easily managed as freemen  than they    
were when slaves4    ,on this point as  
well as on every other connected with   
the system of  slavery1 public opinion  
in ,antigua has undergone an entire     
revolution1  since #ahcd4 ,it was then a
 common maxim that the peculiar         
characteristics  of the negro absolutely
 required a government of terror and    
brute force4    ,the ,governor said1    
,the negroes are as a race remarkable   
for docility2  they are very easily     
controlled by kind influence4 ,it is    
only necessary  to gain their           
confidence1 and you can sway them as you
 please4    ,before emancipation took   
place1 ,i dreaded the consequence of    
abolishing  the power of compelling     
labor1 but ,i have since found by       

experience that  forbearance and        
kindness are sufficient for all purposes
 of authority4 ,i  have seldom had any  
trouble in managing my people4 ,they    
consider me  their friend1 and the      
expression of my wish is enough for     
them4 ,those  planters who have retained
 their harsh manner do not succeed under
 the  new system4 ,the people will not  
bear it4--,mr4 ,j4 ,howell4    ,i find  
it remarkably easy to manage my people4 
,i govern them entirely  by mildness4   
,in every instance in which managers    
have persisted in their  habits of      
arbitrary command1 they have failed4 ,i 
have lately been  obliged to discharge a
 manager from one of the estates under  
my  direction1 on account of his        
overbearing disposition4 ,if ,i had not 
dismissed him1 the people would have    
abandoned the estate en  masse4--,dr4   
,daniell4    ,the management of an      
estate under the free system is a much  
lighter  business than it used to be4   
,we do not have the trouble to get the  

people to work1 or to keep them in      
order4--,mr4 ,favey4    ,before the     
abolition of slavery1 ,i thought it     
would be utterly  impossible to manage  
my people without tyrannizing over them 
as usual1  and that it would be giving  
up the reins of government entirely1 to 
abandon the whip2 but ,i am now         
satisfied that ,i was mistaken4 ,i have 
lost all desire to exercise arbitrary   
power4 ,i have known of several         
instances in which unpleasant           
disturbances have been occasioned by    
managers giving way to their anger1 and 
domineering over the laborers4  ,the    
people became disobedient and           
disorderly1 and remained so until the   
estates went into other hands1 and a    
good management immediately  restored   
confidence and peace4--,mr4 ,watkins4   
,among the advantages belonging to the  
free system1 may he enumerated  the     
greater facility in managing estates4   
,we are freed from a world of  trouble  
and perplexity4--,david ,cranstoun1     

,esq4    ,i have no hesitation in       
saying1 that if ,i have a supply of     
cash1 ,i can  take off any crop it may  
please ,god to send4 ,having already1   
since  emancipation1 taken off one fully
 sixty hogsheads above the average of   
the last twenty years4 ,i can speak with
 confidence4--,letter from ,s4  ,bourne1
 ,esq4    ,mr4 ,bourne stated a fact    
which illustrates the ease with which   
the  negroes are governed by gentle     
means4 ,he said that it was a prevailing
  practice during slavery for the slaves
 to have a dance soon after they  had   
finished gathering in the crop4 ,at the 
completion of his crop in  '#ce1 the    
people made arrangements for having the 
customary dance4 ,they  were            
particularly elated because the crop    
which they had first taken off  was the 
largest one that had ever been produced 
by the estate1 and it  was also the     
largest crop on the island for that     
year4 ,with these  extraordinary        
stimulants and excitements1 operating in

 connection with  the influence of      
habit1 the people were strongly inclined
 to have a  dance4 ,mr4 ,b4 told them   
that dancing was a bad practice--and a  
very  childish1 barbarous amusement1 and
 he thought it was wholly unbecoming    
freemen4 ,he hoped therefore that they  
would dispense with it4 ,the  negroes   
could not exactly agree with their      
manager--and said they did  not like to 
be disappointed in their expected sport4
 ,mr4 ,b4 finally  proposed to them that
 he would get the ,moravian minister1   
,rev4 ,mr4  ,harvey1 to ride out and    
preach to them on the appointed evening4
 ,the  people all agreed to this4       
,accordingly1 ,mr4 ,harvey preached1 and
 they  said no more about the dance--nor
 have they ever attempted to get up a   
dance since4    ,we had repeated        
opportunities of witnessing the         
management of the  laborers on the      
estates1 and were always struck with the
 absence of  every thing like coercion4 
,by the kind invitation of ,mr4 ,bourne1

 we accompanied him once on a  morning  
circuit around his estate4 ,after riding
 some distance1 we came  to the 'great  
gang' cutting canes4 ,mr4 ,b4 saluted   
the people in a  friendly manner1 and   
they all responded with a hearty 'good  
mornin1  massa4' ,there were more than  
fifty persons1 male and female1 on the  
spot4 ,the most of them were employed in
 cutting canes,a1 which they did  with a
 heavy knife called a bill4 ,mr4 ,b4    
beckoned to the  superintendent1 a black
 man1 to come to him1 and gave him some 
directions for the forenoon's work1 and 
then1 after saying a few  encouraging   
words to the people1 took us to another 
part of the estate1  remarking as we    
rode off1 ,i have entire confidence that
 those laborers  will do their work just
 as ,i want to have it done4 ,we next   
came upon  some men1 who were hoeing in 
a field of corn4 ,we found that there   
had  been a slight altercation between  
two of the men4 ,peter1 who was a       
foreman1 came to ,mr4 ,b41 and          

complained that ,george would not leave 
the  cornfield and go to another kind of
 work as he had bid him4 ,mr4 ,b4       
called ,george1 and asked for an        
explanation4 ,george had a long story to
  tell1 and he made an earnest defence1 
accompanied with impassioned            
gesticulation2 but his dialect was of   
such outlandish description1 that  we   
could not understand him4 ,mr4 ,b4 told 
us that the main ground of his  defence 
was that ,peter's direction was         
altogether unreasonable4 ,peter  was    
then called upon to sustain his         
complaint2 he spoke with equal          
earnestness and equal unintelligibility4
 ,mr4 ,b4 then gave his decision1  with 
great kindness of manner1 which quite   
pacified both parties4    ,footnote ,a3 
,the process of cutting canes is        
this3--,the leafy part1 at  top is first
 cut off down as low as the saccharine  
matter ,a few of the  lowest joints of  
the part thus cut off1 are then stripped
 of the leaves1  and cut off for plants1

 for the next crop4 ,the stalk is then  
cut off  close to the ground--and it is 
that which furnishes the juice for      
sugar4 ,it is from three to twelve feet 
long1 and from one to two inches  in    
diameter1 according to the quality of   
the soil1 the seasonableness of  the    
weather1 c4 ,the cutters are followed by
 gatherers1 who bind up  the plants and 
stalks1 as the cutters cast them behind 
them1 in  different bundles4 ,the carts 
follow in the train1 and take up the    
bundles--carrying the stalks to the mill
 to be ground1 and the plants in        
another direction4    ,as we rode on1   
,mr4 ,b4 informed us that ,george was   
himself the foreman of  a small weeding 
gang1 and felt it derogatory to his     
dignity to be  ordered by ,peter4    ,we
 observed on all the estates which we   
visited1 that the planters1 when  they  
wish to influence their people1 are in  
the habit of appealing to  them as      
freemen1 and that now better things are 
expected of them4 ,this  appeal to their

 self-respect seldom fails of carrying  
the point4    ,it is evident from the   
foregoing testimony1 that if the negroes
 do not  work well on any estate1 it is 
generally speaking the fault of the     
manager4 ,we were informed of many      
instances in which arbitrary men were   
discharged from the management of       
estates1 and the result has been the    
restoration of order and industry among 
the people4    ,on this point we quote  
the testimony of ,james ,scotland1      
,sen41 ,esq41 an  intelligent and aged  
merchant of ,st4 ,john's3    ,in this   
colony1 the evils and troubles attending
 emancipation have  resulted almost     
entirely from the perseverance of the   
planters in their  old habits of        
domination4 ,the planters very          
frequently1 indeed1 in the  early stage 
of freedom1 used their power as         
employers to the annoyance  and injury  
of their laborers4 ,for the slightest   
misconduct1 and  sometimes without any  
reason whatever1 the poor negroes were  

dragged  before the magistrates1        
7planters or their friends17 and mulcted
 in  their wages1 fined otherwise1 and  
committed to jail or the house of       
correction4 ,and yet those harassed     
people remained patient1 orderly and    
submissive4 ,their treatment now is much
 improved4 ,the planters have  happily  
discovered1 that as long as they kept   
the cultivators of their  lands in      
agitations and sufferings1 their own    
interests were  sacrificed4    ,,tenth  
,,proposition4--,the negroes are more   
trust-worthy1 and take a  deeper        
interest in their employers' affairs1   
since emancipation4    ,my laborers     
manifest an increasing attachment to the
 estate4 ,in all  their habits they are 
becoming more settled1 and they begin to
 feel that  they have a personal        
interest in the success of the property 
on which  they live4--,mr4 ,favey4      
,as long as the negroes felt uncertain  
whether they would remain in one  place1
 or be dismissed and compelled to seek a

 home elsewhere1 they  manifested very  
little concern for the advancement of   
their employers'  interest2 but in      
proportion as they become permanently   
established on an  estate1 they seem to 
identify themselves with its prosperity4
 ,the  confidence between master and    
servant is mutually increasing4--,mr4   
,james ,howell4    ,the ,hon4 ,mr4      
,nugent1 ,dr4 ,daniell1 ,d4 ,cranstoun1 
,esq41 and other  planters1 enumerated  
among the advantages of freedom1 the    
planters being  released from the       
perplexities growing out of want of     
confidence in the  sympathy and honesty 
of the slaves4    ,s4 ,bourne1 ,esq41 of
 ,millar's1 remarked as we were going   
towards his mill  and boiling-house1    
which had been in operation about a     
week1 ,i have not  been near my works   
for several days2 yet ,i have no fears  
but that ,i  shall find every thing     
going on properly4    ,the planters have
 been too deeply experienced in the     
nature of slavery1  not to know that    

mutual jealousy1 distrust1 and          
alienation of feeling  and interest1 are
 its legitimate offspring2 and they have
 already seen  enough of the operation  
of freedom1 to entertain the confident  
expectation1 that fair wages1 kind      
treatment1 and comfortable homes1  will 
attach the laborers to the estates1 and 
identify the interests of  the employer 
and the employed4    ,,eleventh         
,,proposition4--,the experiment in      
,antigua proves that emancipated  slaves
 can appreciate law4 ,it is a prevailing
 opinion that those who  have long been 
slaves1 cannot at once be safely        
subjected to the  control of law4    ,it
 will now be seen how far this theory is
 supported by facts4 ,let it be         
remembered that the negroes of ,antigua 
passed1 by a single jump1 from  absolute
 slavery to unqualified freedom4,a ,in  
proof of their  subordination to law1 we
 give the testimony of planters1 and    
quote also  from the police reports sent
 in monthly to the ,governor1 with      

copies of  which we were kindly         
furnished by order of ,his ,excellency4 
,footnote ,a3 ,dr4 ,daniell4    ,i have 
found that the negroes are readily      
controlled by law2 more so  perhaps than
 the laboring classes in other          
countries4--,david  ,cranstoun1 ,esq4   
,the conduct of the negro population    
generally1 has surpassed all            
expectation4 ,they are as pliant to the 
hand of legislation1 as any  people2    
perhaps more so than some4 ,wesleyan    
,missionary4    ,similar sentiments were
 expressed by the ,governor1 the ,hon4  
,n4 ,nugent1  ,r4,b4 ,eldridge1 ,esq41  
,dr4 ,ferguson1 ,dr4 ,daniell1 and      
,james ,scotland1 ,jr41  ,esq41 and     
numerous other planters1 managers1 c4   
,this testimony is  corroborated by the 
police reports1 exhibiting1 as they do1 
comparatively few crimes1 and those for 
the most part minor ones4 ,we  have in  
our possession the police reports for   
every month from  ,september1 #ahce1 to 
,january1 #ahcg4 ,we give such specimens

 as will serve  to show the general     
tenor of the reports4                   
,police-,office1 ,st4 ,john's1 ,sept4   
#c1 #ahce4        ,from the information 
which ,i have been able to collect by my
 own      personal exertions1 and from  
the reports of the assistant            
inspectors1 at the out stations1 ,i am  
induced to believe that1 in             
general1 a far better feeling and good  
understanding at present      prevails  
between the laborers and their          
employers1 than hitherto4               
,capital offences have much decreased in
 number1 as well as all minor      ones1
 and the principal crimes lately        
submitted for the      investigation of 
the magistrates1 seem to consist chiefly
 in      trifling offences and breaches 
of contract4        ,signed1 ,richard   
,s4 ,wickham1        ,superintendent of 
,police4           99       99       99 
99       99        ,to his excellency1  
,sir ,c4,i4 ,murray ,mc,gregor1         
,governor1 c4        ,st4 ,john's1      

,antigua1 ,oct4 #b1 #ahce4              
,sir--,the general state of regularity  
and tranquillity which prevails         
throughout the island1 admits of my     
making but a concise report to      your
 ,excellency1 for the last month4       
,the autumnal agricultural labors       
continue to progress favorably1 and     
,i have every reason to believe1 that   
the agriculturalists1      generally1   
are far more satisfied with the internal
 state of the      island affairs1 than 
could possibly have been anticipated a  
short      period since4        ,from   
conversations which ,i have had with    
several gentlemen of      extensive     
interest and practical experience1      
united with my own      observations1 ,i
 do not hesitate in making a favorable  
report of the      general easy and     
quietly progressing state of            
contentedness1      evidently showing   
itself among the laboring class2 and ,i 
may add1      that with few exceptions1 
a reciprocity of kind and friendly      

feeling      at present is maintained   
between the planters and their laborers4
        ,although instances do occur of 
breach of contract1 they are not very   
frequent1 and in many cases ,i have been
 induced to believe1 that the      crime
 has originated more from the want of a 
proper understanding of      the time1  
intent1 and meaning of the contract into
 which the      laborers have entered1  
than from the actual existence of any   
dissatisfaction on their part4          
,signed1 c4           99       99       
99       99       99        ,st4        
,john's1 ,antigua1 ,dec4 #b;d1 #ahce4   
,sir--,i have the honor to report that a
 continued uninterrupted      state of  
peace and good order has happily        
prevailed throughout the      island1   
during the last month4        ,the      
calendar of offences for trial at the   
ensuing sessions1 bears      little     
comparison with those of former periods1
 and ,i am happy to      state1 that the
 crimes generally1 are of a trifling    

nature1 and      principally petty      
thefts4        ,by a comparison of the  
two last lists of offences submitted for
      investigation1 it will be found   
that a decrease has taken place in      
that for ,november4        ,signed1 c4  
99       99       99       99       99  
,st4 ,john's1 ,january #b;d1 #ahcf4     
,sir--,i have great satisfaction in     
reporting to your ,honor the            
peaceable termination of the last year1 
and of the      ,christmas vacation4    
,at this period of the year1 which has  
for ages been celebrated for      scenes
 of gaiety and amusement among the      
laboring1 as well as all      other     
classes of society1 and when several    
successive days of      idleness occur1 
,i cannot but congratulate your ,honor1 
on the quiet      demeanor and general  
good order1 which has happily been      
maintained      throughout the island4  
,it may not be improper here to remark1 
that during the holidays1 ,i      had   
only one prisoner committed to my       

charge1 and that even his      offence  
was of a minor nature4        ,signed1  
c4           99       99       99       
99       99    ,extract of ,report for  
,february1 #ahcf4        ,the operation 
of the late ,contract ,acts1 caused some
 trifling      inconvenience at the     
commencement1 but now that they are     
clearly      understood1 even by the    
young and ignorant1 ,i am of opinion1   
that      the most beneficial effects   
have resulted from these salutary ,acts1
      equally to master and servant1 and
 that a permanent understanding is      
fully established4        ,a return of  
crimes reported during the month of     
,january1 ,i beg leave      to enclose1 
and at the same time1 to congratulate   
your ,honor on the      vast diminution 
of all minor misdemeanors1 and of the   
continued      total absence of capital 
offences4           99       99       99
       99       99                      
,superintendent's office1 ,antigua1     
,april #dth1 #ahcf4        ,,sir--,i am 

happy to remark1 for the information of 
your ,honor1 that      the ,easter      
holidays have passed off1 without the   
occurrence of any      violation of the 
existing laws sufficiently serious to   
merit      particular observation4,a    
,signed1 c4           99       99       
99       99       99    ,footnote ,a3   
,this and the other reports concern1 not
 ,st4 ,john's merely1  but the entire   
population of the island4    ,extract   
from the ,report for ,may1 #ahcf4       
,it affords me great satisfaction in    
being able to report that the           
continued tranquillity prevailing       
throughout the island1 prevents      the
 necessity of my calling the particular 
attention of your ,honor      to the    
existence of any serious or flagrant    
offence4        ,the crop season having 
far advanced1 ,i have much pleasure in  
remarking the continued steady and      
settled disposition1 which on      most 
properties appear to be reciprocally    
established between the      proprietors

 and their agricultural laborers2 and ,i
 do also venture      to offer as my    
opinion1 that a considerable improvement
 has taken      place1 in the behavior  
of domestic1 as well as other laborers1 
not      immediately employed in        
husbandry4    ,we quote the following   
table of offences as a specimen of the  
monthly  reports3    ,police ,office1   
,st4 ,john's1 #ahcf4    ,,return ,,of   
,,offences ,,reported ,,at ,,the        
,,police ,,stations ,,from #a,,st ,,to  
#ca,,st ,,may4    ,,nature ,,of   ,st4  
,e4     ,par-  ,john-    ,total4  ,more 
,less  ,,offenses4  ,john's4  ,har-     
ham4  ston's           than    than     
bour4         ,point4           last    
last                                    
month4  month4    ,assaults4    #b      
#b                       #d             
#e    ,do4 and    ,batteries4 #b        
#c       #e              #aj            
#h    ,breach of  ,contract4    #d      
#aa      #ei              #gd           
#af    ,burglaries4  #b               #c

               #e       #b              
,commitments    under    ,vagrant       
,act4       #d       #a                 
#e              #aj    ,do4 for         
,fines4     #e                          
#e       #b    ,do under    amended     
,porter's    and    ,jobber's    ,act4  
#g    ,felonies4    #b                  
#b       #b    ,injury to  property4    
#d       #i       #g              #bj   
#e    ,larcenies4   #d                  
#d       #d    ,misdemeanors4#c      #ab
                      #ae      #ae      
,murders4    ,petty  ,thefts4           
#a                       #a             
#aj    ,trespasses4  #a       #b        
#b               #e    ,riding          
improperly  thro' the  streets4         
,total       #cc      #da      #gf      
#aej      #be      #fa    ,signed1      
,richard ,s4 ,wickham1  ,superintendent 
of ,police4           99       99       
99       99       99                    
,superintendent's office1               
,antigua1 ,july #fth1 #ahcf4            

,,sir1--,i have the honor to submit for 
your information1 a general      return 
of all offences reported during the last
 month1 by which your      ,honor will  
perceive1 that no increase of 'breach of
 contract' has      been recorded4      
,while ,i congratulate your ,honor on   
the successful maintenance of           
general peace1 and a reciprocal good    
feeling among all classes of            
society1 ,i beg to assure you1 that the 
opinion which ,i have been      able to 
form in relation to the behavior of the 
laboring population1      differs but   
little from my late observations4       
,at a crisis like this1 when all hopes  
of the ultimate success of so      grand
 and bold an experiment1 depends1 almost
 entirely1 on a cordial                 
co-operation of the community1 ,i       
sincerely hope1 that no obstacles       
or interruptions will now present       
themselves1 to disturb that      general
 good understanding so happily          
established1 since the      adoption of 

unrestricted freedom4           99      
99       99       99       99           
,superintendent's office1      ,st4     
,john's1 ,sept4 #dth1 #ahcf4            
,,sir--,i have the honor to enclose1 for
 the information of your                
,excellency1 the usual monthly return of
 offences reported for      punishment4 
,it affords me very great satisfaction  
to report1 that the internal      peace 
and tranquillity of the island has      
remained uninterrupted      during the  
last month2 the conduct of all classes  
of the community      has been orderly  
and peaceable1 and strictly obedient to 
the laws of      their country4         
,the agricultural laborers continue a   
steady and uniform line of      conduct1
 and with some few exceptions1 afford a 
general satisfaction      to their      
several employers4        ,every friend 
to this country1 and to the liberties of
 the world1      must view with         
satisfaction the gradual improvement in 
the character      and behavior of this 

class of the community1 under the       
constant      operation of the local    
enactments4        ,the change must     
naturally be slow1 but ,i feel sure     
that1 in due      time1 a general       
amelioration in the habits and industry 
of the      laborers will be sensibly   
experienced by all grades of society in 
this island1 and will prove the benign  
effects and propitious      results of  
the co-operated exertions of all1 for   
their general      benefit and future   
advancement4        ,complaints have    
been made in the public prints of the   
robberies      committed in this town1  
as well as the neglect of duty of the   
police      force1 and as these         
statements must eventually come under   
the      observation of your            
,excellency1 ,i deem it my duty to make 
a few      observations on this point4  
,the town of ,st4 ,john's occupies a    
space of one hundred and sixty          
acres of land1 divided into fourteen    
main1 and nine cross streets1           

exclusive of lanes and alleys--with a   
population of about three      thousand 
four hundred persons4        ,the       
numerical strength of the police force  
in this district1 is      eleven        
sergeants and two officers2 five of     
these sergeants are on      duty every  
twenty-four hours4 ,one remains in      
charge of the premises1      arms1 and  
stores2 the other four patrole by day   
and night1 and have      also to attend 
to the daily duties of the magistrates1 
and the      eleventh is employed by me 
7being an old one7 in general patrole   
duties1 pointing out nuisances and      
irregularities4        ,one burglary and
 one felony alone were reported         
throughout the      island population of
 #cg1jjj souls in the month of ,july2   
and no      burglary1 and three         
felonies1 were last month reported4     
,the cases of robbery complained of1    
have been effected without any          
violence or noise1 and have principally 
been by concealment in      stores1     

which1 added to the great want of a     
single lamp1 or other      light1 in any
 one street at night1 must reasonably   
facilitate the      design of the       
robber1 and defy the detection of the   
most active and      vigilant body of   
police4        ,signed1 c4           99 
99       99       99       99           
,superintendent's office1      ,antigua1
 ,january #dth1 #ahcg4        ,,sir--,it
 is with feelings of the most lively    
gratification that ,i      report1 for  
your notice the quiet and peaceable     
termination of      ,christmas vacation1
 and the last year1 which were concluded
 without      a single serious violation
 of the governing laws4        ,i cannot
 refrain from cordially congratulating  
your ,excellency on      the regular and
 steady behavior1 maintained by all     
ranks of society1      at this          
particular period of the year4          
,not one species of crime which can be  
considered of an heinous      nature1   
has yet been discovered2 and ,i proudly 

venture to declare my      opinion1 that
 in no part of his ,majesty's dominions1
 has a      population of thirty        
thousand conducted themselves with more 
strict      propriety1 at this annual   
festivity1 or been more peaceably       
obedient      to the laws of their      
country4        ,signed1 c4           99
       99       99       99       99    
,in connection with the above quotation 
from the monthly reports1 we  present an
 extract of a letter from the           
superintendent of the police1  addressed
 to us4        ,st4 ,john's1 #ith       
,february1 #ahcg4        ,,my ,,dear    
,,sirs--,in compliance with your        
request1 ,i have not any      hesitation
 in affording you any information on the
 subject of the      free system adopted
 in this island1 which my public        
situation has      naturally provided me
 with4        ,the opinion which ,i have
 formed has been1 and yet remains1 in   
favor      of the emancipation2 and ,i  
feel very confident that the system has 

and continues to work well1 in almost   
all instances4 ,the laborers      have  
conducted themselves generally in a     
highly satisfactory manner      to all  
the authorities1 and strikingly so when 
we reflect that the      greater portion
 of the population of the island were at
 once removed      from a state of long 
existing slavery1 to one of unrestricted
      freedom4 ,unacquainted as they are
 with the laws newly enacted for        
their future government and guidance1   
and having been led in their            
ignorance to expect incalculable wonders
 and benefits arising from      freedom1
 ,i cannot but reflect with amazement on
 the peace and good      order which    
have been so fortunately maintained     
throughout the      island population of
 thirty thousand subjects4        ,some 
trifling difficulties sprang up on the  
commencement of the new      system     
among the laborers1 but even these1 on  
strict investigation1      proved to    
originate more from an ignorance of     

their actual      position1 than from   
any bad feeling1 or improper motives1   
and      consequently were of short     
duration4 ,in general the laborers are  
peaceable orderly1 and civil1 not only  
to those who move in higher      spheres
 of life than themselves1 but also to   
each other4        ,the crimes they are 
generally guilty of1 are petty thefts1  
and other      minor offences against   
the local acts2 but crimes of an heinous
      nature are very rare among them2  
and ,i may venture to say1 that         
petty thefts1 breaking sugar-canes to   
eat1 and offences of the      like      
description1 principally swell the      
calendars of our quarterly      courts  
of sessions4 ,murder has been a stranger
 to this island for      many years2 no 
execution has occurred among the island 
population      for a very long period2 
the only two instances were two         
,irish soldiers4        ,the lower class
 having become more acquainted with     
their governing      laws1 have also    

become infinitely more obedient to them1
 and ,i have      observed that         
particular care is taken among most of  
them to      explain to each other the  
nature of the laws1 and to point out in 
their usual style the ill consequences  
attending any violation of      them4   
,a due fear of1 and a prompt obedience  
to1 the      authority of the           
magistrates1 is a prominent feature of  
the lower      orders1 and to this ,i   
mainly attribute the successful         
maintenance      of rural tranquillity4 
,since emancipation1 the agricultural   
laborer has had to contend with      two
 of the most obstinate droughts         
experienced for many years in the       
island1 which has decreased the supply  
of his accustomed vegetables      and   
ground provisions1 and consequently     
subjected him and family to      very   
great privations2 but this even1 ,i     
think1 has been submitted to      with  
becoming resignation4        ,to judge  
of the past and present state of society

 throughout the      island1 ,i presume 
that the lives and properties of all    
classes are      as secure in this1 as  
in any other portion of his ,majesty's  
dominions2 and ,i sincerely hope that   
the future behavior of all1      will   
more clearly manifest the correctness of
 my views of this      highly important 
subject4        ,i remain1 dear sirs1   
yours faithfully1 ,,richard ,s4         
,,wickham1      ,superintendent of      
police4           99       99       99  
99       99    ,this testimony is       
pointed and emphatic2 and it comes from 
one whose  official business it is to   
know the things whereof he here affirms4
 ,we  have presented not merely the     
opinions of ,mr4 ,w41 relative to the   
subordination of the emancipated negroes
 in ,antigua1 but likewise the  facts   
upon which be founded his opinion4      
,on a point of such paramount importance
 we cannot be too explicit4 ,we         
therefore add the testimony of planters 
as to the actual state of crime         

compared with that previous to          
emancipation4    ,said ,j4 ,howell1     
,esq41 of ,t4 ,jarvis's estate1 ,i do   
not think that  aggressions on property1
 and crime in general1 have increased   
since  emancipation1 but rather         
decreased4 ,they appear to be more      
frequent1  because they are made more   
public4 ,during slavery1 all petty      
thefts1  insubordination1 insolence1    
neglect of work1 and so forth1 were     
punished  summarily on the estate1 by   
order of the manager1 and not even so   
much  as the rumor of them ever reached 
beyond the confines of the property4    
,now all offences1 whether great or     
trifling1 are to be taken cognizance  of
 by the magistrate or jury1 and hence   
they become notorious4 ,formerly  each  
planter knew only of those crimes which 
occurred on his own  property2 now every
 one knows something about the crimes   
committed on  every other estate1 as    
well as his own4    ,it will be         
remembered that ,mr4 ,h4 is a man of    

thorough and long  experience in the    
condition of the island1 having lived in
 it since the  year #ahjj1 and being    
most of that time engaged directly is   
the  management of estates4             
,aggression on private property1 such as
 breaking into houses1 cutting  canes1  
c41 are decidedly fewer than formerly4  
,it is true that crime is  made more    
public now1 than during slavery1 when   
the master was his own                  
magistrate4--,dr4 ,daniell4    ,i am of 
the opinion that crime in the island has
 diminished rather than  increased since
 the abolition of slavery4 ,there is an 
apparent  increase of crime1 because    
every misdemeanor1 however petty1 floats
 to  the surface4--,hon4 ,n4 ,nugent4   
,we might multiply testimony on this    
point2 but suffice it to say that  with 
very few exceptions1 the planters1 many 
of whom are also civil  magistrates1    
concur in these two statements2 that the
 amount of crime is  actually less than 
it was during slavery2 and that it      

appears to be  greater because of the   
publicity which is necessarily given by 
legal  processes to offences which were 
formerly punished and forgotten on the  
spot where they occurred4    ,some of   
the prominent points established by the 
foregoing evidence are1    #ast4 ,that  
most of the crimes committed are petty  
misdemeanors such as  turning out to    
work late in the morning1 cutting canes 
to eat1 c4 ,high  penal offences are    
exceedingly rare4    #b;d4 ,that where  
offences of a serious nature do occur1  
or any open  insubordination takes      
place1 they are founded in ignorance or 
misapprehension of the law1 and are     
seldom repeated a second time1 if  the  
law be properly explained and fully     
understood4    #c;d4 ,that the above    
statements apply to no particular part  
of the island1  where the negroes are   
peculiarly favored with intelligence and
 religion1  but are made with reference 
to tire island generally4 ,now it       
happens  that in one quarter of the     

island the negro population are         
remarkably  ignorant and degraded4 ,we  
were credibly informed by various       
missionaries1 who had labored in        
,antigua and in a number of the other   
,english islands1 that they had not     
found in any colony so much  debasement 
among the people1 as prevailed in the   
part of ,antigua just  alluded to4 ,yet 
they testified that the negroes in that 
quarter were as  peaceable1 orderly1 and
 obedient to law1 as in any other part  
of the  colony4 ,we make this statement 
here particularly for the purpose of    
remarking that in the testimony of the  
planters1 and in the police  reports2   
there is not a single allusion to this  
portion of the island as  forming an    
exception to the prevailing state of    
order and subordination4    ,after the  
foregoing facts and evidences1 we ask1  
what becomes of the  dogma1 that slaves 
cannot be immediately placed under the  
government of  equitable laws with      
safety to themselves and the community8 

,twelfth proposition4--,the emancipated 
negroes have shown no disposition  to   
roam from place to place4 ,a tendency to
 rove about1 is thought by  many to be a
 characteristic of the negro2 he is not 
allowed even an  ordinary share of local
 attachment1 but must leave the chain   
and staple  of slavery to hold him      
amidst the graves of his fathers and the
 society  of his children4 ,the         
experiment in ,antigua shows that such  
sentiments  are groundless prejudices4  
,there a large body of slaves were      
turned  loose2 they had full liberty to 
leave their old homes and settle on     
other properties--or if they preferred a
 continuous course of roving1  they     
might change employers every six weeks1 
and pass from one estate to  another    
until they had accomplished the circuit 
of the island4 ,but1 what  are the      
facts8 ,the negroes are not disposed to 
leave the estates on  which they have   
formerly lived1 unless they are forced  
away by bad  treatment4 ,i have         

witnessed many facts which illustrate   
this remark4 ,not  unfrequently one of  
the laborers will get dissatisfied about
 something1  and in the excitement of   
the moment will notify me that he       
intends to  leave my employ at the end  
of a month4 ,but in nine cases out of   
ten such  persons1 before the month has 
expired1 beg to be allowed to remain on 
the estate4 ,the strength of their local
 attachment soon overcomes  their       
resentment and even drives them to make 
the most humiliating  confessions in    
order to be restored to the favor of    
their employer1 and  thus be permitted  
to remain in their old homes4--,h4      
,armstrong1 ,esq4    ,nothing but bad   
treatment on the part of the planters   
has ever caused  the negroes to leave   
the estates on which they were          
accustomed to live1  and in such cases a
 change of management has almost        
uniformly been  sufficient to induce    
them to return4 ,we have known several  
instances of  this kind4--,s4 ,bourne1  

,esq41 of ,millar's1 and ,mr4 ,watkins1 
of  ,donavan's4    ,the negroes are     
remarkably attached to their homes4 ,in 
the year #ahbh1  forty-three slaves were
 sold from the estate under my          
management1 and  removed to another     
estate ten miles distant4 ,after        
emancipation1 the  whole of these came  
back1 and plead with me to employ them1 
that they  might live in their former   
houses4--,james ,howell1 ,esq4    ,very 
few of my people have left me4 ,the     
negroes are peculiar for their          
attachment to their homes4--,samuel     
,barnard1 ,esq41 of ,green ,castle4     
,love of home is very remarkable in the 
negroes4 ,it is a passion with  them4   
,on one of the estates of which ,i am   
attorney1 a part of the  laborers were  
hired from other proprietors4 ,they had 
been for a great  many years living on  
the estate1 and they became so strongly 
attached to  it1 that they all continued
 to work on it after emancipation1 and  
they  still remain on the same property4

 ,the negroes are loth to leave their   
homes1 and they very seldom do so unless
 forced away by ill  treatment4--,dr4   
,daniell4    ,on a certain occasion we  
were in the company of four planters1   
and among  other topics this subject was
 much spoken of4 ,they all accorded     
perfectly in the sentiment that the     
negroes were peculiarly sensible to  the
 influence of local attachments4 ,one of
 the gentlemen observed that  it was a  
very common saying with them--,me nebber
 leave my bornin'  ground1--i4e41       
birth-place4    ,an aged gentleman in   
,st4 ,john's1 who was formerly a        
planter1 remarked1  ,the negroes have   
very strong local attachments4 ,they    
love their little  hut1 where the       
calabash tree1 planted at the birth of a
 son1 waves over  the bones of their    
parents4 ,they will endure almost any   
hardship and  suffer repeated wrongs    
before they will desert that spot4      
,such are the sentiments of ,west ,india
 planters2 expressed1 in the  majority  

of cases1 spontaneously1 and mostly in  
illustration of other  statements4 ,we  
did not hear a word that implied an     
opposite sentiment4  ,it is true1 much  
was said about the emigration to        
,demerara1 but the  facts in this case  
only serve to confirm the testimony     
already quoted4  ,in the first place1   
nothing but the inducement of very high 
wages,a  could influence any to go1 and 
in the next place1 after they got there 
they sighed to return1 7but were not    
permitted17 and sent back word to  their
 relatives and friends not to leave     
,antigua4    ,footnote ,a3 ,from fifty  
cents to a dollar per day4    ,facts    
clearly prove1 that the negroes1 instead
 of being indifferent to  local         
attachments1 are peculiarly alive to    
them4 ,that nothing short of  cruelty   
can drive them from their homes--that   
they will endure even  that1 as long as 
it can be borne1 rather than leave2 and 
that as soon as  the instrument of      
cruelty is removed1 they will hasten    

back to their  bornin' ground4          
,,thirteenth ,,proposition4--,the gift  
of unrestricted freedom1 though so      
suddenly bestowed1 has not made the     
negroes more insolent than they were    
while slaves1 but has rendered them less
 so4--,dr4 ,daniell4    ,said ,james    
,howell1 ,esq4--,a short time after     
emancipation1 the negroes  showed some  
disposition to assume airs and affect a 
degree of  independence2 but this soon  
disappeared1 and they are now respectful
 and  civil4 ,there has been a mutual   
improvement in this particular4 ,the    
planters treat the laborers more like   
fellow men1 and this leads the  latter  
to be respectful in their turn4         
,r4,b4 ,eldridge1 ,esq41 asked us if we 
had not observed the civility of the    
lower classes as we passed them on the  
streets1 both in town and in the        
country4 ,he said it was their uniform  
custom to bow or touch their hat  when  
they passed a white person4 ,they did so
 during slavery1 and he had  not        

discovered any change in this respect   
since emancipation4    ,said ,mr4       
,bourne--,the negroes are decidedly less
 insolent now than they  were during    
slavery4    ,said ,mr4 ,watkins1 of     
,donovan's--,the negroes are now all cap
 in hand2  as they know that it is for  
their interest to be respectful to their
  employers4    ,said ,dr4              
,nugent--,emancipation has not produced 
insolence among the  negroes4    ,during
 our stay in ,antigua1 we saw no        
indications whatsoever of  insolence4   
,we spoke in a former part of this work 
of the uncommon  civility manifested in 
a variety of ways on the road-sides4    
,a trifling incident occurred one day in
 ,st4 ,john's1 which at first  seemed to
 be no small rudeness4 ,as one of us was
 standing in the  verandah of our       
lodging house1 in the dusk of the       
evening1 a brawny  negro man who was    
walking down the middle of the street1  
stopped  opposite us1 and squaring      
himself1 called out4 ,heigh6 ,what for  

you  stand dare wid your arms so8       
placing his arms akimbo1 in imitation of
  ours4 ,seeing we made no answer1 he   
repeated the question1 still standing   
in the same posture4 ,we took no notice 
of him1 seeing that his supposed        
insolence was at most good-humored and  
innocent4 ,our hostess1 a colored  lady1
 happened to step out at the moment1 and
 told us that the man had  mistaken us  
for her son1 with whom he was well      
acquainted1 at the same  time calling to
 the man1 and telling him of his        
mistake4 ,the negro  instantly dropped  
his arms1 took off his hat1 begged      
pardon1 and walked  away apparently     
quite ashamed4    ,,fourteenth          
,,proposition4--,emancipation in        
,antigua has demonstrated that          
,,gratitude is a prominent trait of the 
negro character4 ,the conduct of  the   
negroes on the first of ,august1 #ahcd1 
is ample proof of this2 and  their      
uniform conduct since that event        
manifests an habitual feeling  of       

gratitude4 ,said one1 ,the liberty we   
received from the king1 we can  never   
sufficiently thank ,god for2 whenever we
 think of it1 our hearts go  out in     
gratitude to ,god4 ,similar expressions 
we heard repeatedly from  the           
negroes4--,we observed that the         
slightest allusion to the first of      
,august in a company of freed persons1  
would awaken powerful emotions1         
accompanied with exclamations of tank de
 good ,lord1 bless de ,savior1  praise  
de blessed ,savior1 and such like4      
,it was the remark of ,mr4 ,james       
,howell1 manager of ,thibou             
,jarvis's--,that  the negroes evinced   
very little gratitude to their masters  
for  freedom4 ,their gratitude all      
flowed toward ,god and the king1 whom   
they  regarded as the sole authors of   
their liberty4    ,mr4 ,watkins observed
 that the negroes' motto was ,god and   
the king4 ,this  feeling existed        
particularly at the time of             
emancipation1 and shortly  after it4    

,they have since become more attached to
 their former masters4    ,it is by no  
means strange that the negroes should   
feel little gratitude  toward their late
 masters1 since they knew their         
opposition to the  benevolent intentions
 of the ,english government4 ,we were   
informed by ,dr4  ,daniell and many     
others1 that for several months before  
emancipation  took place1 the negroes   
had an idea that the king had sent them 
'their  free papers1' and that their    
masters were keeping them back4         
,besides1  it was but two years before  
that period1 that they had come into    
fierce  and open hostility with the     
planters for abolishing the ,sunday     
market1  and giving them no market-day  
instead thereof4 ,in this thing their   
masters had shown themselves to be their
 enemies4    ,that any good thing could 
come from such persons the slaves were  
doubtless slow to believe4 ,however1 it 
is an undeniable fact1 that since       
emancipation1 kind treatment on the part

 of the masters1 has never  failed to   
excite gratitude in the negroes4 ,the   
planters understand fully  how they may 
secure the attachment and confidence of 
their people4 ,a  grateful and contented
 spirit certainly characterizes the     
negroes of  ,antigua4 ,they do not      
lightly esteem what they have got1 and  
murmur  because they have no more4 ,they
 do not complain of small wages1 and    
strike for higher4 ,they do not grumble 
about their simple food and their       
coarse clothes1 and flaunt about1 saying
 'freemen ought to live  better4' ,they 
do not become dissatisfied with their   
lowly1  cane-thatched huts1 and say we  
ought to have as good houses as massa4  
,they do not look with an evil eye upon 
the political privileges of the  whites1
 and say we have the majority1 and we'll
 rule4 ,it is the common  saying with   
them1 when speaking of the              
inconveniences which they  sometimes    
suffer1 ,well1 we must be satify and    
conten4    ,,fifteenth                  

,,proposition4--,the freed negroes of   
,antigua have proved that  they are able
 to take care of themselves4 ,it is     
affirmed by the  opponents of           
emancipation in the ,united ,states1    
that if the slaves were  liberated1 they
 could not take care of themselves4     
,some of the reasons  assigned for      
entertaining this view are--#ast1 ,the  
negro is naturally  improvident4 #b;d1  
,he is constitutionally indolent4 #c;d1 
,being of an  inferior race1 he is      
deficient in that shrewdness and        
management  necessary to prevent his    
being imposed upon1 and which are       
indispensable  to enable him to conduct 
any business with success4 #dth1 ,all   
these  natural defects have been        
aggravated by slavery4 ,the slave never 
provides for himself1 but looks to his  
master for everything he needs4  ,so    
likewise he becomes increasingly averse 
to labor1 by being driven to  it daily1 
and flogged for neglecting it4          
,furthermore1 whatever of mind  he had  

originally has been extinguished by     
slavery4 ,thus by nature and  by habit  
the negro is utterly unqualified to take
 care of himself4 ,so  much for theory2 
now for testimony4 ,first1 what is the  
evidence with  regard to the            
improvidence of the negroes8    ,during 
slavery1 the negroes squandered every   
cent of money they got1  because they   
were sure of food and clothing4 ,since  
their freedom1 they  have begun to      
cultivate habits of carefulness and     
economy4--,mr4  ,james ,howell4         
,facts--#ast4 ,the low wages of the     
laborers is proof of their providence4  
,did they not observe the strictest     
economy1 they could not live on fifty   
cents per week4    #b;d4 ,that they buy 
small parcels of land to cultivate1 is  
proof of  economy and foresight4 ,the   
planters have to resort to every means  
in  their power to induce their laborers
 not to purchase land4    #c;d4 ,the    
,friendly ,societies are an evidence of 
the same thing4 ,how can we  account for

 the number of these societies1 and for 
the large sums of  money annually       
contributed in them8 ,and how is it that
 these societies  have trebled1 both in 
members and means since emancipation1 if
 it be  true that the negroes are thus  
improvident1 and that freedom brings    
starvation8    #dth4 ,the weekly and    
monthly contributions to the churches1  
to benevolent  societies1 and to the    
schools1 demonstrate the economy of the 
negroes2  and the great increase of     
these contributions since ,august1      
#ahcd1  proves that emancipation has not
 made them less economical4    #eth4    
,the increasing attention paid to the   
cultivation of their private  provision 
grounds is further proof of their       
foresight4 ,for some time  subsequent to
 emancipation1 as long as the people    
were in an unsettled  state1 they       
partially neglected their grounds4 ,the 
reason was1 they did  not know whether  
they should remain on the same estate   
long enough to  reap their provisions1  

should they plant any4 ,this state of   
uncertainty  very naturally paralyzed   
all industry and enterprise2 and their  
neglecting the cultivation of their     
provision grounds1 under such           
circumstances1 evinced foresight rather 
than improvidence4 ,since they  have    
become more permanently established on  
the estates1 they are  resuming the     
cultivation of their grounds with       
renewed vigor4    ,said ,dr4            
,daniell--,there is an increasing       
attention paid by the negroes  to       
cultivating their private lands1 since  
they have become more  permanently      
settled4    #fth4 ,the fact that the    
parents take care of the wages which    
their  children earn1 shows their       
provident disposition4 ,we were informed
 that  the mothers usually take charge  
of the money paid to their children1    
especially their daughters1 and this1 in
 order to teach them proper             
subordination1 and to provide against   
casualties1 sickness1 and the           

infirmities of age4    #gth4 ,the fact  
that the negroes are able to support    
their aged parents1  is further proof4  
,as it regards the second specification1
 viz41 constitutional  indolence1 we may
 refer generally to the evidence on this
 subject under  a former proposition4   
,we will merely state here two facts4   
#ast4 ,although the negroes are not     
obliged to work on ,saturday1 yet they  
are in the habit of going to estates    
that are weak-handed1 and hiring        
themselves out on that day4    #b;d4 ,it
 is customary throughout the island to  
give two hours 7from #ab to  #b7 recess 
from labor4 ,we were told that in many  
cases this time is spent  in working on 
their private provision grounds1 or in  
some active  employment by which a      
pittance may be added to their scanty   
earnings4    ,what are the facts        
respecting the natural inferiority of   
the negro  race1 and their incompetency 
to manage their own affairs8    ,said   
,mr4 ,armstrong--,the negroes are       

exceedingly quick to turn a  thought4   
,they show a great deal of shrewdness in
 every thing which  concerns their own  
interests4 ,to a stranger it must be    
utterly  incredible how they can manage 
to live on such small wages4 ,they are  
very exact in keeping their accounts    
with the manager4    ,the negroes are   
very acute in making bargains4 ,a       
difficulty once arose  on an estate     
under my charge1 between the manager and
 the people1 in  settling for a job     
which the laborers had done4 ,the latter
 complained  that the manager did not   
give them as much as was stipulated in  
the  original agreement4 ,the manager   
contended that he had paid the whole    
amount4 ,the people brought their       
complaint before me1 as attorney1 and   
maintained that there was one shilling  
and six-pence 7about nineteen  cents7   
due each of them4 ,i examined the       
accounts and found that they  were      
right1 and that the manager had really  
made a mistake to the very  amount      

specified4--,dr4 ,daniell4    ,the      
emancipated people manifest as much     
cunning and address in  business1 as any
 class of persons4--,mr4 ,j4 ,howell4   
,the capabilities of the blacks for     
education are conspicuous2 so also  as  
to mental acquirements and              
trades4--,hon4 ,n4 ,nugent4    ,it is a 
little remarkable that while ,americans 
fear that the negroes1 if  emancipated1 
could not take care of themselves1 the  
,west ,indians fear  lest they should   
take care of themselves2 hence they     
discourage them  from buying lands1 from
 learning trades1 and from all          
employments which  might render them    
independent of sugar cultivation4       
,,sixteenth                             
,,proposition4--,emancipation has       
operated at once to elevate and  improve
 the negroes4 ,it introduced them into  
the midst of all relations1  human and  
divine4 ,it was the first formal        
acknowledgment that they were           
,,men--personally interested in the     

operations of law1 and the  requirements
 of ,god4 ,it laid the corner-stone in  
the fabric of their  moral and          
intellectual improvement4    ,the       
negroes have a growing self-respect and 
regard for character4 ,this  was a      
feeling which was scarcely known by them
 during slavery4--,mr4  ,j4 ,howell4    
,the negroes pay a great deal more      
attention to their personal  appearance1
 than they were accustomed to while     
slaves4 ,the women in  particular have  
improved astonishingly in their dress   
and  manners4--,dr4 ,daniell4           
,abundant proof of this proposition may 
be found in the statements  already made
 respecting the decrease of             
licentiousness1 the increased  attention
 paid to marriage1 the abandonment by   
the mothers of the  horrible practice of
 selling their daughters to vile white  
men1 the  reverence for the ,sabbath1   
the attendance upon divine worship1 the 
exemplary subordination to law1 the     
avoidance of riotous conduct1           

insolence1 and intemperance4            
,,seventeenth                           
,,proposition--,emancipation promises a 
vast improvement in the  condition of   
woman4 ,what could more effectually     
force woman from her  sphere1 than      
slavery has done by dragging her to the 
field1 subjecting  her to the obscene   
remarks1 and to the vile abominations of
 licentious  drivers and overseers2 by  
compelling her to wield the heavy hoe1  
until  advancing pregnancy rendered her 
useless then at the earliest possible   
period driving her back to the field    
with her infant swung at her back1  or  
torn from her and committed to a        
stranger4 ,some of these evils still    
exist in ,antigua1 but there has already
 been a great abatement of them1  and   
the humane planters look forward to     
their complete removal1 and to  the     
ultimate restoration of woman to the    
quiet and purity of  domestic life4     
,samuel ,bourne1 ,esq41 stated1 that    
there had been a great improvement in   

the treatment of mothers on his estate4 
,under the old system1 mothers  were    
required to work half the time after    
their children were six weeks  old2 but 
now we do not call them out for nine    
months after their  confinement1 until  
their children are entirely weaned4     
,in those cases where women have        
husbands in the field1 they do not turn 
out while they are nursing their        
children4 ,in many instances the        
husbands prefer to have their wives     
engaged in other work1 and ,i do not    
require them to go to the field4--,mr4  
,j ,howell4    ,much is already         
beginning to be said of the probability 
that the women  will withdraw from      
agricultural labor4 ,a conviction of the
 impropriety  of females engaging in    
such employments is gradually forming in
 the  minds of enlightened and          
influential planters4    ,a short time  
previous to emancipation1 the ,hon4 ,n4 
,nugent1 speaker of  the assembly1 made 
the following remarks before the        

house3--,at the  close of the debate1 he
 uttered his fervent hope1 that the day 
would  come when the principal part of  
the agriculture of the island would be  
performed by males1 and that the women  
would be occupied in keeping  their     
cottages in order1 and in increasing    
their domestic comforts4 ,the  desire of
 improvement is strong among them2 they 
are looking anxiously  forward to the   
instruction and advancement of their    
children1 and even  of                  
themselves4--,antigua ,herald1 of       
,march1 #ahcd4    ,in a written         
communication to us1 dated ,january #ag1
 #ahcg1 the ,speaker  says3             
,emancipation will1 ,i doubt not1       
improve the condition of the  females4  
,there can be no doubt that they will   
ultimately leave the  field1 7except in 
times of emergency17 and confine        
themselves to their  appropriate        
domestic employments4    ,,eighteenth   
,,proposition4--,real estate has risen  
in value since  emancipation2 mercantile

 and mechanical occupations have        
received a  fresh impulse2 and the      
general condition of the colony is      
decidedly more  flourishing than at any 
former period4    ,the credit of the    
island has decidedly improved4 ,the     
internal  prosperity of the island is   
advancing in an increased ratio4 ,more  
buildings have been erected since       
emancipation1 than for twenty years     
before4 ,stores and shops have          
multiplied astonishingly2 ,i can safely 
say  that their number has more than    
quintupled since the abolition of       
slavery4--,dr4 ,ferguson4               
,emancipation has very greatly increased
 the value of1 and consequently  the    
demand for1 real estate4 ,that which    
three years ago was a drug  altogether  
unsaleable by private bargain2 has now  
many inquirers after  it1 and ready     
purchasers at good prices4 ,the         
importation of ,british  manufactured   
goods has been considerably augmented1  
probably one fourth4    ,the credit of  

the planters who have been chiefly      
affected by the  change1 has been much  
improved4 ,and the great reduction of   
expense in  managing the estates1 has   
made them men of more real wealth1 and  
consequently raised their credit both   
with the ,english merchants and our     
own4--,james ,scotland1 ,sen41 ,esq4    
,the effect of emancipation upon the    
commerce of the island must needs  have 
been beneficial1 as the laborers indulge
 in more wheaten flour1  rice1 mackerel1
 dry fish1 and salt-pork1 than formerly4
 ,more lumber is  used in the superior  
cottages now built for their            
habitations4 ,more dry                  
goods--manufactures of wool1 cotton1    
linen1 silk1 leather1 c41 are also      
used1 now that the laborers can better  
afford to indulge their  propensity for 
gay clothing4--,statement of a merchant 
and agent  for estates4    ,real estate 
has risen in value1 and mercantile      
business has greatly  improved4--,h4    
,armstrong1 ,esq4    ,a merchant of ,st4

 ,john's informed us1 that real estate  
had increased in  value at least fifty  
per cent4 ,he mentioned the fact1 that  
an estate  which previous to            
emancipation could not be sold for #fjj 
current1  lately brought #bjjj current4 
,,nineteenth                            
,,proposition--,emancipation has been   
followed by the  introduction of        
labor-saving machinery4    ,various     
expedients for saving manual labor have 
already been  introduced1 and we        
anticipate still greater improvements4  
,very little  was thought of this       
subject previous to emancipation4--,s4  
,bourne1 ,esq4    ,planters are         
beginning to cast about for improvements
 in labor4 ,my own  mind has been       
greatly turned to this subject since    
emancipation4--,h4  ,armstrong1 ,esq4   
,the plough is beginning to be very     
extensively used4--,mr4 ,hatley4        
,there has been considerable            
simplification in agricultural labor    
already1 which would have been more     

conspicuous1 had it not been for  the   
excessive drought which has prevailed   
since #ahcd4 ,the plough is  more used1 
and the expedients for manuring land are
 less  laborious4--,extract of a letter 
from ,hon4 ,n4 ,nugent4                 
,,twentieth                             
,,proposition4--,emancipation has       
produced the most decided  change in the
 views of the planters4    ,before      
emancipation took place1 there was the  
bitterest opposition to  it among the   
planters4 ,but after freedom came1 they 
were delighted with  the change4 ,i felt
 strong opposition myself1 being        
exceedingly unwilling  to give up my    
power of command4 ,but ,i shall never   
forget how differently  ,i felt when    
freedom took place ,i arose from my bed 
on the first of  ,august1 exclaiming    
with joy1 ',i am free1 ,i am free2 ,i   
was the greatest  slave on the estate1  
but now ,i am free4'--,mr4 ,j4 ,howell4 
,we all resisted violently the measure  
of abolition1 when it first began  to be

 agitated in ,england4 ,we regarded it  
as an outrageous interference  with our 
rights1 with our property4 ,but we are  
now rejoiced that slavery  is           
abolished4--,dr4 ,daniell4    ,i have   
already seen such decided benefits      
growing out of the free labor  system1  
that for my part ,i wish never to see   
the face of slavery again4  --,mr4      
,hatley4    ,i do not know of a single  
planter who would be willing to return  
to  slavery4 ,we all feel that it was a 
great curse4--,d4 ,cranstoun1 ,esq4     
,the speaker of the assembly was        
requested to state especially the       
advantages of freedom both to the master
 and the slave2 and he kindly           
communicated the following reply3       
,the benefits to the master are         
conspicuous--he has got rid of the      
cark and care1 the anxiety and incessant
 worry of managing slaves2      all the 
trouble and responsibility of rearing   
them from infancy1 of      their proper 
maintenance in health1 and sickness1 and

 decrepitude1      of coercing them to  
labor1 restraining1 correcting1 and     
punishing      their faults and         
crimes--settling all their grievances   
and disputes4      ,he is now entirely  
free from all apprehension of injury1   
revenge1 or      insurrection1 however  
transient and momentary such impression 
may      have formerly been4 ,he has no 
longer the reproach of being a          
slaveholder2 his property has lost all  
the taint of slavery1 and      is placed
 on as secure a footing1 in a moral and 
political point of      view1 as that in
 any other part of the ,british         
dominions4        ,as regards the other 
party1 it seems almost unnecessary to   
point      out the advantages of being a
 free man rather than a slave4 ,he is no
      longer liable to personal trespass
 of any sort2 he has a right of         
self-control1 and all the immunities    
enjoyed by other classes of his         
fellow subjects--he is enabled to better
 his condition as he thinks             

proper--he can make what arrangements he
 likes best1 as regards his             
kindred1 and all his domestic           
relations--he takes to his own use      
and behoof1 all the wages and profits of
 his own labor2 he receives      money  
wages instead of weekly allowances1 and 
can purchase such      particular food  
and necessaries as he prefers--and so   
on6 ,,it ,,would      ,,be ,,endless    
,,to ,,attempt ,,to ,,enumerate ,,all   
,,the ,,superior ,,advantages ,,of ,a   
,,state ,,of ,,freedom ,,to ,,one ,,of  
,,slavery6    ,the writer says1 at the  
close of his invaluable letter1 ,i was  
born in  ,antigua1 and have resided here
 with little interruption since #ahji4  
,since #ahad1 ,i have taken an active   
concern in plantation affairs4 ,he  was 
born heir to a large slave property1 and
 retained it up to the hour  of         
emancipation4 ,he is now the proprietor 
of an estate4    ,we have1 another      
witness to introduce to the reader1     
,ralph ,higinbothom1  ,esq41 the        

,,united ,,states ,,consul6--,hear      
him6--    ,whatever may have been the   
dissatisfaction as regards emancipation 
among the planters at its commencement1 
there are few1 indeed1 if any1  who are 
not now well satisfied that under the   
present system1 their  properties are   
better worked1 and their laborers more  
contented and  cheerful1 than in the    
time of slavery4    ,in order that the  
reader may see the revolution that has  
taken place  since emancipation in the  
views of the highest class of society in
  ,antigua1 we make a few extracts4     
,there was the most violent opposition  
in the legislature1 and  throughout the 
island1 to the anti-slavery proceedings 
in ,parliament4  ,the anti-slavery party
 in ,england were detested here for     
their  fanatical and reckless course4   
,such was the state of feeling previous 
to emancipation1 that it would have been
 certain disgrace for any  planter to   
have avowed the least sympathy with     
anti-slavery sentiments4  ,the humane   

might have their hopes and aspirations1 
and they might  secretly long to see    
slavery ultimately terminated2 but they 
did not  dare to make such feelings     
public4 ,they would at once have been   
branded  as the enemies of their        
country6--,hon4 ,n4 ,nugent4    ,there  
cannot be said to have been any         
anti-slavery party in the  island before
 emancipation4 ,there were some         
individuals in ,st4 ,john's1  and a very
 few planters1 who favored the          
anti-slavery views1 but they  dared not 
open their mouths1 because of the bitter
 hostility which  prevailed4--,s4       
,bourne1 ,esq4    ,the opinions of the  
clergymen and missionaries1 with the    
exception of1  ,i believe1 a few        
clergymen1 were favorable to            
emancipation2 but neither  in their     
conduct1 preaching1 or prayers1 did they
 declare themselves  openly1 until the  
measure of abolition was determined on4 
,the  missionaries felt restrained by   
their instructions from home1 and the   

clergymen thought that it did not       
comport with their order 'to take part  
in politics6' ,i never heard of a single
 planter who was favorable1  until about
 three months before the emancipation   
took place2 when some  few of them began
 to perceive that it would be           
advantageous to their  interests4       
,whoever was known or suspected of being
 an advocate for  freedom1 became the   
object of vengeance1 and was sure to    
suffer1 if in  no other way1 by a loss  
of part of his business4 ,my            
son-in-law,a1 my  son,b1 and myself1    
were perhaps the chief marks for calumny
 and  resentment4 ,the first was twice  
elected a member of the ,assembly1 and  
as  often put out by scrutinies         
conducted by the ,house1 in the most    
flagrantly dishonest manner4 ,every     
attempt was made to deprive the  second 
of his business1 as a lawyer4 ,with     
regard to myself1 ,i was thrown  into   
prison1 without any semblance of        
justice1 without any form of  trial1 but

 in the most summary manner1 simply upon
 the complaint of one  of the justices1 
and without any opportunity being       
allowed me of saying  one word in my    
defence4 ,i remained in jail until      
discharged by a  peremptory order from  
the ,colonial ,secretary1 to whom ,i    
appealed4--,james ,scotland1 ,sen41     
,esq4    ,footnote ,a3 ,dr4 ,ferguson1  
physician in ,st4 ,john's4    ,footnote 
,b3 ,james ,scotland1 ,jun41 ,esq41     
barrister1 proprietor1 and  member of   
,assembly4    ,another gentleman1 a     
white man1 was arrested on the charge of
 being in  the interest of the ,english 
,anti-,slavery party1 and in a manner   
equally  summary and illegal1 was cast  
into prison1 and confined there for  one
 year4    ,from the foregoing statements
 we obtain the following comparative    
view  of the past and present state of  
sentiment in ,antigua4    ,views and    
conduct of the planters previous to     
emancipation3    #ast4 ,they regarded   
the negroes as an inferior race1 fit    

only for slaves4    #b;d4 ,they regarded
 them as their rightful property4       
#c;d4 ,they took it for granted that    
negroes could never be made to work     
without the use of the whip2 hence1     
#dth4 ,they supposed that emancipation  
would annihilate sugar cultivation2     
and1    #eth4 ,that it would lead to    
bloodshed and general rebellion4        
#fth4 ,those therefore who favored it1  
were considered the enemies of  their   
country--,,traitors--and were           
accordingly persecuted in various  ways1
 not excepting imprisonment in the      
common jail4    #gth4 ,so popular was   
slavery among the higher classes1 that  
its morality  or justice could not be   
questioned by a missionary--an          
editor--or a  planter even1 without     
endangering the safety of the           
individual4    #hth4 ,the anti-slavery  
people in ,england were considered      
detestable men1  intermeddling with     
matters which they did not understand1  
and which at  any rate did not concern  

them4 ,they were accused of being       
influenced by  selfish motives1 and of  
designing to further their own interests
 by the  ruin of the planters4 ,they    
were denounced as fanatics1             
incendiaries1  knaves1 religious        
enthusiasts4    #ith ,the abolition     
measures of the ,english ,government    
were considered a  gross outrage on the 
rights of private property1 a violation 
their  multiplied pledges of countenance
 and support1 and a flagrant usurpation 
of power over the weak4    ,views and   
conduct of the planters subsequent to   
emancipation3    #ast4 ,the negroes are 
retarded as men--equals standing on the 
same  footing as fellow-citizens4       
#b;d4 ,slavery is considered a foolish1 
impolitic1 and wicked system4    #c;d4  
,slaves are regarded as an unsafe       
species of property1 and to hold  them  
disgraceful4    #dth4 ,the planters have
 become the decided enemies of slavery4 
,the  worst thing they could say against
 the apprenticeship1 was1 that it was   

only another name for slavery4    #eth4 
,the abolition of slavery is applauded  
by the planters as one of the  most     
noble and magnanimous triumphs ever     
achieved by the ,british  government4   
#fth4 ,distinguished abolitionists are  
spoken of in terms of respect and       
admiration4 ,the ,english ,anti-slavery 
,delegation,a spent a fortnight in  the 
island1 and left it the same day we     
arrived4 ,wherever we went we  heard of 
them as the respectable gentlemen from  
,england1 the worthy  and intelligent   
members of the ,society of ,friends1 c4 
,a distinguished  agent of the ,english 
anti-slavery society now resides in ,st4
 ,john's1 and  keeps a bookstore1 well  
stocked with anti-slavery books and     
pamphlets4  ,the bust of ,,george       
,,thompson stands conspicuously upon the
 counter of the  bookstore1 looking     
forth upon the public street4           
,footnote ,a3 ,messrs4 ,sturge and      
,harvey4    #gth4 ,the planters affirm  
that the abolition of slavery put an end

 to all  danger from insurrection1      
rebellion1 privy conspiracy1 and        
sedition1 on  the part of the slaves4   
#hth4 ,emancipation is deemed an        
incalculable blessing1 because it       
released the planters from an endless   
complication of responsibilities1       
perplexities1 temptations and anxieties1
 and because it emancipated  them from  
the bondage of the whip4    #ith4       
,slavery--emancipation--freedom--are the
 universal topics of  conversation in   
,antigua4 ,anti-slavery is the popular  
doctrine among all  classes4 ,he is     
considered an enemy to his country who  
opposes the  principles of liberty4 ,the
 planters look with astonishment on the 
continuance of slavery in the ,united   
,states1 and express their strong       
belief that it must soon terminate here 
and throughout the world4 ,they  hailed 
the arrival of ,french and ,american    
visitors on tours of inquiry  as a      
bright omen4 ,in publishing our arrival1
 one of the ,st4 ,john's  papers        

remarks1 ,we regard this as a pleasing  
indication that the  ,american public   
have their eyes turned upon our         
experiment1 with a view1  we may hope1  
of ultimately following our excellent   
example4 767 ,all  classes showed the   
same readiness to aid us in what the    
,governor was  pleased to call the      
objects of our philanthropic mission4   
,such are the views now entertained     
among the planters of ,antigua4 ,what a 
complete change,b--and all in less than 
three years1 and effected by  the       
abolition of slavery and a trial of     
freedom6 ,most certainly1 if the  former
 views of the ,antigua planters resemble
 those held by pro-slavery  men in this 
country1 their present sentiments are a 
fac simile of  those entertained by the 
immediate abolitionists4    ,footnote   
,b3 ,the following little story will    
further illustrate the  wonderful       
revolution which has taken place in the 
public sentiment of  this colony4 ,the  
facts here stated all occurred while we 

were in  ,antigua1 and we procured them 
from a variety of authentic sources4    
,they  were indeed publicly known and   
talked of1 and produced no little       
excitement throughout the island4 ,mr4  
,corbett was a respectable and          
intelligent planter residing on an      
estate near ,johnson's ,point4 ,several 
months previous to the time of which we 
now speak1 a few colored  families      
7emancipated negroes7 bought of a white 
man some small parcels  of land lying   
adjacent to ,mr4 ,c4's estate4 ,they    
planted their lands in  provisions1 and 
also built them houses thereon1 and     
moved into them4  ,after they had become
 actively engaged in cultivating their  
provisions1  ,mr4 ,corbett laid claim to
 the lands1 and ordered the negroes to  
leave  them forthwith4    ,they of      
course refused to do so4 ,mr4 ,c4 then  
flew into a violent rage1  and stormed  
and swore1 and threatened to burn their 
houses down over  their heads4 ,the     
terrified negroes forsook their property

 and fled4 ,mr4  ,c4 then ordered his   
negroes to tear down their huts and burn
 up the  materials--which was           
accordingly done4 ,he also turned in his
 cattle upon  the provision grounds1 and
 destroyed them4 ,the negroes made a    
complaint  against ,mr4 ,c41 and he was 
arrested and committed to jail in ,st4  
,john's  for trial on the charge of     
arson4    ,we heard of this circumstance
 on the day of ,mr4 ,c4's commitment1   
and we  were told that it would probably
 go very hard with him on his trial1 and
  that he would be very fortunate if he 
escaped the gallows or  transportation4 
,a few days after this we were surprised
 to hear that  ,mr4 ,c4 had died in     
prison4 ,upon inquiry1 we learned that  
he died  literally from rage and        
mortification4 ,his case defied the1    
skill and  power of the physicians4     
,they could detect the presence of no   
disease  whatever1 even on a minute     
post-mortem examination4 ,they          
pronounced it  as their opinion that he 

had died from the violence of his       
passions--excited by being imprisoned1  
together with his apprehensions  of the 
fatal issue of the trial4    ,not long  
before emancipation1 ,mr4 ,scotland was 
imprisoned for  befriending the negroes4
 ,after emancipation1 ,mr4 ,corbett was 
imprisoned for wronging them4    ,mr4   
,corbett was a respectable planter1 of  
good family and moved in the  first     
circles in the island                   
,,twenty-,,first                        
,,proposition4--,emancipation has been  
followed by a manifest  diminution of   
prejudice against color1 and has opened 
the prospect  off its speedy            
extirpation4    ,some thirty years ago1 
the president of the island1 ,sir       
,edward ,byam1  issued an order         
forbidding the great bell in the        
cathedral of ,st4 ,john's  being tolled 
at the funeral of a colored person2 and 
directing a  smaller bell to be hung up 
in the same belfry1 and used on such    
occasions4 ,for twenty years this       

distinction was strictly maintained4    
,when a white person1 however vile1 was 
buried1 the great bell was  tolled2 when
 a colored person1 whatever his moral   
worth1 intelligence1  or station1 was   
carried to his grave1 the little bell   
was tinkled4 ,it  was not until the     
arrival of the present excellent        
,rector1 that this  prejudice bell was  
silenced4 ,the ,rev4 ,mr4 ,cox informed 
us that  prejudice had greatly decreased
 since emancipation4 ,it was very common
  for white and colored gentlemen to be 
seen walking arm in arm an the  streets 
of ,st4 ,john's4    ,prejudice against  
color is fast disappearing4 ,the colored
 people have  themselves contributed to 
prolong this feeling1 by keeping aloof  
from  the society of the whites4--,james
 ,howell1 of ,t4 ,jarvis's4    ,how     
utterly at variance is this with the    
commonly received opinion1 that  the    
colored people are disposed to thrust   
themselves into the society  of the     
whites6    ,prejudice against color     

exists in this community only to a      
limited  extent1 and that chiefly among 
those who could never bring themselves  
to  believe that emancipation would     
really take place4 ,policy dictates to  
them the propriety of confining any     
expression of their feelings to  those  
of the same opinions4 ,nothing is shown 
of this prejudice in their  intercourse 
with the colored class--it is 'kept     
behind the  scenes4'--,ralph            
,higginbotham1 ,u4 ,s4 ,consul4    ,mr4 
,h4 was not the only individual standing
 in high places who  insinuated that the
 whites that still entertained prejudice
 were ashamed  of it4 ,his excellency   
the ,governor intimated as much1 by his 
repeated  assurances for himself and his
 compeers of the first circles1 that    
there  was no such feeling in the island
 as prejudice against color4 ,the       
reasons for excluding the colored people
 from their society1 he said1  were     
wholly different from that4 ,it was     
chiefly because of their  illegitimacy1 

and also because they were not          
sufficiently refined1 and  because their
 occupations were of an inferior kind1  
such as mechanical  trades1 small shop  
keeping1 c4 ,said he1 ,you would not    
wish to ask your  tailor1 or your       
shoemaker1 to dine with you8 ,however1  
we were too  unsophisticated to coincide
 in his ,excellency's notions of social 
propriety4    ,,twenty-,,second         
,,proposition4--,the progress of the    
anti-slavery discussions  in ,england   
did not cause the masters to treat their
 slaves worse1 but on  the contrary     
restrained them from outrage4    ,the   
treatment of the slaves during the      
discussions in ,england1 was  manifestly
 milder than before4--,dr4 ,daniell4    
,the effect of the proceedings in       
parliament was to make the planters     
treat their slaves better4 ,milder laws 
were passed by the assembly1 and  the   
general condition of the slave was      
greatly ameliorated4--,h4  ,armstrong1  
,esq4    ,the planters did not increase 

the rigor of their discipline because of
  the anti-slavery discussions2 but as a
 general thing1 were more lenient  than 
formerly4--,s4 ,bourne4 ,esq4    ,we    
pursued a much milder policy toward our 
slaves after the agitation  began in    
,england4--,mr4 ,jas4 ,hawoil4    ,the  
planters did not treat their slaves     
worse on account of the  discussions2   
but were more lenient and               
circumspect4--,letter of ,hon4  ,n4     
,nugent4    ,there was far less cruelty 
exercised by the planters during the    
anti-slavery excitement in gland4 ,they 
were always on their guard to  escape   
the notice of the abolitionists4 ,they  
did not wish to have their  names       
published abroad1 and to be exposed as  
monsters of  cruelty6--,david           
,cranstoun1 ,esq4    ,we have now       
completed our observations upon         
,antigua4 ,it has been our  single      
object in the foregoing account to give 
an accurate statement of  the results of
 ,,immediate ,,emancipation4 ,we have   

not taken a single step  beyond the     
limits of testimony1 and we are         
persuaded that testimony  materially    
conflicting with this1 cannot be        
procured from respectable  sources in   
,antigua4 ,we now leave it to our       
readers to decide1 whether  emancipation
 in ,antigua has been to all classes in 
that island a  blessing or a curse4     
,we cannot pass from this part of our   
report without recording the  kindness  
and hospitality which we everywhere     
experienced during our  sojourn in      
,antigua4 ,whatever may have been our   
apprehensions of a cool  reception from 
a community of ex-slaveholders1 none of 
our forebodings  were realized4 ,it     
rarely ,falls to the lot of strangers   
visiting a  distant land1 with none of  
the contingencies of birth1 fortune1 or 
fame1  to herald their arrival1 and     
without the imposing circumstance of a  
popular mission to recommend them1 to   
meet with a warmer reception1 or  to    
enjoy a more hearty confidence1 than    

that with which we were honored  in the 
interesting island of ,antigua4 ,the    
very object of our visit1  humble1 and  
even odious as it may appear in the eyes
 of many of our own  countrymen1 was our
 passport to the consideration and      
attention of the  higher classes in that
 free colony4 ,we hold in grateful      
remembrance the  interest which all--not
 excepting those most deeply implicated 
in the  late system of                  
slavery--manifested in our              
investigations4 ,to his  excellency the 
,governor1 to officers both civil and   
military1 to  legislators and judges1 to
 proprietors and planters1 to           
physicians1  barristers1 and merchants1 
to clergymen1 missionaries1 and         
teachers1 we  are indebted for their    
uniform readiness in furthering our     
objects1 and  for the mass of           
information with which they were pleased
 to furnish us4  ,to the free colored   
population1 also1 we are lasting debtors
 for their  hearty co-operation and     

assistance4 ,to the emancipated1 we     
recognise our  obligations as the       
friends of the slave1 for their         
simple-hearted and  reiterated          
assurances that they should remember the
 oppressed of our  land in their prayers
 to ,god4 ,in the name of the           
multiplying hosts of  freedom's friends1
 and in behalf of the millions of       
speechless but  grateful-hearted slaves1
 we render to our acquaintances of every
 class  in ,antigua our warmest thanks  
for their cordial sympathy with the     
cause  of emancipation in ,america4 ,we 
left ,antigua with regret4 ,the natural 
advantages of that lovely island2 its   
climate1 situation1 and scenery2  the   
intelligence and hospitality of the     
higher orders1 and the  simplicity and  
sobriety of the poor2 the prevalence of 
education1  morality1 and religion2 its 
solemn ,sabbaths and thronged           
sanctuaries2  and above all1 its rising 
institutions of liberty--flourishing so 
vigorously1--conspire to make ,antigua  

one of the fairest portions of the      
earth4 ,formerly it was in our eyes but 
a speck on the world's map1 and  little 
had we checked if an earthquake had     
sunk1 or the ocean had  overwhelmed it2 
but now1 the minute circumstances in its
 condition1 or  little incidents in its 
history1 are to our minds invested with 
grave interest4    ,none1 who are alive 
to the cause of religious freedom in the
 world1 can  be indifferent to the      
movements and destiny of this little    
colony4  ,henceforth1 ,antigua is the   
morning star of our nation1 and though  
it  glimmers faintly through a lurid    
sky1 yet we hail it1 and catch at every 
ray as the token of a bright sun which  
may yet burst gloriously upon us4       
,,barbadoes    ,,chapter ,i4            
,,passage    ,barbadoes was the next    
island which we visited4 ,having failed 
of a  passage in the steamer1,a 7on     
account of her leaving ,antigua on the  
,sabbath17 we were reduced to the       
necessity of sailing in a small         

schooner1 a vessel of only seventeen    
tons burthen1 with no cabin but a  mere 
hole1 scarcely large enough to receive  
our baggage4 ,the berths1  for there    
were two1 had but one mattress between  
them2 however1 a  foresail folded made  
up the complement4    ,footnote ,a3     
,there are several ,english steamers    
which ply between  ,barbadoes and       
,jamaica1 touching at several of the    
intermediate and  surrounding islands1  
and carrying the mails4    ,the being   
for the most part directly against us1  
we were seven days in  reaching         
,barbadoes4 ,our aversion to the        
sepulchre-like cabin obliged us  to     
spend1 not the days only1 but the nights
 mostly on the open deck4  ,wrapping our
 cloaks about us1 and drawing our fur   
caps over our faces1  we slept securely 
in the soft air of a tropical clime1    
undisturbed save  by the hoarse voice of
 the black captain crying ready1 bout   
and the  flapping of the sails1 and the 
creaking of the cordage1 in the frequent

  tackings of our staunch little        
sea-boat4 ,on our way we passed under   
the  lee of ,guadaloupe and to the      
windward of ,dominica1 ,martinique and  
,st4  ,lucia4 ,in passing ,guadaloupe1  
we were obliged to keep at a league's   
distance from the land1 in obedience to 
an express regulation of that  colony   
prohibiting small ,english vessels from 
approaching any nearer4  ,this is a     
precautionary measure against the escape
 of slaves to the  ,english islands4    
,numerous small vessels1 called guarda  
costas1 are  stationed around the coast 
to warn off vessels and seize upon all  
slaves  attempting to make their escape4
 ,we were informed that the eagerness of
  the ,french negroes to taste the      
sweets of liberty1 which they hear to   
exist in the surrounding ,english       
islands1 is so great1 that              
notwithstanding all the vigilance by    
land and sea1 they are escaping in  vast
 numbers4 ,they steal to the shores by  
night1 and seizing upon any  sort of    

vessel within their reach1 launch forth 
and make for ,dominica1  ,montserrat1 or
 ,antigua4 ,they have been known to     
venture out in skiffs1  canoes1 and such
 like hazardous conveyances1 and make a 
voyage of fifty  or sixty miles2 and it 
is not without reason supposed1 that    
very many  have been lost in these eager
 darings for freedom4    ,such is their 
defiance of dangers when liberty is to  
be won1 that old  ocean1 with its wild  
storms1 and fierce monsters1 and its    
yawning deep1  and even the superadded  
terrors of armed vessels ever hovering  
around  the island1 are barriers        
altogether ineffectual to prevent       
escape4 ,the  western side of           
,guadaloupe1 along which we passed1 is  
hilly and little  cultivated4 ,it is    
mostly occupied in pasturage4 ,the sugar
 estates are on  the opposite side of   
the island1 which stretches out eastward
 in a low  sloping country1 beautifully 
situated for sugar cultivation4 ,the    
hills  were covered with trees1 with    

here and there small patches of         
cultivated  grounds where the negroes   
raise provisions4 ,a deep rich verdure  
covered  all that portion of the island 
which we saw4 ,we were a day and night  
in  passing the long island of          
,guadaloupe4 ,another day and night were
 spent  in beating through the channel  
between ,gaudaloupe and ,dominica3      
another  day in passing the latter      
island1 and then we stood or            
,martinique4 ,this  is the queen island 
of the ,french ,west ,indies4 ,it is    
fertile and  healthful1 and though not  
so large as ,guadaloupe1 produces a     
larger  revenue4 ,it has large streams  
of water1 and many of the sugar mills   
are  worked by them4 ,martinique and    
,dominica are both very mountainous4    
,their  highest peaks are constantly    
covered with clouds1 which in their     
varied  siftings1 now wheeling around1  
then rising or falling1 give the hills  
the appearance of smoking volcanoes4 ,it
 was not until the eighth day of  the   

voyage1 that we landed at ,barbadoes4   
,the passage from ,barbadoes to         
,antigua seldom occupies more than three
 days1 the wind being mostly in  that   
direction4    ,in approaching           
,barbadoes1 it presented an entirely    
difference appearance  from that of the 
islands we had passed on the way4 ,it is
 low and level1  almost wholly destitute
 of trees4 ,as we drew nearer we        
discovered in  every direction the marks
 of its extraordinary cultivation4 ,the 
cane  fields and provision grounds in   
alternate patches cover the island with 
one continuous mantle of green4 ,the    
mansions of the planters1 and the       
clusters of negro houses1 appear at     
shore intervals dotting the face of  the
 island1 and giving to it the appearance
 of a vast village  interspersed with   
verdant gardens4    ,we rounded up in   
the bay1 off ,bridgetown1 the principal 
place in  ,barbadoes1 where we underwent
 a searching examination by the health  
officer2 who1 after some demurring1     

concluded that we might pass muster4    
,we took lodgings in ,bridgetown with   
,mrs4 ,m41 a colored lady4    ,the      
houses are mostly built of brick or     
stone1 or wood plastered4 ,they  are    
seldom more than two stories high1 with 
flat roofs1 and huge window  shutters   
and doors--the structures of a hurricane
 country4 ,the streets  are narrow and  
crooked1 and formed of white marle1     
which reflects the  sun with a          
brilliancy half blinding to the eyes4   
,most of the buildings  are occupied as 
stores below and dwelling houses above1 
with piazzas to  the upper story1 which 
jut over the narrow streets1 and afford 
a shade  for the side walks4 ,the       
population of ,bridgetown is about      
#cj1jjj4 ,the  population of the island 
is about #adj1jjj1 of whom nearly       
#ij1jjj are  apprentices1 the remainder 
are free colored and white in the       
proportion  of #cj1jjj free colored and 
#bj1jjj whites4 ,the large population   
exists on  an island not more than      

twenty miles long1 by fifteen broad4    
,the whole  island is under the most    
vigorous and systematic culture4 ,there 
is  scarcely a foot of productive land  
that is not brought into requisition4   
,there is no such thing as a forest of  
any extent in the island4 ,it is  thus  
that1 notwithstanding the insignificance
 of its size1 ,barbadoes  ranks among   
the ,british islands next to ,jamaica in
 value and importance4  ,it was on      
account of its conspicuous standing     
among the ,english  colonies1 that we   
were induced to visit it1 and there     
investigate the  operations of the      
apprenticeship system4    ,our principal
 object in the following tales is to    
give an account of the  working of the  
apprenticeship system1 and to present it
 in contrast with  that of entire       
freedom1 which has been described       
minutely in our account  of ,antigua4   
,the apprenticeship was designed as a   
sort of preparation for  freedom4 ,a    
statement of its results will1          

therefore1 afford no small  data for    
deciding upon the general principle of  
gradualism6    ,we shall pursue a plan  
less labored and prolix than that which 
it seemed  necessary to adopt in        
treating of ,antigua4 ,as that part of  
the testimony  which respects the       
abolition of slavery1 and the sentiments
 of the  planters is substantially the  
same with what is recorded in the       
foregoing pages1 we shall be content    
with presenting it in the sketch of  our
 travels throughout the island1 and our 
interviews with various  classes of men4
 ,the testimony respecting the nature   
and operations of  the apprenticeship   
system1 will be embodied in a more      
regular form4    ,,visit ,,to ,,the     
,,governor4    ,at an early day after   
our arrival we called on the ,governor1 
in  pursuance of the etiquette of the   
island1 and in order to obtain the      
assistance of his ,excellency in our    
inquiries4 ,the present ,governor is    
,sir ,evan ,john ,murray ,mc,gregor1 a  

,scotchman of ,irish reputation4 ,he is 
the present chieftain of the ,mc,gregor 
clan1 which figures so  illustriously in
 the history of ,scotland4 ,sir ,evan   
has been  distinguished for his victory 
in war1 and he now bears the title of   
,knight1 for his achievements in the    
,british service4 ,he is                
,governor-,general of the windward      
islands1 which include ,barbadoes1      
,grenada1 ,st4 ,vincent's1 and ,tobago4 
,the government house1 at which he      
resides1 is about two miles from town4  
,the road leading to it is a  delightful
 one1 lined with cane fields1 and       
pasture grounds1 all verdant  with the  
luxuriance of midsummer4 ,it passes by  
the cathedral1 the king's  house1 the   
noble residence of the ,archdeacon1 and 
many other fine  mansions4 ,the         
government house is situated in a       
pleasant eminence1 and  surrounded with 
a large garden1 park1 and entrance yard4
 ,at the large  outer gate1 which gives 
admittance to the avenue leading to the 

house1  stood a black sentinel in his   
military dress1 and with a gun on his   
shoulder1 pacing to and fro4 ,at the    
door of the house we found another      
black soldier on guard4 ,we were ushered
 into the dining hall1 which  seems to  
serve as ante-chamber when not otherwise
 used4 ,it is a spacious  airy room1    
overhung with chandeliers and lamps in  
profusion1 and bears  the marks of many 
scenes of mirth and wassail4 ,the       
eastern windows1  which extend from the 
ceiling to the floor1 look out upon a   
garden  filled with shrubs and flowers1 
among which we recognised a rare variety
  of the floral family in full bloom4   
,every thing around--the extent of  the 
buildings1 the garden1 the park1 with   
deer browsing amid the tangled          
shrubbery--all bespoke the old ,english 
style and dignity4    ,after waiting a  
few minutes1 we were introduced to his  
,excellency1 who  received us very      
kindly4 ,he conversed freely on the     
subject of  emancipation1 and gave his  

opinion decidedly in favor of           
unconditional  freedom4 ,he has been in 
the ,west ,indies five years1 and       
resided at  ,antigua and ,dominica      
before he received his present          
appointment2 he has  visited several    
other islands besides4 ,in no island    
that he has visited  have affairs gone  
on so quietly and satisfactorily to all 
parties as in  ,antigua4 ,he remarked   
that he was ignorant of the character of
 the black  population of the ,united   
,states1 but from what he knew of their 
character in the ,west ,indies1 he could
 not avoid the conclusion that          
immediate emancipation was entirely     
safe4 ,he expressed his views of the    
apprenticeship system with great        
freedom4 ,he said it was vexatious to   
all parties4    ,he remarked that he was
 so well satisfied that emancipation was
 safe and  proper1 and that             
unconditional freedom was better than   
apprenticeship1  that had he the power1 
he would emancipate every apprentice    

to-morrow4  ,it would be better both for
 the planter and the laborer4    ,he    
thought the negroes in ,barbadoes1 and  
in the windward islands  generally1 now 
as well prepared for freedom as the     
slaves of ,antigua4    ,the ,governor is
 a dignified but plain man1 of sound    
sense and judgement1  and of remarkable 
liberality4 ,he promised to give us     
every assistance1  and said1 as we arose
 to leave him1 that he would mention the
 object of  our visit to a number of    
influential gentlemen1 and that we      
should  shortly hear from him again4    
,a few days after our visit to the      
,governor's1 we called on the ,rev4     
,edward ,elliott1 the ,archdeacon at    
,barbadoes1 to whom we had been         
previously introduced at the house of a 
friend in ,bridgetown4 ,he is a         
liberal-minded man4 ,in #ahab1 he       
delivered a series of lectures in the   
cathedral on the subject of slavery4    
,the planters became  alarmed--declared 
that such discourses would lead to      

insurrection1 and  demanded that they   
should lie abandoned4 ,he received      
anonymous letters  threatening him with 
violence unless he discontinued them4   
,nothing  daunted1 however1 he went     
through the course1 and afterwards      
published  the lectures in a volume4    
,the ,archdeacon informed us that the   
number of churches and clergymen had    
increased since emancipation2 religious 
meetings were more fully  attended1 and 
the instructions given had manifestly a 
greater influence4  ,increased attention
 was paid to education also4 ,before    
emancipation  the planters opposed      
education1 and as far as possible1      
prevented the  teachers from coming to  
the estates4 ,now they encouraged it in 
many  instances1 and where they do not  
directly encourage1 they make no        
opposition4 ,he said that the number of 
marriages had very much increased  since
 the abolition of slavery4 ,he had      
resided in ,barbados for twelve  years1 
during which time he had repeatedly     

visited many of the  neighboring        
islands4 ,he thought the negroes of     
,barbadoes were as well  prepared for   
freedom in #ahcd1 as those of ,antigua1 
and that there would  have been no bad  
results had entire emancipation been    
granted at that  time4 ,he did not think
 there was the least danger of          
insurrection4 ,on  this subject he spoke
 the sentiments of the inhabitants      
generally4 ,he  did not suppose there   
were five planters on the island1 who   
entertained  any fears on this score    
now4    ,on one other point the         
,archdeacon expressed himself           
substantially thus3  ,the planters      
undoubtedly treated their slaves better 
during the  anti-slavery discussions in 
,england4    ,the condition of the      
slaves was very much mitigated by the   
efforts which  were made for their      
entire freedom4 ,the planters softened  
down1 the  system of slavery as much as 
possible4 ,they were exceedingly anxious
 to  put a stop to discussion and       

investigation4    ,having obtained a    
letter of introduction from an ,american
 merchant here  to a planter residing   
about four miles from town1 we drove out
 to his  estate4 ,his mansion is        
pleasantly situated on a small eminence1
 in one  of the coolest and most        
inviting retreats which is to be seen in
 this  clime1 and we were received by   
its master with all the cordiality and  
frankness for which ,barbados is famed4 
,he introduced us to his family1        
consisting of three daughters and two   
sons1 and invited us to stop to  dinner4
 ,one of his daughters1 now here on a   
visit1 is married to an  ,american1 a   
native of ,new ,york1 but now a merchant
 in one of the  southern states1 and our
 connection as fellow countrymen with   
one dear  to them1 was an additional    
claim to their kindness and hospitality4
    ,he conducted us through all the    
works and out-buildings1 the mill1      
boiling-house1 caring-house1 hospital1  
store-houses1 c4 ,the people were  at   

work in the mill and boiling-house1 and 
as we passed1 bowed and bade  us good   
mornin'1 massa1 with the utmost respect 
and cheerfulness4 ,a  white overseer was
 regulating the work1 but wanted the    
insignia of  slaveholding authority1    
which he had borne for many years1 the  
whip4  ,as we came out1 we saw in a     
neighboring field a gang of seventy     
apprentices1 of both sexes1 engaged in  
cutting up the cane1 while others  were 
throwing it into carts to be carried to 
the mill4 ,they were all as  quietly and
 industriously at work as any body of   
our own farmers or  mechanics4 ,as we   
were looking at them1 ,mr4 ,c41 the     
planter1 remarked1  those people give me
 more work than when slaves4 ,this      
estate was never  under so good         
cultivation as at the present time4     
,he took us to the building used as the 
mechanics' shop4 ,several of the        
apprentices were at work in it1 some    
setting up the casks for sugar1  others 
repairing utensils4 ,mr4 ,c4 says all   

the work of the estate is  done by the  
apprentices4 ,his carts are made1 his   
mill kept in order1 his  coopering and  
blacksmithing are all done by them4 ,all
 these buildings1  said he1 even to the 
dwelling-house1 were built after the    
great storm  of #ahca1 by the slaves4   
,as we were passing through the         
hospital1 or sick-house1 as it is called
  by the blacks1 ,mr4 ,c4 told us he had
 very little use for it now4 ,there  is 
no skulking to it as there was under the
 old system4    ,just as we were        
entering the door of the house1 on our  
return1 there was  an outcry among a    
small party of the apprentices who were 
working near  by4 ,mr4 ,c4 went to them 
and inquired the cause4 ,it appeared    
that the  overseer had struck one of the
 lads with a stick4 ,mr4 ,c4 reproved   
him  severely for the act1 and assured  
him if he did such a thing again he     
would take him before a magistrate4     
,during the day we gathered the         
following information3--    ,mr4 ,c4 had

 been a planter for thirty-six years4   
,he has had charge of the  estate on    
which he now resides ten years4 ,he is  
the attorney for two  other large       
estates a few miles from this1 and has  
under his  superintendence1 in all1 more
 than a thousand apprenticed laborers4  
,this  estate consists of six hundred   
and sixty-six acres of land1 most of    
which is under cultivation either in    
cane or provisions1 and has on it  three
 hundred apprentices and ninety-two free
 children4 ,the average  amount of sugar
 raised on it is two hundred hogsheads  
of a ton each1 but  this year it will   
amount to at least two hundred and fifty
  hogsheads--the largest crop ever taken
 off since he has been connected  with  
it4 ,he has planted thirty acres        
additional this year4 ,the island  has  
never been under so good cultivation1   
and is becoming better  every year4     
,during our walk round the works1 and   
during the day1 he spoke several  times 
in general terms of the great blessings 

of emancipation4    ,emancipation is as 
great a blessing to the master as to the
 slave4  ,why1 exclaimed ,mr4 ,c41 it   
was emancipation to me4 ,i assure you   
the  first of ,august brought a great1  
great relief to me4 ,i felt myself1  for
 the first time1 a freeman on that day4 
,you cannot imagine the                 
responsibilities and anxieties which    
were swept away with the extinction  of 
slavery4    ,there were many unpleasant 
and annoying circumstances attending    
slavery1  which had a most pernicious   
effect on the master4 ,there was        
continual  jealousy and suspicion       
between him and those under him4 ,they  
looked on  each other as sworn enemies1 
and there was kept up a continual system
 of  plotting and counterplotting4 ,then
 there was the flogging1 which was a    
matter of course through the island4 ,to
 strike a slave was as common as  to    
strike a horse--then the punishments    
were inflicted so unjustly1 in          
innumerable instances1 that the poor    

victims knew no more why they were      
punished than the dead in their graves4 
,the master would be a little  ill--he  
had taken a cold1 perhaps1 and felt     
irritable--something were  wrong--his   
passion was up1 and away went some poor 
fellow to the  whipping post4 ,the      
slightest offence at such a moment1     
though it might  have passed unnoticed  
at another time1 would meet with the    
severest  punishment4 ,he said he       
himself had more than once ordered his  
slaves to  be flogged in a passion1 and 
after he became cool he would have given
  guineas not to have done it4 ,many a  
night had he been kept awake in         
thinking of some poor fellow whom he had
 shut up in the dungeon1 and had        
rejoiced when daylight came4 ,he feared 
lest the slave might die before         
morning2 either cut his throat or dash  
his head against the wall in his        
desperation4 ,he has known such cases to
 occur4    ,the apprenticeship will not 
have so beneficial an effect as he hoped

 it  would1 on account of an            
indisposition on the part of many of the
  planters to abide by its regulations4 
,the planters generally are doing  very 
little to prepare the apprentices for   
freedom2 but some are doing  very much  
to unprepare them4 ,they are driving the
 people from them by  their conduct4    
,mr4 ,c4 said he often wished for       
emancipation4 ,there were several other 
planters among his acquaintance who had 
the same feelings1 but did not  dare    
express them4 ,most of the planters1    
however1 were violently  opposed4 ,many 
of them declared that emancipation could
 not and should  not take place4 ,so    
obstinate were they1 that they would    
have sworn on  the #cast of ,july1      
#ahca1 that emancipation could not      
happen4 ,these very  men now see and    
acknowledge the benefits which have     
resulted from the  new system4    ,the  
first of ,august passed off very        
quietly4 ,the people labored on that    
day as usual1 and had a stranger gone   

over the island1 he would not have      
suspected any change had taken place4   
,mr4 ,c4 did not expect his people      
would go to work that day4 ,he told them
 what the conditions of the new  system 
were1 and that after the first of       
,august1 they would be required  to turn
 out to work at six o'clock instead of  
five o'clock as before4 ,at  the        
appointed hour every man was at his post
 in the field4 ,not one  individual was 
missing4    ,the apprentices do more    
work in the nine hours required by law1 
than in  twelve hours during slavery4   
,his apprentices are perfectly willing  
to work for him during their own  time4 
,he pays them at the rate of twenty-five
 cents a day4 ,the people  are less     
quarrelsome than when they were slaves4 
,about eight o'clock in the evening1    
,mr4 ,c4 invited us to step out into    
the piazza4 ,pointing to the houses of  
the laborers1 which were crowded        
thickly together1 and almost concealed  
by the cocoa-nut and calabash  trees    

around them1 he said1 there are probably
 more than four hundred  people in that 
village4 ,all my own laborers1 with     
their free children1  are retired for   
the night1 and with them are many from  
the neighboring  estates4 ,we listened1 
but all was still1 save here and there a
 low  whistle from some of the watchmen4
 ,he said that night was a specimen of  
every night now4 ,but it had not always 
been so4 ,during slavery these  villages
 were oftentimes a scene of bickering1  
revelry1 and contention4  ,one might    
hear the inmates reveling and shouting  
till midnight4  ,sometimes it would be  
kept up till morning4 ,such scenes have 
much  decreased1 and instead of the     
obscene and heathen songs which they    
used  to sing1 they are learning hymns  
from the lips of their children4    ,the
 apprentices are more trusty4 ,they are 
more faithful in work which is  given   
them to do4 ,they take more interest in 
the prosperity of the  estate generally1
 in seeing that things are kept in      

order1 and that the  property is not    
destroyed4    ,they are more            
open-hearted4 ,formerly they used to    
shrink before the eyes  of the master1  
and appear afraid to meet him4 ,they    
would go out of their  way to avoid him1
 and never were willing to talk with    
him4 ,they never  liked to have him     
visit their houses2 they looked on him  
as a spy1 and  always expected a        
reprimand1 or perhaps a flogging4 ,now  
they look up  cheerfully when they meet 
him1 and a visit to their homes is      
esteemed a  favor4 ,mr4 ,c4 has more    
confidence in his people than he ever   
had before4    ,there is less theft than
 during slavery4 ,this is caused by     
greater  respect for character1 and the 
protection afforded to property by law4 
,for a slave to steal from his master   
was never considered wrong1 but  rather 
a meritorious act4 ,he who could rob the
 most without being  detected was the   
best fellow4 ,the blacks in several of  
the islands have  a proverb1 that for a 

thief to steal from a thief makes ,god  
laugh4    ,the blacks have a great      
respect for1 and even fear of law4 ,mr4 
,c4  believes no people on earth are    
more influenced by it4 ,they regard the 
same punishment1 inflicted by a         
magistrate1 much more than when         
inflicted by their master4 ,law is a    
kind of deity to them1 and they  regard 
it with great reverence and awe4        
,there is no insecurity now4 ,before    
emancipation there was a continual  fear
 of insurrection4 ,mr4 ,c4 said he had  
lain down in bed many a night  fearing  
that his throat would be cut before     
morning4 ,he has started up  often from 
a dream in which he thought his room was
 filled with armed  slaves4 ,but when   
the abolition bill passed1 his fears all
 passed away4  ,he felt assured there   
would be no trouble then4 ,the motive to
  insurrection was taken away4 ,as for  
the cutting of throats1 or insult  and  
violence in any way1 he never suspects  
it4 ,he never thinks of  fastening his  

door at night now4 ,as we were retiring 
to bed he looked  round the room in     
which we had been sitting1 where every  
thing spoke of  serenity and            
confidence--doors and windows open1 and 
books and plate  scattered about on the 
tables and sideboards4 ,you see things  
now1 he  said1 just as we leave them    
every night1 but you would have seen    
quite  a different scene had you come   
here a few years ago4    ,mr4 ,c4 thinks
 the slaves of ,barbadoes might have    
been entirely and  immediately          
emancipated as well as those of         
,antigua4 ,the results1 he  doubts not1 
would have been the same4    ,he has no 
fear of disturbance or insubordination  
in #ahdj4 ,he has no  doubt that the    
people will work4 ,that there may be a  
little unsettled1  excited1             
experimenting feeling for a short time1 
he thinks  probable--but feels confident
 that things generally will move on     
peaceably and prosperously4 ,he looks   
with much more anxiety to the           

emancipation of the non-praedials in    
#ahch4    ,there is no disposition among
 the apprentices to revenge their       
wrongs4  ,mr4 ,c4 feels the utmost      
security both of person and property4   
,the slaves were very much excited by   
the discussions in ,england4 ,they  were
 well acquainted1 with them1 and looked 
and longed for the result4  ,they       
watched every arrival of the packet with
 great anxiety4 ,the people  on his     
estate often knew its arrival before he 
did4 ,one of his daughters  remarked1   
that she could see their hopes flashing 
from their eyes4 ,they  manifested1     
however1 no disposition to rebel1       
waiting in anxious but  quiet hope for  
their release4 ,yet ,mr4 ,c4 had no     
doubt1 that if  parliament had thrown   
out the emancipation bill1 and all      
measures had  ceased for their relief1  
there would have been a general         
insurrection4--,while there was hope    
they remained peaceable1 but had  hope  
been destroyed it would have been buried

 in blood4    ,there was some           
dissatisfaction among the blacks with   
the apprenticeship4  ,they thought they 
ought to be entirely free1 and that     
their masters were  deceiving them4     
,they could not at first understand the 
conditions of the  new system--there was
 some murmuring among them1 but they    
thought it  better1 however1 to wait six
 years for the boon1 than to run the    
risk of  losing it altogether by revolt4
    ,the expenses of the apprenticeship 
are about the same as during slavery4   
,but under the free system1 ,mr4 ,c4 has
 no doubt they will be much less4  ,he  
has made a calculation of the expenses  
of cultivating the estate on  which he  
resides for one year during slavery1 and
 what they will  probably be for one    
year under the free system4 ,he finds   
the latter are  less by about #c1jjj4   
,real estate has increased in value more
 than thirty per rent4 ,there is        
greater confidence in the security of   
property4 ,instances were related  to us

 of estates that could not be sold at   
any price before  emancipation1 that    
within the last two years have been     
disposed of at  great prices4    ,the   
complaints to the magistrates1 on the   
part of the planters1 were  very        
numerous at first1 but have greatly     
diminished4 ,they are of the  most      
trivial and even ludicrous character4   
,one of the magistrates says  the       
greater part of the cases that come     
before him are from old women  who      
cannot get their coffee early enough in 
the morning6 and for  offences of equal 
importance4    ,prejudice has much      
diminished since emancipation4 ,the     
discussions in  ,england prior to that  
period had done much to soften it down1 
but the  abolition of slavery has given 
it its death blow4    ,such is a rapid  
sketch of the various topics touched    
upon during our  interview with ,mr4 ,c4
 and his family4    ,before we left the 
hospitable mansion of ,lear's1 we had   
the pleasure of  meeting a company of   

gentlemen at dinner4 ,with the exception
 of one1 who  was provost-marshal1 they 
were merchants of ,bridgetown4 ,these   
gentlemen  expressed their full         
concurrence in the statements of ,mr4   
,c41 and gave  additional testimony     
equally valuable4    ,mr4 ,w41 the      
provost-marshal1 stated that he had the 
supervision of the  public jail1 and    
enjoyed the best opportunity of knowing 
the state of  crime1 and he was         
confident that there was a less amount  
of crime since  emancipation than       
before4 ,he also spoke of the increasing
 attention  which the negroes paid to   
neatness of dress and personal          
appearance4    ,the company broke up    
about nine o'clock1 but not until we had
 seen ample  evidence of the friendly   
feelings of all the gentlemen toward our
  object4 ,there was not a single       
dissenting voice to any of the          
statements  made1 or any of the         
sentiments expressed4 ,this fact shows  
that the  prevailing feeling is in favor

 of freedom1 and that too on the score  
of  policy and self-interest4    ,dinner
 parties are in one sense a very safe   
pulse in all matters of  general        
interest4 ,they rarely beat faster than 
the heart of the  community4 ,no subject
 is likely to be introduced amid the    
festivities of  a fashionable circle1   
until it is fully endorsed by public    
sentiment4    ,through the urgency of   
,mr4 ,c41 we were induced to remain all 
night4  ,early the next morning1 he     
proposed a ride before breakfast to     
,scotland4  ,scotland is the name given 
to an abrupt1 hilly section1 in the     
north of  the island4 ,it is about five 
miles from ,mr4 ,c4's1 and nine from    
,bridgetown4 ,in approaching1 the       
prospect bursts suddenly upon the eye1  
extorting an involuntary exclamation of 
surprise4 ,after riding for  miles1     
through a country which gradually swells
 into slight elevations1  or sweeps away
 in rolling plains1 covered with cane1  
yams1 potatoes1  eddoes1 corn1 and      

grass1 alternately1 and laid out with   
the regularity  of a garden2 after      
admiring the cultivation1 beauty1 and   
skill exhibited  on every hand1 until   
almost wearied with viewing the         
creations of art2  the eye at once falls
 upon a scene in which is crowded all   
the wildness  and abruptness of nature  
in one of her most freakish moods--a    
scene  which seems to defy the hand of  
cultivation and the graces of art4 ,we  
ascended a hill on the border of this   
section1 which afforded us a  complete  
view4 ,to describe it in one sentence1  
it is an immense basin1  from two to    
three miles in diameter at the top1 the 
edges of which are  composed of ragged  
hills1 and the sides and bottom of which
 are  diversified with myriads of little
 hillocks and corresponding             
indentations4 ,here and there is a small
 sugar estate in the bottom1 and        
cultivation extends some distance up the
 sides1 though this is at  considerable 
risk1 for not infrequently1 large tracts

 of soil1 covered  with cane or         
provisions1 slide down1 over-spreading  
the crops below1 and  destroying those  
which they carry with them4    ,mr4 ,c4 
pointed to the opposite side of the     
basin to a small group of  stunted      
trees1 which he said were the last      
remains of the ,barbadoes  forests4 ,in 
the midst of them there is a boiling    
spring of considerable  notoriety4      
,in another direction1 amid the rugged  
precipices1 ,mr4 ,c4 pointed out the    
residences of a number of poor white    
families1 whom he described as the  most
 degraded1 vicious1 and abandoned people
 in the island--very far  below the     
negroes4 ,they live promiscuously1 are  
drunken1 licentious1  and               
poverty-stricken1--a body of most       
squalid and miserable  human beings4    
,from the height on which we stood1 we  
could see the ocean nearly around  the  
island1 and on our right and left1      
overlooking the basin below us1  rose   
the two highest points of land of which 

,barbadoes can boast4 ,the  white marl  
about their naked tops gives them a     
bleak and desolate  appearance1 which   
contrasts gloomily with the verdure of  
the surrounding  cultivation4    ,after 
we had fully gratified ourselves with   
viewing the miniature  representation of
 old ,scotia1 we descended again into   
the road1 and  returned to ,lear's4 ,we 
passed numbers of men and women going   
towards  town with loads of various     
kinds of provisions on their heads4     
,some were  black1 and others were      
white--of the same class whose huts had 
just been  shown us amid the hills and  
ravines of ,scotland4 ,we observed that 
the  latter were barefoot1 and carried  
their loads on their heads precisely    
like the former4 ,as we passed these    
busy pedestrians1 the blacks almost     
uniformly courtesied or spoke2 but the  
whites did not appear to notice  us4    
,mr4 ,c inquired whether we were not    
struck with this difference in  the     
conduct of the two people1 remarking    

that he had always observed it4  ,it is 
very seldom1 said he1 that ,i meet a    
negro who does not speak to me          
politely2 but this class of whites      
either pass along without looking up1   
or cast a half-vacant1 rude stare into  
one's face1 without opening their       
mouths4 ,yet this people1 he added1     
veriest raggamuffins that they are1     
despise the negroes1 and consider it    
quite degrading to put themselves  on   
term of equity with them4 ,they will beg
 of blacks more provident and           
industrious than themselves1 or they    
will steal their poultry and rob  their 
provision grounds at night2 but they    
would disdain to associate  with them4  
,doubtless these sans culottes swell in 
their dangling rags  with the haughty   
consciousness that they possess white   
skins4 ,what  proud reflections they    
must have1 as they pursue their barefoot
 way1  thinking on their high lineage1  
and running back through the long list  
of their illustrious ancestry whose     

notable badge was a white skin6 ,no     
wonder they cannot stop to bow to the   
passing stranger4 ,these sprouts of  the
 ,caucasian race are known among the    
,barbadians by the rather  ungracious   
name of ,red ,shanks4 ,they are         
considered the pest of the  island1 and 
are far more troublesome to the police1 
in proportion to  their members1 than   
the apprentices4 ,they are estimated at 
about  eight thousand4    ,the origin of
 this population we learned was the     
following3 ,it has long  been a law in  
,barbadoes1 that each proprietor should 
provide a white man  for every sixty    
slaves in his possession1 and give him  
an acre of land1  a house1 and arms     
requisite for defence of the island in  
case of  insurrection4 ,this caused an  
importation of poor whites from ,ireland
 and  ,england1 and their number has    
been gradually increasing until the     
present time4    ,during our stay of    
nearly two days with ,mr4 ,c41 there was
 nothing to  which he so often alluded  

as to the security from danger which was
 now  enjoyed by the planters4 ,as he   
sat in his parlor1 surrounded by his    
affectionate family1 the sense of       
personal and domestic security  appeared
 to be a luxury to him4 ,he repeatedly  
expressed himself  substantially thus3  
,during the existence of slavery1 how   
often have ,i  retired to bed fearing   
that ,i should have my throat cut before
  morning1 but now the danger is all    
over4    ,we took leave of ,lear's1     
after a protracted visit1 not without a 
pressing invitation from ,mr4 ,c4 to    
call again4    ,,second ,,visit ,,to    
,,lear',s4    ,the following week1 on   
,saturday afternoon1 we received a note 
from ,mr4  ,c41 inviting us to spend the
 ,sabbath at ,lear's1 where we might    
attend  service at a neighboring chapel1
 and see a congregation composed chiefly
  of apprentices4 ,on our arrival1 we   
received a welcome from the  residents1 
which reassured us of their sympathy in 
our object4 ,we joined  the family      

circle around the centre table1 and     
spent the evening in free  conversation 
on the subject of slavery4    ,during   
the evening ,mr4 ,c4 stated1 that he had
 lately met with a planter  who1 for    
some years previous to emancipation1 and
 indeed up to the very  event1          
maintained that it was utterly          
impossible for such a thing ever  to    
take place4 ,the mother country1 he     
said1 could not be so mad as to  take a 
step which must inevitably ruin the     
colonies4 ,now1 said ,mr4 ,c41  this    
planter would be one of the last in the 
island to vote for a  restoration of    
slavery2 nay1 he even wishes to have the
 apprenticeship  terminated at once1 and
 entire freedom given to the people4    
,such changes  as this were very common4
    ,mr4 ,c4 remarked that during       
slavery1 if the negro ventured to       
express an  opinion about any point of  
management1 he was met at once with a   
reprimand4 ,if one should say1 ,i think 
such a course would he best1 or1  ,such 

a field of cane is fit for cutting1 the 
reply would be1 ,think6  you have no    
right to think any thing about it4 ,do  
as ,i bid you4 ,mr4  ,c4 confessed      
frankly1 that he had often used such    
language himself4 ,yet  at the same time
 that he affected such contempt for the 
opinions of the  slaves1 he used to go  
around secretly among the negro houses  
at night to  overhear their             
conversation1 and ascertain their views4
 ,sometimes he  received very valuable  
suggestions from them1 which he was glad
 to avail  himself of1 though he was    
careful not to acknowledge their origin4
    ,soon after supper1 ,miss ,e41 one  
of ,mr4 ,c4's daughters1 retired for the
  purpose of teaching a class of colored
 children which came to her on          
,wednesday and ,saturday nights4 ,a     
sister of ,miss ,e4 has a class on the  
same days at noon4    ,during the       
evening we requested the favor of seeing
 ,miss ,e4's school4 ,we  were conducted
 by a flight of stairs into the basement

 story1 where we  found her sitting in a
 small recess1 and surrounded by a dozen
 negro  girls2 from the ages of eight to
 fifteen4 ,she was instructing them from
  the ,testament1 which most of them    
could read fluently4 ,she afterwards    
heard them recite some passages which   
they had committed to memory1 and       
interspersed the recitations with       
appropriate remarks of advice and       
exhortation4    ,it is to be remarked   
that ,miss ,e4 commenced instructing    
after the  abolition2 before that event 
the idea of such an employment would    
have  been rejected as degrading4    ,at
 ten o'clock on ,sabbath morning1 we    
drove to the chapel of the parish1      
which is a mile and a half from ,lear's4
 ,it contains seats for five  hundred   
persons4 ,the body of the house is      
appropriated to the  apprentices4 ,there
 were upwards of four hundred persons1  
mostly  apprentices1 present1 and a more
 quiet and attentive congregation we    
have seldom seen4 ,the people were      

neatly dressed4 ,a great number of the  
men wore black or blue cloth4 ,the      
females were generally dressed in       
white4 ,the choir was composed entirely 
of blacks1 and sung with  characteristic
 excellence4    ,there was so much      
intelligence in the countenances of the 
people1 that  we could scarcely believe 
we were looking on a congregation of    
lately  emancipated slaves4    ,we      
returned to ,lear's4 ,mr4 ,c4 noticed   
the change which has taken place  in the
 observance of the ,sabbath since       
emancipation4 ,formerly the smoke  would
 be often seen at this time of day      
pouring from the chimneys of the        
boiling-houses2 but such a sight has not
 been seen since slavery  disappeared4  
,sunday used to be the day for the      
negroes to work on their grounds2 now   
it is a rare thing for them to do so4   
,sunday markets also prevailed          
throughout the island1 until the        
abolition of slavery4    ,mr4 ,c4       
continued to speak of slavery4 ,i       

sometimes wonder1 said he1 at  myself1  
when ,i think how long ,i was connected 
with slavery2 but  self-interest and    
custom blinded me to its enormities4    
,taking a short  walk towards sunset1 we
 found ourselves on the margin of a     
beautiful  pond1 in which myriads of    
small gold fishes were disporting--now  
circling about in rapid evolutions1 and 
anon leaping above the surface1  and    
displaying their brilliant sides in the 
rays of the setting sun4  ,when we had  
watched for some moments their happy    
gambols1 ,mr4 ,c4 turned  around and    
broke a twig from a bush that stood     
behind us2 there is a  bush1 said he1   
which has committed many a murder4 ,on  
requesting  him to explain1 he said1    
that the root of it was a most deadly   
poison1  and that the slave women used  
to make a decoction of it and give to   
their infants to destroy them2 many a   
child had been murdered in this  way4   
,mothers would kill their children1     
rather than see them grow up to  be     

slaves4 ,ah1 he continued1 in a solemn  
tone1 pausing a moment and  looking at  
us in a most earnest manner1 ,i could   
write a book about the  evils of        
slavery4 ,i could write a book about    
these things4    ,what a volume of      
blackness and blood6,a    ,footnote ,a3 
,we are here reminded of a fact stated  
by ,mr4 ,c4 on another  occasion4 ,he   
said1 that he once attended at the death
 of a planter who  had been noted for   
his severity to his slaves4 ,it was the 
most horrid  scene he ever witnessed4   
,for hours before his death he was in   
the  extremest agony1 and the only words
 which he uttered were1 ,africa4 ,o     
,africa6 ,these words he repeated every 
few minutes1 till he died4 ,and  such a 
ghastly countenance1 such distortions of
 the muscles1 such a  hellish glare of  
the eye1 and such convulsions of the    
body--it made him  shudder to think of  
them4    ,when we arose on ,monday      
morning1 the daylight has scarcely      
broken4 ,on  looking out of the window1 

we saw the mill slowly moving in the    
wind1  and the field gang were going out
 to their daily work4 ,surely1 we       
thought1 this does not look much like   
the laziness and insubordination  of    
freed negroes4 ,after dressing1 we      
walked down to the mill1 to have  some  
conversation with the people4 ,they all 
bade us a cordial good  mornin'4 ,the   
tender of the mill was an old man1 whose
 despised locks  were gray and thin1 and
 on whose brow the hands of time and    
sorrow had  written many effaceless     
lines4 ,he appeared hale and cheerful1  
and  answered our questions in distinct 
intelligible language4 ,we asked him    
how they were all getting along under   
the new system4 ,very well1  massa1 said
 he1 very well1 thank ,god4 ,all        
peaceable and good4 ,do you  like the   
apprenticeship better then slavery8     
,great deal better1 massa2  we is doing 
well now4 ,you like the apprenticeship  
as well as freedom1  don't you8 ,o no me
 massa1 freedom till better4    ,what   

will you do when you are entirely free8 
,we must work2 all have to work when de 
free come1 white and black4  ,you are   
old1 and will not enjoy freedom long2   
why do you wish for  freedom1 then8 ,me 
want to die free1 massa--good ting to   
die free1  and me want to see children  
free too4    ,we continued at ,lear's   
during ,monday1 to be in readiness for a
 tour to  the windward of the island1   
which ,mr4 ,c4 had projected for us1 and
 on  which we were to set out early the 
next morning4 ,in the course of the  day
 we had opportunities of seeing the     
apprentices in almost every             
situation--in the field1 at the mill1 in
 the boiling-house1 moving to  and from 
work1 and at rest4 ,in every aspect in  
which we viewed them1  they appeared    
cheerful1 amiable1 and easy of control4 
,it was admirable  to see with what ease
 and regularity every thing moved4 ,an  
estate of  nearly seven hundred acres1  
with extensive agriculture1 and a large 
manufactory and distillery1 employing   

three hundred apprentices1 and          
supporting twenty-five horses1 one      
hundred and thirty head of horned       
cattle1 and hogs1 sheep2 and poultry in 
proportion1 is manifestly a most        
complicated machinery4 ,no wonder it    
should have been difficult to manage    
during slavery1 when the main spring was
 absent1 and every wheel out  of gear4  
,we saw the apprentices assemble after  
twelve o'clock1 to receive their        
allowances of yams4 ,these provisions   
are distributed to them twice every     
week--on ,monday and ,thursday4 ,they   
were strewed along the yard in heaps  of
 fifteen pounds each4 ,the apprentices  
came with baskets to get their          
allowances4 ,it resembled a market      
scene1 much chattering and talking1  but
 no anger4 ,each man1 woman1 and child1 
as they got their baskets  filled1      
placed them of their heads1 and marched 
off to their  several huts4    ,on      
,tuesday morning1 at an early hour1 ,mr4
 ,c4 took us in his phaeton on  our     

projected excursion4 ,it was a beautiful
 morning4 ,there was a full  breeze from
 the east1 which had already started the
 ponderous wings of  the wind-mills1 in 
every direction4 ,the sun was shaded by 
light clouds1  which rendered the air   
quite cool4 ,crossing the rich valley in
 which the  ,bell estate and other noble
 properties are situated1 we ascended   
the  cliffs of ,st4 ,john's--a ridge    
extending through the parish of that    
name  and as we rode along its top1     
eastward1 we had a delightful view of   
sea  and land4 ,below us on either hand 
lay vast estates glowing in the1        
verdure of summer1 and on three sides in
 the distance stretched the  ocean4     
,rich swells of land1 cultivated and    
blooming like a vast garden1  extended  
to the north as far as the eye could    
reach1 and on every other  side down to 
the water's edge4 ,one who has been     
accustomed to the  wildness of ,american
 scenery1 and to the imperfect          
cultivation1  intercepted with woodland1

 which yet characterizes the even the   
oldest  portions of the ,united ,states1
 might revel for a time amid the sunny  
meadows4 ,the waving cane fields1 the   
verdant provision grounds1 the  acres of
 rich black soil without a blade of     
grass1 and divided into beds  two feet  
square for the cane plants with the     
precision almost of the  cells of a     
honey comb2 and withal he might be      
charmed with the luxurious              
mansions--more luxurious than           
superb--surrounded with the white cedar1
  the cocoa-nut tree1 and the tall1 rich
 mountain cabbage--the most  beautiful  
of all tropical trees2 but perchance it 
would not require a  very long excursion
 to weary him with the artificiality of 
the scenery1  and cause him to sigh for 
the woods and wilds1 the banks and      
braes1  of his own majestic country4    
,after an hour and a half's drive1 we   
reached ,colliton estate1 where we  were
 engaged to breakfast4 ,we met a hearty 
welcome from the manager1  ,samuel      

,hinkston1 ,esq4 we were soon joined by 
several gentlemen whom ,mr4  ,h4 had    
invited to take breakfast with us2 these
 were the ,rev4 ,mr4  ,gittens1 rector  
of ,st4 ,philip's parish1 7in which     
,colliton estate is  situated17 and     
member of the colonial council2 ,mr4    
,thomas1 an extensive  attorney of      
,barbadoes2 and ,dr4 ,bell1 a planter of
 ,demerara--then on a  visit to the     
island4 ,we conversed with each of the  
gentlemen separately1  and obtained     
their individual views respecting       
emancipation4    ,mr4 ,hinkston has been
 a planter for thirty-six years1 and is 
highly  esteemed throughout the island4 
,the estate which he manages1 ranks     
among  the first in the island4 ,it     
comprises six hundred acres of superior 
land1 has a population of two hundred   
apprentices1 and yields an average  crop
 of one hundred and eighty hogsheads4   
,together with his long  experience and 
standing as a planter1 ,mr4 ,h4 has been
 for many years  local magistrate for   

the parish in which he resides4 ,from   
these  circumstances combined1 we are   
induced to give his opinions on a       
variety  of points4    #a4 ,he remarked 
that the planters were getting along    
infinitely better  under the new system 
than they ever did under the old4       
,instead of  regretting that the change 
had taken place1 he is looking forward  
with  pleasure to a better change in    
#ahdj1 and he only regrets that it is   
not  to come sooner4    #b4 ,mr4 ,h4    
said it was generally conceded that the 
island was never under  better          
cultivation than at the present time4   
,the crops for this year  will exceed   
the average by several thousand         
hogsheads4 ,the canes were  planted in  
good season1 and well attended to       
afterwards4    #c4 ,real estate has     
risen very much since emancipation4 ,mr4
 ,h4 stated  that he had lately         
purchased a small sugar estate1 for     
which he was  obliged to give several   
hundred pounds more than it would have  

cost him  before #ahcd4    #d4 ,there is
 not the least sense of insecurity now4 
,before emancipation  there was much    
fear of insurrection1 but that fear     
passed away  with slavery4    #e4 ,the  
prospect for #ahdj is good4 ,that people
 have no fear of ruin after             
emancipation1 is proved by the building 
of sugar works on estates which  never  
had any before1 and which were obliged  
to cart their canes to  neighbouring    
estates to have them ground and         
manufactured4 ,there are  also numerous 
improvements making on the larger       
estates4 ,mr4 ,h4 is  preparing to make 
a new mill and boiling-house on         
,colliton1 and other  planters are doing
 the same4 ,arrangements are making too 
in various  directions to build new     
negro villages on a more commodious     
plan4    #f4 ,mr4 ,h4 says he finds his 
apprentices perfectly ready to work for 
wages during their own time4 ,whenever  
he needs their labor on ,saturday1  he  
has only to ask them1 and they are ready

 to go to the mill1 or field  at once4  
,there has not been an instance on      
,colliton estate in which the           
apprentices have refused to work1 either
 during the hours required by  law1 or  
during their own time4 ,when he does not
 need their services on  ,saturday1 they
 either hire themselves to other estates
 or work on their  own grounds4    #g4  
,mr4 ,h4 was ready to say1 both as a    
planter and a magistrate1 that  vice and
 crime generally had decreased1 and were
 still on the decrease4  ,petty thefts  
are the principal offences4 ,he has not 
had occasion to send  a single          
apprentice to the court of sessions for 
the last six months4    #h4 ,he has no  
difficulty in managing his people--far  
less than he did  when they were slaves4
 ,it is very seldom that he finds it    
necessary to  call in the aid of the    
special magistrate4 ,conciliatory       
treatment is  generally sufficient to   
maintain order and industry among the   
apprentices4    #i4 ,he affirms that the

 negroes have no disposition to be      
revengeful4 ,he  has never seen any     
thing like revenge4    #aj4 ,his people 
are as far removed from insolence as    
from vindictiveness4  ,they have been   
uniformly civil4    #aa4 ,his           
apprentices have more interest in the   
affairs of the estate1 and  he puts more
 confidence in them than he ever did    
before4    #ab4 ,he declares that the   
working of the apprenticeship1 as also  
that of  entire freedom1 depends        
entirely on the planters4 ,if they act  
with  common humanity and reason1 there 
is no fear but that the apprentices     
will be peaceable4    ,mr4 ,thomas is   
attorney for fifteen estates1 on which  
there are upwards  of two thousand five 
hundred apprentices4 ,we were informed  
that he had  been distinguished as a    
severe disciplinarian under the old     
reign1 or  in plain terms1 had been a   
cruel man and a hard driver2 but he was 
one  of those who1 since emancipation1  
have turned about and conformed their   

mode of treatment to the new system4 ,in
 reply to our inquiry how the  present  
system was working1 he said1 infinitely 
better 7such was his  language7 than    
slavery4 ,i succeed better on all the   
estates under my  charge than ,i did    
formerly4 ,i have far less difficulty   
with the people4  ,i have no reason to  
complain of their conduct4 ,however1 ,i 
think they  will do still better after  
#ahdj4    ,we made some inquiries of    
,dr4 ,bell concerning the results of    
abolition  in ,demerara4 ,he gave a     
decidedly flattering account of the     
working of  the apprenticeship system4  
,no fears are entertained that ,demerara
 will  be ruined after #ahdj4 ,on the   
contrary it will be greatly benefited by
  emancipation4 ,it is now suffering    
from a want of laborers1 and after      
#ahdj there will be an increased        
emigration to that colony from the older
  and less productive colonies4 ,the    
planters of ,demerara are making        
arrangements for cultivating sugar on a 

larger scale than ever before4  ,estates
 are selling at very high prices4 ,every
 thing indicates the  fullest confidence
 on the part of the planters that the   
prosperity of  the colony will not only 
be permanent1 but progressive4    ,after
 breakfast we proceeded to the          
,society's estate4 ,we were glad to  see
 this estate1 as its history is         
peculiar4 ,in #agbf it was bequeathed   
by ,general ,coddington to a society in 
,england1 called ,the ,society for  the 
promotion of ,christian ,knowledge4 ,the
 proceeds of the estate were  to be     
applied to the support of an institution
 in ,barbadoes1 for  educating          
missionaries of the established order4  
,some of the provisions  of the will    
were that the estate should always have 
three hundred slaves  upon it2 that it  
should support a school for the         
education of the negro  children who    
were to be taught a portion of every day
 until they were  twelve years old1 when
 they were to go into the field2 and    

that there  should be a chapel built    
upon it4 ,the negroes belonging to the  
estate  have for upwards of a hundred   
years been under this kind of           
instruction4  ,they have all been taught
 to read1 though in many instances they 
have  forgotten all they learned1 having
 no opportunity to improve after they   
left school4 ,they enjoy some other     
comforts peculiar to the ,society's     
estate4 ,they have neat cottages built  
apart--each on a half-acre lot1  which  
belongs to the apprentice and for the   
cultivation of which he is a  allowed   
one day out of the five working days4   
,another peculiarity is1  that the men  
and women work in separate gangs4    ,at
 this estate we procured horses to ride 
to the ,college4 ,we rode by the  chapel
 and school-house belonging to the      
,society's estate which are  situated on
 the row of a high hill4 ,from the same 
hill we caught a view  of ,coddrington  
college1 which is situated on a low     
bottom extending from  the foot of the  

rocky cliff on which we stood to the sea
 shore1 a space  of quarter of a mile4  
,it is a long1 narrow1 ill-constructed  
edifice4    ,we called on the principal1
 ,rev4 ,mr4 ,jones1 who received us very
  cordially1 and conducted us over the  
buildings and the grounds connected     
with them4 ,the college is large enough 
to accommodate a hundred  students4 ,it 
is fitted out with lodging rooms1       
various professors'  departments1 dining
 hall1 chapel1 library1 and all the     
appurtenances of  a university4 ,the    
number of student at the close of the   
last term was  fifteen4    ,the         
professors1 two in number1 are supported
 by a fund1 consisting of  #dj1jjj      
sterling1 which has in part accumulated 
from the revenue of  the estate4    ,the
 principal spoke favorably of the       
operation of the apprenticeship in      
,barbadoes1 and gave the negroes a      
decided superiority over the lower      
class of whites4 ,he had seen only one  
colored beggar since he came to  the    

island1 but he was infested with        
multitudes of white ones4    ,it is     
intended to improve the college         
buildings as soon as the toil of        
apprentices on the ,society's estate    
furnishes the requisite means4 ,this    
robbing of ,god's image to promote      
education is horrible enough1 taking    
the wages of slavery to spread the      
kingdom of ,christ6    ,on re-ascending 
the hill1 we called at the ,society's   
school4 ,there are  usually in          
attendance about one hundred children1  
since the abolition of  slavery4 ,near  
the school-house is the chapel of the   
estate1 a neat  building1 capable of    
holding three or four hundred people4   
,adjacent to  the chapel is the burial  
ground for the negroes belonging to the 
,society's estate4 ,we noticed several  
neat tombs1 which appeared to have  been
 erected only a short time previous4    
,they were built of brick1 and  covered 
over with lime1 so as to resemble white 
marble slabs4 ,on being  told that these

 were erected by the negroes themselves 
over the bodies  of their friends1 we   
could not fail to note so beautiful an  
evidence of  their civilization and     
humanity4 ,we returned to the ,society's
 estate1  where we exchanged our saddles
 for the phaeton1 and proceeded on our  
eastward tour4    ,mr4 ,c4 took us out  
of the way a few miles to show us one of
 the few  curiosities of which          
,barbadoes can boast4 ,it is called the 
,horse4 ,the  shore for some distance is
 a high and precipitous ledge of rocks1 
which  overhangs the sea in broken      
cliffs4 ,in one place a huge mass has   
been  riven from the main body of rock  
and fallen into the sea4 ,other huge    
fragments have been broken off in the   
same manner4 ,in the midst of  these1 a 
number of steps have been cut in the    
rock for the purpose of  descending to  
the sea4 ,at the bottom of these steps1 
there is a broad  platform of solid     
rock1 where one may stand securely1 and 
hear the waves  breaking around him like

 heavy thunders4 ,through the fissures  
we could  see the foam and spray        
mingling with the blue of the ocean1 and
 flashing  in the sunshine4 ,to the     
right1 between the largest rock and the 
main  land1 there is a chamber of about 
ten feet wide1 and twenty feet long4    
,the fragment1 which forms one of its   
sides1 leans towards the main rock1  and
 touches it at top1 forming a roof1 with
 here and there a fissure1  through     
which the light enters4 ,at the bottom  
of the room there is a  clear bed of    
water1 which communicates with the sea  
by a small aperture  under the rock4 ,it
 is as placid as a summer pond1 and is  
fitted with  steps for a bathing place4 
,bathe1 truly6 with the sea ever dashing
  against the side1 and roaring and     
reverberating with deafening echo4      
,on a granite slab1 fixed in the side of
 the rock at the bottom of the  first   
descent is an inscription4 ,time has    
very much effaced the letters1  but by  
the aid of ,mr4 ,c4's memory1 we        

succeeded in deciphering them4  ,they   
will serve as the hundred and first     
exemplification of the  ,bonapartean    
maxim--,there is but one step from the  
sublime to the  ridiculous4      ,in    
this remote1 and hoarse resounding      
place1     ,which billows clash1 and    
craggy cliffs embrace1     ,these       
babbling springs amid such horrors rise1
     ,but armed with virtue1 horrors we 
despise4     ,bathe undismayed1 nor     
dread the impending rock1     ',tis     
virtue shields us from each adverse     
shock4       ,,genio ,,loci ,,sacrum    
,,posuit     ,j4,r4     ,,martis ,,mense
     #agfi    ,from the ,crane1 which is
 the name given to that section of the  
country  in which the ,horse is         
situated1 we bent our way in a southerly
  direction to the ,ridge estate1 which 
was about eight miles distant1  where we
 had engaged to dine4 ,on the way we    
passed an estate which had  just been on
 fire4 ,the apprentices1 fearing lest   
their houses should be  burnt1 had      

carried away all the moveables from     
them1 and deposited them  in separate   
heaps1 on a newly ploughed field4 ,the  
very doors and window  shutters had been
 torn off and carried into the field1   
several acres of  which were strewed    
over with piles of such furniture4 ,mr4 
,c4 was  scarcely less struck with this 
scene than we were1 and he assured us   
that he had never known such providence 
manifested on a similar occasion  during
 slavery4    ,at the ,ridge estate we   
met ,mr4 ,clarke1 manager at ,staple    
,grove estate1  ,mr4 ,applewhitte of    
,carton1 and a brother of ,mr4 ,c4 ,the 
manager1 ,mr4  ,cecil1 received us with 
the customary cordiality4    ,mr4       
,clarke is the manager of an estate on  
which there are two hundred             
apprentices4 ,his testimony was1 that   
the estate was better cultivated  since 
abolition than before1 and that it is   
far easier to control the  laborers1 and
 secure uniformity of labor under the   
present system4 ,he  qualified this     

remark1 by saying1 that if harsh or     
violent measures were  used1 there would
 be more difficulty now than during     
slavery2 but kind  treatment and a      
conciliatory spirit never failed to     
secure peace and  industry4 ,at the time
 of abolition1 ,mr4 ,c4 owned ten       
slaves1 whom he  entirely emancipated4  
,some of these still remain with him as 
domestics2  others are hired on an      
adjoining estate4 ,one of those who left
 him to  work on another estate1 said to
 him1 ,massa1 whenever you want anybody 
to help you1 send to me1 and ,i'll come4
 ,it makes no odds when it  is--,i'll be
 ready at any time--day or night4 ,mr4  
,c4 declared himself  thoroughly        
convinced of the propriety of immediate 
emancipation2 though  he was once a     
violent opposer of abolition4 ,he said1 
that if he had the  power1 be would     
emancipate every apprentice on his      
estate to-morrow4 ,as  we were in the   
sugar-house examining the quality of the
 sugar1 ,mr4 ,c4  turned to one of us1  

and putting his hand on a hogshead1     
said1 ,you do  not raise this article in
 your state1 7,kentucky17 ,i believe4   
,on being  answered in the negative1 he 
continued1 ,well1 we will excuse you1   
then1  somewhat in your state--you can't
 treat your slaves so cruelly there4    
,this1 this is the dreadful thing6      
,wherever sugar is cultivated by        
slaves1 there is extreme suffering4     
,mr4 ,applewhitte said emphatically1    
that there was no danger in entire      
emancipation4 ,he was the proprietor of 
more than a hundred apprentices  and he 
would like to see them all free at once4
    ,during a long sitting at the dinner
 table1 emancipation was the topic1  and
 we were gratified with the perfect     
unanimity of sentiment among  these     
planters4 ,after the cloth was removed1 
and we were about leaving  the table1   
,mr4 ,clarke begged leave to propose a  
toast4 ,accordingly1 the  glasses of the
 planters were once more filled1 and    
,mr4 ,c41 bowing to us1  gave our       

health1 and success to our laudable     
undertaking1--most  laudable            
undertaking1 added ,mr4 ,applewhitte1   
and the glasses were  emptied4 ,had the 
glasses contained water instead of wine1
 our  gratification would have been     
complete4 ,it was a thing altogether    
beyond  our most sanguine expectations1 
that a company of planters1 all of whom 
were but three years previous the actual
 oppressors of the slave1 should  be    
found wishing success to the cause of   
emancipation4    ,at half past eight    
o'clock1 we resumed our seats in ,mr4   
,c4's phaeton1  and by the nearest route
 across the country1 returned to        
,lear's4 ,mr4 ,c4  entertained us by the
 way with eulogies upon the industry and
  faithfulness of his apprentices4 ,it  
was1 he said1 one of the greatest       
pleasures he experienced1 to visit the  
different estates under his  charge1 and
 witness the respect and affection which
 the apprentices  entertained towards   
him4 ,their joyful welcome1 their kind  

attentions  during his stay with them1  
and their hearty 'good-bye1 massa1' when
 he  left1 delighted him4    ,,visit    
,,to ,,colonel ,,ashby',s4    ,we were  
kindly invited to spend a day at the    
mansion of ,colonel ,ashby1  an aged and
 experienced planter1 who is the        
proprietor of the estate on  which he   
resides4 ,colonel ,a4's estate is       
situated in the parish of  ,christ      
,church1 and is almost on the extreme   
point of a promontory1 which  forms the 
southernmost part of the island4 ,an    
early and pleasant drive  of nine miles 
from ,bridgetown1 along the southeastern
 coast of the  island1 brought us to his
 residence4 ,colonel ,a4 is a native of 
,barbadoes1 has been a practical planter
 since #agie1 and for a long time  a    
colonial magistrate1 and commander of   
the parish troops4 ,his present  estate 
contains three hundred and fifty acres1 
and has upon it two  hundred and thirty 
apprentices1 with a large number of free
 children4  ,his average crop is eighty 

large hogsheads4 ,colonel ,a4 remarked  
to us1  that he had witnessed many      
cruelties and enormities under the reign
 of  terror4 ,he said1 that the         
abolition of slavery had been an        
incalculable  blessing1 but added1 that 
he had not always entertained the same  
views  respecting emancipation4 ,before 
it took place1 he was a violent opposer 
of any measure tending to abolition4 ,he
 regarded the ,english  abolitionists1  
and the anti-slavery members in         
parliament1 with  unmingled hatred4 ,he 
had often cursed ,wilberforce most      
bitterly1 and  thought that no doom     
either in this life1 or in the life to  
come1 was  too bad for him4 ,but1 he    
exclaimed1 how mistaken ,i was about    
that  man--,i am convinced of it now--,o
 he was a good man--a noble             
philanthropist6--if there is a chair in 
heaven1 ,wilberforce is in  it6 ,colonel
 ,a4 is somewhat sceptical1 which will  
account for his  hypothetical manner of 
speaking about heaven4    ,he said that 

he found no trouble in managing his     
apprentices4 ,as local  or colonial     
magistrate1 in which capacity he still  
continued to act he  had no cases of    
serious crime to adjudicate1 and very   
few cases of petty  misdemeanor4        
,colonel ,a4 stated emphatically1 that  
the negroes were not  disposed to leave 
their employment1 unless the master was 
intolerably  passionate and hard with   
them2 as for himself1 he did not fear   
losing a  single laborer after #ahdj4   
,he dwelt much on the trustiness and    
strong attachment of the negroes1  where
 they are well treated4 ,there were no  
people in the world that he  would trust
 his property or life with sooner than  
negroes1 provided he  had the previous  
management of them long enough to secure
 their  confidence4 ,he stated the      
following fact in confirmation of this  
sentiment4 ,during the memorable        
insurrection of #ahaf1 by which the     
neighboring parishes were dreadfully    
ravaged1 he was suddenly called  from   

home on military duty4 ,after he had    
proceeded some distance1 he  recollected
 that he had left five thousand dollars 
in an open desk at  home4 ,he           
immediately told the fact to his slave  
who was with him1 and  sent him back to 
take care of it4 ,he knew nothing more  
of his money  until the rebellion was   
quelled1 and peace restored4 ,on        
returning home1  the slave led him to a 
cocoa-nut tree near by the house1 and   
dug up the  money1 which he had buried  
under its roots4 ,he found the whole sum
  secure4 ,the negro1 he said1 might    
have taken the money1 and he would      
never have suspected him1 but would have
 concluded that it had been1 in  common 
with other larger sums1 seized upon by  
the insurgents4 ,colonel ,a4  said that 
it was impossible for him to mistrust   
the negroes as a body4  ,he spoke in    
terms of praise also of the conjugal    
attachment of the  negroes4 ,his son1 a 
merchant1 stated a fact on this subject4
 ,the wife of  a negro man whom he knew1

 became afflicted with that loathsome   
disease1  the leprosy4 ,the man         
continued to live with her1             
notwithstanding the  disease was        
universally considered contagious and   
was peculiarly dreaded  by the negroes4 
,the man on being asked why he lived    
with his wife under  such circumstances1
 said1 that he had lived with her when  
she was well1  and he could not bear to 
forsake her when she was in distress4   
,colonel ,a4 made numerous inquiries    
respecting slavery in ,america4 ,he     
said there certainly be insurrections in
 the slaveholding states1 unless        
slavery was abolished4 ,nothing but     
abolition could put an end to           
insurrections4    ,mr4 ,thomas1 a       
neighboring planter1 dined with us4 ,he 
had not carried a  complaint to the     
special magistrate against his          
apprentices for six  months4 ,he        
remarked particularly that emancipation 
had been a great  blessing to the       
master2 it brought freedom to him as    

well as to  the slave4    ,a few days   
subsequent to our visit to ,colonel     
,a4's1 the ,reverend ,mr4  ,packer1 of  
the ,established ,church1 called at our 
lodgings1 and  introduced a planter from
 the parish of ,st4 ,thomas4 ,the       
planter is  proprietor of an estate1 and
 has eighty apprentices4 ,his           
apprentices  conduct themselves very    
satisfactorily1 and he had not carried a
 half  dozen complaints to the special  
magistrate since #ahca4 ,he said that   
cases of crime were very rare1 as he had
 opportunity of knowing1 being  local   
magistrate4 ,there were almost no penal 
offences brought before  him4 ,many of  
the apprentices of ,st4 ,thomas parish  
were buying their  freedom1 and there   
were several cases of appraisement,a    
every week4 ,the  ,monday previous1 six 
cases came before him1 in four of which 
the  apprentices paid the money on the  
spot4    ,footnote ,a3 ,when an         
apprentice signifies his wish to        
purchase his  freedom1 he applies to the

 magistrate for an appraisement4 ,the   
appraisement is made by one special and 
two local magistrates4    ,before this  
gentleman left1 the ,rev4 ,mr4 ,c4      
called in with ,mr4 ,pigeot1  another   
planter1 with whom we had a long        
conversation4 ,mr4 ,p4 has been a       
manager for many years4 ,we had heard of
 him previously as the only  planter in 
the island who had made an experiment in
 task work prior to  abolition4 ,he     
tried it for twenty months before that  
period on an estate  of four hundred    
acres and two hundred people4 ,his plan 
was simply to  give each slave an       
ordinary day's work for a task2 and     
after that was  performed1 the remainder
 of the time1 if any1 belonged to the   
slave4 ,no  wages were allowed4 ,the    
gang were expected to accomplish just as
 much  as they did before1 and to do it 
as well1 however long a time it might   
require2 and if they could finish in    
half a day1 the other half was  their   
own1 and they might employ it as they   

saw fit4 ,mr4 ,p4 said1 he was  very    
soon convinced of the good policy of the
 system2 though he had one  of the most 
unruly gangs of negroes to manage in the
 whole island4 ,the  results of the     
experiment he stated to be these3    #a4
 ,the usual day's work was done         
generally before the middle of the      
afternoon4 ,sometimes it was completed  
in five hours4    #b4 ,the work was done
 as well as it was ever done under the  
old system4  ,indeed1 the estate        
continued to improve in cultivation1 and
 presented a  far better appearance at  
the close of the twenty months than when
 he  took the charge of it4    #c4 ,the 
trouble of management was greatly       
diminished4 ,mr4 ,p4 was almost         
entirely released from the care of      
overseeing the work3 he could trust  it 
to the slaves4    #d4 ,the whip was     
entirely laid aside4 ,the idea of having
 a part of the  day which they could    
call their own and employ for their own 
interests1  was stimulus enough for the 

slaves without resorting to the whip4   
#e4 ,the time gained was not spent 7as  
many feared and prophecied it would  be7
 either in mischief or indolence4 ,it   
was diligently improved in  cultivating 
their provision grounds1 or working for 
wages on neighboring  estates4          
,frequently a man and his wife would    
commence early and work  together until 
they got the work of both so far        
advanced that the man  could finish it  
alone before night2 and then the woman  
would gather on a  load of yams and     
start for the market4    #f4 ,the       
condition of the people improved        
astonishingly4 ,they became one  of the 
most industrious and orderly gangs in   
the parish4 ,under the  former system   
they were considered inadequate to do   
the work of the  estate1 and the manager
 was obliged to hire additional hands   
every year1  to take off the crop2 but  
,mr4 ,p4 never hired any1 though he made
 as  large crops as were made formerly4 
#g4 ,after the abolition of slavery1 his

 people chose to continue on the  same  
system of task work4    ,mr4 ,p4 stated 
that the planters were universally      
opposed to his  experiment4 ,they       
laughed at the idea of making negroes   
work without  using the whip2 and they  
all prophesied that it would prove an   
utter  failure4 ,after some months'     
successful trial1 he asked some of his  
neighbor planters what they thought of  
it then1 and he appealed to than  to say
 whether he did not get his work done as
 thoroughly and seasonably  as they did 
theirs4 ,they were compelled to admit   
it2 but still they were  opposed to his 
system1 even more than ever4 ,they      
called it an  innovation--it was setting
 a bad example2 and they honestly       
declared  that they did not wish the    
slaves to have any time of their own4   
,mr4  ,p4 said1 he was first induced to 
try the system of task work from a      
consideration that the negroes were men 
as well as himself1 and deserved  to he 
dealt with as liberally as their        

relation would allow4 ,he soon  found   
that what was intended as a favor to the
 slaves was really a  benefit to the    
master4 ,mr4 ,p4 was persuaded that     
entire freedom would be  better for all 
parties than apprenticeship4 ,he had    
heard some fears  expressed concerning  
the fate of the island after #ahdj2 but 
he  considered them very absurd4        
,although this planter looked forward   
with sanguine hopes to #ahdj1 yet he    
would freely say that he did not think  
the apprenticeship would be any         
preparation for entire freedom4 ,the    
single object with the great  majority  
of the planters seemed to be to get as  
much out of the  apprentices as they    
possibly could during the term4 ,no     
attention had  been paid to preparing   
the apprentices for freedom4    ,we were
 introduced to a planter who was        
notorious during the reign of  slavery  
for the strictness of his discipline1 to
 use the ,barbadian  phrase1 or1 in     
plain ,english1 for his rigorous        

treatment and  his cruelty4    ,he is   
the proprietor of three sugar estates   
and one cotton plantation in            
,barbadoes1 on all of which there are   
seven hundred apprentices4 ,he was a    
luxurious looking personage1            
bottle-cheeked and huge i' the midst1   
and  had grown fat on slaveholding      
indulgences4 ,he mingled with every     
sentence he uttered some profane        
expression1 or solemn appeal to his     
honor1 and seemed to be greatly         
delighted with hearing himself talk4    
,he displayed all those prejudices which
 might naturally be looked for in  a    
mind educated and trained as his had    
been4 ,as to the conduct of the         
apprentices1 he said they were peaceable
 and industrious1 and mostly  well      
disposed4 ,but after all1 the negroes   
were a perverse race of  people4 ,it was
 a singular fact1 he said1 that the     
severer the master1  the better the     
apprentices4 ,when the master was mild  
and indulgent1 they  were sure to be    

lazy1 insolent1 and unfaithful4 ,he knew
 this by  experience2 this was the case 
with his apprentices4 ,his              
house-servants  especially were very    
bad4 ,but there was one complaint he had
 against  them all1 domestics and       
praedials--they always hold him to the  
letter of  the law1 and are ready to    
arraign him before the special          
magistrate for  every infraction of it  
on his part1 however trifling4 ,how     
ungrateful1  truly6 ,after being        
provided for with parental care from    
earliest  infancy1 and supplied yearly  
with two suits of clothes1 and as many  
yams  is they could eat and only having 
to work thirteen or fifteen hours per   
day in return2 and now when they are no 
longer slaves1 and new  privileges are  
conferred to exact them to the full     
extent of the law  which secures        
them--what ingratitude6 ,how soon are   
the kindnesses of the  past1 and the    
hand that bestowed them1 forgotten6 ,had
 these people  possessed the sentiments 

of human beings1 they would have been   
willing  to take the boon of freedom and
 lay it at their master's feet1         
dedicating the remainder of their days  
to his discretionary service6    ,but   
with all his violent prejudices1 this   
planter stated some facts  which are    
highly favorable to the apprentices4    
#a4 ,he frankly acknowledged that his   
estates were never under better         
cultivation than at the present time3   
and he could say the same of the        
estates throughout the island4 ,the     
largest crops that have ever been  made1
 will he realized this year4    #b4 ,the
 apprentices are generally willing to   
work on the estates on  ,saturday       
whenever their labor is needed4    #c4  
,the females are very much disposed to  
abandon field labor4 ,he has  great     
difficulty sometimes in inducing them to
 take their hoes and go  out to the     
field along with the men2 it was the    
case particularly with  the mothers6    
,this he regarded as a sore evil6    #d4

 ,the free children he represented as   
being in a wretched condition4  ,their  
parents have the entire management of   
them1 an they are utterly  opposed to   
having them employed on the estates4 ,he
 condemned severely  the course taken in
 a particular instance by the late      
,governor1 ,sir  ,lionel ,smith4 ,he    
took it upon himself to go around the   
island and advise  the parents never to 
bind their children in any kind of      
apprenticeship  to the planters4 ,he    
told them that sooner than involve their
 free  children in any way1 they ought  
to work their own fingers to the  stubs4
 ,the consequence of this imprudent     
measure1 said our informant1  is that   
the planters have no control over the   
children born on their  estates2 and in 
many instances their parents have sent  
them away lest  their residence on the  
property should1 by some chance1 give   
the  planter a claim upon their         
services4 ,under the good old system the
 young  children were placed together   

under the charge of some superannuated  
women1 who were fit for nothing else1   
and the mothers went into the  field to 
work2 now the nursery is broken up1 and 
the mothers spend half  of their time in
 taking care of their brats4    #e4 ,as 
to the management of the working people1
 there need not he any  more difficulty 
now then during slavery4 ,if the        
magistrates1 instead of  encouraging the
 apprentices to complain and be         
insolent1 would join  their influence to
 support the authority of the planters1 
things might  go on nearly as smoothly  
as before4    ,in company with ,rev4    
,mr4 ,packer1 late ,rector of ,st4      
,thomas1 we rode out  to the ,belle     
estate1 which is considered one of the  
finest in the  island4 ,mr4 ,marshall1  
the manager1 received us cordially4 ,he 
was  selected1 with two others1 by ,sir 
,lionel ,smith1 to draw up a scale of   
labor for general use in the island4    
,there are five hundred acres in the    
estate1 and two hundred and thirty-five 

apprenticed laborers4 ,the  manager     
stated that every thing was working well
 on his property4 ,he  corroborated the 
statements made by other planters with  
retard to the  conduct of the           
apprentices4 ,on one point he said the  
planters had found  themselves greatly  
disappointed4 ,it was feared that after 
emancipation  the negroes would be very 
much verse to cultivating cane1 as it   
was  supposed that nothing but the whip 
could induce them to perform that       
species of labor4 ,but the truth is1    
they now not only cultivate the  estate 
lands better than they did when under   
the lash1 but also  cultivate a third of
 their half-acre allotments in cane on  
their own  accounts4 ,they would plant  
the whole in cane if they were not      
discouraged by the planter1 whose       
principal objection to their doing so   
is that it would lead to the entire     
neglect of provision cultivation4  ,the 
apprentices on ,belle estate will make  
little short of one thousand  dollars   

the present season by their sugar4      
,mr4 ,m4 stated that he was extensively 
acquainted with the cultivation of  the 
island1 and he knew that it was in a    
better condition than it had  been for  
many years4 ,there were twenty-four     
estates under the same  attorneyship    
with the ,belle1 and they were all in   
the same prosperous  condition4    ,a   
short time before we left ,barbadoes we 
received an invitation from  ,col4      
,barrow1 to breakfast with him at his   
residence on ,edgecome  estate--about   
eight miles from town4 ,mr4 ,cummins1 a 
colored gentleman1 a  merchant of       
,bridgetown1 and agent of ,col4 ,b41    
accompanied us4    ,the proprietor of   
,edgecome is a native of ,barbadoes1 of 
polished manners  and very liberal      
views4 ,he has travelled extensively1   
has held many  important offices1 and is
 generally considered the cleverest man 
in  the island4 ,he is now a member of  
the council1 and acting attorney for    
about twenty estates4 ,he remarked that 

he had always desired  emancipation1 and
 had prepared himself for it2 but that  
it had proved a  greater blessing than  
he had expected4 ,his apprentices did as
 much work  as before1 and it was done  
without the application of the whip4 ,he
 had  not had any cases of              
insubordination1 and it was very seldom 
that he  had any complaints to make to  
the special magistrate4 ,the            
apprentices4  said he1 understand the   
meaning of law1 and they regard its     
authority4  ,he thought there was no    
such thing in the island as a sense of  
insecurity1 either as respected person  
or property4 ,real estate had  risen in 
value4    ,col4 ,b4 alluded to the      
expensiveness of slavery1 remarking that
 after  all that was expended in        
purchasing the slaves1 it cost the      
proprietor  as much to maintain them1 as
 it would to hire free men4 ,he spoke of
 the  habit of exercising arbitrary     
power1 which being in continual play up 
to  the time of abolition1 had become so

 strong that managers even yet gave  way
 to it1 and frequently punished their   
apprentices1 in spite of all  penalties4
 ,the fines inflicted throughout the    
island in #ahcf1 upon  planters1        
overseers1 and others1 for punishing    
apprentices1 amounted to  one thousand  
two hundred dollars4 ,col4 ,b4 said that
 he found the legal  penalty so         
inadequate1 that in his own practice he 
was obliged to resort  to other means to
 deter his book-keepers and overseers   
from violence2  hence he discharged     
every man under his control who was     
known to strike  an apprentice4 ,he does
 not think that the apprenticeship will 
be a means  of preparing the negroes for
 freedom1 nor does he believe that they 
need any preparation4 ,he should have   
apprehended no danger1 had  emancipation
 taken place in #ahcd4    ,at nine      
o'clock we sat down to breakfast4 ,our  
places were assigned at  opposite sides 
of the table1 between ,col4 ,b4 and ,mr4
 ,c4 ,to an ,american  eye1 we presented

 a singular spectacle4 ,a wealthy       
planter1 a member of  the legislative   
council1 sitting at the breakfast table 
with a colored  man1 whose mother was a 
negress of the most unmitigated hue1 and
 who  himself showed a head of hair as  
curly as his mother's6 ,but this colored
  guest was treated with all that       
courtesy and attention to which his     
intelligence1 worth and accomplished    
manners so justly entitle him4    ,about
 noon1 we left ,edgecome1 and drove two 
miles farther1 to ,horton--an  estate   
owned by ,foster ,clarke1 ,esq41 an     
attorney for twenty-two estates1  who is
 now temporarily residing in ,england4  
,the intelligent manager of  ,horton    
received us and our colored companion1  
with characteristic  hospitality4 ,like 
every one else1 he told us that the     
apprenticeship was  far better than     
slavery1 though he was looking forward  
to the still  better system1 entire     
freedom4    ,after we had taken a lunch1
 ,mr4 ,cummins invited our host to take 

a seat1  with us in his carriage1 and we
 drove across the country to ,drax      
,hall4  ,drax ,hall is the largest      
estate in the island--consisting of     
eight  hundred acres4 ,the manager of   
this estate confirmed the testimony of  
the  ,barbadian planters in every       
important particular4    ,from ,drax    
,hall we returned to ,bridgetown1       
accompanied by our friend  ,cummins4    
,,chapter ,,ii4    ,,testimony ,,of     
,,special ,,magistrates1 ,,police       
,,officers1 ,,clergymen1 ,,and          
,,missionaries4    ,next in weight to   
the testimony of the planters is that of
 the special  magistrates4 ,being       
officially connected with the           
administration of the  apprenticeship   
system1 and tire adjudicators in all    
difficulties between  master and        
servant1 their views of the system and  
of the conduct of the  different parties
 are entitled to special consideration4 
,our interviews  with this class of men 
were frequent during our stay in the    

island4 ,we  found them uniformly ready 
to communicate information1 and free to 
express their sentiments4    ,in        
,barbadoes there are seven special      
magistrates1 presiding over as many     
districts1 marked ,a1 ,b1 ,c1 c41 which 
include the whole of the  apprentice    
population1 praedial and non-praedial4  
,these districts  embrace an average of 
twelve thousand apprentices--some more  
and some  less4 ,all the complaints and 
difficulties which arise among that     
number  of apprentices and their        
masters1 overseers and book-keepers1 are
  brought before the single magistrate  
presiding in the district in which  they
 occur4 ,from the statement of this fact
 it will appear in the outset  either   
that the special magistrates have an    
incalculable amount of  business to     
transact1 or that the conduct of the    
apprentices is  wonderfully peaceable4  
,but more of this again4    ,about a    
week following our first interview with 
his excellency1 ,sir ,evan  ,mc,cregor1 

we received an invitation to dine at    
,government ,house with a  company of   
gentlemen4 ,on our arrival at six       
o'clock1 we were conducted  into a large
 antechamber above the dining hall1     
where we were soon  joined by the       
,solicitor-,general1 ,hon4 ,r4,b4       
,clarke4 ,dr4 ,clarke1 a  physician1    
,maj4 ,colthurst1 ,capt4 ,hamilton1 and 
,mr4 ,galloway1 special  magistrates4   
,the appearance of the ,governor about  
an hour afterwards1  was the signal for 
an adjournment to dinner4    ,slavery   
and emancipation were the engrossing    
topics during the evening4  ,as our     
conversation was for the most part      
general1 we were enabled to  gather at  
the same time the opinions of all the   
persons present4 ,there  was1 for aught 
we heard or could see to the contrary1  
an entire  unanimity of sentiment4 ,in  
the course of the evening we gathered   
the  following facts and testimony3     
#a4 ,all the company testified to the   
benefits of abolition4 ,it was  affirmed

 that the island was never in so        
prosperous a condition as  at present4  
#b4 ,the estates generally are better   
cultivated than they were during        
slavery4 ,said one of the magistrates3  
,if1 gentlemen1 you would see for       
yourselves the evidences of our         
successful cultivation1 you need but to 
travel in any part of the  country1 and 
view the superabundant crops which are  
now being taken off2  and if you would  
satisfy yourselves that emancipation has
 not been  ruinous to ,barbadoes1 only  
cast your eyes over the land in any     
direction1 and see the flourishing      
condition both of houses and fields3    
every thing is starting into new life4  
,it as also stated that more work was   
done during the nine hours required  by 
law1 than was done during slavery in    
twelve or fifteen hours1 with  all the  
driving and goading which were then     
practised4    #c4 ,offences have not    
increased1 but rather lessened4 ,the    
,solicitor-,general remarked1 that the  

comparative state of crime could  not be
 ascertained by a mere reference to     
statistical records1 since  previous to 
emancipation all offences were summarily
 punished by the  planter4 ,each estate 
was a little despotism1 and the manager 
took  cognizance of all the misdemeanors
 committed among his slaves             
--inflicting such punishment as he      
thought proper4 ,the public knew        
nothing about the offences of the       
slaves1 unless something very  atrocious
 was committed4 ,but since emancipation 
has taken place1 all  offences1 however 
trivial1 come to the light and are      
recorded4 ,he could  only give a        
judgment founded on observation4 ,it was
 his opinion1 that  there were fewer    
petty offences1 such as thefts1         
larcenies1 c41 than  during slavery4 ,as
 for serious crime1 it was hardly known 
in the island4  ,the whites enjoy far   
greater safety of person and property   
than they  did formerly4    ,maj4       
,colthurst1 who is an ,irishman1        

remarked1 that he had long been a       
magistrate or justice of the peace in   
,ireland1 and he was certain that  at   
the present ratio of crime in           
,barbadoes1 there would not be as much  
perpetrated in six years to come1 as    
there is in ,ireland among an equal     
population in six months4 ,for his part1
 he had never found in any part  of the 
world so peaceable and inoffensive a    
community4    #d4 ,it was the unanimous 
testimony that there was no disposition 
among  the apprentices to revenge       
injuries committed against them4 ,they  
are  not a revengeful people1 but on the
 contrary are remarkable for  forgetting
 wrongs1 particularly when the are      
succeeded by kindness4    #e4 ,the      
apprentices were described as being     
generally civil and  respectful toward  
their employers4 ,they were said to     
manifest more  independence of feeling  
and action than they did when slaves2   
but were  seldom known to be insolent   
unless grossly insulted or very  harshly

 used4    #f4 ,ample testimony was given
 to the law-abiding character of the    
negroes4 ,when the apprenticeship system
 was first introduced1 they did  not    
fully comprehend its provisions1 and as 
they had anticipated entire  freedom1   
they were disappointed and dissatisfied4
 ,but in a little while  they became    
reconciled to the operations of the new 
system1 and have  since manifested a due
 subordination to the laws and          
authorities4    #g4 ,there is great     
desire manifested among them to purchase
 their  freedom4 ,not a week passes     
without a number of appraisements4      
,those who  have purchased their freedom
 have generally conducted well1 and in  
many  instances are laboring on the same
 estates on which they were slaves4     
#h4 ,there is no difficulty in inducing 
the apprentices to work on  ,saturday4  
,they are usually willing to work if    
proper wages are given  them4 ,if they  
are not needed on the estates1 they     
either work on their  own grounds1 or on

 some neighboring estate4    #i4 ,the   
special magistrates were all of the     
opinion that it would have  been        
entirely safe to have emancipated the   
slaves of ,barbadoes in #ahcd4  ,they   
did not believe that any preparation was
 needed2 but that entire  emancipation  
would have been decidedly better than   
the apprenticeship4    #aj4 ,the        
magistrates also stated that the number 
of complaints brought  before them was  
comparatively small1 and it was         
gradually diminishing4  ,the offences   
were of a very trivial nature1 mostly   
cases of slight  insubordination1 such  
as impertinent replies and disobedience 
of orders4    #aa4 ,they stated that    
they had more trouble with petty        
overseers and  managers and small       
proprietors than with the entire black  
population4    #ab4 ,the special        
magistrates further testified that      
wherever the planters  have exercised   
common kindness and humanity1 the       
apprentices have  generally conducted   

peaceably4 ,whenever there are many     
complaints from  one estate1 it is      
presumable that the manager is a bad    
man4    #ac4 ,real estate is much higher
 throughout the island than it has been 
for many years4 ,a magistrate said that 
he had heard of an estate which  had    
been in market for ten years before     
abolition and could not find a          
purchaser4 ,in #ahce1 the year following
 abolition1 it was sold for one  third  
more than was asked for it two years    
before4    #ad4 ,it was stated that     
there was not a proprietor in the       
island1 whose  opinion was of any worth1
 who would wish to have slavery         
restored4 ,those  who were mostly       
bitterly opposed to abolition1 have     
become reconciled1  and are satisfied   
that the change has been beneficial4    
,the  ,solicitor-,general was candid    
enough to own that he himself was openly
  opposed to emancipation4 ,he had      
declared publicly and repeatedly while  
the measure was pending in ,parliament1 

that abolition would ruin the  colonies4
 ,but the results had proved so         
different that he was ashamed of  his   
former forebodings4 ,he had no desire   
ever to see slavery  re-established4    
#ae4 ,the first of ,august1 #ahcd1 was  
described as a day of remarkable  quiet 
and tranquillity4 ,the                  
,solicitor-,general remarked1 that there
 were  many fears for the results of    
that first day of abolition4 ,he said he
  arose early that morning1 and before  
eight o'clock rode through the most     
populous part of the island1 over an    
extent of twelve miles4 ,the negroes    
were all engaged in their work as on    
other days4 ,a stranger riding  through 
the island1 and ignorant of the event   
which had taken place that  morning1    
would have observed no indications of so
 extraordinary a  change4 ,he returned  
home satisfied that all would work well4
    #af4 ,the change in #ahdj was spoken
 of as being associated with the most   
sanguine expectations4 ,it was thought  

that there was more danger to be        
apprehended from the change in #ahcd4   
,it was stated that there were about    
fifteen thousand non-praedials1 who     
would then be emancipated in            
,barbadoes4 ,this will most likely prove
 the occasion of much excitement  and   
uneasiness1 though it is not supposed   
that any thing serious will  arise4 ,the
 hope was expressed that the legislature
 would effect the  emancipation of the  
whole population at that time4 ,one of  
the  magistrates informed us that he    
knew quite a number of planters in his  
district who were willing to liberate   
their apprentices immediately1 but  they
 were waiting for a general movement4   
,it was thought that this state  of     
feeling was somewhat extensive4    #ag4 
,the magistrates represented the negroes
 as naturally confiding and  docile1    
yielding readily to the authority of    
those who are placed over  them4 ,maj4  
,colthurst presides over a district of  
#i1jjj apprentices2  ,capt4 ,hamilton   

over a district of #ac1jjj1 and ,mr4    
,galloway over the same  number4 ,there 
are but three days in the week devoted  
to hearing and  settling complaints4 ,it
 is very evident that in so short a time
 it would  be utterly impossible for one
 man to control and keep in order such a
  number1 unless the subjects were of   
themselves disposed to be peaceable  and
 submissive4 ,the magistrates informed  
us that1 notwithstanding the  extent of 
their districts1 they often did not have
 more than from a  dozen to fifteen     
complaints in a week4    ,we were highly
 gratified with the liberal spirit and  
the intelligence of  the special        
magistrates4 ,major ,colthurst is a     
gentleman of far more than  ordinary    
pretensions to refinement and general   
information4 ,he was in  early life a   
justice of the peace in ,ireland1 he was
 afterwards a juror  in his ,majesty's  
service1 and withal1 has been an        
extensive traveller4  ,fifteen years ago
 he travelled in the ,united ,states1   

and passed through  several of the      
slaveholding states1 where he was       
shocked with the  abominations of       
slavery4 ,he was persuaded that slavery 
was worse in our  country1 than it has  
been for many years in the ,west        
,indies4 ,captain  ,hamilton was        
formerly an officer in the ,british     
navy4 ,he seems quite  devoted to his   
business1 and attached to the interests 
of the  apprentices4 ,mr4 ,galloway is a
 colored gentleman1 highly respected for
  his talents4 ,mr4 ,g4 informed us that
 prejudice against color was  rapidly   
diminishing--and that the present       
,governor was doing all in his  power to
 discountenance it4    ,the company     
spoke repeatedly of the noble act of    
abolition1 by which  ,great ,britain had
 immortalized her name more than by all 
the  achievements of her armies and     
navies4    ,the warmest wishes were     
expressed for the abolition of slavery  
in the  ,united ,states4 ,all said they 
should rejoice when the descendants of  

,great ,britain should adopt the noble  
example of their mother country4  ,they 
hailed the present anti-slavery         
movements4 ,said the                    
,solicitor-,general1 ,we were once      
strangely opposed to the ,english       
anti-slavery party1 but now we          
sympathize with you4 ,since slavery is  
abolished to our own colonies1 and we   
see the good which results from  the    
measure1 we go for abolition throughout 
the world4 ,go on1 gentlemen1  we are   
with you2 we are all sailing in the same
 vessel4    ,being kindly invited by    
,captain ,hamilton1 during our interview
 with him  at the government house1 to  
call on him and attend his court1 we    
availed  ourselves of his invitation a  
few days afterwards4 ,we left           
,bridgetown  after breakfast1 and as it 
chanced to be ,saturday1 we had a fine  
opportunity of seeing the people coming 
into market4 ,they were strung  all     
along the road for six miles1 so        
closely1 that there was scarcely a      

minute at any time in which we did not  
pass them4 ,as far as the eye  could    
reach there were files of men and women1
 moving peaceably forward4  ,from the   
cross paths leading through the estates1
 the busy marketers  were pouring into  
the highway4 ,to their heads as usual   
was committed the  safe conveyance of   
the various commodities4 ,it was amusing
 to observe  the almost infinite        
diversity of products which loaded them4
 ,there were  sweet potatoes1 yams1     
eddoes1 ,guinea and ,indian corn1       
various fruits and  berries1 vegetables1
 nuts1 cakes1 bottled beer and empty    
bottles1  bundles of sugar cane1 bundles
 of fire wood1 c4 c4 ,here was one woman
  7the majority were females1 as usual  
with the marketers in these  islands7   
with a small black pig doubled up under 
her arm4 ,another girl  had a brood of  
young chickens1 with nest1 coop1 and    
all1 on her head4  ,further along the   
road we were specially attracted by a   
woman who was  trudging with an immense 

turkey elevated on her head4 ,he quite  
filled  the tray2 head and tail         
projecting beyond its bounds4 ,he       
advanced1 as  was very proper1 head     
foremost1 and it was irresistibly       
laughable to see  him ever and anon     
stretch out his neck and peep under the 
tray1 as  though he would discover by   
what manner of locomotive it was that he
 got  along so fast while his own legs  
were tied together4    ,of the hundreds 
whom we past1 there were very few who   
were not well  dressed1 healthy1 and    
apparently in good spirits4 ,we saw     
nothing  indecorous1 heard no vile      
language1 and witnessed no violence4    
,about four miles from town1 we observed
 on the side of the road a small  grove 
of shade trees4 ,numbers of the         
marketers were seated there1 or  lying  
in the cool shade with their trays      
beside them4 ,it seemed to be a  sort of
 rendezvous place1 where those going to1
 and those returning from  town1        
occasionally halt for a time for the    

purpose of resting1 and to  tell and    
hear news concerning the state of the   
market4 ,and why should  not these      
travelling merchants have an exchange as
 well as the  stationary ones of        
,bridgetown8    ,on reaching the        
station-house1 which is about six miles 
from town1 we  learned that ,saturday   
was not one of the court days4 ,we      
accordingly  drove to ,captain          
,hamilton's residence4 ,he stated that  
during the week  he had only six cases  
of complaint among the thirteen thousand
  apprentices embraced in his district4 
,saturday is the day set apart for  the 
apprentices to visit him at his house   
for advice on any points  connected with
 their duties4 ,he had several calls    
while we were with  him4 ,one was from  
the mother of an apprentice girl who had
 been  committed for injuring the       
master's son4 ,she came to inform       
,captain ,h4  that the girl had been    
whipped twice contrary to law1 before   
her  commitment4 ,captain ,h4 stated    

that the girl had said nothing about    
this  at the time of her trial2 if she  
had1 she would in all probability have  
been set free1 instead of being         
committed to prison4 ,he remarked  that 
he had no question but there were       
numerous cases of flogging on the       
estates which never came to light4 ,the 
sufferers were afraid to inform  against
 their masters1 lest they should be     
treated still worse4 ,the  opportunity  
which he gave them of coming1 to him one
 day in the week for  private advice1   
was the means of exposing many outrages 
which would  otherwise he unheard of3   
,he observed that there were not a few  
whom he  had liberated on account of the
 cruelty of their masters4    ,captain  
,h4 stated that the apprentices were    
much disposed to purchase  their        
freedom4 ,to obtain money to pay for    
themselves they practice the  most      
severe economy and self-denial in the   
very few indulgences which  the law     
grants them4 ,they sometimes resort to  

deception to depreciate  their value    
with the appraisers4 ,he mentioned an   
instance of a man who  lead for many    
years been an overseer on a large       
estate4 ,wishing to  purchase himself1  
and knowing that his master valued him  
very highly1 he  permitted his beard to 
grow2 gave his face a wrinkled and      
haggard  appearance1 and bound a        
handkerchief about his head4 ,his       
clothes were  suffered to become ragged 
and dirty1 and he began to feign great  
weakness in his limbs1 and to complain  
of a misery all down his back4  ,he soon
 appeared marked with all the signs of  
old age and decrepitude4  ,in this      
plight1 and leaning on a stick1 he      
hobbled up to the  station-house one    
day1 and requested to be appraised4 ,he 
was appraised  at #aj1 which he         
immediately paid4 ,a short time         
afterwards1 he engaged  himself to a    
proprietor to manage a small estate for 
#cj per year in  cash and his own       
maintenance1 all at once grew vigorous  

again2 and is  prospering finely4 ,many 
of the masters in turn practice         
deception to  prevent the apprentices   
from buying themselves1 or to make them 
pay the  very highest sum for their     
freedom4 ,they extol their virtues--they
 are  every thing that is excellent and 
valuable--their services on the estate  
are indispensable no one can fill their 
places4 ,by such  misrepresentations    
they often get an exorbitant price for  
the remainder  of the term--more1       
sometimes1 than they could have obtained
 for them for  life while they were     
slaves4    ,from ,captain ,h4's we      
returned to the station-house1 the      
keeper of which  conducted us over the  
buildings1 and showed us the cells of   
the prison4  ,the house contains the    
office and private room of the          
magistrate1 and  the guard-room1 below1 
and chambers for the police men above4  
,there are  sixteen solitary cells1 and 
two large rooms for those condemned to  
hard  labour--one for females and the   

other for males4 ,there were at that    
time  seven in the solitary cells1 and  
twenty-four employed in labor on the    
roads4 ,this is more than usual4 ,the   
average number is twenty in all4  ,when 
it is considered that most of the       
commitments are for trivial  offences1  
and that the district contains thirteen 
thousand apprentices1  certainly we have
 grounds to conclude that the state of  
morals in  ,barbadoes is decidedly      
superior to that in our own country4    
,the whole police force for this        
district is composed of seventeen       
horsemen1 four footmen1 a sergeant1 and 
the keeper4 ,it was formerly  greater   
but has been reduced within the past    
year4    ,the keeper informed us that he
 found the apprentices1 placed under his
  care1 very easily controlled4 ,they   
sometimes attempt to escape2 but  there 
has been no instance of revolt or       
insubordination4 ,the island1 he  said1 
was peaceable1 and were it not for the  
petty complaints of the  overseers1     

nearly the whole police force might be  
disbanded4 ,as for  insurrection1 he    
laughed at the idea of it4 ,it was      
feared before  abolition1 but now no one
 thought of it4 ,all but two or three of
 the  policemen at this station are     
black and colored men4                  
,,station-,,house ,,at ,,district ,a4   
,being disappointed in our expectations 
of witnessing some trials at the        
station-house in ,captain ,hamilton's   
district 7,b17 we visited the court  in 
district ,a1 where ,major ,colthurst    
presides4 ,major ,c4 was in the midst   
of a trial when we entered1 and we did  
not learn fully the nature of the  case 
then pending4 ,we were immediately      
invited within the bar1 whence we  had a
 fair view of all that passed4    ,there
 were several complaints made and tried1
 during our stay4 ,we give a  brief     
account of them1 as they will serve as  
specimens of the cases  usually brought 
before the special magistrates4    ,i4  
,the first was a complaint made by a    

colored lady1 apparently not more  than 
twenty1 against a colored girl--her     
domestic apprentice4 ,the charge  was   
insolence1 and disobedience of orders4  
,the complainant said that the  girl was
 exceedingly insolent--no one could     
imagine how insolent she had  been--it  
was beyond endurance4 ,she seemed wholly
 unable to find words  enough to express
 the superlative insolence of her       
servant4 ,the justice  requested her to 
particularize4 ,upon this1 she brought  
out several  specific charges such as1  
first1 ,that the girl brought a candle  
to her  one evening1 and wiped her      
greasy fingers on her 7the girl's7 gown3
  second1 ,that one morning she refused 
to bring some warm water1 as  commanded1
 to pour on a piece of flannel1 until   
she had finished some  other work that  
she was doing at the time2 third1 ,that 
the same morning  she delayed coming    
into her chamber as usual to dress her1 
and when she  did come1 she sung1 and on
 being told to shut her mouth1 she      

replied  that her mouth was her own1 and
 that she would sing when she pleased2  
and fourth1 ,that she had said in her   
mistress's hearing that she would  be   
glad when she was freed4 ,these several 
charges being sworn to1 the  girl was   
sentenced to four days' solitary        
confinement1 but at the  request of her 
mistress1 she was discharged on promise 
of amendment4    ,,ii4 ,the second      
complaint was against an apprentice-man 
by his master1  for absence from work4  
,he had leave to go to the funeral of   
his mother1  and he did not return until
 after the time allowed him by his      
master4  ,the man was sentence to       
imprisonment4    ,,iii4 ,the third      
complaint was against a woman for       
singing and making a  disturbance in the
 field4 ,sentenced to six days' solitary
 confinement4    ,,iv4 ,an apprentice   
was brought up for not doing his work   
well4 ,he was a  mason1 and was employed
 in erecting an arch on one of the      
public roads4  ,this case excited       

considerable interest4 ,the apprentice  
was represented  by his master to be a  
praedial--the master testified on oath  
that he was  registered as a praedial2  
but in the course of the examination it 
was  proved that he had always been a   
mason2 that he had labored at that      
trade from his boyhood1 and that he knew
 'nothing about the hoe1' having  never 
worked an hour in the field4 ,this was  
sufficient to prove that he  was a      
non-praedial1 and of course entitled to 
liberty two years sooner  than he would 
have been as a praedial4 ,as this matter
 came up  incidentally1 it enraged the  
master exceedingly4 ,he fiercely        
reiterated  his charge against the      
apprentice1 who1 on his part1 averred   
that he did  his work as well as he     
could4 ,the master manifested the       
greatest  excitement and fury during the
 trial4 ,at one time1 because the       
apprentice disputed one of his          
assertions1 he raised his clenched fist 
over him1 and threatened1 with an oath1 

to knock him down4 ,the  magistrate was 
obliged to threaten him severely before 
he would  keep quiet4    ,the defendant 
was ordered to prison to be tried the   
next day1 time being  given to make     
further inquiries about his being a     
praedial4    ,v4 ,the next case was a   
complaint against an apprentice1 for    
leaving his  place in the boiling house 
without asking permission4 ,it appeared 
that  he had been unwell during the     
evening1 and at half past ten o'clock at
  night1 being attacked more severely1  
he left for a few moments1  expecting to
 return4 ,he1 however1 was soon taken so
 ill that the could  not go back1 but   
was obliged to lie down on the ground1  
where he  remained until twelve o'clock1
 when he recovered sufficiently to creep
  home4 ,his sickness was proved by a   
fellow apprentice1 and indeed his       
appearance at the bar clearly evinced   
it4 ,he was punished by several  days   
imprisonment4 ,with no little           
astonishment in view of such a          

decision1 we inquired of ,maj4 ,c4      
whether the planters had the power to   
require their people to work as late as 
half past ten at night4 ,he  replied1   
,certainly1 the crops must be secured at
 any rate1 and if they  are suffering1  
the people must be pressed the harder4,a
    ,footnote ,a3 ,we learned           
subsequently from various authentic     
sources1  that the master has not the   
power to compel his apprentices to labor
  more than nine hours per day on any   
condition1 except in case of a fire1  or
 some similar emergency4 ,if the call   
for labor in crop-time was to be  set   
down as an emergency similar to a fire1 
and if in official  decisions he took   
equal latitude1 alas for the poor       
apprentices6    ,,vi4 ,the last case was
 a complaint against a man for not      
keeping up good  fires under the        
boilers4 ,he stoutly denied the charge2 
said he built as  good fires as he      
could4 ,he kept stuffing in the trash1  
and if it would  not burn he could not  

help it4 ,he was sentenced to           
imprisonment4    ,maj4 ,c4 said that    
these complaints were a fair specimen of
 the cases  that came up daily1 save    
that there were many more frivolous and 
ridiculous4 ,by the trials which we     
witnessed we were painfully impressed   
with two things3    #ast4 ,that the     
magistrate1 with all his regard for the 
rights and welfare  of the apprentices1 
showed a great and inexcusable          
partiality for the  masters4 ,the       
patience and consideration with which he
 heard the  complaints of the latter1   
the levity with which he regarded the   
defence  of the former1 the summary     
manner in which he despatched the cases1
 and  the character of some of his      
decisions1 manifested no small degree of
  favoritism4    #b;d ,that the whole   
proceedings of the special magistrates' 
courts are  eminently calculated to     
perpetuate bad feeling between the      
masters and  apprentices4 ,the          
court-room is a constant scene of angry 

dispute between  these parties4 ,the    
master exhausts his store of abuse and  
violence upon  the apprentice1 and the  
apprentice1 emboldened by the place1 and
  provoked by the abuse1 retorts in     
language which he would never think of  
using on the estate1 and thus1 whatever 
may be the decision of the  magistrate1 
the parties return home with feelings   
more embittered  than ever4    ,there   
were twenty-six persons imprisoned at   
the station-house1  twenty-four were at 
hard labor1 and two were in solitary    
confinement4  ,the keeper of the prison 
said1 he had no difficulty in managing  
the  prisoners4 ,the keeper is a colored
 man1 and so also is the sergeant and   
most of the policemen4    ,we visited   
one other station-house1 in a distant   
part of the island1  situated in the    
district over which ,captain ,cuppage   
presides4 ,we  witnessed several trials 
there which were similar in frivolity   
and  meanness to those detailed above4  
,we were shocked with the mockery of    

justice1 and the indifference to the    
interests of the negro apparent in  the 
course of the magistrate4 ,it seemed    
that little more was necessary  than for
 the manager or overseer to make his    
complaint and swear to it1  and the     
apprentice was forthwith condemned to   
punishment4    ,we never saw a set of   
men in whose countenances fierce        
passions of every  name were so strongly
 marked as in the overseers and managers
 who were  assembled at the             
station-houses4 ,trained up to use the  
whip and to  tyrannize over the slaves1 
their grim and evil expression accorded 
with  their hateful occupation4         
,through the kindness of a friend in    
,bridgetown we were favored with an     
interview with ,mr4 ,jones1 the         
superintendent of the rural police--the 
whole body of police excepting those    
stationed in the town4 ,mr4 ,j4 has     
been connected with the police since its
 first establishment in #ahcd4 ,he      
assured us that there was nothing in the

 local peculiarities of the  island1 nor
 in the character of its population1    
which forbade immediate  emancipation in
 ,august1 #ahcd4 ,he had no doubt it    
would be perfectly safe  and decidedly  
profitable to the colony4    #b4 ,the   
good or bad working of the              
apprenticeship depends mainly on the    
conduct of the masters4 ,he was well    
acquainted with the character and       
disposition of the negroes throughout   
the island1 and he was ready to  say1   
that if disturbances should arise either
 before or after #ahdj1 it  would be    
because the people were goaded on to    
desperation by the  planters1 and not   
because they sought disturbance         
themselves4    #c4 ,mr4 ,j4 declared    
unhesitatingly that crime had not       
increased since  abolition1 but rather  
the contrary4    #d4 ,he represented the
 special magistrates as the friends of  
the  planters4 ,they loved the dinners  
which they got at the planters'  houses4
 ,the apprentices had no sumptuous      

dinners to give them4 ,the  magistrates 
felt under very little obligation of any
 kind to assert the  cause of the       
apprentice and secure him justice1 while
 they were under  very strong           
temptations to favor the master4    #e4 
,real estate had increased in value     
nearly fifty per cent since  abolition4 
,there is such entire security of       
property1 and the crops  since #ahcd    
have been so flattering1 that           
capitalists from abroad are  desirous of
 investing their funds in estates or    
merchandise4 ,all are  making high      
calculations for the future4    #f4 ,mr4
 ,j4 testified that marriages had       
greatly increased since  abolition4 ,he 
had seen a dozen couples standing at one
 time on the  church floor4 ,there had1 
he believed1 been more marriages within 
the  last three years among the negro   
population1 than have occurred before   
since the settlement of the island4     
,we conclude this chapter by subjoining 
two highly interesting documents  from  

special magistrates4 ,they were kindly  
furnished us by the authors  in         
pursuance of an order from his          
excellency the ,governor1 authorizing   
the special magistrates to give us any  
official statements which we  might     
desire4 ,being made acquainted with     
these instructions from the  ,governor1 
we addressed written queries to ,major  
,colthurst and ,captain  ,hamilton4 ,we 
insert their replies at length4         
,,communication ,,from ,,major          
,,colthurst1 ,,special ,,magistrate4    
,the following fourteen questions on the
 working of the apprenticeship  system  
in this colony were submitted to me on  
the #cjth of ,march1 #ahcg1  requesting 
answers thereto4    #a4 ,what is the    
number of apprenticed laborers in your  
district1 and what  is their character  
compared with other districts8    ,the  
number of apprenticed laborers1 of all  
ages1 in my district1 in nine  thousand 
four hundred and eighty1 spread over two
 hundred and  ninety-seven estates of   

various descriptions--some very large1  
and  others again very small--much the  
greater number consisting of small  lots
 in the near neighborhood of            
,bridgetown4 ,perhaps my district1 in   
consequence of this minute subdivision  
of property1 and its contact with  the  
town1 is the most troublesome district  
in the island2 and the  character of the
 apprentices differs consequently from  
that in the more  rural districts1 where
 not above half the complaints are made4
 ,i  attribute this to their almost     
daily intercourse with ,bridgetown4     
#b4 ,what is the state of agriculture in
 the island8    ,when the planters      
themselves admit that general           
cultivation was  never in a better      
state1 and the plantations extremely    
clean1 it is  more than presumptive     
proof that agriculture generally is in a
 most  prosperous condition4 ,the vast  
crop of canes grown this year proves    
this  fact4 ,other crops are also       
luxuriant4    #c4 ,is there any         

difficulty occasioned by the apprentices
 refusing to  work8    ,no difficulty   
whatever has been experienced by the    
refusal of the  apprentices to work4    
,this is done manfully and cheerfully1  
when they are  treated with humanity and
 consideration by the masters or        
managers4 ,i  have never known an       
instance to the contrary4    #d4 ,are   
the apprentices willing to work in their
 own time8    ,the apprentices are most 
willing to work in their own time4      
#e4 ,what is the number and character of
 the complaints brought before  you--are
 they increasing or otherwise8    ,the  
number of complaints brought before me1 
during the last quarter1 are  much fewer
 than during the corresponding quarter  
of the last year4 ,their  character is  
also greatly improved4 ,nine complaints 
out of ten made  lately to me are for   
small impertinences or saucy answers1   
which1  considering the former and      
present position of the parties1 is     
naturally  to be expected4 ,the number  

of such complaints is much diminished4  
#f4 ,what is the state of crime among   
the apprentices8    ,what is usually    
denominated crime in the old countries1 
is by no means  frequent among the      
blacks or colored persons4 ,it is       
amazing how few  material breaches of   
the law occur in so extraordinary a     
community4 ,some  few cases of crime do 
occasionally arise2--but when it is     
considered  that the population of this 
island is nearly as dense as that of any
  part of ,china1 and wholly uneducated1
 either by precept or example1 this     
absence of frequent crime excites our   
wonder1 and is highly creditable  to the
 negroes4 ,i sincerely believe there is 
no such person1 of that  class called at
 home an accomplished villain1 to be    
found in the whole  island4--,having    
discharged the duties of a general      
justice of the peace  in ,ireland1 for  
above twenty-four years1 where crimes of
 a very  aggravated nature were         
perpetrated almost daily4 ,i cannot help

  contrasting the situation of that     
country with this colony1 where ,i do   
not hesitate to say perfect tranquillity
 exists4    #g4 ,have the apprentices   
much respect for law8    ,it is perhaps1
 difficult to answer this question      
satisfactorily1 as it  has been so short
 a time since they enjoyed the blessing 
of equal laws4  ,to appreciate just     
laws1 time1 and the experience of the   
benefit arising  from them must be felt4
 ,that the apprentices do not1 to any   
material  extent1 outrage the law1 is   
certain2 and hence it may be inferred   
that  they respect it4    #h4 ,do you   
find a spirit of revenge among the      
negroes8    ,from my general knowledge  
of the negro character in other         
countries1 as  well as the study of it  
here1 ,i do not consider them by any    
means a  revengeful people4 ,petty      
dislikes are frequent1 but any thing    
like a  deep spirit of revenge for      
former injuries does not exist1 nor is  
it for  one moment to be dreaded4    #i4

 ,is there any sense of insecurity      
arising from emancipation8    ,not the  
most remote feeling of insecurity exists
 arising from  emancipation2 far the    
contrary4 ,all sensible and reasonable  
men think  the prospects before them    
most cheering1 and would not go back to 
the  old system on any account whatever4
 ,there are some1 however1 who croak    
and forebode evil2 but they are few in  
number1 and of no  intelligence1--such  
as are to be found in every community4  
#aj4 ,what is the prospect for          
#ahdj8--;for #ahch8    ,this question is
 answered ,i hope satisfactorily above4 
,on the  termination of the two periods 
no evil is to be reasonably anticipated1
  with the exception of a few days'     
idleness4    #aa4 ,are the planters     
generally satisfied with the            
apprenticeship1 or  would they return   
back to the old system8    ,the whole   
body of respectable planters are fully  
satisfied with the  apprenticeship1 and 
would not go back to the old system on  

any account  whatever4 ,a few young     
managers1 whose opinions are utterly    
worthless1  would perhaps have no       
objection to be put again into their    
puny  authority4    #ab4 ,do you think  
it would have been dangerous for the    
slaves in this  island to have been     
entirely emancipated in #ahcd8    ,i do 
not think it would have been productive 
of danger1 had the slaves  of this      
island been fully emancipated in #ahcd2 
which is proved by what  has taken place
 in another colony4    #ac4 ,has        
emancipation been a decided blessing to 
this island1 or has it  been otherwise8 
,emancipation has been1 under ,god1 the 
greatest blessing ever conferred  upon  
this island4 ,all good and respectable  
men fully admit it4 ,this is  manifest  
throughout the whole progress of this   
mighty change4 ,whatever  may be said of
 the vast benefit conferred upon the    
slaves1 in right  judgment the slave    
owner was the greatest gainer after all4
    #ad4 ,are the apprentices disposed  

to purchase their freedom8 ,how have    
those conducted themselves who have     
purchased it8    ,the apprentices are   
inclined to purchase their discharge1   
particularly  when misunderstandings    
occur with their masters4 ,when they    
obtain their  discharge they generally  
labor in the trades and occupations they
 were  previously accustomed to1 and    
conduct themselves well4 ,the discharged
  apprentices seldom take to drinking4  
,indeed the negro and colored           
population are the most temperate       
persons ,i ever knew of their class4    
,the experience of nearly forty years in
 various public situations1  confirms me
 in this very important fact4    ,the   
answers ,i have had the honor to give to
 the questions submitted to  me1 have   
been given most conscientiously1 and to 
the best of my judgment  are a faithful 
picture of the working of the           
apprenticeship in this  island1 as far  
as relates to the inquiries made4--,john
 ,b4 ,colthurst1  ,special ,justice of  

the ,peace1 ,district ,a4 ,rural        
,division4    ,,communication ,,from    
,,capt4 ,,hamilton4    ,barbadoes1      
,april #dth1 #ahcg4    ,gentlemen1      
,presuming that you have kept a copy of 
the questions,a you sent me1 ,i  shall  
therefore only send the answers4        
,footnote ,a3 ,the same interrogatories 
were propounded to ,capt4 ,hamilton     
which have been already inserted in     
,major ,colthurst's communication4      
#a4 ,there are at present five thousand 
nine hundred and thirty male1 and  six  
thousand six hundred and eighty-nine    
female apprentices in my  district1     
7,b17 which comprises a part of the     
parishes of ,christ ,church  and ,st4   
,george4 ,their conduct1 compared with  
the neighboring  districts1 is good4    
#b4 ,the state of agriculture is very   
flourishing4 ,experienced planters      
acknowledge that it is generally far    
superior to what it was  during slavery4
    #c4 ,where the managers are kind and
 temperate1 they have not any trouble   

with the laborers4    #d4 ,the          
apprentices are generally willing to    
work for wages in their own  time4      
#e4 ,the average number of complaints   
tried by me1 last year1 ending          
,december1 was one thousand nine hundred
 and thirty-two4 ,the average  number of
 apprentices in the district during that
 time was twelve  thousand seven        
hundred4 ,offences1 generally speaking1 
are not of any  magnitude4 ,they do not 
increase1 but fluctuate according to the
 season  of the year4    #f4 ,the state 
of crime is not so bad by any means as  
we might have  expected among the       
negroes--just released from such a      
degrading bondage4  ,considering the    
state of ignorance in which they have   
been kept1 and the  immoral examples set
 them by the lower class of whites1 it  
is matter of  astonishment that they    
should behave so well4    #g4 ,the      
apprentices would have a great respect  
for law1 were it not for  the erroneous 
proceedings of the managers1 overseers1 

c41 in taking  them before the          
magistrates for every petty offence1 and
 often abusing  the magistrate in the   
presence of the apprentices1 when his   
decision  does not please them4 ,the    
consequence is1 that the apprentices too
 often  get indifferent to law1 and have
 been known to say that they cared not  
about going to prison1 and that they    
would do just as they did before as     
soon as they were released4    #h4 ,the 
apprentices in this colony are generally
 considered a peaceable  race4 ,all acts
 of revenge committed by them originate 
in jealousy1 as1  for instance1 between 
husband and wife4    #i4 ,not the       
slightest sense of insecurity4 ,as a    
proof of this1 property  has1 since the 
commencement of the apprenticeship1     
increased in value  considerably--at    
least one third4    #aj4 ,the change    
which will take place in #ahch1 in my   
opinion1 will  occasion a great deal of 
discontent among those called           
praedials--which  will not subside for  

some months4 ,they ought to have been   
all  emancipated at the same period4 ,i 
cannot foresee any bad effects that     
will ensue from the change in #ahdj1    
except those mentioned hereafter4       
#aa4 ,the most prejudiced planters would
 not return to the old system if  they  
possibly could4 ,they admit that they   
get more work from the  laborers than   
they formerly did1 and they are relieved
 from a great  responsibility4    #ab4  
,it is my opinion that if entire        
emancipation had taken place in  #ahcd1 
no more difficulty would have followed  
beyond what we may  naturally expect in 
#ahaj4 ,it will then take two or three  
months before  the emancipated people   
finally settle themselves4 ,i do not    
consider the  apprentice more fit or    
better prepared for entire freedom now  
than he  was in #ahcd4    #ac4 ,i       
consider1 most undoubtedly1 that        
emancipation has been a decided         
blessing to the colony4    #ad4 ,they   
are much disposed to purchase the       

remainder of the  apprenticeship term4  
,their conduct after they become free is
 good4    ,i hope the foregoing answers 
and information may be of service to you
 in  your laudable pursuits1 for which  
,i wish you every success4    ,i am1    
gentlemen1 your ob't serv't1    ,jos4   
,hamilton1 ,special ,justice4           
,,testimony ,,of ,,clergymen ,,and      
,,missionaries4    ,there are three     
religious denominations at the present  
time in  ,barbadoes--,episcopalians1    
,wesleyans1 and ,moravians4 ,the former 
have  about twenty clergymen1 including 
the bishop and archdeacon4 ,the bishop  
was absent during our visit1 and we did 
not see him2 but as far as we  could    
learn1 while in some of his political   
measures1 as a member of the  council1  
he has benefited the colored population1
 his general influence  has been        
unfavorable to their moral and spiritual
 welfare4 ,he has  discountenanced and  
defeated several attempts made by his   
rectors and  curates to abolish the     

odious distinctions of color in their   
churches4    ,we were led to form an    
unfavorable opinion of the ,bishop's    
course1 from  observing among the       
intelligent and well-disposed classes of
 colored  people1 the current use of the
 phrase1 bishop's man1 and no bishop's  
man1 applied to different rectors and   
curates4 ,those that they were  averse  
to1 either as pro-slavery or            
pro-prejudice characters1 they  usually 
branded as bishop's men1 while those    
whom they esteemed their  friends1 they 
designated as no bishop's men4    ,the  
archdeacon has already been introduced  
to the reader4 ,we enjoyed  several     
interviews with him1 and were           
constrained to admire him for his       
integrity1 independence and piety4 ,he  
spoke in terms of strong  condemnation  
of slavery1 and of the apprenticeship   
system4 ,he was a  determined advocate  
of entire and immediate emancipation1   
both from  principle and policy4 ,he    
also discountenanced prejudice1 both in 

the  church and in the social circle4   
,the first time we had the pleasure of  
meeting him was at the house of a       
colored gentleman in ,bridgetown where  
we were breakfasting4 ,he called in     
incidentally1 while we were sitting  at 
table1 and exhibited all the familiarity
 of a frequent visitant4    ,one of the 
most worthy and devoted men whom we met 
in ,barbadoes was the  ,rev4 ,mr4       
,cummins1 curate of ,st4 ,paul's church1
 in ,bridgetown4 ,the first  ,sabbath   
after our arrival at the island we      
attended his church4 ,it is             
emphatically a free church4             
,distinctions of color are nowhere      
recognized4 ,there is the most complete 
intermingling of colors  throughout the 
house4 ,in one pew were seen a family of
 whites1 in the  next a family of       
colored people1 and in the next perhaps 
a family of  blacks4 ,in the same pews  
white and colored persons sat side by   
side4 ,the  floor and gallery presented 
the same promiscuous blending of hues   

and  shades4 ,we sat in a pew with white
 and colored people4 ,in the pew before 
and in that behind us the sitting was   
equally indiscriminate4 ,the  audience  
was kneeling in their morning devotions 
when we entered1 and we  were struck    
with the different colors bowing side by
 side as we passed  down the aisles4    
,there is probably no clergyman in the  
island who has  secured so perfectly the
 affections of his people as ,mr4 ,c4   
,he is of  course no bishop's man4 ,he  
is constantly employed in promoting the 
spiritual and moral good of his people1 
of whatever complexion4 ,the  annual    
examination of the ,sabbath school      
connected with ,st4 ,paul's  occurred   
while we were in the island1 and we were
 favored with the  privilege of         
attending it4 ,there were about three   
hundred pupils  present1 of all ages1   
from fifty down to three years4 ,there  
were all  colors--white1 tawny1 and ebon
 black4 ,the white children were classed
  with the colored and black1 in utter  

violation of those principles of        
classification in vogue throughout the  
,sabbath schools of our own  country4   
,the examination was chiefly conducted  
by ,mr4 ,cummins4 ,at the  close of the 
examination about fifty of the girls1   
and among them the  daughter of ,mr4    
,cummins1 were arranged in front of the 
altar1 with the  female teachers in the 
rear of them1 and all united in singing 
a hymn  written for the occasion4 ,part 
of the teachers were colored and part   
white1 as were also the scholars1 and   
they stood side by side1 mingled        
promiscuously together4 ,this is        
altogether the best ,sabbath school in  
the island4    ,after the exercises were
 closed1 we were introduced1 by a       
colored  gentleman who accompanied us to
 the examination1 to ,mr4 ,cummins1 the 
,rev4 ,mr4 ,packer1 and the ,rev4 ,mr4  
,rowe1 master of the public school in   
,bridgetown4 ,by request of ,mr4 ,c41 we
 accompanied him to his house1 where  we
 enjoyed an interview with him and the  

other gentlemen1 just  mentioned4 ,mr4  
,c4 informed us that his ,sabbath school
 was commenced in  #ahcc2 but was quite 
small and inefficient until after #ahcd4
 ,it now  numbers more than four hundred
 scholars4 ,mr4 ,c4 spoke of prejudice4 
,it  had wonderfully decreased within   
the last three years4 ,he said he could 
scarcely credit the testimony of his own
 senses1 when he looked around  on the  
change which had taken place4 ,many now 
associate with colored  persons1 and sit
 with them in the church1 who once would
 have scorned to  be found near them4   
,mr4 ,c4 and the other clergymen stated1
 that there  had been an increase of    
places of worship and of clergymen since
  abolition4 ,all the churches are now  
crowded1 and there is a growing  demand 
for more4 ,the negroes manifest an      
increasing desire for religious         
instruction4 ,in respect to morals1 they
 represent the people as being  greatly 
improved4 ,they spoke of the general    
respect which was now paid  to the      

institution of marriage among the       
negroes1 ,mr4 ,c4 said1 he was          
convinced that the blacks had as much   
natural talent and capacity for         
learning as the whites4 ,he does not    
know any difference4 ,mr4 ,pocker1 who  
was formerly rector of ,st4 ,thomas'    
parish1 and has been a public teacher   
of children of all colors1 expressed the
 same opinion4 ,mr4 ,rowe said1  that   
before he took charge of the white      
school1 he was the teacher of  one of   
the free schools for blacks1 and he     
testified that the latter has  just as  
much capacity for acquiring any kind of 
knowledge1 as much  inquisitiveness1 and
 ingenuity1 as the former4              
,accompanied by an intelligent gentleman
 of ,bridgetown1 we visited two         
flourishing schools for colored         
children1 connected with the ,episcopal 
church1 and under the care of the       
,bishop4 ,in the male school1 there were
  one hundred and ninety-five scholars1 
under the superintendence of one        

master1 who is himself a black man1 and 
was educated and trained up in  the same
 school4 ,he is assisted by several of  
his scholars1 as monitors  and teachers4
 ,it was1 altogether1 the best specimen 
of a well-regulated  school which we saw
 in the ,west ,indies4    ,the present  
instructor has had charge of the school 
two years4 ,it has  increased           
considerably since abolition4 ,before   
the first of ,august1  #ahcd1 the whole 
number of names on the catalogue was a  
little above one  hundred1 and the      
average attendance was seventy-five4    
,the number  immediately increased1 and 
new the average attendance is above two 
hundred4 ,of this number at least sixty 
are the children of apprentices4    ,we 
visited also the infant school1         
established but two weeks previous4     
,mr4 ,s4 the teacher1 who has been for  
many years an instructor1 says he  finds
 them as apt to learn as any children he
 ever taught4 ,he said he  was surprised
 to see how soon the instructions of the

 school-room were  carried to the homes 
of the children1 and caught up by their 
parents4    ,the very first night after 
the school closed1 in passing through   
the  streets1 he heard the children     
repeating what they had been taught1 and
  the parents learning the songs from   
their children's lips ,mr4 ,s4 has a    
hundred children already in his school1 
and additions were making daily4  ,he   
found among the negro parents much      
interest in the school4    ,,wesleyan   
,,missionaries4    ,we called on the    
,rev4 ,mr4 ,fidler1 the superintendent  
of the ,wesleyan  missions in           
,barbadoes4 ,mr4 ,f4 resides in         
,bridgetown1 and preaches mostly  in the
 chapel in town4 ,he has been in the    
,west ,indies twelve years1 and  in     
,barbadoes about two years4 ,mr4 ,f4    
informed us that there were three       
,wesleyan missionaries in the island1   
besides four or five local  preachers1  
one of whom is a black man4 ,there are  
about one thousand  members belonging to

 their body1 the greater part of whom   
live in town4  ,two hundred and         
thirty-five were added during the year  
#ahcf1 being by  far the largest number 
added in any one year since they began  
their  operations in the island4    ,a  
brief review of the history of the      
,wesleyan ,methodists in ,barbadoes1    
will serve to show the great change     
which has been taking place in  public  
sentiment respecting the labors of      
missionaries4 ,in the year  #ahbc1 not  
long after the establishment of the     
,wesleyan church in the  island1 the    
chapel in ,bridgetown was destroyed by a
 mob4 ,not one stone  was left upon     
another4 ,they carried the fragments for
 miles away from  the site1 and         
scattered them about in every direction1
 so that the  chapel might never be     
rebuilt4 ,some of the instigators and   
chief actors  in this outrage1 were     
gentlemen of property and standing1     
residents of  ,bridgetown4 ,the first   
morning after the outrage began1 the mob

 sought  for the ,rev4 ,mr4 ,shrewsbury1
 the missionary1 threatening his life1  
and  he was obliged to flee             
precipitately from the island1 with his 
wife4 ,he  was hunted like a wild beast1
 and it is thought that he would have   
been  torn in pieces if he had been     
found4 ,not an effort or a movement was 
made to quell the mob1 during their     
assault upon the chapel4 ,the first  men
 of the island connived at the          
violence--secretly rejoicing in what    
they supposed would be the extermination
 of ,methodism from the country4  ,the  
governor1 ,sir ,henry ,ward1 utterly    
refused to interfere1 and would  not    
suffer the militia to repair to the     
spot1 though a mere handful of  soldiers
 could have instantaneously routed the  
whole assemblage4    ,the occasion of   
this riot was partly the efforts made by
 the ,wesleyans  to instruct the        
negroes1 and still more the circumstance
 of a letter  being written by ,mr4     
,shrewsbury1 and published in an        

,english paper1  which contained some   
severe strictures on the morals of the  
,barbadians4  ,a planter informed us    
that the riot grew out of a suspicion   
that ,mr4 ,s4  was leagued with the     
,wilberforce party in ,england4         
,since the re-establishment of          
,wesleyanism in this island1 it has     
continued to struggle against the       
opposition of the ,bishop1 and most of  
the clergy1 and against the inveterate  
prejudices of nearly the whole of  the  
white community4 ,the missionaries have 
been discouraged1 and in many  instances
 absolutely prohibited from preaching on
 the estates4 ,these  circumstances have
 greatly retarded the progress of       
religious  instruction through their    
means4 ,but this state of things had    
been very  much altered since the       
abolition of slavery4 ,there are several
 estates  now open to the missionaries4 
,mr4 ,f4 mentioned several places in the
  country1 where he was then purchasing 
land1 and erecting chapels4 ,he  also   

stated1 that one man1 who aided in      
pulling down the chapel in #ahbc1  had  
offered ground for a new chapel1 and    
proffered the free use of a  building   
near by1 for religious meetings and a   
school1 till it could  be erected4      
,the ,wesleyan chapel in ,bridgetown is 
a spacious building1 well filled  with  
worshippers every ,sabbath4 ,we attended
 service there frequently1  and observed
 the same indiscriminate sitting of the 
various colors1  which is described in  
the account of ,st4 ,paul's church4     
,the ,wesleyan missionaries have        
stimulated the clergy to greater        
diligence and faithfulness1 and have    
especially induced them to turn  their  
attention to the negro population more  
than they did formerly4    ,there are   
several local preachers connected with  
the ,wesleyan mission in  ,barbadoes1   
who have been actively laboring to      
promote religion among the  apprentices4
 ,two of these are converted soldiers in
 his ,majesty's  service--acting        

sergeants of the troops stationed in the
 island4 ,while  we were in ,barbadoes1 
these pious men applied for a discharge 
from the  army1 intending to devote     
themselves exclusively to the work of   
teaching  and preaching4 ,another of the
 local preachers is a negro man1 of     
considerable talent and exalted piety1  
highly esteemed among his  missionary   
brethren for his labors of love4        
,,the ,,moravian ,,mission4    ,of the  
,moravians1 we learned but little4      
,circumstances unavoidably  prevented us
 from visiting any of the stations1 and 
also from calling on  any of the        
missionaries4 ,we were informed that    
there were three stations  in the       
island1 one in ,bridgetown1 and two in  
the country1 and we learned  in general 
terms1 that the few missionaries there  
were laboring with  their characteristic
 devotedness1 assiduity1 and            
self-denial1 for the  spiritual welfare 
of the negro population4                
,,chapter ,,iii4    ,,colored           

,,population4    ,the colored1 or as    
they were termed previous to abolition1 
by way of  distinction1 the free colored
 population1 amount in ,barbadoes to    
nearly  thirty thousand4 ,they are      
composed chiefly of the mixed race1     
whose  paternal connection1 though      
illegitimate1 secured to them freedom at
  their birth1 and subsequently the     
advantages of an education more or  less
 extensive4 ,there are some blacks among
 them1 however1 who were free  born1 or 
obtained their freedom at an early      
period1 and have since1 by  great       
assiduity1 attained an honorable        
standing4    ,during our stay in        
,barbadoes1 we had many invitations to  
the houses of  colored gentlemen1 of    
which we were glad to avail ourselves   
whenever it  was possible4 ,at an early 
period after our arrival1 we were       
invited to  dine with ,thomas ,harris1  
,esq4 ,he politely sent his chaise for  
us1 as he  resided about a mile from our
 residence4 ,at his table1 we met two   

other  colored gentlemen1 ,mr4 ,thorne  
of ,bridgetown1 and ,mr4 ,prescod1 a    
young  gentleman of much intelligence   
and ability4 ,there was also at the     
table  a niece of ,mr4 ,harris1 a modest
 and highly interesting young lady4 ,all
  the luxuries and delicacies of a      
tropical clime loaded the board--an     
epicurean variety of meats1 flesh1 fowl1
 and fish--of vegetables1  pastries1    
fruits1 and nuts1 and that invariable   
accompaniment of a ,west  ,india dinner1
 wine4    ,the dinner was enlivened by  
an interesting and well sustained       
conversation respecting the abolition of
 slavery1 the present state of  the     
colony1 and its prospects for the       
future4 ,lively discussions were        
maintained on points where there chanced
 to be a difference of opinion1  and we 
admired the liberality of the views     
which were thus elicited4 ,we  are      
certainly prepared to say1 and that too 
without feeling that we draw  any       
invidious distinctions1 that in style of

 conversation1 in ingenuity  and ability
 of argument1 this company would compare
 with any company of  white gentlemen   
that we met in the island4 ,in that     
circle of colored  gentlemen1 were the  
keen sallies of wit1 the admirable      
repartee1 the  satire now severe1 now   
playful1 upon the measures of the       
colonial  government1 the able exposure 
of aristocratic intolerance1 of         
plantership chicanery1 of plottings and 
counterplottings in high  places--the   
strictures on the intrigues of the      
special magistrates and  managers1 and  
withal1 the just and indignant          
reprobation of the uniform  oppressions 
which have disabled and crushed the     
colored people4    ,the views of these  
gentlemen with regard to the present    
state of the  island1 we found to differ
 in some respects from those of the     
planters  and special magistrates4 ,they
 seemed to regard both those classes of 
men  with suspicion4 ,the planters they 
represented as being still1 at least    

the mass of them1 under the influence of
 the strong habits of  tyrannizing and  
cruelty which they formed during        
slavery4 ,the  prohibitions and         
penalties of the law are not sufficient 
to prevent  occasional and even frequent
 outbreakings of violence1 so that the  
negroes even yet suffer much of the     
rigor of slavery4 ,in regard to the     
special magistrates1 they allege that   
they are greatly controlled by the      
planters4 ,they associate with the      
planters1 dine with the planters1       
lounge on the planters' sofas1 and marry
 the planters daughters4 ,such          
intimacies as these1 the gentlemen very 
plausibly argued1 could not  exist      
without strongly biasing the magistrate 
towards the planters1 and  rendering it 
almost impossible for them to administer
 equal justice to  the poor apprentice1 
who1 unfortunately1 had no sumptuous    
dinners to  give them1 no luxurious     
sofas to offer them1 nor dowered        
daughters to  present in marriage4      

,the gentlemen testified to the industry
 and subordination of the  apprentices4 
,they had improved the general          
cultivation of the island1  and they    
were reaping for their masters greater  
crops than they did  while slaves4 ,the 
whole company united in saying that many
 blessings had  already resulted from   
the abolition of slavery--imperfect as  
that  abolition was4 ,real estate had   
advanced in value at least one third4   
,the  fear of insurrection had been     
removed2 invasions of property1 such as 
occurred during slavery1 the firing of  
cane-fields1 the demolition of  houses1 
c41 were no longer apprehended4         
,marriage was spreading among  the      
apprentices1 and the general morals of  
the whole community1 high and  low1     
white1 colored1 and black1 were rapidly 
improving4    ,at ten o'clock we took   
leave of ,mr4 ,harris and his           
interesting friends4  ,we retired with  
feelings of pride and gratification that
 we had been  privileged to join a      

company which1 though wearing the badge 
of a  proscribed race1 displayed in     
happy combination1 the treasures of     
genuine intelligence1 and the graces of 
accomplished manners4 ,we were  happy to
 meet in that social circle a son of    
,new ,england1 and a graduate  of one of
 her universities4 ,mr4 ,h4 went to the 
,west ,indies a few months  after the   
abolition of slavery4 ,he took with him 
all the prejudices  common to our       
country1 as well as a determined        
hostility to abolition  principles and  
measures4 ,a brief observation of the   
astonishing results  of abolition in    
those islands1 effectually disarmed him 
of the latter1  and made him the decided
 and zealous advocate of immediate      
emancipation4  ,he established himself  
in business in ,barbados1 where he has  
been living  the greater part of the    
time since he left his native country4  
,his  prejudices did not long survive   
his abandonment of anti-abolition       
sentiments4 ,we rejoiced to find him on 

the occasion above referred to1  moving 
in the circle of colored society1 with  
all the freedom of a  familiar guest1   
and prepared most cordially to unite    
with us in the wish  that all our       
prejudiced countrymen could witness     
similar exhibitions4  ,the gentleman at 
whose table we had the pleasure to dine1
 was born a  slave1 and remained such   
until he was seventeen years of age4    
,after  obtaining his freedom1 he       
engaged as a clerk in a mercantile      
establishment1 and soon attracted       
attention by his business talents4      
,about the same period he warmly        
espoused the cause of the free colored  
people1 who were doubly crushed under a 
load of civil and political             
impositions1 and a still heavier one of 
prejudice4 ,he soon made himself        
conspicuous by his manly defence of the 
rights of his brethren against  the     
encroachments of the public authorities1
 and incurred the marked  displeasure of
 several influential characters4 ,after 

a protracted  struggle for the civil    
immunities of the colored people1 during
 which he  repeatedly came into         
collision with public men1 and was often
 arraigned  before the public tribunals2
 finding his labors ineffectual1 he left
 the  island and went to ,england4 ,he  
spent some time there and in ,france1   
moving on a footing of honorable        
equality among the distinguished        
abolitionists of those countries4       
,there1 amid the free influences and    
the generous sympathies which welcomed  
and surrounded him1--his whole          
character ripened in those manly graces 
and accomplishments which now so        
eminently distinguish him4    ,since his
 return to ,barbadoes1 ,mr4 ,h4 has not 
taken so public a part in  political    
controversies as he did formerly1 but is
 by no means  indifferent to passing    
events4 ,there is not1 we venture to    
say1 within  the colony1 a keener or    
more sagacious observer of its          
institutions1 its  public men and their 

measures4    ,when witnessing the       
exhibitions of his manly spirit1 and    
listening to  his eloquent and glowing  
narratives of his struggles against the 
political oppressions which ground to   
the dust himself and his brethren1  we  
could scarcely credit the fact that he  
was himself born and reared to          
manhood--,a ,,slave4    ,,breakfast ,,at
 ,,mr4 ,,thorne',s4    ,by invitation we
 took breakfast with ,mr4 ,joseph       
,thorne1 whom we met at  ,mr4 ,harris's4
 ,mr4 ,t4 resides in ,bridgetown4 ,in   
the parlor1 we met two  colored         
gentlemen--the ,rev4 ,mr4 ,hamilton1 a  
local ,wesleyan preacher1 and  ,mr4     
,cummins1 a merchant of ,bridgetown1    
mentioned in a previous chapter4  ,we   
were struck with the scientific         
appearance of ,mr4 ,thorne's parlor4 ,on
  one side was a large library of       
religious1 historical and literary      
works1 the selection of which displayed 
no small taste and judgment4 ,on  the   
opposite side of the room was a fine    

cabinet of minerals and shells4  ,in one
 corner stood a number of curious relics
 of the aboriginal ,caribs1  such as    
bows and arrows1 etc41 together with    
interesting fossil remains4  ,on the    
tops of the book-cases and mineral      
stand1 were birds of rare  species1     
procured from the ,south ,american      
,continent4 ,the centre table  was      
ornamented with shells1 specimens of    
petrifactions1 and elegantly  bound     
books4 ,the remainder of the furniture  
of the room was costly and  elegant4    
,before breakfast two of ,mr4 ,thorne's 
children1 little boys of  six and four1 
stepped in to salute the company4 ,they 
were of a bright  yellow1 with slightly 
curled hair4 ,when they had shaken hands
 with each  of the company1 they        
withdrew from the parlor and were seen  
no more4  ,their manners and demeanor   
indicated the teachings of an admirable 
mother1 and we were not a little curious
 to see the lady of whose taste  and    
delicate sense of propriety we had      

witnessed so attractive a  specimen in  
her children4 ,at the breakfast table we
 were introduced to  ,mrs4 ,thorne1 and 
we soon discovered from her dignified   
air1 from the  chaste and elevated style
 of her conversation1 from her          
intelligence1  modesty and refinement1  
that we were in the presence of a highly
  accomplished lady4 ,the conversation  
was chiefly on subjects connected  with 
our mission4 ,all spoke with great      
gratitude of the downfall of  slavery4  
,it was not the slaves alone that were  
interested in that event4  ,political   
oppression1 prejudice1 and              
licentiousness had combined greatly  to 
degrade the colored community1 but these
 evils were now gradually  lessening1   
and would soon wholly disappear after   
the final extinction of  slavery--the   
parent of them all4    ,several facts   
were stated to show the great rise in   
the value of real  estate since #ahcd4  
,in one instance a gentleman bought a   
sugar estate for  nineteen thousand     

pounds sterling1 and the very next year1
 after taking  off a crop from which he 
realized a profit of three thousand     
pounds  sterling1 he sold the estate for
 thirty thousand pounds sterling4 ,it   
has  frequently happened within two     
years that persons wishing to purchase  
estates would inquire the price of      
particular properties1 and would        
hesitate to give what was demanded4     
,probably soon after they would  return 
to close the bargain1 and find that the 
price was increased by  several hundreds
 of pounds2 they would go away again1   
reluctant to  purchase1 and return a    
third time1 when they would find the    
price again  raised1 and would finally  
be glad to buy at almost any price4 ,it 
was  very difficult to purchase sugar   
estates now1 whereas previous to the    
abolition of slavery1 they were1 like   
the slaves1 a drug in the market4       
,mr4 ,joseph ,thorne is a gentleman of  
forty-five1 of a dark mulatto           
complexion1 with the negro features and 

hair4 ,he was born a slave1 and         
remained so until about twenty years of 
age4 ,this fact we learned from  the    
manager of the ,belle estate1 on which  
,mr4 ,t4 was born and raised a  slave4  
,it was an interesting coincidence1 that
 on the occasion of our  visit to the   
,belle estate we were indebted to ,mr4  
,thorne1 the former  property of that   
estate1 for his horse and chaise1 which 
he politely  proffered to us4 ,mr4 ,t4  
employs much of his time in laboring    
among the  colored people in town1 and  
among the apprentices on the estates1 in
 the  capacity of lay-preacher4 ,in this
 way he renders himself very useful4    
,being very competent1 both by piety and
 talents1 for the work1 and  possessing 
more perhaps than any missionary1 the   
confidence of the  planters1 he is      
admitted to many estates1 to lecture the
 apprentices on  religious and moral    
duties4 ,mr4 ,t4 is a member of the     
,episcopal church4    ,,breakfast ,,at  
,,mr4 ,,prescod',s    ,we next had the  

pleasure of breakfasting with ,mr4      
,prescod4 ,our esteemed  friend1 ,mr4   
,harris1 was of the company4 ,mr4 ,p4 is
 a young man1 but  lately married4 ,his 
wife and himself were both liberally    
educated in  ,england4 ,he was the late 
editor of the ,new ,times1 a weekly     
paper  established since the abolition  
of slavery and devoted chiefly to the   
interests of the colored community4 ,it 
was the first periodical and the  only  
one which advocated the rights of the   
colored people1 and this it  did with   
the utmost fearlessness and             
independence4 ,it boldly exposed        
oppression1 whether emanating from the  
government house or originating  in the 
colonial assembly4 ,the measures of all 
parties1 and the conduct  of every      
public man1 were subject to its         
scrutiny1 and when occasion  required1  
to its stern rebuke4 ,mr4 ,p4 exhibits a
 thorough acquaintance  with the        
politics of the country1 and with the   
position of the various  parties4 ,he is

 familiar with the spirit and operations
 of the white  gentry--far more so1 it  
would seem2 than many of his brethren   
who have  been repeatedly deceived by   
their professions of increasing         
liberality1  and their show of extending
 civil immunities1 which after all      
proved to  be practical nullities1 and  
as such were denounced by ,mr4 ,p4 at   
the  outset4 ,a few years ago the       
colored people mildly petitioned the    
legislature for a removal of their      
disabilities4 ,their remonstrance was   
too reasonable to be wholly disregarded4
 ,something must he done which  would at
 least bear the semblance of favoring   
the object of the  petitioners4         
,accordingly the obnoxious clauses were 
repealed1 and the  colored people were  
admitted to the polls4 ,but the         
qualification was  made three times     
greater than that required of white     
citizens4 ,this  virtually nullified the
 extension of privilege1 and actually   
confirmed  the disabilities of which it 

was a pretended abrogation4 ,the colored
  people1 in their credulity1 hailed the
 apparent enfranchisement1 and had  a   
public rejoicing in the occasion4 ,but  
the delusion could not escape  the      
discrimination of ,mr4 ,p4 ,he detected 
it at once1 and exposed it1 and         
incurred the displeasure of the         
credulous people of color by refusing to
  participate in their premature        
rejoicings4 ,he soon succeeded however  
in  convincing his brethren that the new
 provision was a mockery of their       
wrongs1 and that the assembly had only  
added insult to past injuries4  ,mr4 ,p4
 now urged the colored people to be     
patient1 as the great changes  which    
were working in the colony must bring to
 them all the rights of  which they had 
been so cruelly deprived4 ,on the       
subject of prejudice he  spoke just as a
 man of keen sensibilities and manly    
spirit might be  expected to speak1 who 
had himself been its victim4 ,he was    
accustomed to  being flouted1 scorned   

and condemned by those whom he could not
 but  regard as his interiors both in   
native talents and education4 ,he had   
submitted to be forever debarred from   
offices which were filled by men  far   
less worthy except in the single        
qualification of a white skin1  which   
however was paramount to all other      
virtues and acquirements6 ,he  had seen 
himself and his accomplished wife       
excluded from the society of  whites1   
though keenly conscious of their        
capacity to move and shine in  the most 
elevated social circles4 ,after all     
this1 it may readily be  conceived how  
,mr4 ,p4 would speak of prejudice4 ,but 
while he spoke  bitterly of the past1 he
 was inspired with buoyancy of hope as  
he cast  his eye to the future4 ,he was 
confident that prejudice would          
disappear4  ,it had already diminished  
very much1 and it would ere long be     
wholly  exterminated4    ,mr4 ,p4 gave a
 sprightly picture of the industry of   
the negroes4 ,it was  common1 he said1  

to hear them called lazy1 but this was  
not true4 ,that  they often appeared to 
be indolent1 especially those about the 
town1 was  true2 but it was either      
because they had no work to do1 or were 
asked to  work without reasonable wages4
 ,he had often been amused at their     
conduct1 when solicited to do small     
jobs--such as carrying baggage1  loading
 of unloading a vessel1 or the like4 ,if
 offered a very small  compensation1 as 
was generally the case at first1 they   
would stretch  themselves on the ground1
 and with a sleepy look1 and lazy tone1 
would  say1 ,o1 ,i can't do it1 sir4    
,sometimes the applicants would turn    
away  at once1 thinking that they were  
unwilling to work1 and cursing the  lazy
 devils2 but occasionally they would try
 the efficacy of offering a  larger     
compensation1 when instantly the negroes
 would spring to their  feet1 and the   
lounging inert mass would appear all    
activity4    ,we are very willing to    
hold up ,mr4 ,p as a specimen of what   

colored  people generally may become    
with proper cultivation1 or to use the  
language of one of their own number1,a  
with free minds and space  to rise4     
,footnote ,a3 ,thomas ,c4 ,brown1 who   
renounced colonization1 returned from  a
 disastrous and almost fatal expedition 
to ,liberia1 and afterwards went  to the
 ,west ,indies1 in quest of a free      
country4    ,we have purposely refrained
 from speaking of ,mrs4 ,p41 lest any   
thing we  should be willing to say      
respecting her1 might seem to be        
adulation4  ,however1 having alluded to 
her1 we will say that it has seldom     
fallen to  our lot to meet with her     
superior4    ,,breakfast ,,at ,,mr4     
,,london ,,bourne',s4    ,after what has
 been said in this chapter to try the   
patience and  irritate the nerves of the
 prejudiced1 if there should be such    
among our  readers1 they will doubtless 
deem it quite intolerable to be         
introduced1  not as hitherto to a family
 in whose faces the lineaments and the  

complexion of the white man are         
discernible1 relieving the ebon hue1 but
  to a household of genuine             
unadulterated negroes4 ,we cordially    
accepted  an invitation to breakfast    
with ,mr4 ,london ,bourne4 ,if the      
reader's  horror of amalgamation does   
not allow him to join us at the table1  
perhaps he will consent to retire to the
 parlor1 whence1 without fear of        
contamination1 he may safely view us    
through the folding doors1 and note     
down our several positions around the   
board4 ,at the head of the table        
presides1 with much dignity1 ,mrs4      
,bourne2 at the end opposite1 sits ,mr4 
,bourne--both of the glossiest jet2 the 
thick matted hair of ,mr4 ,b4  slightly 
frosted with age4 ,he has an affable1   
open countenance1 in which  the radiance
 of an amiable spirit1 and the lustre of
 a sprightly  intellect1 happily        
commingle1 and illuminate the sable     
covering4 ,on  either hand of ,mr4 ,b4  
we sit1 occupying the posts of honor4   

,on the  right and left of ,mrs4 ,b41   
and at the opposite corners from us1 sit
 two  other guests1 one a colored       
merchant1 and the other a young         
son-in-law  of ,mr4 ,b41 whose face is  
the very double extract of blackness2   
for which  his intelligence1 the        
splendor of his dress1 and the elegance 
of his  manners1 can make to be sure but
 slight atonement6 ,the middle seats are
  filled on the one side by an unmarried
 daughter of ,mr4 ,b41 and on the  other
 side by a promising son of eleven1 who 
is to start on the morrow  for          
,edinburgh1 where he is to remain until 
he has received the honors of           
,scotland's far famed university4    ,we
 shall doubtless be thought by some of  
our readers to glory in our  shame4 ,be 
it so4 ,we did glory in joining the     
company which we have  just described4  
,on the present occasion we had a fair  
opportunity of  testing the merits of an
 unmixed negro party1 and of determining
 how far  the various excellences of the

 gentlemen and ladies previously noticed
  were attributable to the admixture of 
,english blood4 ,we are compelled in    
candor to say2 that the company of      
blacks did not fall a whit below  those 
of the colored race in any respect4 ,we 
conversed on the same  general topics1  
which1 of course1 were introduced       
where-ever we went4 ,the  gentlemen     
showed an intimate acquaintance with the
 state of the colony1  with the merits  
of the apprenticeship system1 and with  
the movements of  the colonial          
government4 ,as for ,mrs4 ,b41 she      
presided at the table with  great ease1 
dignity1 self-possession1 and grace4    
,her occasional remarks1  made with     
genuine modesty1 indicated good sense   
and discrimination4  ,among other topics
 of conversation1 prejudice was not     
forgotten4 ,the  company were           
inquisitive as to the extent of it in   
the ,united ,states4 ,we  informed them 
that it appeared to be strongest in     
those states which  held no slaves1 that

 it prevailed among professing          
,christians1 and that  it was most      
manifestly seen in the house of ,god4   
,we also intimated1 in  as delicate a   
manner as possible1 that in almost any  
part of the ,united  ,states such a     
table-scene as we then presented would  
be reprobated and  denounced1 if indeed 
it escaped the summary vengeance of the 
mob4 ,we  were highly gratified with    
their views of the proper way for the   
colored  people to act in respect to    
prejudice4 ,they said they were         
persuaded  that their policy was to wait
 patiently for the operation of those   
influences which were now at work for   
the removal of prejudice4 ,social       
intercourse1 they said1 was not a thing 
to be gained by pushing4  ,they could   
not go to it1 but it would come to them4
 ,it was for them  however1 to maintain 
an upright1 dignified course1 to be     
uniformly  courteous1 to seek the       
cultivation of their minds1 and strive  
zealously  for substantial worth1 and by

 such means1 and such alone1 they could 
aid  in overcoming prejudice4    ,mr4   
,bourne was a slave until he was        
twenty-three years old4 ,he was         
purchased by his father1 a free negro1  
who gave five hundred dollars for  him4 
,his mother and four brothers were      
bought at the same time for the  sum of 
two thousand five hundred dollars4 ,he  
spoke very kindly of his  former master4
 ,by industry1 honesty1 and close       
attention to business1  ,mr4 ,b4 has now
 become a wealthy merchant4 ,he owns    
three stores in  ,bridgetown1 lives in  
very genteel style in his own house1 and
 is worth  from twenty to thirty        
thousand dollars4 ,he is highly         
respected by the  merchants of          
,bridgetown for his integrity and       
business talents4 ,by what  means ,mr4  
,b4 has acquired so much general        
information1 we are at a loss  to       
conjecture4 ,although we did not        
ourselves need the evidence of his      
possessing extraordinary talents1       

industry1 and perseverance1 yet we are  
happy to present our readers with such  
tangible proofs--proofs which are  read 
in every language1 and which pass       
current in every nation4    ,the        
foregoing sketches are sufficient to    
give a general idea of the  colored     
people of ,barbadoes4 ,perchance we may 
have taken too great  liberties with    
those whose hospitalities we enjoyed2   
should this ever  fall under their      
notice1 we doubt not they will fully    
appreciate the  motives which have      
actuated us in making them public4 ,we  
are only sorry1  for their sakes1 and   
especially for that of our cause1 that  
the  delineations are so imperfect4     
,that the above specimens are an exact  
likeness of the mass of colored people  
we do not pretend2 but we do  affirm1   
that they are as true an index to the   
whole community1 as the  merchants1     
physicians1 and mechanics of any of our 
villages are to the  entire population4 
,we must say1 also1 that families of    

equal merit are  by no means rare among 
the same people4 ,we might mention many 
names  which deservedly rank as high as 
those we have specified4 ,one of the    
wealthiest merchants in ,bridgetown is a
 colored gentleman4 ,he has his         
mercantile agents in ,england1 ,english 
clerks in his employ1 a branch          
establishment in the city1 and          
superintends the concerns of an         
extensive  and complicated business with
 distinguished ability and success4 ,a  
large  portion1 of not a majority of the
 merchants of ,bridgetown are colored4  
,some of the most popular instructors   
are colored men and ladies1 and one  of 
these ranks high as a teacher of the    
ancient and modern languages4  ,the most
 efficient and enterprising mechanics of
 the city1 are colored  and black men4  
,there is scarcely any line of business 
which is not  either shared or engrossed
 by colored persons1 if we except that  
of  barber4 ,the only barber in         
,bridgetown is a white man4    ,that so 

many of the colored people should have  
obtained wealth and  education is matter
 of astonishment1 when we consider the  
numerous  discouragements with which    
they have ever been doomed to struggle4 
,the  paths of political distinction    
have been barred against them by an     
arbitrary denial of the right of        
suffrage1 and consequent ineligibility  
to office4 ,thus a large and powerful   
class of incitements to mental  effort1 
which have been operating continually   
upon the whites1 have  never once       
stirred the sensibilities nor waked the 
ambition of the  colored community4     
,parents1 however wealthy1 had no       
inducement to  educate their sons for   
the learned professions1 since no force 
of talent  nor extent of acquirement    
could hope to break down the granite    
walls and  iron bars which prejudice had
 erected round the pulpit1 the bar1 and 
the  bench4 ,from the same cause there  
was very little encouragement to        
acquire property1 to seek education1 to 

labor for the graces of  cultivated     
manners1 or even to aspire to ordinary  
respectability1 since  not even the poor
 favor of social intercourse with the   
whites1 of  participating in the        
civilities and courtesies of every day  
life1 was  granted them4    ,the        
crushing power of a prevailing          
licentiousness1 has also been added  to 
the other discouragements of the colored
 people4 ,why should parents  labor to  
amass wealth enough1 and much of course 
it required1 to send  their daughters to
 ,europe to receive their educations1 if
 they were to  return only to become the
 victims of an all-whelming concubinism6
 ,it is  a fact1 that in many cases     
young ladies1 who have been sent to     
,england  to receive education1 have1   
after accomplishing themselves in all   
the  graces of womanhood1 returned to   
the island to become the concubines of  
white men4 ,hitherto this vice has swept
 over the colored community1  gathering 
its repeated conscriptions of beauty and

 innocence from the  highest as well as 
the lowest families4 ,colored ladies    
have been taught  to believe that it was
 more honorable1 and quite as virtuous1 
to be the  kept mistresses of white     
gentlemen1 than the lawfully wedded     
wives of  colored men4 ,we repeat the   
remark1 that the actual progress which  
the  colored people of ,barbadoes have  
made1 while laboring under so many      
depressing influences1 should excite our
 astonishment1 and1 we add1 our         
admiration too4 ,our acquaintance with  
this people was at a very  interesting  
period--just when they were beginning to
 be relieved from  these                
discouragements1 and to feel the        
regenerating spirit of a new era4  ,it  
was to us like walking through a garden 
in the early spring4 ,we could  see the 
young buds of hope1 the first bursts of 
ambition1 the early  up-shoots of       
confident aspiration1 and occasionally  
the opening bloom of  assurance4 ,the   
star of hope had risen upon the colored 

people1 and they  were beginning to     
realize that their day had come4 ,the   
long winter of  their woes was melting  
into glorious summer4 ,civil immunities 
and  political privileges were just     
before them1 the learned professions    
were  opening to them1 social equality  
and honorable domestic connections      
would soon be theirs4 ,parents were     
making fresh efforts to establish       
schools for the children1 and to send   
the choicest of their sons and          
daughters to ,england4 ,they rejoiced in
 the privileges they were  securing1 and
 they anticipated with virtuous pride   
the free access of  their children to   
all the fields of enterprise1 all the   
paths of honest  emulation1 and all the 
eminences of distinction4    ,we remark 
in conclusion1 that the forbearance of  
the colored people of  ,barbadoes under 
their complicated wrongs is worthy of   
all admiration4  ,allied1 as many of    
them are1 to the first families of the  
island1 and  gifted as they are with    

every susceptibility to feel disgrace1  
it is a  marvel that they have not      
indignantly cast off the yoke and       
demanded  their political rights4 ,their
 wrongs have been unprovoked on their   
part1  and unnatural on the part of     
those who have inflicted them--in many  
cases the guilty authors of their being4
 ,the patience and endurance of  the    
sufferers under such circumstances are  
unexampled1 except by the  conduct of   
the slaves1 who1 though still more      
wronged1 were1 if  possible1 still more 
patient4    ,we regret to add1 that     
until lately1 the colored people of     
,barbadoes  hate been far in the        
background in the cause of abolition1   
and even now1  the majority of them are 
either indifferent1 or actually hostile 
to  emancipation4 ,they have no fellow  
feeling with the slave4 ,in fact2 they  
have had prejudices against the negroes 
no less bitter than those which  the    
whites have exercised toward them4      
,there are many honorable  exceptions to

 this1 as has already been shown2 but   
such1 we are assured1  is the general   
fact4,a    ,footnote ,a3 ,we are here   
reminded1 by the force of contrast1 of  
the  noble spirit manifested by the free
 colored people of our own country4  ,as
 early as #ahag1 a numerous body of them
 in ,philadelphia1 with the  venerable  
,james ,forten at their head1 pledged   
themselves to the cause of  the slave in
 the following sublime sentiment1 which 
deserves to be  engraver to their glory 
on the granite of our everlasting       
hills--,resolved1 ,that we never will   
separate ourselves voluntarily  from the
 slave population in this country2 they 
are our brethren by the  ties of        
consanguinity1 of suffering1 and of     
wrong2 and we feel that  there is more  
virtue in suffering privations with     
them1 than enjoying  fancied advantages 
for a season4    ,we believe that this  
resolution embodies the feelings and    
determinations  of the free colored     
people generally in the free states4    

,,chapter ,,iv4    ,,barbadoes ,,as ,,it
 ,,was1 ,,and ,,is4    ,according to the
 declaration of one of the special      
magistrates1  ,barbadoes has long been  
distinguished for its devotion to       
slavery4  ,there is probably no portion 
of the globe where slave-holding1 slave 
driving1 and slave labor1 have been     
reduced to a more perfect system4       
,the records of slavery in ,barbadoes   
are stained with bloody atrocities4     
,the planters uniformly spoke of slavery
 as a system of cruelties2 but  they    
expressed themselves in general terms4  
,from colored gentlemen we  learned some
 particulars1 a few of which we give4   
,to most of the  following facts the    
narrators were themselves eye witnesses1
 and all of  them happened in their day 
and were fresh in their memories4       
,the slaves were not unfrequently worked
 in the streets of ,bridgetown  with    
chains on their wrists and ankles4      
,flogging on the estates and in  the    
town1 were no less public than frequent1

 and there was an utter  shamelessness  
often in the manner of its infliction4  
,even women were  stripped naked on the 
sides of the streets1 and their backs   
lacerated  with the whip4 ,it was a     
common practice1 when a slave offended a
 white  man1 for the master to send for 
a public whipper1 and order him to take 
the slave before the door of the person 
offended1 and flog him till the  latter 
was satisfied4 ,white females would     
order their male slaves to be  stripped 
naked in their presence and flogged1    
while they would look on  to see that   
their orders were faithfully executed4  
,mr4 ,prescod mentioned  an instance    
which he himself witnessed near         
,bridgetown4 ,he had seen an  aged      
female slave1 stripped and whipped by   
her own son1 a child of  twelve1 at the 
command of the mistress4 ,as the boy was
 small1 the mother  was obliged to get  
down upon her hands and knees1 so that  
the child  could inflict the blows on   
her naked person with a rod4 ,this was  

done on  the public highway1 before the 
mistress's door4 ,mr4 ,t4 well          
remembered  when it was lawful for any  
man to shoot down his slave1 under no   
greater  penalty than twenty-five pounds
 currency2 and he knew of cases in which
  this had been done4 ,just after the   
insurrection in #ahaf1 white men made  a
 regular sport of shooting negroes4 ,mr4
 ,t4 mentioned one case4 ,a young  man  
had sworn that he would kill ten negroes
 before a certain time4 ,when  he had   
shot nine he went to take breakfast with
 a neighbor1 and carried  his gun along4
 ,the first slave he met on the estate1 
he accused of being  concerned in the   
rebellion4 ,the negro protested that he 
was innocent1  and begged for mercy4    
,the man told him to be gone1 and as he 
turned to  go away1 he shot him dead4   
,having fulfilled his bloody pledge1 the
 young  knight ate his breakfast with a 
relish4 ,mr4 ,h4 said that a planter    
once1  in a time of perfect peace1 went 
to his door and called one of his       

slaves4 ,the negro made some reply which
 the master construed into  insolence1  
and in a great rage he swore if he did  
not come to him  immediately he would   
shoot him4 ,the man replied he hoped    
massa wan't in  earnest4 ',i'll show you
 whether ,i am in earnest1' said the    
master1 and  with that he levelled his  
rifle1 took deliberate aim1 and shot the
 negro  on the spot4 ,he died           
immediately4 ,though great efforts were 
made by a  few colored men to bring the 
murderer to punishment1 they were all   
ineffectual4 ,the evidence against him  
was clear enough1 but the  influence in 
his favor was so strong that he finally 
escaped4    ,dungeons were built on all 
the estates1 and they were often        
abominably  filthy1 and infested with   
loathsome and venomous vermin4 ,for     
slight  offences the slaves were thrust 
into these prisons for several          
successive nights--being dragged out    
every morning to work during the  day4  
,various modes of torture were employed 

upon those who were  consigned to the   
dungeon4 ,there were stocks for their   
feet1 and there  were staples in the    
floor for the ankles and wrists1 placed 
in such a  position as to keep the      
victim stretched out and lying on his   
face4 ,mr4  ,h4 described one mode which
 was called the cabin4 ,a narrow board1 
only  wide enough for a man to lie upon1
 was fixed in an inclined position1  and
 elevated considerably above the ground4
 ,the offending slave was made  to lay  
upon this board1 and a strong rope or   
chain1 was tied about his  neck and     
fastened to the ceiling4 ,it was so     
arranged1 that if he should  fall from  
the plank1 he would inevitably hang by  
his neck4 ,lying in this  position all  
night1 he was more likely than not to   
fall asleep1 and then  there were       
ninety-nine chances to one that he would
 roll off his narrow  bed and be killed 
before he could awake1 or have time to  
extricate  himself4 ,peradventure this  
is the explanation of the anxiety ,mr4  

---- of  ----1 used to feel1 when he had
 confined one of his slaves in the      
dungeon4 ,he stated that he would       
frequently wake up in the night1 was    
restless1 and couldn't sleep1 from fear 
that the prisoner would kill  himself   
before morning4    ,it was common for   
the planters of ,barbadoes1 like those  
of ,antigua1 to  declare that the       
greatest blessing of abolition to them1 
was that it  relieved them from the     
disagreeable work of flogging the       
negroes4 ,we had  the unsolicited       
testimony of a planter1 that slave      
mothers frequently  poisoned1 and       
otherwise murdered1 their young infants1
 to rid them of a  life of slavery4     
,what a horrible comment this upon the  
cruelties of  slavery6 ,scarce has the  
mother given birth to her child1 when   
she  becomes its murderer4 ,the         
slave-mother's joy begins1 not like that
 of  other mothers1 when a man is born  
into the world1 but when her infant  is 
hurried out of existence1 and its first 

faint cry is hushed in the  silence of  
death6 ,why this perversion of nature8  
,ah1 that mother knows  the agonies1 the
 torments1 the wasting woes1 of a life  
of slavery1 and  by the bowels of a     
mother's love1 and the yearnings of a   
mother's pity1  she resolves that her   
babe shall never know the same4 ,o1     
estimate who  can1 how many groans have 
gone up from the cane field1 from the   
boiling-house1 from around the wind     
mill1 from the bye paths1 from the      
shade of every tree1 from the recesses  
of every dungeon6    ,colonel ,barrow1  
of ,edgecome estate1 declared1 that the 
habit of flogging  was so strong among  
the overseers and book-keepers1 that    
even now they  frequently indulge it in 
the face of penalties and at the risk of
  forfeiting their place4    ,the       
descriptions which the special          
magistrates give of the lower class  of 
overseers and the managers of the petty 
estates1 furnish data enough  for       
judging of the manner in which they     

would be likely to act when  clothed    
with arbitrary power4 ,they are a low   
order of men1 without  education1       
trained up to use the whip1 knowing     
nothing else save the  art of flogging1 
ready at any time to perjure themselves 
in any matter  where a negro is         
concerned1 c4 ,now1 may we not ask what 
but cruelty1  the most monstrous1 could 
be expected under a system where such   
men  were constituted law makers1       
judges1 and executioners8    ,from the  
foregoing facts1 and the still stronger 
circumstantial  evidence1 we leave the  
reader to judge for himself as to the   
amount of  cruelty attendant upon the   
reign of terror1 in ,barbadoes4 ,we     
must1  however1 mention one             
qualification1 without which a wrong    
impression may  be made4 ,it has already
 been remarked that ,barbadoes has1 more
 than any  other island1 reduced slave  
labor and sugar cultivation to a regular
  system4 ,this the planters have been  
compelled to do from the denseness  of  

their population1 the smallness of their
 territory1 the fact that the  land was 
all occupied1 and still more1 because   
the island1 from long  continued        
cultivation1 was partly worn out4 ,a    
prominent feature in their  system was1 
theoretically at least1 good bodily     
treatment of the slaves1  good feeding1 
attention to mothers1 to pregnant women1
 and to children1  in order that the    
estates might always be kept well       
stocked with  good-conditioned negroes4 
,they were considered the best managers1
 who  increased the population of the   
estates most rapidly1 and often premiums
  were given by the attorneys to such   
managers4 ,another feature in the       
,barbadoes system was to raise          
sufficient provisions in the island to  
maintain the slaves1 or1 in planter's   
phrase1 to feed the stock1  without     
being dependent upon foreign countries4 
,this made the supplies  of the slaves  
more certain and more abundant4 ,from   
several circumstances  in the condition 

of ,barbadoes1 it is manifest1 that     
there were fewer  motives to cruelty    
there than existed in other islands4    
,first1 the slave  population was       
abundant1 then the whole of the island  
was under  cultivation1 and again the   
lands were old and becoming exhausted4  
,now1  if either one of these things had
 not been true1 if the number of slaves 
had been inadequate to the cultivation1 
or if vast tracts of land1 as in        
,jamaica1 ,trinidad1 and ,demerara1 had 
been uncultivated1 or were being        
brought into cultivation2 or1 again1 if 
the lands under cultivation had  been   
fresh and fertile1 so as to bear        
pushing1 then it is plain that  there   
would have been inducements to hard     
driving1 which1 as the case  was1 did   
not exist4    ,such is a partial view of
 ,barbadoes as it was1 touching the     
matter of  cruelty4 ,we say partial1 for
 we have omitted to mention the selling 
of  slaves from one estate to another1  
whereby families were separated1  almost

 as effectually as though an ocean      
intervened4 ,we have omitted to  notice 
the transportation of slaves to         
,trinidad1 ,berbice1 and ,demerara1     
which was made an open traffic until    
prohibited in #ahbg1 and was  afterwards
 continued with but little abatement by 
evasions of the law4    ,from the       
painful contemplation of all this       
outrage and wrong1 the mind  is relieved
 by turning to the present state of the 
colony4 ,it cannot be  denied that much 
oppression grows out of the             
apprenticeship system1 both  from its   
essential nature1 and from the want of  
virtuous principle and  independence in 
the men who administer it4 ,yet it is   
certainly true that  there has been a   
very great diminution in the amount of  
actual cruelty4  ,the total abolition of
 flogging on the estates1 the           
prohibition to use  the dungeons1 and   
depriving the masters1 managers1        
overseers and  drivers1 of the right to 
punish in any case1 or in any way       

whatever1  leave no room for doubt on   
this subject4 ,it is true1 that the laws
 are  often violated1 but this can only 
take place in cases of excessive        
passion1 and it is not likely to be a   
very frequent occurrence4 ,the  penalty 
of the law is so heavy1,a and the       
chances of detection,b are  so great1   
that in all ordinary circumstances they 
will be a sufficient  security against  
the violence of the master4 ,on the     
other hand1 the  special magistrates    
themselves seldom use the whip1 but     
resort to other  modes of punishment    
less cruel and degrading4 ,besides1 it  
is manifest  that if they did use the   
whip and were ever so cruelly disposed1 
it  would be physically impossible for  
them to inflict as much suffering as    
the drivers could during slavery2 on    
account of the vast numbers over  whom  
they preside4 ,we learned from the      
apprentices themselves1 by  conversing  
with them1 that their condition1 in     
respect to treatment1 is  incomparably  

better than it was during slavery4 ,we  
were satisfied from  our observations   
and inquiries1 that the planters1 at    
least the more  extensive and           
enlightened ones1 conduct their estates 
on different  principles from those     
formerly followed4 ,before the abolition
 of  slavery1 they regarded the whip as 
absolutely necessary to the  cultivation
 of sugar1 and hence they uniformly used
 it1 and loudly  deprecated its         
abolition as being their certain ruin4  
,but since the  whip has been abolished1
 and the planters have found that the   
negroes  continue1 nevertheless1        
industrious and subordinate1 they have  
changed  their measures1 partly from    
necessity1 and partly from policy1 have 
adopted a conciliatory course4          
,footnote ,a3 ,a fine of sixteen dollars
 for the first assault1 and the         
liberation of the apprentice after a    
second4    ,footnote ,b3 ,through the   
complaint of the apprentice to the      
special  magistrate    ,barbadoes was   

not without its insurrections during    
slavery4 ,although not  very frequent1  
they left upon the minds of the white   
colonists this  conviction1 7repeatedly 
expressed to us by planters and others17
 that  slavery and rebellions are       
inseparable4 ,the last widely extended  
insurrection occurred in #ahaf1 in the  
eastern part of the island4 ,some  of   
the particulars were given us by a      
planter who resided to that  region1 and
 suffered by it great loss of property4 
,the plot was so  cautiously laid1 and  
kept so secret1 that no one suspected   
it4 ,the  planter observed that if any  
one had told him that such a thing was  
brewing ten minutes before it burst     
forth1 he would not have credited  the  
statement4 ,it began with firing the    
cane-fields4 ,a signal was given  by a  
man setting fire to a pile of trash on  
an elevated spot1 when  instantly the   
fires broke out in every direction1 and 
in less than a  half hour1 more than one
 hundred estates were in flames4 ,the   

planters  and their families1 in the    
utmost alarm1 either fled into other    
parts of  the island1 or seized their   
arms and hurriedly mustered in          
self-defence4  ,meanwhile the negroes1  
who had banded themselves in numerous   
companies1  took advantage of the       
general consternation1 proceeded to the 
deserted  mansions of the planters1     
broke down the doors1 battered in the   
windows1  destroyed all the furniture1  
and carried away the provision stores to
  their own houses4    ,these ravages   
continued for three days1 during which1 
the slaves flocked  together in         
increasing numbers2 in one place there  
were several  thousands assembled4      
,above five hundred of the insurgents   
were shot down  by the militia1 before  
they could be arrested4 ,the destruction
 of  property during the rebellion was  
loosely estimated at many hundred       
thousand pounds4 ,the canes on many     
estates were almost wholly burned2 so   
that extensive properties1 which        

ordinarily yielded from two to three    
hundred hogsheads1 did not make more    
than fifteen or twenty4    ,our         
informant mentioned two circumstances   
which he considered  remarkable4 ,one   
was1 that the insurgents never touched  
the property of  the estates to which   
they severally belonged2 but went to the
  neighboring or more distant estates4  
,the other was1 that during the  whole  
insurrection the negroes did not make a 
single attempt to destroy  life4 ,on the
 other hand1 the sacrifice of negroes   
during the rebellion1  and subsequent to
 it1 was appalling4 ,it was a long time 
before the white  man's thirst for blood
 could be satiated4    ,no general      
insurrection occurred after this one4   
,however1 as late as  #ahbc1 the        
proprietor of ,mount ,wilton--the       
noblest estate in the  island--was      
murdered by his slaves in a most horrid 
manner4 ,a number of  men entered his   
bed-chamber at night4 ,he awoke ere they
 reached him1 and  grasped his sword1   

which always hung by his bed1 but it was
 wrested from  his hand1 and he was     
mangled and killed4 ,his death was      
caused by his  cruelties1 and especially
 by his extreme licentiousness4 ,all the
  females on this estate were made      
successively the victims of his lust4   
,this1 together with his cruelties1 so  
incensed the men1 that they  determined 
to murder the wretch4 ,several of them  
were publicly executed4    ,next to the 
actual occurrence of rebellions1 the    
fear of them deserves  to be enumerated 
among the evils which slavery entailed  
upon ,barbadoes4  ,the dread of         
hurricanes to the people of ,barbadoes  
is tolerable in  comparison with the    
irrepressible apprehensions of bloody   
rebellions4 ,a  planter told us that he 
seldom went to bed without thinking he  
might be  murdered before morning4      
,but now the whites are satisfied that  
slavery was the sole instigator of      
rebellions1 and since its removal they  
have no fear on this score4             

,licentiousness was another of the      
fruits of slavery4 ,it will be          
difficult to give to the reader a proper
 conception of the prevalence of  this  
vice in ,barbadoes1 and of the          
consequent demoralization4 ,a numerous  
colored population were both the        
offspring and the victims of it4 ,on a  
very moderate calculation1              
nineteen-twentieths of the present adult
  colored race are illegitimate4        
,concubinage was practised among the    
highest classes4 ,young merchants and   
others who were unmarried1 on first     
going to the island1 regularly engaged  
colored females to live with them  as   
housekeepers and mistresses1 and it was 
not unusual for a man to have  more than
 one4 ,the children of these connections
 usually sat with the  mothers at the   
father's table1 though when the         
gentlemen had company1  neither mothers 
nor children made their appearance4 ,to 
such conduct no  disgrace was attached1 
nor was any shame felt by either party4 

,we were  assured that there are in     
,bridgetown1 colored ladies of          
respectability1 who1 though never       
married1 have large families of         
children whose different surnames       
indicate their difference of  parentage1
 but who probably do not know their     
fathers by any other  token4 ,these     
remarks apply to the towns4 ,the morals 
of the estates were  still more         
deplorable4 ,the managers and overseers1
 commonly unmarried1  left no female    
virtue unattempted4 ,rewards sometimes1 
but oftener the  whip1 or the dungeon1  
gave them the mastery in point of fact1 
which the  laws allowed in theory4 ,to  
the slaves marriage was scarcely known4 
,they  followed the example of the      
master1 and were ready to minister to   
his  lust4 ,the mass of mulatto         
population grew paler as it multiplied1 
and  catching the refinement along with 
the tint of civilization1 waged a war   
upon marriage which had well nigh       
expelled it from the island4 ,such was  

,barbadoes under the auspices of        
slavery4    ,although these evils still 
exist1 yet1 since the abolition of      
slavery1  there is one symptom of       
returning purity1 the sense of shame4   
,concubinage is becoming disreputable4  
,the colored females are growing in     
self-respect1 and are beginning to seek 
regular connections with colored  men4  
,they begin to feel 7to use the language
 of one of them7 that the  light is     
come1 and that they can no longer have  
the apology of  ignorance to plead for  
their sin4 ,it is the prevailing        
impression among  whites1 colored1 and  
blacks1 that open licentiousness cannot 
long  survive slavery4    ,prejudice was
 another of the concomitants of slavery4
 ,barbadoes was  proverbial for it4 ,as 
far as was practicable1 the colored     
people were  excluded from all business 
connections2 though merchants were      
compelled  to make clerks of them for   
want of better1 that is1 whiter1 ones4  
,colored merchants of wealth were shut  

out of the merchants' exchange1  though 
possessed of untarnished integrity1     
while white men were admitted  as       
subscribers without regard to character4
 ,it was not a little  remarkable that  
the rooms occupied as the merchants'    
exchange were  rented from a colored    
gentleman1 or more properly1 a negro2,a 
who1  though himself a merchant of      
extensive business at home and abroad1  
and  occupying the floor below with a   
store1 was not suffered to set his foot 
within them4 ,this merchant1 it will be 
remembered1 is educating a son  for a   
learned profession at the university of 
,edinburgh4 ,colored  gentlemen were not
 allowed to become members of literary  
associations1  nor subscribers to the   
town libraries4 ,social intercourse was 
utterly  interdicted4 ,to visit the     
houses of such men as we have already   
mentioned in a previous chapter1 and    
especially to sit down at their  tables1
 would have been a loss of caste2       
although the gentry were at the  same   

time living with colored concubines4    
,but most of all did this  wicked       
prejudice delight to display itself in  
the churches4 ,originally1  we believe1 
the despised color was confined to the  
galleries1 afterwards  it was admitted  
to the seats under the galleries1 and   
ultimately it was  allowed to extend to 
the body pews below the cross aisle4 ,if
 perchance  one of the proscribed class 
should ignorantly stray beyond these    
precincts1 and take a seat above the    
cross aisle1 he was instantly1 if  not  
forcibly1 removed4 ,every opportunity   
was maliciously seized to taunt  the    
colored people with their complexion4 ,a
 gentleman of the highest  worth stated 
that several years ago he applied to the
 proper officer for  a license to be    
married4 ,the license was accordingly   
made out and handed  to him4 ,it was    
expressed in the following insulting    
style3 ,t---- ,h----1  ,f4,m41 is       
licensed to marry ,h---- ,l----1        
,f4,c4,w4 ,the initials ,f4,m4 stood    

for free mulatto1 and ,f4,c4,w4 for free
 colored woman6 ,the gentleman  took his
 knife and cut out the initials2 and was
 then threatened with a  prosecution for
 forging his license4    ,footnote ,a3  
,mr4 ,london ,bourne1 the merchant      
mentioned in the previous  chapter4     
,it must be admitted that this cruel    
feeling still exists in ,barbadoes4     
,prejudice is the last viper of the     
slavery-gendered brood that dies4 ,but  
it is evidently growing weaker4 ,this   
the reader will infer from several      
facts already stated4 ,the colored      
people themselves are indulging         
sanguine hopes that prejudice will      
shortly die away4 ,they could discover  
a bending on the part of the whites1 and
 an apparent readiness to  concede much 
of the ground hitherto withheld4 ,they  
informed us that they  had received     
intimations that they might be admitted 
as subscribers to  the merchants'       
exchange if they would apply2 but they  
were in no hurry  to make the advances  

themselves4 ,they felt assured that not 
only  business equality1 but social     
equality1 would soon be theirs1 and were
  waiting patiently for the course of   
events to bring them4 ,they have too    
much self-respect to sue for the        
consideration of their white neighbors1 
or to accept it as a condescension and  
favor1 when by a little patience  they  
might obtain it on more honorable terms4
 ,it will doubtless be found  in        
,barbadoes1 as it has been in other     
countries--and perchance to the         
mortification of some lordlings--that   
freedom is a mighty leveller of  human  
distinctions4 ,the pyramid of pride and 
prejudice which slavery had  upreared   
there1 must soon crumble in the dust4   
,indolence and inefficiency among the   
whites1 was another prominent  feature  
in slaveholding ,barbadoes4 ,enterprise1
 public and personal1 has  long been a  
stranger to the island4 ,internal       
improvements1 such as the  laying and   
repairing of roads1 the erection of     

bridges1 building  wharves1 piers1 c41  
were either wholly neglected1 or        
conducted in such  a listless manner as 
to be a burlesque on the name of        
business4 ,it was a  standing task1     
requiring the combined energy of the    
island1 to repair  the damages of one   
hurricane before another came4 ,the     
following  circumstance was told us1 by 
one of the shrewdest observers of men   
and  things with whom we met in         
,barbadoes4 ,on the southeastern coast  
of the  island there is a low point     
running far out into the sea1           
endangering  all vessels navigated by   
persons not well acquainted with the    
island4  ,many vessels have been wrecked
 upon it in the attempt to make         
,bridgetown  from the windward4 ,from   
time immemorial1 it has been in         
contemplation to  erect a light-house on
 that point4 ,every time a vessel has   
been wrecked1  the whole island has been
 agog for a light-house4 ,public        
meetings were  called1 and eloquent     

speeches made1 and resolutions passed1  
to proceed  to the work forthwith4      
,bills were introduced into the         
assembly1 long  speeches made1 and      
appropriations voted commensurate with  
the stupendous  undertaking4 ,there the 
matter ended1 and the excitement died   
away1 only  to be revived by another    
wreck1 when a similar scene would ensue4
 ,the  light-house is not built to this 
day4 ,in personal activity1 the         
,barbadians are as sadly deficient as in
 public spirit4 ,london is said to  have
 scores of wealthy merchants who have   
never been beyond its limits1  nor once 
snuffed the country air4 ,bridgetown1 we
 should think1 is in  this respect as   
deserving of the name ,little ,london as
 ,barbadoes is of  the title ,little    
,england1 which it proudly assumes4 ,we 
were credibly  informed that there were 
merchants in ,bridgetown who had never  
been off  the island in their lives1 nor
 more than five or six miles into the   
country4 ,the sum total of their        

locomotion might be said to be1 turning 
softly to one side of their chairs1 and 
then softly to the other4 ,having  no   
personal cares to harass them1 and no   
political questions to agitate          
them--having no extended speculations to
 push1 and no public enterprises  to    
prosecute1 7save occasionally when a    
wreck on the southern point  throws them
 into a ferment17 the lives of the      
higher classes seem a  perfect blank1 as
 it regards every thing manly4 ,their   
thoughts are  chiefly occupied with     
sensual pleasure1 anticipated or        
enjoyed4 ,the  centre of existence to   
them is the dinner-table4      ,they eat
 and drink and sleep1 and then--        
,eat and drink and sleep again4    ,that
 the abolition of slavery has laid the  
foundation for a reform in  this        
respect1 there can be no doubt4 ,the    
indolence and inefficiency of  the white
 community has grown out of slavery4 ,it
 is the legitimate  offspring of        
oppression everywhere--one of the       

burning curses which it  never fails to 
visit upon its supporters4 ,it may be   
seriously doubted1  however1 whether in 
,barbadoes this evil will terminate with
 its cause4  ,there is there such a     
superabundance of the laboring          
population1 that  for a long time to    
come1 labor must be very cheap1 and the 
habitually  indolent will doubtless     
prefer employing others to work for     
them1 than  to work themselves4 ,if1    
therefore1 we should not see an active  
spirit of  enterprise at once kindling  
among the ,barbadians1 if the           
light-house  should not be build for a  
quarter of a century to come1 it need   
not  excite our astonishment4    ,we    
heard not a little concerning the       
expected distress of those white        
families whose property consisted       
chiefly of slaves4 ,there were many     
such families1 who have hitherto lived  
respectably and independently by  hiring
 out their slaves4 ,after #ahdj1 these  
will be deprived of all their  property1

 and will have no means of support      
whatever4 ,as they will  consider it    
degrading to work1 and still more so to 
beg1 they will be  thrown into extremely
 embarrassing circumstances4 ,it is     
thought that  many of this class will   
leave the country1 and seek a home where
 they  will not be ashamed to work for  
their subsistence4 ,we were forcibly    
reminded of the oft alleged objection to
 emancipation in the ,united  ,states1  
that it would impoverish many excellent 
families in the ,south1  and drive      
delicate females to the distaff and the 
wash-tub1 whose hands  have never been  
used to any thing--rougher than the     
cowhide4 ,much  sympathy has been       
awakened in the ,north by such appeals1 
and vast  numbers have been led by them 
to conclude that it is better for       
millions  of slaves to famish in eternal
 bondage1 than that a few white         
families1  here and there scattered over
 the ,south1 should be reduced to the   
humiliation of working4    ,hostility to

 emancipation prevailed in ,barbadoes4  
,that island has  always been peculiarly
 attached to slavery4 ,from the         
beginning of the  anti-slavery          
agitations in ,england1 the ,barbadians 
distinguished  themselves by their      
inveterate opposition4 ,as the grand    
result  approximated they increased     
their resistance4 ,they appealed1       
remonstrated1 begged1 threatened1       
deprecated1 and imprecated4 ,they       
continually protested that abolition    
would ruin the colony--that the  negroes
 could never be brought to              
work--especially to raise               
sugar--without the whip4 ,they both     
besought and demanded of the ,english   
that they should cease their            
interference with their private affairs 
and  personal property4    ,again and   
again they informed them that they were 
wholly disqualified1  by their distance 
from the colonies1 and their ignorance  
of the subject1  to do any thing        
respecting it1 and they were entreated  

to leave the  whole matter with the     
colonies1 who alone could judge as to   
the best  time and manner of moving1 or 
whether it was proper to move at all4   
,we were assured that there was not a   
single planter in ,barbadoes who was    
known to be in favor of abolition1      
before it took place2 if1 however1      
there had been one such1 he would not   
have dared to avow his sentiments4  ,the
 anti-slavery party in ,england were    
detested2 no epithets were too  vile for
 them--no curses too bitter4 ,it was a  
,barbadian lady who once  exclaimed in a
 public company in ,england1 ,o1 ,i wish
 we had ,wilberforce  in the ,west      
,indies1 ,i would be one of the very    
first to tear his heart  out6 ,if such a
 felon wish could escape the lips of a  
female1 and that  too amid the awing    
influence of ,english society1 what may 
we conclude  were the feelings of       
planters and drivers on the island6     
,the opposition was maintained even     
after the abolition of slavery2 and     

there was no colony1 save ,jamaica1 with
 which the ,english government had  so  
much trouble in arranging the provisions
 and conditions under which  abolition  
was to take place4    ,from statements  
already made1 the reader will see how   
great a change has  come over the       
feelings of the planters4    ,he has    
followed us through this and the        
preceding chapters1 he has seen         
tranquillity taking the place of        
insurrections1 a sense of security      
succeeding to gloomy forbodings1 and    
public order supplanting mob law2  he   
has seen subordination to authority1    
peacefulness1 industry1 and  increasing 
morality1 characterizing the negro      
population2 he has seen  property rising
 in value1 crime lessening1 expenses of 
labor  diminishing1 the whole island    
blooming with unexampled cultivation1   
and  waving with crops unprecedented in 
the memory of its inhabitants2 above    
all1 he has seen licentiousness         
decreasing1 prejudice fading away1      

marriage extending1 education spreading1
 and religion preparing to  multiply her
 churches and missionaries over the     
land4    ,these are the blessing of     
abolition--begun only1 and but partially
  realized as yet1 but promising a rich 
maturity in time to come1 after  the    
work of freedom shall have been         
completed4        ,,chapter ,v4    ,,the
 ,,apprenticeship ,,system4    ,the     
nature of the apprenticeship system may 
be learned form the  following abstract 
of its provisions1 relative to the three
 parties  chiefly concerned in its      
operation--the special magistrate1 the  
master1  and the apprentice4            
,,provisions ,,respecting ,,the         
,,special ,,magistrates4    #a4 ,they   
must be disconnected with planters and  
plantership1 that they  may be          
independent of all colonial parties and 
interests whatever4    #b4 ,the special 
magistrates adjudicate only in cases    
where the master and  apprentice are    
parties4 ,offences committed by         

apprentices against any  person not     
connected with the estates on which they
 live1 come under the  cognizance of the
 local magistrates or of higher courts4 
#c4 ,the special justices sit three days
 in the week at their offices1  where   
all complaints are carried1 both by the 
master and apprentice4 ,the  magistrates
 do not go the estate1 either to try or 
to punish offenders4  ,besides1 the     
three days the magistrates are required 
to be at home every  ,saturday1 7that   
being the day on which the apprentices  
are disengaged17  to give friendly      
advice and instruction on points of law 
and personal  rights to all apprentices 
who may call4    ,,provisions           
,,respecting ,,the ,,master4    #a4 ,the
 master is allowed the gratuitous labor 
of the apprentice for  forty-five hours 
each week4 ,the several islands were    
permitted by the  ,english government to
 make such a division of this time as   
local  circumstances might seem to      
require4 ,in some islands1 as for       

instance in  ,st4 ,christopher's and    
,tortola1 it is spread over six days of 
the week in  proportions of seven and a 
half hours per day1 thus leaving the    
apprentice mere shreds of time in which 
he can accomplish nothing for  himself4 
,in ,barbadoes1 the forty-five hours is 
confined within five  days1 in portions 
of nine hours per day4    #b4 ,the      
allowances of food continue the same as 
during slavery1 excepting  that now the 
master may give1 instead of the         
allowance1 a third of an  acre to each  
apprentice1 but then he must also grant 
an additional day  every week for the   
cultivation of this land4    #c4 ,the   
master has no power whatever to punish4 
,a planter observed1 if ,i  command my  
butler to stand for half an hour on the 
parlor floor1 and it  can be proved that
 ,i designed it as a punishment1 ,i may 
be fined for  it4 ,the penalty for the  
first offence 7punishing an apprentice7 
is a  fine of five pounds currency1 or  
sixteen dollars1 and imprisonment if    

the punishment was cruel4 ,for a second 
offence the apprentice is  set free4    
,masters frequently do punish their     
apprentices in despite of all           
penalties4 ,a case in point occurred not
 long since1 in ,bridgetown4 ,a  lady   
owned a handsome young mulatto woman1   
who had a beautiful head of  hair of    
which she was very proud4 ,the servant  
did something displeasing  to her       
mistress1 and the latter in a rage      
shaved off her hair close to  her head4 
,the girl complained to the special     
magistrate1 and procured an  immediate  
release from her mistress's service4    
#d4 ,it is the duty of the master to    
make complaint to the special           
magistrate4 ,when the master chooses to 
take the punishment into his own  hand1 
the apprentice has a right to complain4 
#e4 ,the master is obliged to sell the  
remainder of the apprentice's term1     
whenever the apprentice signifies a wish
 to buy it4 ,if the parties  cannot     
agree about the price1 the special      

magistrate1 in connection with  two     
local magistrates1 appraises the latter1
 and the master is bound to  take the   
amount of the appraisement1 whatever    
that is4 ,instances of  apprentices     
purchasing themselves are quite         
frequent1 not withstanding  the term of 
service is now so short1 extending only 
to ,august1 #ahdj4 ,the  value of an    
apprentice varies from thirty to one    
hundred dollars4    ,,provisions        
,,respecting ,,the ,,apprentice4    #a4 
,he has the whole of ,saturday1 and the 
remnants of the other five  days1 after 
giving nine hours to the master4    #b4 
,the labor does not begin so early1 nor 
continue so late as during  slavery4    
,instead of half past four or five      
o'clock the apprentices are  called out 
at six o'clock in the morning4 ,they    
then work till seven1  have an hour for 
breakfast1 again work from eight to     
twelve1 have a  respite of two hours1   
and then work till six o'clock4    #c4  
,if an apprentice hires his time from   

his master as is not  unfrequently the  
case1 especially among the              
non-praedials1 he pays a  dollar a week1
 which is two thirds1 or at least one   
half of  his earnings4    #d4 ,if the   
apprentice has a complaint to make      
against his master1 he must  either make
 it during his own time1 or if he       
prefers to go to the  magistrate during 
work hours1 he must ask his master for a
 pass4 ,if his  master refuse to give   
him one1 he can then go without it4     
#e4 ,there is an unjustifiable          
inequality in the apprentice laws1 which
  was pointed out by one of the special 
magistrates4 ,the master is  punishable 
only for cruelty or corporeal           
inflictions1 whereas the  apprentice is 
punishable for a variety of offences1   
such as idleness1  stealing1            
insubordination1 insolence1 c4 ,the     
master may be as insolent  and abusive  
as he chooses to be1 and the slave can  
have no redress4    #f4 ,hard labor1    
solitary confinement1 and the treadmill1

 are the  principal modes of punishment4
 ,shaving the head is sometimes resorted
  to4 ,a very sever punishment          
frequently adopted1 is requiring the    
apprentice to make up for the time      
during which he is confined4 ,if he is  
committed for ten working days1 he must 
give the master ten successive          
,saturdays4    ,this last regulation is 
particularly oppressive and palpably    
unjust4 ,it  matters not how slight the 
offence may have been1 it is            
discretionary  with the special         
magistrate to mulct the apprentice of   
his ,saturdays4  ,this provision really 
would appear to have been made expressly
 for the  purpose of depriving the      
apprentices of their own time4 ,it is a 
direct  inducement to the master to     
complain4 ,if the apprentice has been   
absent  from his work but an hour1 the  
magistrate may sentence him to give a   
whole day in return2 consequently the   
master is encouraged to mark the        
slightest omission1 and to complain of  

it whether it was unavoidable  or not4  
,,the ,,design ,,of ,,the               
,,apprenticeship4--,it is a serious     
question with a  portion of the         
colonists1 whether or not the           
apprenticeship was  originally designed 
as a preparation for freedom4 ,this     
however was the  professed object with  
its advocates1 and it was on the        
strength of this  plausible pretension1 
doubtless1 that the measure was carried 
through4  ,we believe it is pretty well 
understood1 both in ,england and the    
colonies2 that it was mainly intended as
 an additional compensation to  the     
planters4 ,the latter complained that   
the twenty millions of pounds  was but a
 pittance of the value of their slaves1 
and to drown their  cries about robbery 
and oppression this system of modified  
slavery was  granted to them1 that they 
might1 for a term of years1 enjoy the   
toil of  the negro without compensation4
 ,as a mockery to the hopes of the      
slaves  this system was called an       

apprenticeship1 and it was held out to  
them as  a needful preparatory stage for
 them to pass through1 ere they could   
rightly appreciate the blessings of     
entire freedom4 ,it was not wonderful   
that they should be slow to apprehend   
the necessity of serving a six  years'  
apprenticeship1 at a business which they
 had been all their lives  employed in4 
,it is not too much to say that it was a
 grand cheat--a  national imposture at  
the expense of the poor victims of      
oppression1  whom1 with benevolent      
pretences1 it offered up a sacrifice to 
cupidity  and power4    ,,practical     
,,operation ,,of ,,the                  
,,apprenticeship4--,it cannot be denied 
that  this system is in some respects   
far better than slavery4 ,many          
restraints  are imposed upon the master1
 and many important privileges are      
secured  to the apprentice4 ,being      
released from the arbitrary power of the
  master1 is regarded by the latter as a
 vast stride towards entire  liberty4   

,we once asked an apprentice2 if he     
thought apprenticeship was  better than 
slavery4 ,o yes1 said he1 great deal    
better1 sir2 when we  was slaves1 our   
masters git mad wid us1 and give us     
plenty of licks2  but now1 thank ,god1  
they can't touch us4 ,but the actual    
enjoyment of  these advantages by the   
apprentices depends upon so many        
contingencies1  such as the disposition 
of the master1 and the faithfulness of  
the  special magistrate1 that it is left
 after all exceedingly precarious4 ,a   
very few observations respecting the    
special magistrates1 will serve to  show
 how liable the apprentice is to suffer 
wrong without the  possibility of       
obtaining redress4 ,it is evident that  
this will be the  case unless the       
special magistrates are entirely        
independent4 ,this was  foreseen by the 
,english government1 and they pretended 
to provide for it  by paying the        
magistrates' salaries at home4 ,but how 
inadequate was  their provision6 ,the   

salaries scarcely answer for pocket     
money in the  ,west ,indies4 ,thus      
situated1 the magistrates are           
continually exposed to  those           
temptations1 which the planters can so  
artfully present in the  shape of       
sumptuous dinners4 ,they doubtless find 
it very convenient1 when  their stinted 
purses run low1 and mutton and wines run
 high1 to do as  the ,new ,england      
school master does1 board round2 and    
consequently  the dependence of the     
magistrate upon the planter is of all   
things the  most deprecated by the      
apprentice4,a    ,footnote ,a3 ,the     
feelings of apprentices on this point   
are well  illustrated by the following  
anecdote1 which was related to us while 
in  the ,west ,indies4 ,the governor of 
one of the islands1 shortly after his   
arrival1 dined with one of the          
wealthiest proprietors4 ,the next day   
one  of the negroes of the estate said  
to another1 ,de new gubner been         
poison'd4 ,what dat you say8 inquired   

the other in astonishment1 ,de  gubner  
been poison'd4 ,dah1 now6--,how him     
poisoned6 ,him eat massa  turtle soup   
last night1 said the shrewd negro4 ,the 
other took his  meaning at once2 and his
 sympathy for the governor was turned   
into  concern for himself1 when he      
perceived that the poison was one from  
which he was likely to suffer more than 
his excellency4    ,congeniality of     
feeling1 habits1 views1 style and       
rank--identity of  country and          
color--these powerful influences bias   
the magistrate toward  the master1 at   
the same time that the absence of them  
all1 estrange and  even repel him from  
the apprentice4 ,there is still an      
additional  consideration which operates
 against the unfortunate apprentice4    
,the men  selected for magistrates1 are 
mostly officers of the army and navy4   
,to  those who are acquainted with the  
arbitrary habits of military and naval  
officers1 and with the iron despotism   
which they exercise among the  soldiers 

and sailors1,b the bare mention of this 
fact is sufficient to  convince them of 
the unenviable situation of the         
apprentice4 ,it is at  best but a gloomy
 transfer from the mercies of a slave   
driver1 to the  justice of a military   
magistrate4    ,footnote ,b3 ,we had a  
specimen of the stuff special           
magistrates are made  of in sailing from
 ,barbadoes to ,jamaica4 ,the vessel was
 originally an  ,english man-of-war     
brig1 which had been converted into a   
steamer1 and  was employed by the       
,english government1 in conveying the   
island mails  from ,barbadoes to        
,jamaica--to and fro4 ,she was still    
under the strict  discipline of a       
man-of-war4 ,the senior officer on board
 was a  lieutenant4 ,this man was one of
 the veriest savages on earth4 ,his     
passions were in a perpetual storm1 at  
some times higher than at others1       
occasionally they blew a hurricane4 ,he 
quarrelled with his officers1 and  his  
orders to his men were always uttered in

 oaths4 ,scarcely a day  passed that he 
did not have some one of his sailors    
flogged4 ,one night1  the cabin boy left
 the water-can sitting on the cabin     
floor1 instead of  putting it on the    
sideboard1 where it usually stood4 ,for 
this offence  the commander ordered him 
up on deck after midnight1 and made the 
quarter-master flog him4 ,the instrument
 used in this case1 7the regular        
flogging stick having been used up by   
previous service17 was the  commander's 
cane--a heavy knotted club4 ,the boy    
held out one hand and  received the     
blows4 ,he howled most piteously1 and it
 was some seconds  before he recovered  
sufficiently from the pain to extend the
 other4  ,lay on1 stormed the commander4
 ,down went the cane a second time4 ,we 
thought it must have broken every bone  
in the boy's hand4 ,this was  repeated  
several times1 the boy extending each   
hand alternately1 and  recoiling at     
every blow4 ,now lay on to his back1    
sternly vociferated  the commander--give

 it to him--hard--lay on harder4 ,the   
old  seaman1 who had some mercy in his  
heart1 seemed very loth to lay out his  
strength on the boy with such a club4   
,the commander became  furious--cursed  
and swore--and again yelled1 ,give it to
 him harder1                            
more--,,more--,,more--there1 stop4 you  
infernal villain--speaking to the       
quarter-master and using the most horrid
 oaths--,you infernal villain1  if you  
do not lay on harder the next time ,i   
command you1 ,i'll have you  put in     
irons4 ,the boy limped away1 writhing in
 every joint1 and crying  piteously1    
when the commander called at him1       
,silence there1 you imp--or  ,i'll give 
you a second edition4 ,one of the first 
things the commander  did after we left 
,barbadoes1 was to have a man flogged1  
and the last  order we heard him give as
 we left the steamer at ,kingston1 was  
to put  two of the men in irons4    ,it 
is not a little remarkable that the     
apprenticeship should be regarded  by   

the planters themselves1 as well as by  
other persons generally  throughout the 
colony1 as merely a modified form of    
slavery4 ,it is  common to hear it      
called 'slavery under a different form1'
 'another name  for slavery1'--'modified
 slavery1' 'but little better than      
slavery4'    ,nor is the practical      
operation of the system upon the master 
much less  exceptionable4 ,it takes out 
of his hand the power of coercing labor1
 and  provides no other stimulus4 ,thus 
it subjects him to the necessity either 
of resorting to empty threats1 which    
must result only in incessant  disputes1
 or of condescending to persuade and    
entreat1 against which his  habits at   
once rebel1 or of complaining to a third
 party--an alternative  more revolting  
if possible1 than the former1 since it  
involves the  acknowledgment of a higher
 power than his own4 ,it sets up over   
his  actions a foreign judge1 at whose  
bar he is alike amenable 7in theory7    
with his apprentice1 before whose       

tribunal he may be dragged at any       
moment by his apprentice1 and from whose
 lips he may receive the  humiliating   
sentence of punishment in the presence  
of his apprentice4 ,it  introduces      
between him and his laborers1 mutual    
repellancies and  estrangement2 it      
encourages the former to exercise an    
authority which he  would not venture to
 assume under a system of perfect       
freedom2 it  emboldens the latter to    
display an insolence which he would not 
have  dreamed of in a state of slavery1 
and thus begetting in the one1 the      
imperiousness of the slaveholder without
 his power1 and in the other1  the      
independence of the freeman without his 
immunities1 it perpetuates  a scene of  
angry collision1 jealousy and hatred4   
,it does not even serve for the master  
the unworthy purpose for which it  was  
mainly devised1 viz41 that of an        
additional compensation4 ,the           
apprenticeship is estimated to be more  
expensive than a system of free  labor  

would be4 ,it is but little less        
expensive than slavery1 and  freedom it 
is confidently expected will be         
considerably less4 ,so it  would seem   
that this system burthens the master    
with much of the  perplexity1 the       
ignominy and the expensiveness of       
slavery1 while it  denies him its power4
 ,such is the apprenticeship system4 ,a 
splendid  imposition6--which cheats the 
planter of his gains1 cheats the        
,british  nation of its money1 and robs 
the world of what else might have been a
  glorious example of immediate and     
entire emancipation4    ,,the           
,,apprenticeship ,,is ,,no ,,preparation
 ,,for ,,freedom4--,indeed1 as far as it
  can be1 it is an actual               
disqualification4 ,the testimony on this
  subject is ample4 ,we rarely met a    
planter1 who was disposed to maintain   
that the apprenticeship was preparing   
the negroes for freedom4 ,they          
generally admitted that the people were 
no better prepared for freedom  now1    

than they were in #ahcd2 and some of    
them did not hesitate to say  that the  
sole use to which they and their brother
 planters turned the  system1 was to get
 as much work out of the apprentices    
while it lasted1  as possible4          
,clergymen and missionaries1 declared   
that the  apprenticeship was no         
preparation for freedom4 ,if it were a  
preparation  at all1 it would most      
probably be so in a religious and       
educational  point of view4 ,we should  
expect to find the masters1 if laboring 
at all  to prepare their apprentices for
 freedom1 doing so chiefly by           
encouraging missionaries and teachers to
 come to their estates1 and by  aiding  
in the erection of chapels and          
school-houses4 ,but the  missionaries   
declare that they meet with little more 
direct  encouragement now1 than they did
 during slavery4    ,the special        
magistrates also testify that the       
apprenticeship is no  preparation for   
freedom4 ,on this subject they are very 

explicit4    ,the colored people bear   
the same testimony4 ,not a few1 too1    
affirm1 that  the tendency of the       
apprenticeship is to unfit the negroes  
for freedom1  and avow it as their firm 
persuasion1 that the people will be less
  prepared for liberty at the end of the
 apprenticeship1 than they were at  its 
commencement4 ,and it is not without    
reason that they thus speak4  ,they say1
 first1 that the bickerings and disputes
 to which the system  gives rise between
 the master and the apprentice1 and the 
arraigning of  each other before the    
special magistrate1 are directly        
calculated to  alienate the parties4    
,the effect of these contentions1 kept  
up for six  years1 will be to implant   
deep mutual hostility2 and the parties  
will  be a hundred fold more            
irreconcilable than they were on the    
abolition of  slavery4 ,again1 they     
argue that the apprenticeship system is 
calculated  to make the negroes regard  
law as their foe1 and thus it unfits    

them  for freedom4 ,they reason         
thus--the apprentice looks to the       
magistrate as  his judge1 his avenger1  
his protector2 he knows nothing of      
either law or  justice except as he sees
 them exemplified in the decisions of   
the  magistrate4 ,when1 therefore1 the  
magistrate sentences him to punishment1 
when he knows he was the injured party1 
he will become disgusted with  the very 
name of justice1 and esteem law his     
greatest enemy4    ,the neglect of the  
planters to use the apprenticeship as a 
preparation  for freedom1 warrants us in
 the conclusion1 that they do not think 
any  preparation necessary4 ,but we are 
not confined to doubtful inferences on  
this point4 ,they testify               
positively--and not only planters1 but  
all  other classes of men likewise--that
 the slaves of ,barbadoes were fit for  
entire freedom in #ahcd1 and that they  
might have been emancipated then  with  
perfect safety4 ,whatever may have been 
the sentiment of the  ,barbadians       

relative to the necessity of preparation
 before the  experiment was made1 it is 
clear that now they have no confidence  
either  in the necessity or the         
practicability of preparatory schemes4  
,but we cannot close our remarks upon   
the apprenticeship system without       
noticing one good end which it has      
undesignedly accomplished1 i4e41 the    
illustration of the good disposition of 
the colored people4 ,we firmly  believe 
that if the friends of emancipation had 
wished to disprove all  that has ever   
been said about the ferocity and        
revengefulness of the  negroes1 and at  
the same time to demonstrate that they  
possess1 in a  pre-eminent degree1 those
 other qualities which render them the  
fit  subjects of liberty and law1 they  
could not have done it more             
triumphantly than it has been done by   
the apprenticeship4 ,how this has  been 
done may be shown by pointing out       
several respects in which the           
apprenticeship has been calculated to   

try the negro character most  severely1 
and to develop all that was fiery and   
rebellious in it4    #a4 ,the           
apprenticeship removed that strong arm  
of slavery and substituted  no adequate 
force4 ,the arbitrary power of the      
master1 which awed the  slave into      
submission1 was annihilated4 ,the whip  
which was held over the  slave1 and     
compelled a kind of                     
subordination--brutal1 indeed1 but      
effectual--was abolished4 ,here in the  
outset the reins were given to the      
long-oppressed1 but now aspiring mass4  
,no adequate force was  substituted1    
because it was the intent of the new    
system to govern by  milder means4 ,this
 was well1 but what were the milder     
means which were  to take the place of  
brute force8    #b4 ,was the stimulus of
 wages substituted8 ,no6 ,that was      
expressly denied4  ,was the liberty of  
locomotion granted8 ,no4 ,was the       
privilege of gaining  a personal        
interest in the soil extended to them8  

,no4 ,were the  immunities and rights of
 citizenship secured to them8 ,no4 ,was 
the poor  favor allowed them of         
selecting their own business1 or of     
choosing their  employer8 ,not even     
this8 ,thus far1 then1 we see nothing of
 the milder  measures of the            
apprenticeship4 ,it has indeed opened   
the prison doors  and knocked off the   
prisoners' chains--but it still keeps   
them grinding  there1 as before1 and    
refuses to let them come forth1 except  
occasionally1 and then only to be thrust
 back again4 ,is it not thus  directly  
calculated to encourage indolence and   
insubordination8    #c4 ,in the next    
place1 this system introduces a third   
party1 to whom the  apprentice is       
encouraged to look for justice1 redress1
 and counsel4 ,thus  he is led to regard
 his master as his enemy1 and all       
confidence in him  is for ever          
destroyed4 ,but this is not the end of  
the difficulty4 ,the  apprentice carries
 up complaints against his master4 ,if  

they gain a  favorable hearing he       
triumphs over him--if they are          
disregarded1 he  concludes that the     
magistrate also is his enemy1 and he    
goes away with a  rankling grudge       
against his master4 ,thus he is         
gradually led to assert  his own cause1 
and he learns to contend with his       
master1 to reply  insolently1 to        
dispute1 quarrel1 and--it is well that  
we cannot add1 to  fight4 ,at least one 
thing is the result--a permanent state  
of  alienation1 contempt of authority1  
and hatred4 ,all these are the fruits   
of the apprenticeship system4 ,they are 
caused by transferring the power  of the
 master1 while the relation continues   
the same4 ,nor is this  contempt for the
 master1 this alienation and hatred1 all
 the mischief4  ,the unjust decisions of
 the magistrate1 of which the           
apprentices have  such abundant reasons 
to complain1 excite their abhorrence of 
him1 and  thus their confidence in the  
protection of law is weakened or        

destroyed4  ,here1 then1 is contempt for
 the master1 abhorrence of the          
magistrate1  and mistrust of the        
law--the apprentice regarding all three 
as leagued  together to rob him of his  
rights4 ,what a combination of          
circumstances  to drive the apprentices 
to desperation and madness6 ,what a     
marvel that  the outraged negroes have  
been restrained from bloody rebellions6 
,another insurrectionary feature        
peculiar to the apprenticeship is its   
making the apprentices free a portion of
 the time4 ,one fourth of the  time is  
given them every week--just enough to   
afford them a taste of the  sweets of   
liberty1 and render them dissatisfied   
with their condition4  ,then the manner 
in which this time is divided is        
calculated to irritate4  ,after being a 
slave nine hours1 the apprentice is made
 a freeman for the  remainder of the    
day2 early the next morning the halter  
is again put on1  and he treads the     
wheel another day4 ,thus the week wears 

away until  ,saturday2 which is an      
entire day of freedom4 ,the negro goes  
out and  works for his master1 or any   
one else1 as he pleases1 and at night he
  receives his quarter of a dollar4     
,this is something like freedom1 and he 
begins to have the feelings of a        
freeman--a lighter heart and more       
active limbs4 ,he puts his money        
carefully away at night1 and lays       
himself down to rest his toil-worn body4
 ,he awakes on ,sabbath morning1  and is
 still free4 ,he puts on his best       
clothes1 goes to church1  worships a    
free ,god1 contemplates a free heaven1  
sees his free children  about him1 and  
his wedded wife2 and ere the night again
 returns1 the  consciousness that he is 
a slave is quite lost in the thoughts of
  liberty which fill his breast1 and the
 associations of freedom which  cluster 
around him4 ,he sleeps again4 ,monday   
morning he is startled from  his dreams 
by the old shell-blow of slavery1 and he
 arises to endure  another week of toil1

 alternated by the same tantalizing     
mockeries of  freedom4 ,is not this     
applying the hot iron to the nerve8     
#e4 ,but1 lastly1 the apprenticeship    
system1 as if it would apply the  match 
to this magazine of combustibles1 holds 
out the reward of liberty  to every     
apprentice who shall by any means       
provoke his master to punish  him a     
second time4    ,,note4--,in a former   
part of this work--the report of        
,antigua--we  mentioned having received 
information respecting a number of the  
apprenticeship islands1 viz41 ,dominica1
 ,st4 ,christopher's1 ,nevis1           
,montserrat1 ,anguilla1 and ,tortola1   
from the ,wesleyan ,missionaries whom   
we providentially met with at the annual
 district meeting in ,antigua4 ,we      
designed to give the statements of these
 men at some length in this  connection1
 but we find that it would swell our    
report to too great a  size4 ,it only   
remains to say1 therefore1 in a word1   
that the same things  are generally true

 of those colonies which have been      
detailed in the  account of ,barbadoes4 
,there is the same peaceableness1       
subordination1  industry1 and patient   
suffering on the part of the            
apprentices1 the same  inefficiency of  
the apprenticeship as a preparation for 
freedom1 and the  same conviction in the
 community that the people will1 if at  
all  affected by it1 be less fit for    
emancipation in #ahdj than they were in 
#ahcd4 ,a short call at ,st4            
,christopher's confirmed these views in 
our  minds1 so far as that island is    
concerned4    ,while in ,barbadoes1 we  
had repeated interviews with gentlemen  
who were  well acquainted with the      
adjacent islands1 ,st4 ,lucia1 ,st4     
,vincent's1  ,grenada1 c42 one of whom  
was a proprietor of a sugar estate in   
,st4  ,vincent's2 and they assured us   
that there was the same tranquillity    
reigning in those islands which we saw  
in ,barbadoes4 ,sir ,evan ,mc,gregor1   
who is the governor-general of the      

windward colonies1 and of course        
thoroughly informed respecting their    
internal state1 gave us the same        
assurances4 ,from ,mr4 ,h41 an ,american
 gentleman1 a merchant of ,barbadoes1   
and formerly of ,trinidad1 we gathered  
similar information touching that  large
 and 7compared with ,barbadoes or       
,antigua7 semi-barbarous island4    ,we 
learned enough from these authentic     
sources to satisfy ourselves that  the  
various degrees of intelligence in the  
several islands makes very  little      
difference in the actual results of     
abolition2 but that in all  the         
colonies1 conciliatory and equitable    
management has never failed to  secure  
industry and tranquillity4              
,,jamaica4    ,,chapter ,i4             
,,kingston4    ,having drawn out in     
detail the results of abolition1 and the
 working of  the apprenticeship system  
in ,barbadoes1 we shall spare the reader
 a  protracted account of ,jamaica2 but 
the importance of that colony1 and  the 

fact that greater dissatisfaction on    
account of the abolition of  slavery has
 prevailed there than in all the other  
colonies together1  demand a careful    
statement of facts4    ,on landing in   
,jamaica1 we pushed onward in our       
appropriate inquiries1  scarcely        
stopping to cast a glance at the        
towering mountains1 with their          
cloud-wreathed tops1 and the valleys    
where sunshine and shade sleep side  by 
side--at the frowning precipices1 made  
more awful by the impenetrable          
forest-foliage which shrouds the abysses
 below1 leaving the impression  of an   
ocean depth--at the broad lawns and     
magnificent savannahs glowing  in       
verdure and sunlight--at the princely   
estates and palace mansions--at  the    
luxuriant cultivation1 and the sublime  
solitude of primeval forests1  where    
trees of every name1 the mahogany1 the  
boxwood1 the rosewood1 the  cedar1 the  
palm1 the fern1 the bamboo1 the cocoa1  
the breadfruit1 the  mango1 the almond1 

all grow in wild confusion1 interwoven  
with a dense  tangled undergrowth4,a    
,footnote ,a3 ,it is less necessary for 
us to dwell long on ,jamaica1 than  it  
would otherwise be1 since the ,english  
gentlemen1 ,messrs4 ,sturge and         
,harvey1 spent most of their time in    
that island1 and will1 doubtless1       
publish their investigations1 which     
will1 ere long1 be accessible to our    
readers4 ,we had the pleasure of meeting
 these intelligent philanthropic  and   
pious men in the ,west ,indies1 and from
 the great length of time1 and  the     
superior facilities which they enjoyed  
over us1 of gathering a mass  of facts  
in ,jamaica1 we feel assured that their 
report will be highly  interesting and  
useful1 as well among us as on the other
 side of  the water4    ,we were one    
month in ,jamaica4 ,for about a week we 
remained in  ,kingston1,b and called on 
some of the principal gentlemen1 both   
white  and colored4 ,we visited the     
,attorney-,general1 the                 

,solicitor-,general1  some of the       
editors1 the ,baptist and ,wesleyan     
missionaries1 and several  merchants4   
,we likewise visited the public schools1
 the house of  correction1 penitentiary1
 hospital1 and other public             
institutions4 ,we  shall speak briefly  
of several individuals whom we saw in   
,kingston1 and  give some of their      
statements4    ,footnote ,b3 ,the chief 
town of the island1 with about forty    
thousand  inhabitants4    ,the ,hon4    
,dowel ,o',reily2 the                   
,attorney-,general2 is an ,irishman1 and
 of one  of the influential families4   
,in his own country he was a prominent  
politician1 and a bold advocate of      
,catholic ,emancipation4 ,he is         
decidedly one of the ablest men in the  
island1 distinguished for that          
simplicity of manners1 and flow of      
natural benevolence1 which are the      
characteristics of the ,irishman4 ,he   
received his present appointment  from  
the ,english government about six years 

ago1 and is1 by virtue of  his office1 a
 member of the council4 ,he declared    
that the apprenticeship  was in no      
manner preparing the negroes for        
freedom1 but was operating in  a        
contrary way1 especially in ,jamaica1   
where it had been made the  instrument  
of greater cruelties in some cases1 than
 slavery itself4 ,mr4  ,o',reily is     
entirely free from prejudice2 with all  
his family rank and  official standing1 
he identifies himself with the colored  
people as far  as his extensive         
professional engagements will allow4    
,having early  learned this1 we were    
surprised to find him so highly         
respected by the  whites4 ,in our       
subsequent excursions to the country1   
the letters of  introduction with which 
he kindly furnished us1 to planters and 
others1  were uniformly received with   
avowals of the profoundest respect for  
him4  ,it should be observed1 that ,mr4 
,o',reily's attachment to the cause of  
freedom in the colonies1 is not a mere  

partizan feeling assumed in order  to be
 in keeping with the government under   
which he holds his office4  ,the fact of
 his being a ,roman ,catholic must1 of  
itself1 acquit him of  the suspicion of 
any strong partiality for the ,english  
government4 ,on  the other hand1 his    
decided hostility to the                
apprenticeship--the  favorite offspring 
of ,british legislation--demonstrates   
equally his  sincerity and independence4
    ,we were introduced to the          
,solicitor-,general1 ,william ,henry    
,anderson1  ,esq41 of ,kingston4 ,mr4   
,a4 is a ,scotchman1 and has resided to 
,jamaica for  more than six years4 ,we  
found him the fearless advocate of negro
  emancipation4 ,he exposed the         
corruptions and abominations of the     
apprenticeship without reserve4 ,mr4 ,a4
 furnished us with a written  statement 
of his views1 respecting the state of   
the island1 the  condition of the       
apprentices1 c41 from which we here make
 a  few extracts4    #a4 ,a very        

material change for the better has taken
 place in the  sentiments of the        
community since slavery was abolished4  
,religion and  education were formerly  
opposed as subversive of the security of
  property2 now they are in the most    
direct manner encouraged as its best    
support4 ,the value of all kinds of     
property has risen considerably1 and  a 
general sense of security appears to be 
rapidly pervading the public  mind4 ,i  
have not heard one man assert that it   
would be an advantage to  return to     
slavery1 even were it practicable2 and  
,i believe that the  public is beginning
 to see that slave labor is not the     
cheapest4    #b4 ,the prejudices against
 color are rapidly vanishing4 ,i do not 
think  there is a respectable man1 ,i   
mean one who would be regarded as       
respectable on account of his good sense
 and weight of character1 who  would    
impugn another's conduct for associating
 with persons of color4 ,so  far as my  
observation goes1 those who would       

formerly have acted on these            
prejudices1 will be ashamed to own that 
they had entertained them4 ,the         
distinction of superior acquirements    
still belongs to the whites1 as a  body2
 but that1 and character1 will shortly  
be the only distinguishing  mark        
recognized among us4    #c4 ,the        
apprentices are improving1 not1 however1
 in consequence of the  apprenticeship1 
but in spite of it1 and in consequence  
of the great act  of abolition6    #d4  
,i think the negroes might have been    
emancipated as safely in #ahcd1  as in  
#ahdj2 and had the emancipation then    
taken place1 they would be  found much  
further in advance in #ahdj1 than they  
can be after the  expiration of the     
present period of apprenticeship1       
through which all1  both apprentices and
 masters1 are ,,laboring ,,heavily4     
#e4 ,that the negroes will work if      
moderately compensated1 no candid man   
can doubt4 ,their endurance for the sake
 of a very little gain is quite         

amazing1 and they are most desirous to  
procure for themselves and  families as 
large a share as possible of the        
comforts and decencies of  life4 ,they  
appear peculiarly to reverence and      
desire intellectual  attainments4 ,they 
employ1 occasionally1 children who have 
been taught in  the schools to teach    
them in their leisure time to read4     
#f4 ,i think the partial modifications  
of slavery have been attended by  so    
much improvement in all that constitutes
 the welfare and  respectability of     
society1 that ,i cannot doubt the       
increase of the  benefit were a total   
abolition accomplished of every         
restriction that  has arisen out of the 
former state of things4    ,during our  
stay in ,kingston1 we called on the     
,american consul1 to whom  we had a     
letter from the consul at ,antigua4 ,we 
found him an elderly  gentleman1 and a  
true hearted ,virginian1 both in his    
generosity and his  prejudices in favor 
of slavery4 ,the consul1 ,colonel       

,harrison1 is a near  relation of       
,general ,w4,h4 ,harrison1 of ,ohio4    
,things1 he said1 were going  ruinously 
in ,jamaica4 ,the ,english government   
were mad for abolishing  slavery4 ,the  
negroes of ,jamaica were the most       
degraded and ignorant of  all negroes he
 had ever seen4 ,he had travelled in all
 our ,southern  ,states1 and the        
,american negroes1 even those of ,south 
,carolina and  ,georgia1 were as much   
superior to the negroes of ,jamaica1 as 
,henry ,clay  was superior to him4 ,he  
said they were the most ungrateful1     
faithless  set he ever saw2 no          
confidence could be placed in them1 and 
kindness was  always requited by insult4
 ,he proceeded to relate a fact from    
which it  appeared that the ground on   
which his grave charges against the     
negro  character rested1 was the        
ill-conduct of one negro woman whom he  
had  hired some time ago to assist his  
family4 ,the town negroes1 he said1     
were too lazy to work2 they loitered and

 lounged about on the sidewalks  all    
day1 jabbering with one another1 and    
keeping up an incessant noise2  and they
 would not suffer a white man to order  
them in the least4 ,they  were rearing  
their children in perfect idleness and  
for his part he  could not tell what    
would become of the rising population of
 blacks4  ,their parents were too proud 
to let them work1 and they sent them to 
school all the time4 ,every afternoon1  
he said1 the streets are thronged  with 
the half-naked little black devils1 just
 broke from the schools1  and all       
singing some noisy tune learned in the  
infant schools2 the  burthen of their   
songs seems to be1 ,o that will be      
joyful4 ,these  words1 said he1 are     
ringing in your ears wherever you go4   
,how  aggravating truly such words must 
be1 bursting cheerily from the lips of  
the little free songsters6 ,o that will 
be joyful1 joyful1  ,,joyful--and so    
they ring the changes day after day1    
ceaseless and  untiring4 ,a new song    

this1 well befitting the times and the  
prospects1  but provoking enough to     
oppressors4 ,the consul denounced he    
special  magistrates2 they were an      
insolent set of fellows1 they would fine
 a  white man as quick as they would    
flog a nigger4,a ,if a master called    
his apprentice you scoundrel1 or1 you   
huzzy1 the magistrate would  either fine
 him for it or reprove him sharply in   
the presence of the  apprentice4 ,this1 
in the eyes of the veteran ,virginian1  
was intolerable4  ,outrageous1 not to   
allow a gentleman to call his servant   
what names he  chooses6 ,we were very   
much edified by the ,colonel's expos of 
,jamaica  manners4 ,we must say1        
however1 that his opinions had much less
 weight  with us after we learned 7as we
 did from the best authority7 that he   
had  never been a half dozen miles into 
the country during a ten year's         
residence in ,kingston4    ,footnote ,a3
 ,we fear there is too little truth in  
this representation4    ,we called on   

the ,rev4 ,jonathan ,edmonson1 the      
superintendent of the  ,wesleyan        
missions in ,jamaica4 ,mr4 ,e4 has been 
for many years laboring as  a missionary
 in the ,west ,indies1 first in         
,barbadoes1 then in ,st4  ,vincent's1   
,grenada1 ,trinidad1 and ,demerara1 and 
lastly in ,jamaica4 ,he  stated that the
 planters were doing comparatively      
nothing to prepare the  negroes for     
freedom4 ,their whole object was to get 
as much sugar out  of them as they      
possibly could4    ,we received a call  
from the ,rev4 ,mr4 ,wooldridge1 one of 
the ,independent  missionaries4 ,he     
thinks the conduct of the planters is   
tending to make  the apprentices their  
bitter enemies4 ,he mentioned one effect
 of the  apprenticeship which had not   
been pointed out to us before4 ,the     
system  of appraisement1 he said1 was a 
premium upon all the bad qualities of   
the negroes and a tax upon all the good 
ones4 ,when a person is to be           
appraised1 his virtues and his vices are

 always inquired into1 and they         
materially influence the estimate of his
 value4 ,for example1 the usual  rate of
 appraisement is a dollar per week for  
the remainder of the term2  but if the  
apprentice is particularly sober1       
honest1 and industrious1  more          
particularly if he be a pious man1 he is
 valued at the rate of  two or three    
dollars per week4 ,it was consequently  
for the interest of  the master1 when an
 apprentice applied for an appraisement1
 to portray  his virtues1 while on the  
other hand there was an inducement for  
the  apprentice to conceal or actually  
to renounce his good qualities1 and     
foster the worst vices4 ,some instances 
of this kind had fallen under his       
personal observation4    ,we called on  
the ,rev4 ,mr4 ,gardiner1 and on the    
,rev4 ,mr4 ,tinson1 two  ,baptist       
missionaries in ,kingston4 ,on ,sabbath 
we attended service at the  church of   
which ,mr4 ,g4 is the pastor4 ,it is a  
very large building1  capable of seating

 two thousand persons4 ,the great mass  
of the  congregation were apprentices4  
,at the time we were present1 the chapel
  was well filled1 and the broad surface
 of black faces was scarcely at  all    
diversified with lighter colors4 ,it was
 gratifying to witness the  neatness of 
dress1 the sobriety of demeanor1 the    
devotional aspect of  countenance1 the  
quiet and wakeful attention to the      
preacher which  prevailed4 ,they were   
mostly rural negroes from the estates   
adjacent  to ,kingston4    ,the         
,baptists are the most numerous body of 
,christians in the island4 ,the  number 
of their missionaries now in ,jamaica is
 sixteen1 the number of  ,chapels is    
thirty-one1 and the number of members   
thirty-two thousand  nine hundred and   
sixty4 ,the increase of members during  
the year #ahcf was  three thousand three
 hundred and forty-four4    ,at present 
the missionary field is mostly engrossed
 by the ,baptists and  ,wesleyans4 ,the 
,moravians are the next most numerous   

body4 ,besides these1  there are the    
clergy of the ,english ,church1 with a  
,bishop1 and a few  ,scotch clergymen4  
,the ,baptist missionaries1 as a body1  
have been most  distinguished for their 
opposition to slavery4 ,their boldness  
in the  midst of suffering and          
persecutions1 their denunciations of    
oppression1  though they did for a time 
arouse the wrath of oppressors1 and     
cause  their chapels to be torn down and
 themselves to be hunted1 imprisoned1   
and banished1 did more probably than any
 other cause1 to hasten the  abolition  
of slavery4    ,schools in              
,kingston4--,we visited the ,wolmer free
 school--the largest  and oldest school 
in the island4 ,the whole number of     
scholars is five  hundred4 ,it is under 
the charge of ,mr4 ,reid1 a venerable   
,scotchman1 of  scholarship and piety4  
,all colors are mingled in it           
promiscuously4 ,we  saw the infant      
school department examined by ,mr4 ,r4  
,there were nearly  one hundred and     

fifty children1 of every hue1 from the  
jettiest black to  the fairest white2   
they were thoroughly intermingled1 and  
the ready  answers ran along the ranks  
from black to white1 from white to      
brown1  from brown to pale1 with        
undistinguished vivacity and accuracy4  
,we were  afterwards conducted into the 
higher department1 where lads and misses
  from nine to fifteen1 were instructed 
in the various branches of  academic    
education4 ,a class of lads1 mostly     
colored1 were examined in  arithmetic4  
,they wrought several sums in pounds1   
shillings and pence  currency1 with     
wonderful celerity4    ,among other     
things which we witnessed in that       
school1 we shall not soon  forget having
 seen a curly headed negro lad of       
twelve1 examining a class  of white     
young ladies in scientific history4     
,some written statements and statistical
 tables were furnished us by ,mr4       
,reid1 which we subjoin44    ,kingston1 
,may #acth1 #ahcg    ,,dear ,,sir1--,i  

delayed answering your queries in hopes 
of being able to  give you an accurate  
list of the number of schools in        
,kingston1 and  pupils under tuition1   
but have not been able completely to    
accomplish my  intention4 ,i shall now  
answer your queries in the order you    
propose  them4 #ast ,quest4 ,how long   
have you been teaching in ,jamaica8     
,ans4  ,thirty-eight years in ,kingston4
 #b;d ,q4 ,how long have you been master
 of  ,wolmer's free school8 ,a4         
,twenty-three years4 #c;d ,q4 ,what is  
the number of  colored children now in  
the school8 ,a4 ,four hundred and       
thirty4 #dth ,q4  ,was there any        
opposition to their admission at first8 
,a4 ,considerable  opposition the first 
year1 but none afterwards4 #eth ,q4 ,do 
they learn as  readily us the white     
children8 ,a4 ,as they are more regular 
in their  attendance1 they learn better4
 #fth ,q4 ,are they as easily governed8 
,a4  ,much easier4 #gth ,q4 ,what       
proportion of the school are the        

children of  apprentices8 ,a4 ,fifty4   
#hth ,q4 ,do their parents manifest a   
desire to have  them educated8 ,a4 ,in  
general they do4 #ith ,q4 ,at what age  
do the children  leave your school8 ,a4 
,generally between twelve and fourteen4 
#ajth ,q ,what  employments do they     
chiefly engage in upon leaving you8 ,a4 
,the boys go  to various mechanic       
trades1 to counting-houses1 attorney's  
offices1  clerks to planting attorneys1 
and others become planters4 ,the1 girls 
seamstresses1 mantuamakers1 and a       
considerable proportion tailoresses1  in
 ,kingston and throughout ,jamaica1 as  
situations offer4    ,i am1 dear sirs1  
yours respectfully1    ,e4 ,,reid4      
,the following table will show the      
average numbers of the respective       
classes1 white and colored1 who have    
attended ,wolmer's free school in  each 
year1 from #ahad to the present time4   
,white     ,colored  ,total4            
,children4,children4  ,average number in
 #ahad                #hg               

#hg                  #ahae              
#aaa         #c       #aad              
#ahaf               #abi        #be     
#aed                  #ahag             
#adf        #cf       #ahb              
#ahah               #aee        #ch     
#aic                  #ahai             
#acf        #eg       #aic              
#ahbj               #aaf        #gh     
#aid                  #ahba             
#aah       #abb       #bdj              
#ahbb                #ic       #afg     
#bfj                  #ahbc             
#ig       #ahg       #bhj               
#ahbd                #id       #aif     
#bij                  #ahbe             
#hi       #ahe       #bgd               
#ahbf                #ic       #agf     
#bfi                  #ahbg             
#ib       #aef       #bdh               
#ahbh                #hh       #aeb     
#bdj                  #ahbi             
#gi       #aib       #bga               
#ahcj                #hh       #aid     
#bhb                  #ahca             

#hh       #cae       #djc               
#ahcb                #ij       #cfj     
#dej                  #ahcc             
#ic       #daa       #ejd               
#ahcd                #ha       #dbj     
#eja                  #ahce             
#he       #dbe       #eaj               
#ahcf                #gh       #dbh     
#ejf                  #ahcg             
#gb       #dcj       #ejb    ,with      
regard to the comparative intellect of  
white and colored  children1 ,mr4 ,reid 
gives the following valuable statement3 
,for the last thirty-eight years ,i have
 been employed in this city in  the     
tuition of children of all classes and  
colors1 and have no  hesitation in      
saying that the children of color are   
equal both in  conduct and ability to   
the white4 ,they have always carried off
 more than  their proportion of prizes1 
and at one examination1 out of seventy  
prizes awarded1 sixty-four were obtained
 by children of color4    ,mr4 ,r4      
afterwards sent to us the table of the  

number of schools in  ,kingston1 alluded
 to in the foregoing communication4 ,we 
insert it here1  as it affords a view of
 the increase of schools and scholars   
since the  abolition of slavery4        
#ahca4      ,schools4                   
,scholars4  #b   ,wolmer's1             
#djc  #a   ,national1                   
#bgj  #cd  ,gentlemen's private1        
#acfh  #dj  ,ladies' do4                
#ajje  #h   ,sunday1                    
#ajdb  ----                             
----  #he                               
,total1           #djhh                 
#ahcb4        ,schools4                 
,scholars4  #b   ,wolmer's1             
#dgb  #a   ,national1                   
#bfj  #ca  ,gentlemen's private1        
#aafi  #da  ,ladies' do4                
#hef  #h   ,sunday1                     
#iha  ----                              
----  #hc                               
,total1           #cgch                 
#ahcf4        ,schools4                 
,scholars4  #b   ,wolmer's1             

#ebg  #c   ,national1                   
#aacf  #c   ,mico1                      
#eij  #a   ,baptist1                    
#bej  #a   ,jamaica ,union1             
#abj  #ca  ,gentlemen's private1        
#aacg  #ei  ,ladies' do4                
#acci  #i   ,sunday1                    
#aajh      ,by itinerant teachers and   
children4       #aejj  ----             
----  #aji                              
,total1             #ggjg               
#ahcg4      ,schools4                   
,scholars4   #b  ,wolmer's1             
#ejb   #c  ,national1                   
#abch   #d  ,mico1                      
#faa   #a  ,baptist                     
#bfj   #a  ,jamaica ,union1             
#bjj  #cd  ,gentlemen's private1        
#adgf  #fc  ,ladies' do4                
#aebe  #aj  ,sunday1                    
#acaf      ,by itinerant teachers and   
children1       #afbe  ----             
----  #aah                              
,total1             #hgec    ,we also   
visited the ,union school1 which has    

been established for some  years in     
,kingston4 ,all the children connected  
with it1 about one hundred  and fifty1  
are1 with two exceptions1 black or      
colored4 ,the school is  conducted      
generally on the ,lancasterian plan4 ,we
 examined several of the  boys in       
arithmetic4 ,we put a variety of        
questions to them1 to be worked  out on 
the slate1 and the reasons of the       
process to be explained as they  went   
along2 all which they executed with     
great expertness4 ,there was a  jet     
black boy1 whom we selected for a       
special trial4 ,we commenced with  the  
simple rules1 and went through them one 
by one1 together with the  compound     
rules and ,reduction1 to ,practice1     
propounding questions and  examples in  
each of them1 which were entirely new to
 him1 and to all of  them he gave prompt
 and correct replies4 ,he was only      
thirteen years old1  and we can aver we 
never saw a boy of that age in any of   
our common  schools1 that exhibited a   

fuller and clearer knowledge of the     
science  of numbers4    ,in general1 our
 opinion of this school was similar to  
that already  expressed concerning the  
others4 ,it is supported by the pupils1 
aided by  six hundred dollars granted by
 the assembly4    ,in connection with   
this subject1 there is one fact of much 
interest4  ,however strong and exclusive
 was the prejudice of color a few years 
since in the schools of ,jamaica1 we    
could not1 during our stay in that      
island1 learn of more than two or three 
places of education1 and those  private 
ones1 from which colored children were  
excluded1 and among the  numerous       
schools in ,kingston1 there is not one  
of this kind4    ,we called on several  
colored gentlemen of ,kingston1 from    
whom we  received much valuable         
information4 ,the colored population are
 opposed  to the apprenticeship1 and all
 the influence which they have1 both in 
the colony and with the home government1
 7which is not small17 is  exerted      

against it4 ,they are a festering thorn 
in the sides of the  planters1 among    
whom they maintain a fearless espionage1
 exposing by pen  and tongue their      
iniquitous proceedings4 ,it is to be    
regretted that  their influence in this 
respect is so sadly weakened by their   
holding  apprentices themselves4    ,we 
had repeated invitations to breakfast   
and dine with colored  gentlemen1 which 
we accepted as often as our engagements 
would permit4  ,on such occasions we    
generally met a company of gentlemen and
 ladies of  superior social and         
intellectual accomplishments4 ,we must  
say1 that it  is a great self-denial to 
refrain from a description of some of   
the  animated1 and we must add splendid1
 parties of colored people which we     
attended4 ,the conversation on these    
occasions mostly turned on the          
political and civil disabilities under  
which the colored population  formerly  
labored1 and the various straggles by   
which they ultimately  obtained their   

rights4 ,the following are a few items  
of their history4  ,the colored people  
of ,jamaica1 though very numerous1 and  
to some extent  wealthy and intelligent1
 were long kept by the white colonists  
in a  state of abject political bondage4
 ,not only were offices withheld from   
them1 and the right of suffrage denied1 
but they were not even allowed  the     
privilege of an oath in court1 in       
defense of their property or their      
persons4 ,they might be violently       
assaulted1 their limbs broken1 their    
wives and daughters might be outraged   
before their eyes by villains  having   
white skins2 yet they had no legal      
redress unless another white  man       
chanced to see the deed4 ,it was not    
until #ahbd that this oppressive        
enactment was repealed1 and the         
protection of an oath extended to the   
colored people2 nor was it then effected
 without a long struggle on  their part4
    ,another law1 equally worthy of a   
slaveholding legislature1 prohibited    

any white man1 however wealthy1         
bequeathing1 or in any manner giving his
  colored son or daughter more than     
#bjjj currency1 or six thousand         
dollars4 ,the design of this law was to 
keep the colored people poor and        
dependent upon the whites4 ,further to  
secure the same object1 every  effort1  
both legislative and private1 was made  
to debar them from  schools1 and sink   
them in the lowest ignorance4 ,their    
young men of  talent were glad to get   
situations as clerks in the stores of   
white  merchants4 ,their young ladies of
 beauty and accomplishments were        
fortune-made if they got a place in the 
white man's harem4 ,these were  the     
highest stations to which the flower of 
their youth aspired4 ,the  rest sank    
beneath the discouragements1 and        
grovelled in vice and  debasement4 ,if a
 colored person had any business with a 
white gentleman1  and should call at his
 house1 he must take off his hat1 and   
wait at the  door1 and be as polite as a

 dog4    ,these insults and oppressions 
the colored people in ,jamaica bore1    
until  they could bear them no longer4  
,by secret correspondence they formed a 
union throughout the island1 for the    
purpose of resistance4 ,this1  however1 
was not effected for a long time1 and   
while in process1 the  correspondence   
was detected1 and the most vigorous     
means were used by  the whites to crush 
the growing conspiracy--for such it was 
virtually4  ,persuasions and intimations
 were used privately1 and when these    
failed1  public persecutions were       
resorted to1 under the form of judicial 
procedures4 ,among the milder means was 
the dismission of clerks1 agents1  c41  
from the employ of a white men4 ,as soon
 as a merchant discovered  that his     
clerk was implicated in the             
correspondence1 he first threatened  to 
discharge him unless he would promise to
 desert his brethren3 if he  could not  
extort this promise1 he immediately put 
his threat in  execution4 ,edward       

,jordon1 ,esq41 the talented editor of  
the ,watchman1  then first clerk in the 
store of a ,mr4 ,briden1 was prominently
 concerned  in the correspondence1 and  
was summarily dismissed4    ,white men  
drove their colored sons from their     
houses1 and subjected them  to every    
indignity and suffering1 in order to    
deter them from  prosecuting an         
enterprise which was seen by the        
terrified oppressors to  be fraught with
 danger to themselves4 ,then followed   
more violent  measures4 ,persons        
suspected of being the projectors of the
 disaffection1  were dragged before     
incensed judges1 and after mock trials1 
were  sentenced to imprisonment in the  
city jail4 ,messrs4 ,jordon and         
,osborne1  7after they had established  
the ,watchman paper17 were both         
imprisoned2  the former twice1 for five 
months each time4 ,at the close of the  
second  term of imprisonment1 ,mr4      
,jordon was tried for his life1 on the  
charge  of having published seditious   

matter in the ,watchman4    ,the        
paragraph which was denominated         
'seditious matter' was this--    ,now   
that the member for ,westmoreland 7,mr4 
,beaumont7 has come over to  our side1  
we will1 by a long pull1 a strong pull1 
and a pull altogether1  bring down the  
system by the run1 knock off the        
fetters1 and let the  oppressed go free4
    ,on the day of ,mr4 ,j4's trial1 the
 court-room was thronged with colored   
men1 who had armed themselves1 and were 
determined1 if the sentence of  death   
were pronounced upon ,mr4 ,jordon1 to   
rescue him at whatever hazard4  ,it is  
supposed that their purpose was         
conjectured by the judges--at any  rate1
 they saw fit to acquit ,mr4 ,j4 and    
give him his enlargement4 ,the          
,watchman continued as fearless and     
seditious as ever1 until the  ,assembly 
were ultimately provoked to threaten    
some extreme measure which  should      
effectually silence the agitators4 ,then
 ,mr4 ,jordon issued a  spirited        

circular1 in which he stated the extent 
of the coalition among  the colored     
people1 and in a tone of defiance       
demanded the instant  repeal of every   
restrictive law1 the removal of every   
disability1 and  the extension of       
complete political equality2 declaring1 
that if the  demand were not complied   
with1 the whole colored population would
 rise  in arms1 would proclaim freedom  
to their own slaves1 instigate the      
slaves generally to rebellion1 and then 
shout war and wage it1 until  the       
streets of ,kingston should run blood4  
,this bold piece of  generalship        
succeeded4 ,the terrified legislators   
huddled together in  their              
,assembly-room1 and swept away1 at one  
blow1 all restrictions1 and  gave the   
colored people entire enfranchisement4  
,these occurrences took  place in #ahca2
 since which time the colored class have
 been politically  free1 and have been  
marching forward with rapid step in     
every species of  improvement1 and are  

now on a higher footing than in any     
other colony4  ,all offices are open to 
them2 they are aldermen of the city1    
justices of  the peace1 inspectors of   
public institutions1 trustees of        
schools1 etc4  ,there are1 at least1    
then colored special magistrates1       
natives of the  island4 ,there are four 
colored members of the ,assembly1       
including  ,messrs4 ,jordon and         
,osborne4 ,mr4 ,jordon now sits in the  
same ,assembly1  side by side1 with the 
man who1 a few years ago1 ejected him   
disdainfully from his clerkship4 ,he is 
a member of the ,assembly for the  city 
of ,kingston1 where not long since he   
was imprisoned1 and tried for  his life4
 ,he is also alderman of the city1 and  
one of its local  magistrates4 ,he is   
now inspector of the same prison in     
which he was  formerly immured as a     
pestilent fellow1 and a mover of        
sedition4    ,the secretary of the      
special magistrate department1 ,richard 
,hill1 ,esq41  is a colored gentleman1  

and is one of the first men in the      
island1,a  for integrity1 independence1 
superior abilities1 and extensive       
acquirements4 ,it has seldom been our   
happiness to meet with a man more       
illustrious for true nobility of soul1  
or in whose countenance there  were     
deeper traces of intellectual and moral 
greatness4 ,we are confident  that no   
man can see him without being impressed 
with his rare  combination of           
excellences4    ,footnote ,a3 ,we learn 
from the ,jamaica papers1 since our     
return to this  country1 that ,mr4 ,hill
 has been elected a member of the       
,assembly4    ,having said thus much    
respecting the political advancement of 
the  colored people1 it is proper to    
remark1 that they have by no means      
evinced a determination to claim more   
than their share of office and          
influence4 ,on the contrary1 they stop  
very far short of what they are         
entitled to4 ,having an extent of       
suffrage but little less than the       

whites1 they might fill one third of the
 seats in the ,assembly1 whereas  they  
now return but four members out of      
forty-five4 ,the same may be said  of   
other offices1 particularly those in the
 city of ,kingston1 and the  larger     
towns1 where they are equal to1 or more 
numerous1 than the  whites4 ,it is a    
fact1 that a portion of the colored     
people continue at  this time to return 
white members to the ,assembly1 and to  
vote for white  aldermen and other city 
officers4 ,the influential men among    
them1 have  always urged them to take up
 white men1 unless they could find      
competent men of their own color4 ,as   
they remarked to us1 if they were       
obliged to send an ass to the ,assembly1
 it was far better for them  to send a  
white ass than a black one4    ,in      
company with a friend1 we visited the   
principal streets and places of         
business in ,kingston1 for the purpose  
of seeing for ourselves the  general    
employments of the people of color2 and 

those who engage in the  lowest offices1
 such as porters1 watermen1 draymen1 and
 servants of all  grades1 from him who  
flaunts in livery1 to him who polishes  
shoes1 are  of course from this class4  
,so with the fruiterers1 fishmongers1   
and the  almost innumerable tribe of    
petty hucksters which swarm throughout  
the  city1 and is collected in a dense  
mass in its suburbs4 ,the market1 which 
is the largest and best in the ,west    
,indies1 is almost entirely supplied    
and attended by colored persons1 mostly 
females4 ,the great body of  artisans is
 composed mostly of colored persons4    
,there are two large furniture and      
cabinet manufactories in ,kingston1 one 
owned by two colored men1 and the other 
by a white man4 ,the operatives1  of    
which one contains eighty1 and the other
 nearly as many1 are all  black and     
colored4 ,a large number of them are    
what the ,british law terms             
apprentices1 and are still bound in     
unremunerated servitude1 though  some of

 them for thrice seven years have been  
adepts in their trades1  and not a few  
are earning their masters twenty or     
thirty dollars each  month1 clear of all
 expenses4 ,some of these apprentices   
are  hoary-headed and wrinkle-browned   
men1 with their children1 and           
grand-children1 apprentices also1 around
 them1 and who1 after having  used the  
plane and the chisel for half a century1
 with faithfulness for  others1 are now 
spending the few hours and the failing  
strength of old  again in preparing to  
use the plane and the chisel for        
themselves4  ,the work on which they    
were engaged evinced no lack of         
mechanical skill  and ingenuity1 but on 
the contrary we were shown some of the  
most  elegant specimens of mechanical   
skill1 which we ever saw4 ,the rich     
woods  of the ,west ,indies were put    
into almost every form and combination  
which  taste could designate or luxury  
desire4    ,the owners of these         
establishments informed us that their   

business had  much increased within the 
last two years1 and was still extending4
  ,neither of them had any fears for the
 results of complete emancipation1  but 
both were laying their plans for the    
future as broadly and  confidently as   
ever4    ,in our walk we accidentally   
met a colored man1 whom we had heard    
mentioned on several occasions as a     
superior architect4 ,from the           
conversation we had with him1 then and  
subsequently1 he appeared to  possess a 
fine mechanical genius1 and to have made
 acquirements which  would be honorable 
in any man1 but which were truly        
admirable in one who  had been shut up  
all his life by the disabilities which  
in ,jamaica have1  until recently1      
attached to color4 ,he superintended the
 erection of the  ,wesleyan chapel in   
,kingston1 the largest building of the  
kind in the  island1 and esteemed by    
many as the most elegant4 ,the plan was 
his own1  and the work was executed     
under his own eye4 ,this man is using   

his means  and influence to encourage   
the study of his favorite art1 and of   
the  arts and sciences generally1 among 
those of his own hue4    ,one of the    
largest bookstores in the island is     
owned by two colored men4  7,messrs4    
,jordon and ,osborne1 already referred  
to47 ,connected with it is  an extensive
 printing-office1 from which a newspaper
 is issued twice a  week4 ,another      
paper1 under the control of colored men1
 is published at  ,spanishtown4 ,these  
are the two principal liberal presses in
 ,jamaica1 and  are conducted with      
spirit and ability4 ,their influence in 
the political  and civil affairs of the 
island is very great4 ,they are the     
organs of  the colored people1 bond and 
free1 and through them any violation of 
law  or humanity is exposed to the      
public1 and redress demanded1 and       
generally obtained4 ,in literary merit  
and correctness of moral  sentiment1    
they are not excelled by any press      
there1 while some of their  white       

contemporaries fall far below them in   
both4 ,besides the workmen  employed in 
these two offices1 there is a large     
number of colored  printers in the other
 printing offices1 of which there are   
several4    ,we called at two large     
establishment for making jellies1       
comfits1  pickles1 and all the varieties
 of tropic preserves4 ,in each of them  
thirty or more persons are constantly   
employed1 and a capital of some         
thousands of dollars invested4 ,several 
large rooms were occupied by  boxes1    
jars1 and canisters1 with the apparatus 
necessary to the process1  through which
 the fruit passes4 ,we saw every species
 of fruits and  vegetables which the    
island produces1 some fresh from the    
trees and  vines1 and others ready to be
 transported to the four quarters of the
  globe1 in almost every state which the
 invalid or epicure could desire4       
,these articles1 with the different     
preparations of arrow-root and  cassada1
 form a lucrative branch of trade1 which

 is mostly in the hands  of the colored 
people4    ,we were introduced to a     
large number of colored merchants1      
dealers in  dry goods1 crockery and     
glass ware1 ironmongers1 booksellers1   
druggists1  grocers1 and general        
importers and were conducted by them    
through their  stores2 many of which    
were on an extensive scale1 and managed1
  apparently1 with much order and       
regularity4 ,one of the largest         
commercial houses in ,kingston has a    
colored man as a partner1 the other  two
 being white4 ,of a large auction and   
commission firm1 the most active  and   
leading partner is a colored man4       
,besides these1 there is hardly a       
respectable house among the white       
merchants1 in which some important      
office1 oftentimes the head clerkship1  
is not filled by a person of  color4    
,they are as much respected in business 
transactions1 and their  mercantile     
talents1 their acquaintance with the    
generalities and details  of commerce1  

and sagacity and judgment in making     
bargains1 are as highly  esteemed by the
 white merchants1 as though they wore an
 ,european hue4  ,the commercial room is
 open to them1 where they resort        
unrestrainedly to  ascertain the news2  
and a visitor may not unfrequently see  
sitting  together at a table of         
newspapers1 or conversing together in   
the  parlance of trade1 persons as      
dissimilar in complexion as white and   
black can make them4 ,in the streets the
 same intercourse is seen4    ,the      
general trade of the island is gradually
 and quietly passing into  the hands of 
the colored people4 ,before             
emancipation1 they seldom  reached a    
higher grade in mercantile life than a  
clerkship1 or1 if they  commenced       
business for themselves1 they were      
shackled and confined in  their         
operations by the overgrown and         
monopolizing establishments which       
slavery had built up4 ,though the civil 
and political rights of one class  of   

them were acknowledged three years      
previous1 yet they found they  could    
not1 even if they desired it1 disconnect
 themselves from the  slaves4 ,they     
could not transact business--form       
credits and agencies1 and  receive the  
confidence of the commercial            
public--like free men4 ,strange  or not1
 their fate was inseparably linked with 
that of the bondman1  their interests   
were considered as involved with his4   
,however honest  they might be1 it was  
not safe to trust them2 and any attempt 
to rise  above a clerkship1 to become   
the employer instead of the employed1   
was  regarded as a kind of insurrection1
 and strongly disapproved and  opposed4 
,since emancipation1 they have been     
unshackling them selves from  white     
domination in matters of trade2         
extending their connections1 and        
becoming every day more and more        
independent4 ,they have formed credits  
with commercial houses abroad1 and now  
import directly for themselves1  at     

wholesale prices1 what they were        
formerly obliged to receive from  white 
importers1 or rather speculators1 at    
such prices as they1 in their  tender   
mercies1 saw fit to impose4    ,trade is
 now equalizing itself among all        
classes4 ,a spirit of  competition is   
awakened1 banks have been established1  
steam navigation  introduced1 railroads 
projected1 old highways repaired1 and   
new ones  opened4 ,the descendants of   
the slaves are rapidly supplying the    
places  which were formerly filled by   
whites from abroad4    ,we had the      
pleasure of being present one day at the
 sitting of the  police court of        
,kingston4 ,mr4 ,jordon1 the editor of  
the ,watchman1 in his  turn as a member 
of the common council1 was presiding    
justice1 with an  alderman of the city1 
a black man1 as his associate4 ,at a    
table below  them sat the superintendent
 of police1 a white man1 and two white  
attorneys1 with their huge law books and
 green bags before them4 ,the bar  was  

surrounded by a motley assemblage of    
black1 colored1 and white  faces1       
intermingled without any regard to hue  
in the order of  superiority and        
precedence4 ,there were about a dozen   
cases adjudged  while we were present4  
,the court was conducted with order and 
dignity1  and the justices were treated 
with great respect and deference both by
  white and black4    ,after the        
adjournment of the court1 we had some   
conversation with the  presiding        
justice4 ,he informed us that whites    
were not unfrequently  brought before   
him for trial1 and1 in spite of his     
color1 sometimes even  our own          
countrymen4 ,he mentioned several       
instances of the latter1 in  some of    
which ,american prejudice assumed very  
amusing and ludicrous  forms4 ,in one   
case1 he was obliged to threaten the    
party1 a captain from  one of our       
southern ports1 with imprisonment for   
contempt1 before he  could induce him to
 behave himself with proper decorum4    

,the captain1  unaccustomed to obey     
injunctions from men of such a          
complexion1 curled  his lip in scorn1   
and showed a spirit of defiance1 but on 
the approach  of two police officers1   
whom the court had ordered to arrest    
him1 he  submitted himself4 ,we were    
gratified with the spirit of good humor 
and  pleasantry with which ,mr4 ,j4     
described the astonishment and gaping   
curiosity which ,americans manifest on  
seeing colored men in offices of        
authority1 particularly on the judicial 
bench1 and their evident  embarrassment 
and uneasiness whenever obliged to      
transact business with  them as         
magistrates4 ,he seemed to regard it as 
a subject well worthy of  ridicule2 and 
we remarked1 in our intercourse with the
 colored people1  that they were        
generally more disposed to make         
themselves merry with  ,american        
sensitiveness on this point1 than to    
bring serious complaints  against it1   
though they feel deeply the wrongs which

 they have suffered  from it1 and speak 
of them occasionally with solemnity and 
earnestness4  ,still the feeling is so  
absurd and ludicrous in itself1 and is  
exhibited  in so many grotesque         
positions1 even when oppressive1 that   
the sufferer  cannot help laughing at   
it4 ,mr4 ,jordon has held his present   
office since  #ahcb4 ,he has had an     
extensive opportunity1 both as a justice
 of the  police court1 and as a member  
of the jail committee1 and in other     
official stations1 to become well       
acquainted with the state of crime in   
the island at different periods4 ,he    
informed us that the number of          
complaints brought before him had much  
diminished since #ahcd1 and he had  no  
hesitation in saying1 that crime had    
decreased throughout the island         
generally more than one third4          
,during one of our excursions into the  
country1 we witnessed another  instance 
of the amicability with which the       
different colors associated  in the     

civil affairs of the island4 ,it was a  
meeting of one of the  parish vestries1 
a kind of local legislature1 which      
possesses  considerable power over its  
own territory4 ,there were fifteen      
members  present1 and nearly as many    
different shades of complexion4 ,there  
was  the planter of aristocratic blood1 
and at his side was a deep mulatto1     
born in the same parish a slave4 ,there 
was the quadroon1 and the  unmitigated  
hue and unmodified features of the      
negro4 ,they sat together  around a     
circular table1 and conversed as freely 
as though they had been  all of one     
color4 ,there was no restraint1 no      
uneasiness1 as though the  parties felt 
themselves out of place1 no assumption  
nor disrespect1 but  all the proceedings
 manifested the most perfect harmony1   
confidence1 and  good feeling4    ,at   
the same time there was a meeting of the
 parish committee on roads1  at which   
there was the same intermixture of      
colors1 the same freedom and  kindness  

of demeanor1 and the same unanimity of  
action4 ,thus it is with  all the       
political and civil bodies in the       
island1 from the ,house of  ,assembly1  
to committees on jails and houses of    
correction4 ,into all of  them1 the     
colored people are gradually making     
their way1 and  participating in public 
debates and public measures1 and        
dividing with  the whites legislative   
and judicial power1 and in many cases   
they  exhibit a superiority1 and in all 
cases a respectability1 of talents and  
attainments1 and a courtesy and general 
propriety of conduct1 which gain  for   
them the respect of the intelligent and 
candid among their white  associates4   
,we visited the house of correction for 
the parish of ,st4 ,andrews4 ,the       
superintendent received us with the     
iron-hearted courtesy of a ,newgate     
turnkey4 ,our company was evidently     
unwelcome1 but as the friend who        
accompanied us was a man in authority1  
he was constrained to admit us4  ,the   

first sound that greeted us was a       
piercing outcry from the  treadmill4 ,on
 going to it1 we saw a youth of about   
eighteen hanging in  the air by a strap 
bound to his wrist1 and dangling against
 the wheel in  such a manner that every 
revolution of it scraped the body from  
the  breast to the ankles4 ,he had      
fallen off from weakness and fatigue1   
and  was struggling and crying in the   
greatest distress1 while the strap1     
which extended to a pole above and      
stretched his arm high above his  head1 
held him fast4 ,the superintendent1 in a
 harsh voice1 ordered him  to be lifted 
up1 and his feet again placed on the    
wheel4 ,but before he  had taken five   
steps1 he again fell off1 and was       
suspended as before4 ,at  the same      
instant1 a woman also fell off1 and     
without a sigh or the  motion of a      
muscle1 for she was too much exhausted  
for either1 but with  a shocking        
wildness of the eye1 hung by her        
half-dislocated arms against  the wheel4

 ,as the allotted time 7fifteen minutes7
 had expired1 the  persons on the wheel 
were released1 and permitted to rest4   
,the boy could  hardly stand on the     
ground4 ,he had a large ulcer on one of 
his feet1  which was much swollen and   
inflamed1 and his legs and body were    
greatly  bruised and peeled by the      
revolving of the wheel4 ,the gentleman  
who was  with us reproved the           
superintendent severely for his conduct1
 and told  him to remove the boy from   
the treadmill gang1 and see that proper 
care  was taken of him4 ,the poor woman 
who fell off1 seemed completely         
exhausted2 she tottered to the wall near
 by1 and took up a little babe  which we
 had not observed before4 ,it appeared  
to be not more than two or  three months
 old1 and the little thing stretched out
 its arms and  welcomed its mother4 ,on 
inquiry1 we ascertained that this       
woman's  offence was absence from the   
field an hour after the required time   
7six  o'clock7 in the morning4 ,besides 

the infant with her1 she had two or     
three other children4 ,whether the care 
of them was any excuse for her1  we     
leave ,american mothers to judge4 ,there
 were two other women on the            
treadmill--one was sentenced there for  
stealing cane from her master's  field1 
and the other1 we believe1 for running  
away4    ,the superintendent next took  
us to the solitary cells4 ,they were    
dirty1  and badly ventilated1 and unfit 
to keep beasts in4 ,on opening the      
doors1  such a stench rushed forth1 that
 we could not remain4 ,there was a poor 
woman in one of them1 who appeared1 as  
the light of day and the fresh  air     
burst in upon her1 like a despairing    
maniac4    ,we went through the other   
buildings1 all of which were old and    
dirty1  nay1 worse1 filthy in the       
extreme4 ,the whole establishment was a 
disgrace to the island4 ,the prisoners  
were poorly clad1 and had the           
appearance of harsh usage4 ,our         
suspicions of ill treatment were        

strengthened by noticing a large whip in
 the treadmill1 and sundry iron  collars
 and handcuffs hanging about in the     
several rooms through which  we passed4 
,the number of inmates in this house at 
our visit1 was  forty-eight--eighteen of
 whom were females4 ,twenty of these    
were in the  treadmill and in solitary  
confinement--the remainder were working 
on  the public road at a little         
distance--many of them in irons--iron   
collars about their necks1 and chains   
passing between1 connecting them        
together two and two4        ,,chapter  
,,ii4    ,,tour ,,to ,,the ,,country4   
,wishing to accomplish the most that our
 limited time would allow2 we  separated
 at ,kingston2--the one taking a        
northwesterly route among the           
mountainous coffee districts of ,port   
,royal and ,st4 ,andrews1 and the  other
 going into the parish of ,st4 ,thomas  
in the ,east4    ,st4 ,thomas in the    
,east is said to present the            
apprenticeship in its most  favorable   

aspects4 ,there is probably no other    
parish in the island which  includes so 
many fine estates1 or has so many       
liberal-minded  planters4,a ,a day's    
easy drive from ,kingston1 brought us to
 ,morant ,bay1  where we spent two days1
 and called on several influential      
gentlemen1  besides visiting the        
neighboring estate of ,belvidere4 ,one  
gentleman whom  we met was ,thomas      
,thomson1 ,esq41 the senior local       
magistrate of the  ,parish1 next in     
civil influence to the ,custos4 ,his    
standing may be  inferred from the      
circumstance1 7not trifling in          
,jamaica17 that the  ,governor1 during  
his tour of the island1 spent a night at
 his house4 ,we  breakfasted with ,mr4  
,thomson1 and at that time1 and         
subsequently1 he  showed the utmost     
readiness in furnishing us with         
information4 ,he is a  ,scotchman1 has  
been in the island for thirty-eight     
years1 and has served  as a local       
magistrate for thirty-four4 ,until very 

lately1 he has been a  proprietor of    
estates2 he informed us that he had sold
 out1 but did not  mention the reasons4 
,we strongly suspected1 from the drift  
of his  conversation1 that he sold about
 the time of abolition1 through alarm   
for the consequences4 ,we early         
discovered that he was one of the old   
school tyrants1 hostile to the change   
which had taken place1 and  dreadfully  
alarmed in view of that which was yet to
 come4 ,although full  of the prejudices
 of an old slaveholder1 yet we found him
 a man of  strong native sense and      
considerable intelligence4 ,he declared 
it most  unreservedly as his opinion1   
that the negroes would not work after   
#ahaj--they were naturally so indolent1 
that they would prefer  gaining a       
livelihood in some easier way than by   
digging cane holes4 ,he  had all the    
results of the emancipation of #ahdj as 
clearly before his  mind1 as though he  
saw them in prophetic vision2 he knew   
the whole  process4 ,one portion of the 

negroes1 too lazy to provide food by    
their  own labor1 will rob the provision
 grounds of the few who will remain at  
work4 ,the latter will endure the wrong 
as long as they well can1 and  then they
 will procure arms and fire upon the    
marauders2 this will give  rise to      
incessant petty conflicts between the   
lazy and the industrious1  and a great  
destruction of life will ensue4 ,others 
will die in vast  numbers from          
starvation2 among these will be the     
superannuated and the  young1 who cannot
 support themselves1 and whom the       
planters will not be  able to support4  
,others numerous will perish from       
disease1 chiefly for  want of medical   
attendance1 which it will be wholly out 
of their power  to provide4 ,such is the
 dismal picture drawn by a late         
slaveholder1 of  the consequences of    
removing the negroes from the tender    
mercies of  oppressors4 ,happily for all
 parties1 ,mr4 ,thomson is not very     
likely to  establish his claim to the   

character of a prophet4 ,we were not at 
all  surprised to hear him wind up his  
prophecies against freedom with a       
denunciation of slavery4 ,he declared   
that slavery was a wretched  system4    
,man was naturally a tyrant4 ,mr4 ,t4   
said he had one good  thing to say of   
the negroes1 viz41 that they were an    
exceedingly  temperate people4 ,it was a
 very unusual thing to see one of them  
drunk4  ,slavery1 he said1 was a system 
of horrid cruelties4 ,he had lately     
read1 in the history of ,jamaica1 of a  
planter1 in #agfc1 having a slave's  leg
 cut off1 to keep him from running away4
 ,he said that dreadful  cruelties were 
perpetrated until the close of slavery1 
and they were  inseparable from slavery4
 ,he also spoke of the fears which      
haunted the  slaveholders4 ,he never    
would live on an estate2 and whenever he
 chanced  to stay over night in the     
country1 he always took care to secure  
his  door by bolting and barricading it4
 ,at ,mr4 ,thomson's we met ,andrew     

,wright1 ,esq41 the proprietor of a     
sugar estate called ,green ,wall1       
situated some six miles from the bay4   
,he is an intelligent gentleman1 of  an 
amiable disposition--has on his estate  
one hundred and sixty  apprentices4 ,he 
described his people as being in a very 
peaceable state1  and as industrious as 
he could wish4 ,he said he had no       
trouble with  them1 and it was his      
opinion1 that where there is trouble1 it
 must be  owing to bad management4 ,he  
anticipated no difficulty after #ahdj1  
and  was confident that his people would
 not leave him4 ,he believed that the   
negroes would not to any great extent   
abandon the cultivation of sugar  after 
#ahdj4 ,mr4 ,t4 stated two facts        
respecting this enlightened planter1    
which amply account for the good conduct
 of his apprentices4 ,one was1  that he 
was an exceedingly kind and amiable man4
 ,he had never been  known to have a    
falling out with any man in his life4   
,another fact was1  that ,mr4 ,wright   

was the only resident sugar proprietor  
in all that  region of country4 ,he     
superintends his own estate1 while the  
other large  estates are generally left 
in the hands of unprincipled1 mercenary 
men4    ,footnote ,a3 ,we have the      
following testimony of ,sir ,lionel     
,smith to the  superiority of ,st4      
,thomas in the ,east4 ,it is taken from 
the ,royal  ,gazette1 7,kingston47 ,may 
#f1 #ahcg4 ,his ,excellency has said1   
that in all  his tour he was not more   
highly gratified with any parish than he
 was  with ,st4 ,thomas in the ,east4   
,we called on the ,wesleyan missionary  
at ,morant ,bay1 ,rev4 ,mr4 ,crookes1   
who has been in ,jamaica fifteen years4 
,mr4 ,c4 said1 that in many  respects   
there had been a great improvement since
 the abolition of  slavery1 but1 said   
he1 ,i abominate the apprenticeship     
system4 ,at best1  it is only improved  
slavery4 ,the obstacles to religious    
efforts  have been considerably         
diminished1 but the masters were not to 

be  thanked for this2 it was owing      
chiefly to the protection of ,british   
law4  ,the apprenticeship1 ,mr4 ,c4     
thought1 could not be any material      
preparation for freedom4 ,he was        
persuaded that it would have been far   
better policy to have granted entire    
emancipation at once4    ,in company    
with ,mr4 ,howell1 an ,independent1 and 
teacher of a school of  eighty negro    
children in ,morant ,bay1 we drove out  
to ,belvidere estate1  which is situated
 about four miles from the bay1 in a    
rich district  called the ,blue         
,mountain ,valley4 ,the ,belvidere is   
one of the finest  estates in the       
valley4 ,it contains two thousand acres1
 only four hundred  of which are        
cultivated in sugar2 the most of it is  
woodland4 ,this  estate belongs to      
,count ,freeman1 an absentee proprietor4
 ,we took  breakfast with the overseer1 
or manager1 ,mr4 ,briant4 ,mr4 ,b4      
stated that  there was not so much work 
done now as there was during slavery4   

,thinks  there is as much done for the  
length of time that the apprentices are 
at work2 but a day and a half every week
 is lost2 neither are they  called out  
as early in the morning1 nor do they    
work as late at night4  ,the apprentices
 work at night very cheerfully for      
money3 but they will  not work on       
,saturday for the common wages--quarter 
of a dollar4 ,on  inquiry of ,mr4 ,b4 we
 ascertained that the reason the        
apprentices did not  work on ,saturdays 
was1 that they could make twice or three
 times as  much by cultivating their    
provision grounds1 and carrying their   
produce  to market4 ,at night they      
cannot cultivate their grounds1 then    
they  work for their masters very       
cheerfully4    ,the manager stated1 that
 there had been no disturbance with the 
people  of ,belvidere since the change4 
,they work well1 and conduct themselves 
peaceably2 and he had no fear but that  
the great body of the negroes  would    
remain on the estate after #ahdj1 and   

labor as usual4 ,this he  thought would 
be the case on every estate where there 
is mild  management4 ,some1 indeed1     
might leave even such estates to try    
their  fortunes elsewhere1 but they     
would soon discover that they could get 
no  better treatment abroad1 and they   
would then return to their old homes4   
,while we were at ,belvidere1 ,mr4      
,howell took us to see a new chapel     
which  the apprentices of that estate   
have erected since #ahcd1 by their own  
labor1 and at their own expense4 ,the   
house is thirty feet by forty2  composed
 of the same materials of which the     
negro huts are built4 ,we  were told    
that the building of this chapel was    
first suggested by the  apprentices1 and
 as soon as permission was obtained1    
they commenced the  preparations for its
 erection4 ,we record this as a         
delightful sign of  the times4    ,on   
our return to ,morant ,bay1 we visited  
the house of correction1  situated near 
the village4 ,this is the only          

institution1 as a ,kingston  paper      
gravely terms it1 of the kind in the    
parish4 ,it is a small1  ill-constructed
 establishment1 horribly filthy1 more   
like a receptacle  for wild beasts than 
human beings4 ,there is a treadmill     
connected with  it1 made to accommodate 
fifteen persons at a time4 ,alternate   
companies  ascend the wheel every       
fifteen minutes4 ,it was unoccupied when
 we went  in2 most of the prisoners     
being at work on the public roads4 ,two 
or  three1 who happened to be near by1  
were called in by the keeper1 and       
ordered to mount the wheel1 to show us  
how it worked4 ,it made our blood  run  
cold as we thought of the dreadful      
suffering that inevitably ensues1  when 
the foot loses the step1 and the body   
hangs against the  revolving cylinder4  
,leaving the house of correction1 we    
proceeded to the village4 ,in a small   
open square in the centre of it1 we saw 
a number of the unhappy inmates  of the 
house of correction at work under the   

direction1 we are sorry to  say1 of our 
friend ,thomas ,thomson1 ,esq4 ,they    
were chained two and two by  heavy      
chains fastened to iron bands around    
their necks4 ,on another  occasion1 we  
saw the same gang at work in the yard   
attached to the  ,independent chapel4   
,we received a visit1 at our lodgings1  
from the special justice of this        
district1 ,major ,baines4 ,he was       
accompanied by ,mr4 ,thomson1 who came  
to  introduce him as his friend4 ,we    
were not left to this recommendation    
alone1 suspicious as it was1 to infer   
the character of this magistrate1  for  
we were advertised previously that he   
was a planter's man--unjust  and cruel  
to the apprentices4 ,major ,b4 appeared 
to have been looking  through his friend
 ,thomson's prophetic telescope4 ,there 
was certainly a  wonderful coincidence  
of vision--the same abandonment of      
labor1 the same  preying upon provision 
grounds2 the same violence1 bloodshed   
and great  loss of life among the       

negroes themselves6 ,however1 the       
special  magistrate appeared to see a   
little further than the local           
magistrate1  even to the end of the     
carnage1 and to the re-establishment of 
industry1 peace and prosperity4 ,the    
evil1 he was confident1 would soon  cure
 itself4    ,one remark of the special  
magistrate was worthy a prophet4 ,when  
asked if  he thought there would be any 
serious disaffection produced among the 
praedials by the emancipation of the    
non-praedials in #ahch1 he said1 he     
thought there would not be1 and assigned
 as the reason1 that the  praedials knew
 all about the arrangement1 and did not 
expect to be  free4 ,that is1 the field 
apprentices knew that the domestics were
 to be  liberated two years sooner than 
they1 and1 without inquiring into the   
grounds1 or justice of the arrangement1 
they would promptly  acquiesce in it6   
,what a fine compliment to the patience 
and forbearance of the mass of  the     
negroes4 ,the majority see the minority 

emancipated two years before  them1 and 
that1 too1 upon the ground of an odious 
distinction which  makes the domestic   
more worthy than they who bear the heat 
and burthen  of the day1 in the open    
field2 and yet they submit patiently1   
because  they are told that it is the   
pleasure of government that it should   
be so6    ,the non-praedials1 too1 have 
their noble traits1 as well as the less 
favored agriculturalists4 ,the special  
magistrate said that he was then        
engaged in classifying the apprentices  
of the different estates in his         
district4 ,the object of this           
classification was1 to ascertain all    
those  who were non-praedials1 that they
 might be recorded as the subjects of   
emancipation in #ahch4 ,to his          
astonishment he found numbers of this   
class  who expressed a wish to remain   
apprentices until #ahdj4 ,on one estate1
  six out of eight took this course1 on 
another1 twelve out of fourteen1  and in
 some instances1 all the non-praedials  

determined to suffer it  out with the   
rest of their brethren1 refusing to     
accept freedom until  with the whole    
body they could rise up and shout the   
jubilee of  universal disinthrallment4  
,here is a nobility worthy to compare   
with the  patience of the praedials4 ,in
 connection with the conduct of the     
non-praedials1 he mentioned the         
following instance of white brutality   
and negro magnanimity4 ,a planter1 whose
 negroes he was classifying1  brought   
forward a woman whom he claimed as a    
praedial4 ,the woman  declared that she 
was a non-praedial1 and on investigation
 it was  clearly proved that she had    
always been a domestic2 and consequently
  entitled to freedom in #ahch4 ,after  
the planter's claim was set aside1  the 
woman said1 ,now ,i will stay with      
massa1 and be his 'prentice for  de     
udder two year4    ,shortly before we   
left the ,bay1 our landlady1 a colored  
woman1  introduced one of her neighbors1
 whose conversation afforded us a rare  

treat4 ,she was a colored lady of good  
appearance and lady like manners4       
,supposing from her color that she had  
been prompted by strong sympathy  in our
 objects to seek an interview with us1  
we immediately introduced  the subject  
of slavery1 stating that as we had a    
vast number of slaves  in our country1  
we had visited ,jamaica to see how the  
freed people  behaved1 with the hope    
that our countrymen might be encouraged 
to adopt  emancipation4 ,alack a day6   
,the tawny madam shook her head1 and1   
with  that peculiar creole whine1 so    
expressive of contempt1 said1 ,can't say
  any thing for you1 sir--they not doing
 no good now1 sir--the negroes          
an't6--and on she went abusing the      
apprentices1 and denouncing  abolition4 
,no ,american white lady could speak    
more disparagingly of the  niggers1 than
 did this recreant descendant of the    
negro race4 ,they did  no work1 they    
stole1 were insolent1 insubordinate1 and
 what not4    ,she concluded in the     

following elegiac strain1 which did not 
fail to  touch our sympathies4 ,i can't 
tell what will become of us after #ahdj4
  ,our negroes will be taken away from  
us--we shall find no work to do         
ourselves--we shall all have to beg1 and
 who shall we beg from8 ,all  will be   
beggars1 and we must starve6    ,poor   
,miss ,l4 is one of that unfortunate    
class who have hitherto gained a  meagre
 support from the stolen hire of a few  
slaves1 and who1 after  entire          
emancipation1 will be stripped of every 
thing4 ,this is the class  upon whom    
emancipation will fall most heavily2 it 
will at once cast many  out of a        
situation of ease1 into the humiliating 
dilemma of laboring or  begging--to the 
latter of which alternatives1 ,miss ,l4 
seems inclined4  ,let ,miss ,l4 be      
comforted6 ,it is better to beg than to 
steal4    ,we proceeded from ,morant    
,bay to ,bath1 a distance of fourteen   
miles1  where we put up at a neat       
cottage lodging-house1 kept by ,miss    

,p41 a  colored lady4 ,bath is a        
picturesque little village1 embowered in
  perpetual green1 and lying at the foot
 of a mountain on one side1 and on  the 
other by the margin of a rambling little
 river4 ,it seems to have  accumulated  
around it and within it1 all the verdure
 and foliage of a  tropical clime4      
,having a letter of introduction1 we    
called on the special magistrate for    
that district--,george ,willis1 ,esq4   
,as we entered his office1 an           
apprentice was led up in irons by a     
policeman1 and at the same time  another
 man rode up with a letter from the     
master of the apprentice1  directing the
 magistrate to release him instantly4   
,the facts of this  case1 as ,mr4 ,w4   
himself explained them to us1 will      
illustrate the  careless manner in which
 the magistrates administer the law4    
,the master  had sent his apprentice to 
a neighboring estate1 where there had   
been  some disturbance1 to get his      
clothes1 which had been left there4 ,the

  overseer of the estate finding an     
intruder on his property1 had him       
handcuffed forthwith1 notwithstanding   
his repeated declarations that his      
master had sent him4 ,having handcuffed 
him1 he ordered him to be taken  before 
the special magistrate1 ,mr4 ,w41 who   
had him confined in the  station-house  
all night4 ,mr4 ,w41 in pursuance of the
 direction received  from the master1   
ordered the man to be released1 but at  
the same time  repeatedly declared to   
him that the overseer was not to blame  
for  arresting him4    ,after this case 
was disposed of1 ,mr4 ,w1 turned to us4 
,he said he had a  district of thirty   
miles in extent1 including five thousand
 apprentices2  these he visited thrice  
every month4 ,he stated that there had  
been a  gradual decrease of crime since 
he came to the district1 which was early
  in #ahce4 ,for example1 in ,march1    
#ahcg1 there were but twenty-four       
persons  punished1 and in ,march1 #ahce1
 there were as many punished in a single

  week4 ,he explained this by saying    
that the apprentices had become  better 
acquainted with the requirements of the 
law4 ,the chief offence  at present was 
absconding from labor4    ,this         
magistrate gave us an account of an     
alarming rebellion which had  lately    
occurred in his district1 which we will 
venture to notice1 since  it is the only
 serious disturbance on the part of the 
negroes1 which has  taken place in the  
island1 from the beginning of the       
apprenticeship4  ,about two weeks       
before1 the apprentices on ,thornton    
estate1 amounting to  about ninety1 had 
refused to work1 and fled in a body to  
the woods1  where they still remained4  
,their complaint1 according to our      
informant1  was1 that their master had  
turned the cattle upon their provision  
grounds1 and all their provisions were  
destroyed1 so that they could not  live4
 ,they1 therefore1 determined that they 
would not continue at work1  seeing they
 would be obliged to starve4 ,mr4 ,w4   

stated that he had  visited the         
provision grounds1 in company with two  
disinterested  planters1 and he could   
affirm that the apprentices had no just 
cause  of complaint4 ,it was true their 
fences had been broken down1 and their  
provisions had been somewhat injured1   
but the fence could be very easily      
repaired1 and there was an abundance of 
yams left to furnish food for  the whole
 gang for some time to come--those that 
were destroyed being  chiefly young     
roots which would not have come to      
maturity for several  months4 ,these    
statements were the substance of a      
formal report which he  had just        
prepared for the eye of ,sir ,lionel    
,smith1 and which he was kind  enough to
 read to us4 ,this was a fine report1   
truly1 to come from a  special justice4 
,to say nothing of the short time in    
which the fence  might be repaired1     
those were surely very dainty-mouthed   
cattle that  would consume those roots  
only which were so small that several   

months  would be requisite for their    
maturity4 ,the report concluded with a  
recommendation to his ,excellency to    
take seminary vengeance upon a few  of  
the gang as soon as they could be       
arrested1 since they had set such  an   
example to the surrounding apprentices4 
,he could not see how order  and        
subordination could be preserved in his 
district unless such a  punishment was  
inflicted as would be a warning to all  
evil doers4 ,he  further suggested the  
propriety of sending the maroons,a after
 them1 to  hunt them out of their hiding
 places and bring them to justice4      
,footnote ,a3 ,the maroons are free     
negroes1 inhabiting the mountains of    
the interior1 who were formerly hired by
 the authorities1 or by  planters1 to   
hunt up runaway slaves1 and return them 
to their masters4  ,unfortunately our   
own country is not without its maroons4 
,we chanced to obtain a different       
version of this affair1 which1 as it    
was confirmed by different persons in   

,bath1 both white and colored1 who  had 
no connection with each other1 we cannot
 help thinking it the  true one4    ,the
 apprentices on ,thornton1 are what is  
termed a jobbing gang1 that is1  they   
are hired out by their master to any    
planter who may want their  services4   
,jobbing is universally regarded by the 
negroes as the worst  kind of service1  
for many reasons--principally because it
 often takes  them many miles from their
 homes1 and they are still required to  
supply  themselves with food from their 
own provision grounds4 ,they are allowed
  to return home every ,friday evening  
or ,saturday1 and stay till ,monday     
morning4 ,the owner of the gang in      
question lately died--to whom it is     
said they were greatly attached--and    
they passed into the hands of a ,mr4    
,jocken1 the present overseer4 ,jocken  
is a notoriously cruel man4 ,it was     
scarcely a twelvemonth ago1 that he was 
fined one hundred pounds  currency1 and 
sentenced to imprisonment for three     

months in the ,kingston  jail1 for tying
 one of his apprentices to a dead ox1   
because the  animal died while in the   
care of the apprentice4 ,he also        
confined a  woman in the same pen with a
 dead sheep1 because she suffered the   
sheep  to die4 ,repeated acts of cruelty
 have caused ,jocken to be regarded as a
  monster in the community4 ,from a     
knowledge of his character1 the         
apprentices of ,thornton had a strong   
prejudice against him4 ,one of the      
earliest acts after he went among them1 
was to break down their fences1  and    
turn his cattle into their provision    
grounds4 ,he then ordered them  to go to
 a distant estate to work4 ,this they   
refused to do1 and when he  attempted to
 compel them to go1 they left the estate
 in a body1 and went  to the woods4     
,this is what is called a state of open 
rebellion1 and  for this they were to be
 hunted like beasts1 and to suffer such 
a  terrible punishment as would deter   
all other apprentices from taking a     

similar step4    ,this ,jocken is the   
same wretch who wantonly handcuffed the 
apprentice1  who went on to his estate  
by the direction of his master4    ,mr4 
,willis showed us a letter which he had 
received that morning from a  planter in
 his district1 who had just been trying 
an experiment in job  work1 7i4e41      
paying his people so much for a certain 
amount of work47 ,he  had made a        
proposition to one of the head men on   
the estate1 that he  would give him a   
doubloon an acre if he would get ten    
acres of cane land  holed4 ,the man     
employed a large number of apprentices1 
and accomplished  the job on three      
successive ,saturdays4 ,they worked at  
the rate of nearly  one hundred holes   
per day for each man1 whereas the usual 
day's work is  only seventy-five holes4 
,mr4 ,w4 bore testimony that the great  
body of the negroes in his district     
were very peaceable4 ,there were but a  
few incorrigible fellows1 that  did all 
the mischief4 ,when any disturbance took

 place on an estate1 he  could generally
 tell who the individual offenders were4
 ,he did not think  there would be any  
serious difficulty after #ahdj4         
,however1 the result he  thought would  
greatly depend on the conduct of the    
managers6    ,we met in ,bath with the  
proprietor of a coffee estate situated a
 few  miles in the country4 ,he gave a  
very favorable account of the people on 
his estate2 stating that they were as   
peaceable and industrious as he  could  
desire1 that he had their confidence1   
and fully expected to retain  it after  
entire emancipation4 ,he anticipated no 
trouble whatever1 and he  felt assured1 
too1 that if the planters would conduct 
in a proper  manner1 emancipation would 
be a blessing to the whole colony4      
,we called on the ,wesleyan missionary1 
whom we found the decided friend  and   
advocate of freedom4 ,he scrupled not to
 declare his sentiments  respecting the 
special magistrate1 whom he declared to 
be a cruel and  dishonest man4 ,he      

seemed to take delight in flogging the  
apprentices4 ,he  had got a whipping    
machine made and erected in front of the
 ,episcopal  church in the village of   
,bath4 ,it was a frame of a triangular  
shape1 the  base of which rested firmly 
on the ground1 and having a             
perpendicular  beam from the base to the
 apex or angle4 ,to this beam the       
apprentice's  body was lashed1 with his 
face towards the machine1 and his arms  
extended at right angles1 and tied by   
the wrists4 ,the missionary had         
witnessed the floggings at this machine 
repeatedly1 as it stood but a  few steps
 from his house4 ,before we reached     
,bath1 the machine had been  removed    
from its conspicuous place and concealed
 in the bushes1 that  the governor might
 not see it when he visited the village4
    ,as this missionary had been for    
several years laboring in the island1   
and had enjoyed the best opportunities  
to become extensively acquainted  with  
the negroes1 we solicited from him a    

written answer to a number of           
inquiries4 ,we make some extracts from  
his communication4    #a4 ,have the     
facilities for missionary effort greatly
 increased since the  abolition of      
slavery8    ,the opportunities of the   
apprentices to attend the means of grace
 are  greater than during absolute      
slavery4 ,they have now one day and a   
half  every week to work for their      
support1 leaving the ,sabbath free to   
worship ,god4    #b4 ,do you anticipate 
that these facilities will increase     
still more  after entire freedom8       
,yes4 ,the people will then have six    
days of their own to labor for their    
bread1 and will be at liberty to go to  
the house of ,god every ,sabbath4       
,under the present system1 the          
magistrate often takes away the         
,saturday1  as a punishment1 and then   
they must either work on the ,sabbath   
or starve4    #c4 ,are the negroes      
likely to revenge by violence the wrongs
 which they  have suffered1 after they  

obtain their freedom8    ,i never heard 
the idea suggested1 nor should ,i have  
thought of it had  you not made the     
inquiry4    ,we called on ,mr4 ,rogers1 
the teacher of a ,mico charity infant   
school in  ,bath4 ,mr4 ,r41 his wife and
 daughter1 are all engaged in this work4
 ,they  have a day school1 and evening  
school three evenings in the week1 and  
,sabbath school twice each ,sabbath4    
,the evening schools are for the        
benefit of the adult apprentices1 who   
manifest the greatest eagerness to      
learn to read4 ,after working all day1  
they will come several miles to  school1
 and stay cheerfully till nine o'clock4 
,mr4 ,r4 furnished us with a written    
communication1 from which we extract    
the following4    ,quest4 ,are the      
apprentices desirous of being           
instructed8    ,ans4 ,most assuredly    
they are2 in proof of which ,i would    
observe that  since our establishment in
 ,bath1 the people not only attend the  
schools  regularly1 but if they obtain a

 leaf of a book with letters upon it1   
that is their constant companion4 ,we   
have found mothers with their  sucking  
babes in their arms1 standing night     
after night in their classes  learning  
the alphabet4    ,q4 ,are the negroes   
grateful for attentions and favors8     
,a4 ,they are2 ,i have met some who have
 been so much affected by acts of       
kindness1 that they have burst into     
tears1 exclaiming1 ',massa so  kind--my 
heart full4' ,their affection to their  
teachers is very  remarkable4 ,on my    
return lately from ,kingston1 after a   
temporary  absence1 the negroes flocked 
to our residence and surrounded the     
chaise1  saying1 ',we glad to see massa 
again2 we glad to see school massa4' ,on
 my  way through an estate some time    
ago1 some of the children observed me1  
and in a transport of joy cried1 ',thank
 ,god1 massa come again6 ,bless ,god  de
 ,savior1 massa come again6'    ,mr4    
,r41 said he1 casually met with an      
apprentice whose master had lately      

died4 ,the man was in the habit of      
visiting his master's grave every       
,saturday4 ,he said to ,mr4 ,r41 ,me go 
to massa grave1 and de water come  into 
me yeye2 but me can't help it1 massa1 de
 water will come into  me yeye4    ,the 
,wesleyan missionary told us1 that two  
apprentices1 an aged man and  his       
daughter1 a young woman1 had been       
brought up by their master before  the  
special magistrate who sentenced them to
 several days confinement in  the house 
of correction at ,morant ,bay and to    
dance the treadmill4 ,when  the sentence
 was passed the daughter entreated that 
she might be allowed  to do her father's
 part1 as well as her own1 on the       
treadmill1 for he  was too old to dance 
the wheel--it would kill him4    ,from  
,bath we went into the ,plantain ,garden
 ,river ,valley1 one of the  richest and
 most beautiful savannahs in the island4
 ,it is an extensive  plain1 from one to
 three miles wide1 and about six miles  
long4 ,the  ,plantain ,garden ,river1 a 

small stream1 winds through the midst of
 the  valley lengthwise1 emptying into  
the sea4 ,passing through the valley1 we
  went a few miles south of it to call  
on ,alexander ,barclay1 ,esq41 to whom  
we had a letter of introduction4 ,mr4   
,barclay is a prominent member of  the  
assembly1 and an attorney for eight     
estates4 ,he made himself  somewhat     
distinguished a few years ago by writing
 an octavo volume of  five hundred pages
 in defence of the colonies1 i4e41 in   
defence of  colonial slavery4 ,it was a 
reply to ,stephen's masterly work       
against ,west  ,india slavery1 and was  
considered by the ,jamaicans a          
triumphant  vindication of their        
peculiar institutions4 ,we went several 
miles out  of our route expressly to    
have an interview with so zealous and   
celebrated a champion of slavery4 ,we   
were received with marked courtesy  by  
,mr4 ,b41 who constrained us to spend a 
day and night with him at his  seat at  
,fairfield4 ,one of the first objects   

that met our eye in ,mr4 ,b4's  dining  
hall was a splendid piece of silver     
plate1 which was presented to  him by   
the planters of ,st4 ,thomas in the     
,east1 in consideration of his  able    
defence of colonial slavery4 ,we were   
favorably impressed with ,mr4  ,b4's    
intelligence1 and somewhat so with his  
present sentiments  respecting slavery4 
,we gathered from him that he had       
resisted with all  his might the        
anti-slavery measures of the ,english   
government1 and  exerted every power to 
prevent the introduction of the         
apprenticeship  system4 ,after he saw   
that slavery would inevitably be        
abolished1 he drew  up at length a plan 
of emancipation according to which the  
condition of  the slave was to be       
commuted into that of the old ,english  
villein--he  was to be made an appendage
 to the soil instead of the chattel     
personal of the master1 the whip was to 
be partially abolished1 a  modicum of   
wages was to be allowed the slave1 and  

so on4 ,there was to be  no fixed period
 when this system would terminate1 but  
it was to fade  gradually and           
imperceptibly into entire freedom4 ,he  
presented a copy of  his scheme to the  
then governor1 the ,earl of ,mulgrave1  
requesting that  it might be forwarded  
to the home government4 ,mr4 ,b4 said   
that the  anti-slavery party in ,england
 had acted from the blind impulses of   
religious fanaticism1 and had           
precipitated to its issue a work which  
required many years of silent           
preparation in order to its safe        
accomplishment4 ,he intimated that the  
management of abolition ought to  have  
been left with the colonists2 they had  
been the long experienced  managers of  
slavery1 and they were the only men     
qualified to superintend  its burial1   
and give it a decent interment4    ,he  
did not think that the apprenticeship   
afforded any clue to the dark  mystery  
of #ahdj4 ,apprenticeship was so        
inconsiderably different from  slavery1 

that it furnished no more satisfactory  
data for judging of the  results of     
entire freedom than slavery itself4     
,neither would he consent  to be        
comforted by the actual results of      
emancipation in ,antigua4    ,taking    
leave of ,mr4 ,barclay1 we returned to  
the ,plantain ,garden ,river  ,valley1  
and called at the ,golden ,grove1 one of
 the most splendid estates  in that     
magnificent district4 ,this is an estate
 of two thousand acres2  it has five    
hundred apprentices and one hundred free
 children4 ,the  average annual crop is 
six hundred hogsheads of sugar4 ,thomas 
,mc,cornock1  ,esq41 the attorney of    
this estate1 is the custos1 or chief    
magistrate of  the parish1 and colonel  
of the parish militia4 ,there is no man 
in all  the parish of greater           
consequence1 either in fact or in       
seeming  self-estimation1 than ,thomas  
,mc,cornock1 ,esq4 ,he is a ,scotchman1 
as is  also ,mr4 ,barclay4 ,the custos  
received us with as much freedom as the 

dignity of his numerous offices would   
admit of4 ,the overseer1 7manager17     
,mr4 ,duncan1 is an intelligent1 active1
 business man1 and on any other  estate 
than ,golden ,grove1 would doubtless be 
a personage of considerable             
distinction4 ,he conducted us through   
the numerous buildings1 from the        
boiling-house to the pig-stye4 ,the     
principal complaint of the overseer1    
was that he could not make the people   
work to any good purpose4 ,they  were   
not at all refractory or disobedient2   
there was no difficulty in  getting them
 on to the field2 but when they were    
there1 they moved  without any life or  
energy4 ,they took no interest in their 
work1 and he  was obliged to be watching
 and scolding them all the time1 or else
 they  would do nothing4 ,we had not    
gone many steps after this observation1 
before we met with a practical          
illustration of it4 ,a number of the    
apprentices had been ordered that       
morning to cart away some dirt to a     

particular place4 ,when we approached   
them1 ,mr4 ,d4 found that one of the    
wains was standing idle4 ,he inquired of
 the driver why he was keeping  the team
 idle4 ,the reply was1 that there was   
nothing there for it to do2  there were 
enough other wains to carry away all the
 dirt4 ,then1 inquired  the overseer    
with an ill-concealed irritation1 why   
did not go to some  other work8 ,the    
overseer then turned to us and said1    
,you see1 sir1  what lazy dogs the      
apprentices are--this is the way they do
 every day1  if they are not closely    
watched4 ,it was not long after this    
little  incident1 before the overseer   
remarked that the apprentices worked    
very  well during their own time1 when  
they were paid for it4 ,when we went    
into the hospital1 ,mr4 ,d4 directed out
 attention to one fact1 which to  him   
was very provoking4 ,a great portion of 
the patients that come in  during the   
week1 unable to work1 are in the habit  
of getting well on  ,friday evening1 so 

that they can go out on ,saturday and   
,sunday2 but on  ,monday morning they   
are sure to be sick again1 then they    
return to the  hospital and remain very 
poorly till ,friday evening1 when they  
get well  all at once1 and ask          
permission to go out4 ,the overseer saw 
into the  trick2 but he could find no   
medicine that could cure the negroes of 
that  intermittent sickness4 ,the       
,antigua planters discovered the remedy 
for  it1 and doubtless ,mr4 ,d4 will    
make the grand discovery in #ahdj4      
,on returning to the great house1 we    
found the custos sitting in state1      
ready to communicate any official       
information which might be called for4  
,he expressed similar sentiments in the 
main1 with those of ,mr4 ,barclay4  ,he 
feared for the consequences of complete 
emancipation2 the negroes  would to a   
great extent abandon the sugar          
cultivation and retire to the  woods1   
there to live in idleness1 planting     
merely yams enough to keep  them alive1 

and in the process of time1 retrograding
 into ,african  barbarism4 ,the attorney
 did not see how it was possible to     
prevent this4  ,when asked whether he   
expected that such would be the case    
with the  negroes on ,golden ,grove1 he 
replied that he did not think it would1 
except with a very few persons4 ,his    
people had been so well treated1  and   
had so many comforts1 that they would   
not be at all likely to  abandon the    
estate6 ,mark that6 ,whose are the      
people that will desert  after #ahdj8   
,not ,thomas ,mc,cornock's1 ,esq46 ,they
 are too well situated4  ,whose then    
will desert8 ,mr4 ,jocken's1 or in other
 words1 those who  are ill-treated1 who 
are cruelly driven1 whose fences are    
broken down1  and whose provision       
grounds are exposed to the cattle4      
,they1 and they  alone1 will retire to  
the woods who can't get food any where  
else6    ,the custos thought the        
apprentices were behaving very ill4 ,on 
being  asked if he had any trouble with 

his1 he said1 ,o1 no6 his apprentices   
did quite well1 and so did the          
apprentices generally1 in the ,plantain 
,garden ,river ,valley4 ,but in far off 
parishes1 he heard that they  were very 
refractory and troublesome4    ,the     
custos testified that the negroes were  
very easily managed4 ,he said  he had   
often thought that he would rather have 
the charge of six hundred  negroes1 than
 of two hundred ,english sailors4 ,he   
spoke also of the  temperate habits of  
the negroes4 ,he had been in the island 
twenty-two  years1 and he had never seen
 a negro woman drunk1 on the estate4 ,it
 was  very seldom that the men got      
drunk4 ,there were not more than ten men
 on  ,golden ,grove1 out of a population
 of five hundred1 who were in the habit 
of occasionally getting intoxicated4 ,he
 also remarked that the negroes  were a 
remarkable people for their attention to
 the old and infirm among  them2 they   
seldom suffered them to want1 if it was 
in their power to  supply them4 ,among  

other remarks of the custos1 was this   
sweeping  declaration--,no man in his   
senses can pretend to defend slavery4   
,after spending a day at ,golden ,grove1
 we proceeded to the adjacent  estate of
 ,amity ,hall4 ,on entering the         
residence of the manager1 ,mr4          
,kirkland1 we were most gratefully      
surprised to find him engaged in  family
 prayers4 ,it was the first time and the
 last that we heard the  voice of prayer
 in a ,jamaican planter's house4 ,we    
were no less  gratefully surprised to   
see a white lady1 to whom we were       
introduced as  ,mrs4 ,kirkland1 and     
several modest and lovely little        
children4 ,it was the  first and the    
last family circle that we were         
permitted to see among  the planters of 
that licentious colony4 ,the motley     
group of colored  children--of every age
 from tender infancy--which we found on 
other  estates1 revealed the state of   
domestic manners among the planters4    
,mr4 ,k4 regarded the abolition of      

slavery as a great blessing to the      
colony2 it was true that the            
apprenticeship was a wretchedly bad     
system1  but notwithstanding1 things    
moved smoothly on his estate4 ,he       
informed us  that the negroes on ,amity 
,hall had formerly borne the character  
of being  the worst gang in the parish2 
and when he first came to the estate1 he
  found that half the truth had not been
 told of them2 but they had become      
remarkably peaceable and subordinate4   
,it was his policy to give them  every  
comfort that he possibly could4 ,mr4 ,k4
 made the same declaration1  which has  
been so often repeated in the course of 
this narrative1 i4e41  that if any of   
the estates were abandoned1 it would be 
owing to the  harsh treatment of the    
people4 ,he knew many overseers and     
book-keepers  who were cruel driving    
men1 and he should not be surprised if  
they  lost a part1 or all1 of their     
laborers4 ,he made one remark which we  
had  not heard before4 ,there were some 

estates1 he said1 which would probably  
be abandoned1 for the same reason that  
they ought never to have been           
cultivated1 because they require almost 
double labor2--such are the  mountainous
 estates and barren1 worn-out           
properties1 which nothing but a  system 
of forced labor could possibly retain in
 cultivation4 ,but the  idea that the   
negroes generally would leave their     
comfortable homes1 and  various         
privileges on the estates1 and retire to
 the wild woods1 he  ridiculed as       
preposterous in the extreme4 ,mr4 ,k4   
declared repeatedly  that he could not  
look forward to #ahdj1 but with the most
 sanguine  hopes2 he confidently        
believed that the introduction of       
complete freedom  would be the          
regeneration of the island4 ,he alluded 
to the memorable  declaration of ,lord  
,belmore1 7made memorable by the        
excitement which it  caused among the   
colonists17 in his valedictory address  
to the assembly1  on the eve of his     

departure for ,england4,a ,gentlemen1   
said he1 the  resources of this noble   
island will never be fully developed    
until  slavery is abolished6 ,for this  
manly avowal the assembly ignobly       
refused him the usual marks of respect  
and honor at his departure4 ,mr4  ,k4   
expected to see ,jamaica become a new   
world under the enterprise and  energies
 of freedom4 ,there were a few          
disaffected planters1 who would         
probably remain so1 and leave the       
islands after emancipation4 ,it would   
be a blessing to the country if such men
 left it1 for as long as they  were     
disaffected1 they were the enemies of   
its prosperity4    ,footnote ,a3 ,lord  
,belmore left the government of         
,jamaica1 a short time  before the      
abolition act passed in parliament4     
,mr4 ,k4 conducted us through the negro 
quarters1 which are situated on  the    
hill side1 nearly a mile from his       
residence4 ,we went into several of  the
 houses2 which were of a better style   

somewhat than the huts in  ,antigua and 
,barbadoes--larger1 better finished and 
furnished4 ,some few  of them had       
verandahs or porches on one or more     
sides1 after the ,west  ,india fashion1 
closed in with jalousies4 ,in each of   
the houses to  which we were admitted1  
there was one apartment fitted up in a  
very neat  manner1 with waxed floor1 a  
good bedstead1 and snow white coverings1
 a  few good chairs1 a mahogany         
sideboard1 ornamented with dishes1      
decanters1 etc4    ,from ,amity ,hall1  
we drove to ,manchioneal1 a small       
village ten miles  north of the         
,plantain ,garden ,river ,valley4 ,we   
had a letter to the  special magistrate 
for that district1 ,r4 ,chamberlain1    
,esq41 a colored  gentleman1 and the    
first magistrate we found in the parish 
of ,st4 ,thomas  in the ,east1 who was  
faithful to the interests of the        
apprentices4 ,he  was a boarder at the  
public house1 where we were directed for
 lodgings1  and as we spent a few days  

in the village1 we had opportunities of 
obtaining much information from him1 as 
well as of attending some of his        
courts4 ,mr4 ,c4 had been only five     
months in the district of ,manchioneal1 
having been removed thither from a      
distant district4 ,being a friend of    
the apprentices1 he is hated and        
persecuted by the planters4 ,he gave us 
a gloomy picture of the oppressions and 
cruelties of the planters4 ,their       
complaints brought before him are often 
of the most trivial kind2 yet  because  
he does not condemn the apprentices to  
receive a punishment  which the most    
serious offences alone could justify him
 in inflicting1  they revile and        
denounce him as unfit for his station4  
,he represents the  planters as not     
having the most distant idea that it is 
the province of  the special magistrate 
to secure justice to the apprentice2 but
 they  regard it as his sole duty to    
help them in getting from the laborers  
as much work as whips1 and chains1 and  

tread-wheels can extort4 ,his           
predecessor1 in the ,manchioneal        
district1 answered perfectly to the     
planters' beau ideal4 ,he ordered a cat 
to be kept on every estate in  his      
district1 to be ready for use as he went
 around on his weekly  visits4 ,every   
week he inspected the cats1 and when    
they became too much  worn to do good   
execution1 he condemned them1 and       
ordered new ones  to be made4    ,mr4   
,c4 said the most frequent complaints   
made by the planters are for  insolence4
 ,he gave a few specimens of what were  
regarded by the  planters as serious    
offences4 ,an overseer will say to his  
apprentice1  ,work along there faster1  
you lazy villain1 or ,i'll strike you2  
the  apprentice will reply1 ,you can't  
strike me now1 and for this he is  taken
 before the magistrate on the complaint 
of insolence4 ,an  overseer1 in passing 
the gang on the field1 will hear them   
singing2 he  will order them1 in a      
peremptory tone to stop instantly1 and  

if they  continue singing1 they are     
complained of for insubordination4 ,an  
apprentice has been confined to the     
hospital with disease1--when he gets    
able to walk1 tired of the filthy sick  
house1 he hobbles to his hut1  where he 
may have the attentions of his wife     
until he gets well4 ,that is  called    
absconding from labor6 ,where the       
magistrate does not happen to  be an    
independent man1 the complaint is       
sustained1 and the poor invalid  is     
sentenced to the treadmill for absenting
 himself from work4 ,it is  easy to     
conjecture the dreadful consequence4    
,the apprentice1 debilitated  by        
sickness1 dragged off twenty-five miles 
on foot to ,morant ,bay1  mounted on the
 wheel1 is unable to keep the step with 
the stronger ones1  slips off and hangs 
by the wrists1 and his flesh is mangled 
and torn by  the wheel4    ,the         
apprentices frequently called at our    
lodgings to complain to ,mr4 ,c4  of the
 hard treatment of their masters4 ,among

 the numerous distressing  cases which  
we witnessed1 we shall never forget that
 of a poor little  negro boy1 of about  
twelve1 who presented himself one       
afternoon before  ,mr4 ,c41 with a      
complaint against his master for        
violently beating him4 ,a  gash was cut 
in his head1 and the blood had flowed   
freely4 ,he fled from  his master1 and  
came to ,mr4 ,c4 for refuge4 ,he        
belonged to ,a4 ,ross1 ,esq41  of       
,mulatto ,run estate4 ,we remembered    
that we had a letter of  introduction to
 that planter1 and we had designed      
visiting him1 but  after witnessing this
 scene1 we resolved not to go near a    
monster who  could inflict such a wound1
 with his own hand1 upon a child4 ,we   
were  highly gratified with the kind and
 sympathizing manner in which ,mr4 ,c4  
spoke with the unfortunate beings who1  
in the extremity of their wrongs1       
ventured to his door4    ,at the request
 of the magistrate we accompanied him1  
on one occasion1 to  the station-house1 

where he held a weekly court4 ,we had   
there a good  opportunity to observe the
 hostile feelings of the planters       
towards this  faithful officer--faithful
 among the faithless1 7though we are    
glad  that we cannot quite add1 only    
he47    ,a number of managers1          
overseers1 and book-keepers1 assembled2 
some with  complaints1 and some to have 
their apprentices classified4 ,they all 
set  upon the magistrate like           
bloodhounds upon a lone stag4 ,they     
strove  together with one accord1 to    
subdue his independent spirit by taunts1
  jeers1 insults1 intimidations and     
bullyings4 ,he was obliged to threaten  
one of the overseers with arrest1 on    
account of his abusive conduct4 ,we     
were actually amazed at the intrepidity 
of the magistrate4 ,we were  convinced  
from what we saw that day1 that only the
 most fearless and  conscientious men   
could be faithful magistrates in        
,jamaica4 ,mr4 ,c4  assured us that he  
met with similar indignities every time 

he held his  courts1 and on most of the 
estates that he visited4 ,it was in his 
power  to punish them severely1 but he  
chose to use all possible forbearance1  
so as not to give the planters any      
grounds of complaint4    ,on a          
subsequent day we accompanied ,mr4 ,c4  
in one of his estate visits4  ,as it was
 late in the afternoon1 he called at but
 one estate1 the name  of which was     
,williamsfield4 ,mr4 ,gordon1 the       
overseer of ,williamsfield1  is among   
the fairest specimens of planters4 ,he  
has naturally a generous  disposition1  
which1 like that of ,mr4 ,kirkland1 has 
out-lived the  witherings of slavery4   
,he informed us that his people worked  
as well under the apprenticeship        
system1 as ever they did during slavery2
 and he had every encouragement  that   
they would do still better after they   
were completely free4 ,he was  satisfied
 that he should be able to conduct his  
estate at much less  expense after      
#ahdj2 he thought that fifty men would  

do as much then as a  hundred do now4   
,we may add here a similar remark of    
,mr4 ,kirkland--that  forty freemen     
would accomplish as much as eighty      
slaves4 ,mr4 ,gordon  hires his people  
on ,saturdays1 and he expressed his     
astonishment at the  increased vigor    
with which they worked when they were to
 receive wages4  ,he pointedly condemned
 the driving system which was resorted  
to by many  of the planters4 ,they      
foolishly endeavored to keep up the     
coercion of  slavery1 and they had the  
special magistrates incessantly flogging
 the  apprentices4 ,the planters also   
not unfrequently take away the provision
  grounds from their apprentices1 and in
 every way oppress and  harass them4    
,in the course of the conversation ,mr4 
,g4 accidentally struck upon a  fresh   
vein of facts1 respecting the ,,slavery 
,,of ,,book-,,keepers1,a under  the old 
system4 ,the book-keepers1 said ,mr4    
,g41 were the complete slaves  of the   
overseers1 who acted like despots on the

 estates4 ,they were  mostly young men  
from ,england1 and not unfrequently had 
considerable  refinement2 but ignorant  
of the treatment which book-keepers had 
to  submit to1 and allured by the       
prospect of becoming wealthy by         
plantership1 they came to ,jamaica and  
entered as candidates4 ,they soon       
discovered the cruel bondage in which   
they were involved4 ,the overseers      
domineered over them1 and stormed at    
them as violently as though they  were  
the most abject slaves4 ,they were      
allowed no privileges such as  their    
former habits impelled them to seek4 ,if
 they played a flute in the  hearing of 
the overseer1 they were commanded to be 
silent instantly4 ,if  they dared to put
 a gold ring on their finger1 even that 
trifling  pretension to gentility was   
detected and disallowed by the jealous  
overseer4 7,these things were specified 
by ,mr4 ,g4 himself47 ,they were  seldom
 permitted to associate with the        
overseers as equals4 ,the only  thing   

which reconciled the book-keepers to    
this abject state1 was the  reflection  
that they might one day possibly become 
overseers  themselves1 and then they    
could exercise the same authority over  
others4  ,in addition to this           
degradation1 the book-keepers suffered  
great  hardships4 ,every morning 7during
 slavery7 they were obliged to be in the
  field before day2 they had to be there
 as soon as the slaves1 in order  to    
call the roll1 and mark absentees1 if   
any4 ,often ,mr4 ,g4 and the other      
gentleman had gone to the field1 when it
 was so dark that they could not  see to
 call the roll1 and the negroes have all
 lain down on their hoes1  and slept    
till the light broke4 ,sometimes there  
would be a thick dew on  the ground1 and
 the air was so cold and damp1 that they
 would be  completely chilled4 ,when    
they were shivering on the ground1 the  
negroes  would often lend them their    
blankets1 saying1 ,poor busha pickaninny
  sent out here from ,england to die4   

,mr4 ,gordon said that his  constitution
 had been permanently injured by such   
exposure4 ,many young  men1 he said1 had
 doubtless been killed by it4 ,during   
crop time1 the  book-keepers had to be  
up every night till twelve o'clock1 and 
every  other night all night1           
superintending the work in the          
boiling-house1  and at the mill4 ,they  
did not have rest even on the ,sabbath2 
they must  have the mill put about 7set 
to the wind so as to grind7 by sunset   
every  ,sabbath4 ,often the mills were  
in the wind before four o'clock1 on     
,sabbath afternoon4 ,they knew of slaves
 being flogged for not being on  the    
spot by sunset1 though it was known that
 they had been to meeting4  ,mr4 ,g4    
said that he had a young friend who came
 from ,england with him1  and acted as  
book-keeper4 ,his labors and exposures  
were so intolerable1  that he had often 
said to ,mr4 ,g41 confidentially1 that  
if the slaves  should rise in rebellion1
 he would most cheerfully join them6    

,said ,mr4  ,g41 there was great        
rejoicing among the book-keepers in     
,august #ahcd6  ,the abolition of       
slavery was ,,emancipation ,,to ,,the   
,,book-,,keepers4    ,footnote ,a3 ,the 
book-keepers are subordinate overseers  
and drivers2  they are generally young  
white men1 who after serving a course of
 years  in a sort of apprenticeship1 are
 promoted to managers of estates4    ,no
 complaints were brought before ,mr4    
,chamberlain4 ,mr4 ,gordon pleasantly   
remarked when we arrived1 that he had   
some cases which he should have         
presented if the magistrate had come a  
little earlier1 but he presumed  he     
should forget them before his next      
visit4 ,when we left ,williamsfield1    
,mr4 ,c4 informed us that during five   
months there had been but two cases  of 
complaint on that estate--and but a     
single instance of punishment4  ,such   
are the results where there is a good   
manager and a good special  magistrate4 
,on ,sabbath we attended service in the 

,baptist chapel1 of which ,rev4 ,mr4    
,kingdon is pastor4 ,the chapel1 which  
is a part of ,mr4 ,k4's  dwelling-house1
 is situated on the summit of a high    
mountain which  overlooks the sea4 ,as  
seen from the valley below1 it appears  
to topple  on the very brink of a       
frightful precipice4 ,it is reached by a
 winding  tedious road1 too rugged to   
admit of a chaise1 and in some places so
  steep as to try the activity of a     
horse4 ,as we approached nearer1 we     
observed the people climbing up in      
throngs by various footpaths1 and       
halting in the thick woods which skirted
 the chapel1 the men to put on  their   
shoes1 which they had carried in their  
hands up the mountain1 and  the women to
 draw on their white stockings and      
shoes4 ,on entering the  place of       
worship1 we found it well filled with   
the apprentices1 who came  from many    
miles around in every direction4 ,the   
services had commenced  when we arrived4
 ,we heard an excellent sermon from the 

devoted and pious  missionary1 ,mr4     
,kingdon1 whose praise is among all the 
good throughout  the island1 and who is 
eminently known as the negro's friend4  
,after the  sermon1 we were invited to  
make a few remarks2 and the minister    
briefly  stated to the congregation     
whence we had come1 and what was the    
object  of our visit4 ,we cannot soon   
forget the scene which followed4 ,we    
begun  by expressing1 in simple terms1  
the interest which we felt in the       
temporal and spiritual concerns of the  
people present1 and scarcely had  we    
uttered a sentence when the whole       
congregation were filled with  emotion4 
,soon they burst into tears--some       
sobbed1 others cried aloud2  insomuch   
that for a time we were unable to       
proceed4 ,we were1 indeed1 not  a little
 astonished at so unusual a scene2 it   
was a thing which we were  by no means  
expecting to see4 ,being at a loss to   
account for it1 we  inquired of ,mr4 ,k4
 afterwards1 who told us that it was    

occasioned by our  expressions of       
sympathy and regard4 ,they were so      
unaccustomed to hear  such language from
 the lips of white people1 that it fell 
upon them like  rain upon the parched   
earth4 ,the idea that one who was a     
stranger and a  foreigner should feel an
 interest in their welfare1 was to them1
 in such  circumstances1 peculiarly     
affecting1 and stirred the deep         
fountains of  their hearts4    ,after   
the services1 the missionary1 anxious to
 further our objects1  proposed that we 
should hold an interview with a number  
of the  apprentices2 and he accordingly 
invited fifteen of them into his study1 
and introduced them to us by name1      
stating also the estates to which  they 
severally belonged4 ,we had thus an     
opportunity of seeing the               
representatives of twelve different     
estates1 men of trust on their          
respective estates1 mostly constables   
and head boilers4 ,for nearly two  hours
 we conversed with these men1 making    

inquiries on all points  connected with 
slavery1 the apprenticeship1 and the    
expected  emancipation4    ,from no     
interview1 during our stay in the       
colonies1 did we derive so  much        
information respecting the real workings
 of the apprenticeship2  from none did  
we gain such an insight into the        
character and disposition  of the       
negroes4 ,the company was composed of   
intelligent and pious  men2--so manly   
and dignified were they in appearance1  
and so elevated in  their sentiments1   
that we could with difficulty realize   
that they were  slaves4 ,they were      
wholly unreserved in their              
communications1 though  they deeply     
implicated their masters1 the special   
magistrates1 and  others in authority4  
,it is not improbable that they would   
have shrunk  from some of the           
disclosures which they made1 had they   
known that they  would be published4    
,nevertheless we feel assured that in   
making them  public1 we shall not betray

 the informants1 concealing as we do    
their  names and the estates to which   
they belong4    ,with regard to the     
wrongs and hardships of the             
apprenticeship much as  said2 we can    
only give a small part4    ,their       
masters were often very harsh with them1
 more so than when they  were slaves4   
,they could not flog them1 but they     
would scold them1 and  swear at them1   
and call them hard names1 which hurt    
their feelings  almost as much as it    
would if they were to flog them4 ,they  
would not  allow them as many privileges
 as they did formerly4 ,sometimes they  
would  take their provision grounds     
away1 and sometimes they would go on    
their  grounds and carry away provisions
 for their own use without paying for   
them1 or as much as asking their leave4 
,they had to bear this1 for it  was     
useless to complain--they could get no  
justice2 there was no law in            
,manchioneal4 ,the special magistrate   
would only hear the master1 and  would  

not allow the apprentices to say any    
thing for themselves,a4 ,the  magistrate
 would do just as the busha 7master7    
said4 ,if he say flog him1  he flog him2
 if he say1 send him to ,morant ,bay1   
7to the treadmill17 de  magistrate send 
him4 ,if we happen to laugh before de   
busha1 he complain  to de magistrate1   
and we get licked4 ,if we go to a       
friend's house1 when  we hungry1 to get 
something to eat1 and happen to get lost
 in de woods  between1 we are called    
runaways1 and are punished severely4    
,our half  ,friday is taken away from   
us2 we must give that time to busha for 
a  little salt-fish1 which was always   
allowed us during slavery4 ,if we lay   
in bed after six o'clock1 they take away
 our ,saturday too4 ,if we lose a       
little time from work1 they make us pay 
a great deal more time4 ,they  stated1  
and so did several of the missionaries1 
that the loss of the  half ,friday was  
very serious to them2 as it often       
rendered it impossible  for them to get 

to meeting on ,sunday4 ,the whole work  
of cultivating  their grounds1 preparing
 their produce for sale1 carrying it to 
the  distant market1 7,morant ,bay1 and 
sometimes further17 and returning1 all  
this was1 by the loss of the ,friday    
afternoon1 crowded into ,saturday1  and 
it was often impossible for them to get 
back from market before  ,sabbath       
morning2 then they had to dress and go  
six or ten miles further  to chapel1 or 
stay away altogether1 which1 from       
weariness and worldly  cares1 they would
 be strongly tempted to do4 ,this they  
represented as  being a grievous thing  
to them4 ,said one of the men2 in a     
peculiarly  solemn and earnest manner1  
while the tears stood in his eyes1 ,i   
declare  to you1 massa1 if de ,lord     
spare we to be free1 we be much more    
'ligiours--we be wise to many more      
tings2 we be better ,christians2        
because den we have all de ,sunday for  
go to meeting4 ,but now de holy  time   
taken up in work for we food4 ,these    

words were deeply impressed  upon us by 
the intense earnestness with which they 
were spoken4 ,they  revealed the heart's
 own bitterness4 ,there was also a      
lighting up of  joy and hope in the     
countenance of that child of ,god1 as he
 looked  forward to the time when he    
might become wise to many more tings4   
,footnote ,a3 ,we would observe1 that   
they did not refer to ,mr4              
,chamberlain1 but to another magistrate1
 whose name they mentioned4    ,they    
gave a heart-sickening account of the   
cruelties of the treadmill4  ,they spoke
 of the apprentices having their wrists 
tied to the handboard1  and said it was 
very common for them to fall and hang   
against the wheel4  ,some who had been  
sent to the treadmill1 had actually died
 from the  injuries they there received4
 ,they were often obliged to see their  
wives  dragged off to ,morant ,bay1 and 
tied to the treadmill1 even when they   
were in a state of pregnancy4 ,they     
suffered a great deal of misery from    

that2 but they could not help it4       
,sometimes it was a wonder to themselves
 how they could endure all the          
provocations and sufferings of the      
apprenticeship2 it was only by de  mercy
 of ,god6    ,they were asked why they  
did not complain to the special         
magistrates4  ,they replied1 that it did
 no good1 for the magistrates would not 
take  any notice of their complaints1   
besides1 it made the masters treat them 
still worse4 ,said one1 ,we go to de    
magistrate to complain1 and den when  we
 come back de busha do all him can to   
vex us4 ,he wingle 7tease7 us1  and     
wingle us2 de book-keeper curse us and  
treaten us2 de constable he  scold us1  
and call hard names1 and dey all strive 
to make we mad1 so we  say someting     
wrong1 and den dey take we to de        
magistrate for insolence4  ,such was the
 final consequence of complaining to the
 magistrate4 ,we  asked them why they   
did not complain1 when they had a good  
magistrate  who would do them justice4  

,their answer revealed a new fact4 ,they
 were  afraid to complain to a          
magistrate1 who they knew was their     
friend1  because their masters told them
 that the magistrate would soon be      
changed1 and another would come who     
would flog them2 and that for every     
time they dared to complain to the      
,,good magistrate1 they would be        
flogged when the ,,bad one came4 ,they  
said their masters had explained it  all
 to them long ago4    ,we inquired of   
them particularly what course they      
intended to take when  they should      
become free4 ,we requested them to      
speak1 not only with  reference to      
themselves1 but of the apprentices      
generally1 as far as  they knew their   
views4 ,they said the apprentices       
expected to work on the  estates1 if    
they were allowed to do so4 ,they had no
 intention of leaving  work4 ,nothing   
would cause them to leave their estates 
but bad treatment2  if their masters    
were harsh1 they would go to another    

estate1 where they  would get better    
treatment4 ,they would be obliged to    
work when they  were free2 even more    
than now1 for then they would have no   
other  dependence4    ,one tried to     
prove to us by reasoning1 that the      
people would work  when they were free4 
,said he1 ,in slavery time we work even 
wid de  whip1 now we work 'till         
better--what tink we will do when we    
free8  ,won't we work den1 when we get  
paid8 ,he appealed to us so earnestly1  
that we could not help acknowledging we 
were fully convinced4 ,however1  in     
order to establish the point still more 
clearly1 he stated some  facts1 such as 
the following3    ,during slavery1 it   
took six men to tend the coppers in     
boiling sugar1  and it was thought that 
fewer could not possibly do the work2   
but now1  since the boilers are paid for
 their extra time1 the work is          
monopolized  by three men4 ,they would  
not have any help2 they did all the work
  dat dey might get all de pay4    ,we  

sounded them thoroughly on their views  
of law and freedom4 ,we  inquired       
whether they expected to be allowed to  
do as they pleased when  they were free4
 ,on this subject they spoke very       
rationally4 ,said one1  ,we could never 
live widout de law2 7we use1 his very   
expressions7 we  must have some law when
 we free4 ,in other countries1 where dey
 are free1  don't dey have law8         
,wouldn't dey shoot one another if they 
did not  have law8 ,thus they reasoned  
about freedom4 ,their chief complaint   
against the apprenticeship was1 that it 
did not allow them justice4  ,there was 
no law now4 ,they had been told by the  
governor1 that there  was the same law  
for all the island2 but they knew       
better1 for there was  more justice done
 them in some districts than in others4 
,some of their expressions indicated    
very strongly the characteristic        
kindness of the negro4 ,they would say1 
we work now as well as we can  for the  
sake of peace2 any thing for peace4     

,don't want to be  complained of to the 
magistrate2 don't like to be called hard
 names--do  any thing to keep peace4    
,such expressions were repeatedly made4 
,we asked  them what they thought of the
 domestics being emancipated in #ahch1  
while  they had to remain apprentices   
two years longer8 ,they said1 it bad    
enough--but we know de law make it so1  
and for peace sake1 we will be  satisfy4
 ,but we murmur in we minds4    ,we     
asked what they expected to do with the 
old and infirm1 after  freedom8 ,they   
said1 we will support dem--as how dey   
brought us up when  we was pickaninny1  
and now we come trong1 must care for    
dem4 ,in such a  spirit did these       
apprentices discourse for two hours4    
,they won greatly  upon our sympathy and
 respect4 ,the touching story of their  
wrongs1 the  artless unbosoming of their
 hopes1 their forgiving spirit toward   
their  masters1 their distinct views of 
their own rights1 their amiable bearing 
under provocation1 their just notions of

 law1 and of a state of  freedom--these 
things were well calculated to excite   
our admiration for  them1 and their     
companions in suffering4 ,having prayed 
with the company1  and commended them to
 the grace of ,god1 and the salvation of
 ,jesus  ,christ1 we shook hands with   
them individually1 and separated from   
them1  never more to see them1 until we 
meet at the bar of ,god4    ,while one  
of us was prosecuting the foregoing     
inquiries in ,st4 ,thomas in  the ,east1
 the other was performing a horse-back  
tour among the mountains  of ,st4       
,andrews and ,port ,royal4 ,we had been 
invited by ,stephen ,bourne1  ,esq41    
special magistrate for one of the rural 
districts in those  parishes1 to spend a
 week in his family1 and accompany him  
in his  official visits to the          
plantations embraced in his             
commission--an  invitation we were very 
glad to accept1 as it laid open to us at
 the  same time three important sources 
of information1--the magistrate1 the    

planter1 and the apprentice4    ,the sun
 was just rising as we left ,kingston1  
and entered the high road4  ,the air1   
which the day before had been painfully 
hot and stived1 was  cool and fresh1 and
 from flowers and spice-trees1 on which 
the dew still  lay1 went forth a        
thousand fragrant exhalations4 ,our     
course for about  six miles1 lay over   
the broad1 low plain1 which spreads     
around ,kingston1  westward to the      
highlands of ,st4 ,andrews1 and         
southward beyond  ,spanishtown4 ,all    
along the road1 and in various          
directions in the  distance1 were seen  
the residences--uncouthly termed        
'pens'--of  merchants and gentlemen of  
wealth1 whose business frequently calls 
them  to town4 ,unlike ,barbadoes1 the  
fields here were protected by walls and 
hedges1 with broad gateways and avenues 
leading to the house4 ,we soon  began to
 meet here and there1 at intervals1     
person going to the market  with fruits 
and provisions4 ,the number continually 

increased1 and at the  end of an hour1  
they could be seen trudging over the    
fields1 and along  the by-paths and     
roads1 on every hand4 ,some had a couple
 of stunted  donkeys yoked to a ricketty
 cart1--others had mules with           
pack-saddles--but the many loaded their 
own heads1 instead of the  donkeys and  
mules4 ,most of them were well dressed1 
and all civil and  respectful in their  
conduct4    ,invigorated by the mountain
 air1 and animated by the novelty and   
grandeur of the mountain scenery1       
through which we had passed1 we  arrived
 at ',grecian ,regale' in season for an 
early ,west ,indian  breakfast1 7#h     
o'clock47 ,mr4 ,bourne's district is    
entirely composed of  coffee            
plantations1 and embraces three thousand
 apprentices4 ,the people  on coffee    
plantations are not worked so hard as   
those employed on sugar  estates2 but   
they are more liable to suffer from     
insufficient food  and clothing4        
,after breakfast we accompanied ,mr4    

,bourne on a visit to the plantations1  
but there were no complaints either from
 the master or apprentice1  except on   
one4 ,here ,mr4 ,b4 was hailed by a     
hoary-headed man1 sitting at  the side  
of his house4 ,he said that he was lame 
and sick1 and could not  work1 and      
complained that his master did not give 
him any food4 ,all he  had to eat was   
given him by a relative4 ,as the master 
was not at home1  ,mr4 ,b4 could not    
attend to the complaint at that time1   
but promised to  write the master about 
it in the course of the day4 ,he        
informed us that  the aged and disabled 
were very much neglected under the      
apprenticeship4  ,when the working days 
are over1 the profit days are over1 and 
how few in  any country are willing to  
support an animal which is past labor8  
,if  these complaints are numerous under
 the new system1 when magistrates are   
all abroad to remedy them1 what must it 
have been during slavery1 when  master  
and magistrate were the same6    ,on one

 of the plantations we called at the    
house of an emigrant1 of  which some    
hundreds have been imported from        
different parts of ,europe1  since      
emancipation4 ,he had been in the island
 eighteen months1 and was  much         
dissatisfied with his situation4 ,the   
experiment of importing whites  to      
,jamaica as laborers1 has proved        
disastrous--an unfortunate  speculation 
to all parties1 and all parties wish    
them back again4    ,we had some        
conversation with several apprentices1  
who called on ,mr4  ,bourne for advice  
and aid4 ,they all thought the          
apprenticeship very  hard1 but still1 on
 the whole1 liked it better than        
slavery4 ,they were  killed too         
bad1--that was their expression--during 
slavery--were worked  hard and terribly 
flogged4 ,they were up ever so early and
 late--went out  in the mountains to    
work1 when so cold busha would have to  
cover himself  up on the ground4 ,had   
little time to eat1 or go to meeting4   

',twas all  slash1 slash6 ,now they     
couldn't be flogged1 unless the         
magistrate said  so4 ,still the busha   
was very hard to them1 and many of the  
apprentices  run away to the woods1 they
 are so badly used4    ,the next        
plantation which we visited was ,dublin 
,castle4 ,it lies in a  deep valley1    
quite enclosed by mountains4 ,the       
present attorney has been  in the island
 nine years1 and is attorney for several
 other properties4  ,in ,england he was 
a religious man1 and intimately         
acquainted with the  eccentric ,irving4 
,for a while after he came out he       
preached to the  slaves1 but having     
taken a black concubine1 and treating   
those under his  charge oppressively1 he
 soon obtained a bad character among the
 blacks1  and his meetings were         
deserted4 ,he is now a most passionate  
and wicked  man1 having cast off even   
the show of religion4    ,mr4 ,b4       
visited ,dublin ,castle a few weeks     
since1 and spent two days in  hearing   

complaints brought against the manager  
and book-keeper by the  apprentices4 ,he
 fined the manager1 for different acts  
of oppression1 one  hundred and eight   
dollars4 ,the attorney was present      
during the whole  time4 ,near the close 
of the second day he requested          
permission to say a  few words1 which   
was granted4 ,he raised his hands and   
eyes in the most  agonized manner1 as   
though passion was writhing within1 and 
burst  forth--,o1 my ,god6 my ,god6 has 
it indeed come to this6 ,am ,i to be    
arraigned in this way8 ,is my conduct to
 be questioned by these people8  ,is my 
authority to be destroyed by the        
interference of stranger8 ,o1 my  ,god6 
,and he fell back into the arms of his  
book-keeper1 and was carried  out of the
 room in convulsions4    ,the next      
morning we started on another excursion1
 for the purpose of  attending the      
appraisement of an apprentice belonging 
to ,silver ,hill1 a  plantation about   
ten miles distant from ,grecian ,regale4

 ,we rode but a  short distance in the  
town road1 when we struck off into a    
narrow defile  by a mule-path1 and      
pushed into the very heart of the       
mountains4    ,we felt somewhat timid at
 the commencement of our excursion among
 these  minor ,andes1 but we gained     
confidence as we proceeded1 and finding 
our  horse sure-footed and quite        
familiar with mountain paths1 we soon   
learned to gallop1 without fear1 along  
the highest cliffs1 and through  the    
most dangerous passes4 ,we were once put
 in some jeopardy by a drove  of mules1 
laden with coffee4 ,we fortunately saw  
them1 as they came round  the point of a
 hill1 at some distance1 in season to   
secure ourselves in  a little recess    
where the path widened4 ,on they came1  
cheered by the  loud cries of their     
drivers1 and passed rapidly forward1 one
 after  another1 with the headlong      
stupidity which animals1 claiming more  
wisdom  than quadrupeds1 not            
unfrequently manifest4 ,when they came  

up to us1  however1 they showed that    
they were not unaccustomed to such      
encounters1  and1 although the space    
between us and the brow of the          
precipice1 was  not three feet wide1    
they all contrived to sway their bodies 
and heavy  sacks in such a manner as to 
pass us safely1 except one4 ,he1 more   
stupid  or more unlucky than the rest1  
struck us a full broad-side as he went  
by  jolting us hard against the hill1   
and well-nigh jolting himself down the  
craggy descent into the abyss below4    
,one leg hung a moment over the         
precipice1 but the poor beast suddenly  
threw his whole weight forward1  and by 
a desperate leap1 obtained sure foothold
 in the path1 and again  trudged along  
with his coffee-bags4    ,on our way we 
called at two plantations1 but found no 
complaints4 ,at one  of them we had some
 conversation with the overseer4 ,he has
 on it one  hundred and thirty          
apprentices1 and produces annually      
thirty thousand  pounds of coffee4 ,he  

informed us that he was getting along   
well4 ,his  people are industrious and  
obedient1 as much so1 to say the least1 
as  under the old system4 ,the crop this
 year is not so great as usual1 on      
account of the severe drought4 ,his     
plantation was never better  cultivated4
 ,besides the one hundred and thirty    
apprentices1 there are  forty free      
children1 who are supported by their    
parents4 ,none of them  will work for   
hire1 or in any way put themselves under
 his control1 as  the parents fear there
 is some plot laid for making them      
apprentices1  and through that process  
reducing them to slavery4 ,he thinks    
this  feeling will continue till the    
apprenticeship is entirely broken up1   
and  the people begin to feel assured of
 complete freedom1 when it will         
disappear4    ,we reached ,silver ,hill 
about noon4 ,this plantation contains   
one hundred  and ten apprentices1 and is
 under the management of a colored man1 
who  has had charge of it seven years4  

,he informed us that it was under as    
good cultivation now as it was before   
emancipation4 ,his people are  easily   
controlled4 ,very much depends on the   
conduct of the overseer4 ,if  he is     
disposed to be just and kind1 the       
apprentices are sure to behave  well2 if
 he is harsh and severe1 and attempts to
 drive them1 they will  take no pains to
 please him1 but on the contrary1 will  
be sulky and  obstinate4    ,there were 
three overseers from other estates      
present4 ,one of them had  been an      
overseer for forty years1 and he        
possessed the looks and  feelings which 
we suppose a man who has been thus long 
in a school of  despotism1 must possess4
 ,he had a giant form1 which seemed to  
be  breaking down with luxury and       
sensualism4 ,his ordinary voice was     
hoarse  and gusty1 and his smile        
diabolical4 ,emancipation had swept away
 his  power while it left the love of it
 ravaging his heart4 ,he could not      
speak of the new system with composure4 

,his contempt and hatred of the  negro  
was unadulterated4 ,he spoke of the     
apprentices with great  bitterness4     
,they were excessively lazy and         
impudent1 and were becoming  more and   
more so every day4 ,they did not do half
 the work now that they  did before     
emancipation4 ,it was the character of  
the negro never to work  unless         
compelled4 ,his people would not labor  
for him an hour in their  own time1     
although he had offered to pay them for 
it4 ,they have not the  least gratitude4
 ,they will leave him in the midst of   
his crop1 and help  others1 because they
 can get a little more4 ,they spend all 
their half  ,fridays and their          
,saturdays on other plantations where   
they receive  forty cents a day4        
,twenty-five cents is enough for them1  
and is as much  as he will give4    ,mr4
 ,b4 requested the overseer to bring    
forward his complaints4 ,he had  only   
two4 ,one was against a boy of ten for  
stealing a gill of goat's  milk4 ,the   

charge was disproved4 ,the other was    
against a boy of twelve  for neglecting 
the cattle1 and permitting them to      
trespass on the lands  of a neighbor4   
,he was sentenced to receive a good     
switching--that is1 to  be beaten with a
 small stick by the constable of the    
plantation4    ,several apprentices then
 appeared and made a few trivial        
complaints  against 'busha4' ,they were 
quickly adjusted4 ,these were all the   
complaints that had accumulated in five 
weeks4    ,the principal business which 
called ,mr4 ,bourne to the plantation1  
as we  have already remarked1 was the   
appraisement of an apprentice4 ,the     
appraisers were himself and a local     
magistrate4 ,the apprentice was a       
native born ,african1 and was stolen    
from his country when a boy4 ,he had    
always resided on this plantation1 and  
had always been a faithful  laborer4 ,he
 was now the constable1 or driver1 as   
the office was called  in slavery times1
 of the second gang4 ,the overseer      

testified to his  honesty and industry1 
and said he regretted much to have him  
leave4 ,he  was1 as appeared by the     
plantation books1 fifty-four years old1 
but was  evidently above sixty4 ,after  
examining several witnesses as to the   
old  man's ability and general health1  
and making calculations by the rule of  
three1 with the cold accuracy of a      
yankee horse-bargain1 it was decided    
that his services were worth to the     
plantation forty-eight dollars a  years1
 and for the remaining time of the      
apprenticeship1 consequently1  at that  
rate1 one hundred and fifty-six dollars4
 ,one third of this was  deducted as an 
allowance for the probabilities of      
death1 and sickness1  leaving one       
hundred and four dollars as the price of
 his redemption4 ,the  old man objected 
strongly and earnestly to the price2 he 
said1 it was  too much2 he had not money
 enough to pay it2 and begged them1 with
 tears  in his eyes1 not to make him pay
 so much for his old bones2 but they    

would not remit a cent4 ,they could not4
 ,they were the stern ministers of  the 
,british emancipation law1 the praises  
of which have been shouted  through the 
earth6    ,of the three overseers who   
were present1 not one could be called a 
respectable man4 ,their countenances    
were the mirrors of all lustful and     
desperate passions4 ,they were          
continually drinking rum and water1 and 
one of them was half drunk4    ,our next
 visit was to an elevated plantation    
called ,peter's ,rock4 ,the  path to it 
was1 in one place1 so steep1 that we had
 to dismount and  permit our horses to  
work their way up as they could1 while  
we followed  on foot4 ,we then wound    
along among provision grounds and coffee
 fields1  through forests where hardly a
 track was to be seen1 and over hedges1 
which the horses were obliged to leap1  
till we issued on the great path  which 
leads from the plantation to ,kingston4 
,peter's ,rock has one hundred          
apprentices1 and is under the           

management1  as ,mr4 ,bourne informed   
us1 of a very humane man4 ,during the   
two years  and a half of the            
apprenticeship1 there had been only six 
complaints4  ,as we approached the      
plantation we saw the apprentices at the
 side of  the road1 eating their        
breakfast4 ,they had been at work some  
distance  from their houses1 and could  
not spend time to go home4 ,they saluted
 us  with great civility1 most of them  
rising and uncovering their heads4 ,in  
answer to our questions1 they said they 
were getting along very well4  ,they    
said their master was kind to them1 and 
they appeared in  fine spirits4    ,the 
overseer met us as we rode up to the    
door1 and received us very  courteously4
 ,he had no complaints4 ,he informed us 
that the plantation  was as well        
cultivated as it had been for many      
years1 and the people  were perfectly   
obedient and industrious4    ,from      
,peter's ,rock we rode to ,hall's       
,prospect1 a plantation on which  there 

are sixty apprentices under the charge  
of a black overseer1 who1  two years    
ago1 was a slave4 ,it was five weeks    
since ,mr4 ,b4 had been  there1 and yet 
he had only one complaint1 and that     
against a woman for  being late at work 
on ,monday morning4 ,the reason she gave
 for this was1  that she went to an     
estate some miles distant to spend the  
,sabbath with  her husband4    ,mr4     
,bourne1 by the aid of funds left in his
 hands by ,mr4 ,sturge1 is  about to    
establish a school on this plantation4  
,mr4 ,b41 at a previous  visit1 had     
informed the people of what he intended 
to do1 and asked  their co-operation4   
,as soon as they saw him to-day1 several
 of them  immediately inquired about the
 school1 when it would begin1 c4 ,they  
showed the greatest eagerness and       
thankfulness4 ,mr4 ,b4 told them he     
should send a teacher as soon as a house
 was prepared4 ,he had been  talking    
with their master 7the attorney of the  
plantation7 about fixing  one1 who had  

offered them the old lock-up house1 if  
they would put it  in order4 ,there was 
a murmur among them at this             
annunciation4 ,at length  one of the men
 said1 they did not want the school to  
be held in the  lock-up house4 ,it was  
not a good place for their pickaninnies 
to go  to4 ,they had much rather have   
some other building1 and would be glad  
to  have it close to their houses4 ,mr4 
,b4 told them if they would put up a    
small house near their own1 he would    
furnish it with desks and benches4  ,to 
this they all assented with great joy4  
,on our way home we saw1 as we did on   
various other occasions1 many of  the   
apprentices with hoes1 baskets1 c41     
going to their provision  grounds4 ,we  
had some conversation with them as we   
rode along4 ,they said  they had been in
 the fields picking coffee since half   
past five o'clock4  ,they were now      
going1 as they always did after         
horn-blow in the  afternoon1 7four      
o'clock17 to their grounds1 where they  

should stay till  dark4 ,some of their  
grounds were four1 others six miles from
 home4 ,they  all liked the             
apprenticeship better than slavery4     
,they were not flogged  so much now1 and
 had more time to themselves4 ,but they 
should like  freedom much better1 and   
should be glad when it came4    ,we met 
a brown young woman driving an ass laden
 with a great variety of  articles4 ,she
 said she had been to ,kingston 7fifteen
 miles off7 with a  load of provisions1 
and had purchased some things to sell to
 the  apprentices4 ,we asked her what   
she did with her money4 ,give it to my  
husband1 said she4 ,do you keep none for
 yourself8 ,she smiled and  replied3    
,what for him for me4    ,after we had  
passed1 ,mr4 ,b4 informed us that she   
had been an apprentice1  but purchased  
her freedom a few months previous1 and  
was now engaged as  a kind of country   
merchant4 ,she purchases provisions of  
the negroes1 and  carries them to       
,kingston1 where she exchanges them for 

pins1 needles1  thread1 dry goods1 and  
such articles as the apprentices need1  
which she  again exchanges for          
provisions and money4    ,mr4 ,bourne   
informed us that real estate is much    
higher than before  emancipation4 ,he   
mentioned one pen which was purchased   
for eighteen  hundred dollars a few     
years since4 ,the owner had received    
nine hundred  dollars as 'compensation' 
for freedom4 ,it has lately been leased 
for  seven years by the owner1 for nine 
hundred dollars per year4    ,a         
gentleman who owns a plantation in ,mr4 
,b4's district1 sold parcels of  land to
 the negroes before emancipation at five
 shillings per acre4 ,he  now obtains   
twenty-seven shillings per acre4    ,the
 house in which ,mr4 ,b4 resides was    
rented in #ahcc for one hundred and     
fifty dollars4 ,mr4 ,b4 engaged it on   
his arrival for three years1 at two     
hundred and forty dollars per year4 ,his
 landlord informed him a few days       
since1 that on the expiration of his    

present lease1 he should raise the  rent
 to three hundred and thirty dollars4   
,mr4 ,b4 is acquainted with a gentleman 
of wealth1 who has been  endeavoring for
 the last twelve months to purchase an  
estate in this  island4 ,he has offered 
high prices1 but has as yet been unable 
to obtain  one4 ,landholders have so    
much confidence in the value and        
security of  real estate1 that they do  
not wish to part with it4    ,after our 
visit to ,silver ,hill1 our attention   
was particularly turned to  the         
condition of the negro grounds4 ,most of
 them were very clean and  flourishing4 
,large plats of the onion1 of cocoa1    
plantain1 banana1 yam1  potatoe1 and    
other tropic vegetables1 were scattered 
all around within  five or six miles of 
a plantation4 ,we were much pleased with
 the  appearance of them during a ride  
on a ,friday4 ,in the forenoon1 they had
  all been vacant2 not a person was to  
be seen in them2 but after one  o'clock1
 they began gradually to be occupied1   

till1 at the end of an  hour1 where-ever
 we went1 we saw men1 women1 and        
children laboring  industriously in     
their little gardens4 ,in some places1  
the hills to  their very summits were   
spotted with cultivation4 ,till ,monday 
morning  the apprentices were free1 and 
they certainly manifested a strong      
disposition to spend that time in taking
 care of themselves4 ,the  testimony of 
the numerous apprentices with whom we   
conversed1 was to the  same effect as   
our observation4 ,they all testified    
that they were paying  as much attention
 to their grounds as they ever did1 but 
that their  provisions had been cut     
short by the drought4 ,they had their   
land all  prepared for a new crop1 and  
were only waiting for rain to put in the
  seed4 ,mr4 ,bourne corroborated their 
statement1 and remarked1 that he  never 
found the least difficulty in procuring 
laborers4 ,could he have  the possession
 of the largest plantation in the island
 to-day1 he had no  doubt that1 within a

 week1 he could procure free laborers   
enough to  cultivate every acre4    ,on 
one occasion1 while among the mountains1
 we were impressed on a jury  to sit in 
inquest on the body of a negro woman    
found dead on the high  road4 ,she was1 
as appeared in evidence1 on her return  
from the house of  correction1 at       
,half-,way-,tree1 where she had been    
sentenced for fourteen  days1 and been  
put on the treadmill4 ,she had          
complained to some of her  acquaintances
 of harsh treatment there1 and said they
 had killed her1  and that if she ever  
lived to reach home1 she should tell all
 her  massa's negroes never to cross the
 threshold of ,half-,way-,tree1 as it   
would kill them4 ,the evidence1 however1
 was not clear that she died in         
consequence of such treatment1 and the  
jury1 accordingly1 decided that  she    
came to her death by some cause unknown 
to them4    ,nine of the jury were      
overseers1 and if they1 collected       
together  indiscriminately on this      

occasion1 were a specimen of those who  
have  charge of the apprentices in this 
island1 they must be most degraded and  
brutal men4 ,they appeared more under   
the influence of low passions1 more     
degraded by sensuality1 and but little  
more intelligent1 than the  negroes     
themselves4 ,instead of possessing      
irresponsible power over their  fellows1
 they ought themselves to be under the  
power of the most strict  and energetic 
laws4 ,our visits to the plantations1   
and inquiries on this  point1 confirmed 
this opinion4 ,they are the 'feculum' of
 ,european  society--ignorant1          
passionate1 licentious4 ,we do them no  
injustice when  we say this1 nor when we
 further add1 that the apprentices      
suffer in a  hundred ways which the law 
cannot reach1 gross insults and         
oppression  from their excessive        
rapaciousness and lust4 ,what must it   
have been  during slavery8    ,we had   
some conversation with ,cheny ,hamilton1
 ,esq41 one of the special  magistrates 

for ,port ,royal4 ,he is a colored man1 
and has held his office  about eighteen 
months4 ,there are three thousand       
apprentices in his  district1 which     
embraces sugar and coffee estates4 ,the 
complaints are  few and of a very       
trivial nature4 ,they mostly originate  
with the  planters4 ,most of the cases  
brought before him are for petty theft  
and  absence from work4    ,in his      
district1 cultivation was never better4 
,the negroes are willing  to work during
 their own time4 ,his father-in-law is  
clearing up some  mountain land for a   
coffee plantation1 by the labor of      
apprentices from  neighboring estates4  
,the seasons since emancipation have    
been bad4 ,the  blacks cultivate their  
own grounds on their half ,fridays and  
,saturdays1  unless they can obtain     
employment from others4    ,nothing is  
doing by the planters for the education 
of the apprentices4  ,their only object 
is to get as much work out of them as   
possible4    ,the blacks1 so far as he  

has had opportunity to observe1 are in  
every  respect as quiet and industrious 
as they were before freedom4 ,he said if
  we would compare the character of the 
complaints brought by the  overseers and
 apprentices against each other1 we     
should see for  ourselves which party   
was the most peaceable and law-abiding4 
,to these views we may here add those of
 another gentleman1 with whom we  had   
considerable conversation about the same
 time4 ,he is a proprietor  and local   
magistrate1 and was represented to us as
 a kind and humane  man4 ,mr4 ,bourne   
stated to us that he had not had six    
cases of complaint  on his plantation   
for the last twelve months4 ,we give his
 most important  statements in the      
following brief items3    #a4 ,he has   
had charge of estates in ,jamaica since 
#ahjd4 ,at one time he  had twelve      
hundred negroes under his control4 ,he  
now owns a coffee  plantation1 on which 
there are one hundred and ten           
apprentices1 and is  also attorney for  

several others1 the owners of which     
reside out of  the island4    #b4 ,his  
plantation is well cultivated and clean1
 and his people are as  industrious and 
civil as they ever were4 ,he employs    
them during their  own time1 and always 
finds them willing to work for him1     
unless their  own grounds require their 
attendance4 ,cultivation generally1     
through the  island1 is as good as it   
ever was4 ,many of the planters1 at the 
commencement of the apprenticeship1     
reduced the quantity of land            
cultivated2 he did not do so1 but on the
 contrary is extending his  plantation4 
#c4 ,the crops this year are not so good
 as usual4 ,this is no fault of the     
apprentices1 but is owing to the bad    
season4    #d4 ,the conduct of the      
apprentices depends very much on the    
conduct of  those who have charge of    
them4 ,if you find a plantation on which
 the  overseer is kind1 and does common 
justice to the laborer1 you will find   
things going on well--if otherwise1 the 

reverse4 ,those estates and  plantations
 on which the proprietor himself        
resides1 are most peaceable  and        
prosperous4    #e4 ,real estate is more 
valuable than before emancipation4      
,property is  more secure1 and          
capitalists are more ready to invest    
their funds4    #f4 ,the result of #ahdj
 is as yet doubtful4 ,for his part1 he  
has no fears4  ,he doubts not he can    
cultivate his plantation as easily after
 that  period as before4 ,he is         
confident he can do it cheaper4 ,he     
thinks it not  only likely1 but certain1
 that many of the plantations on which  
the  people have been ill used1 while   
slaves and apprentices1 will be         
abandoned by the present laborers1 and  
that they will never be worked  until   
overseers are put over them who1 instead
 of doing all they can to  harass them1 
will soothe and conciliate them4 ,the   
apprenticeship has  done much harm      
instead of good in the way of preparing 
the blacks to  work after #ahdj4    ,a  

few days after our return from the      
mountains1 we rode to ,spanishtown1     
which is about twelve miles west of     
,kingston4 ,spanishtown is the seat of  
government1 containing the various      
buildings for the residence of the      
governor1 the meeting of the            
legislature1 the session of the courts1 
and  rooms for the several officers of  
the crown4 ,they are all strong and     
massive structures1 but display little  
architectural magnificence  or beauty4  
,we spent nearly a day with ,richard    
,hill1 ,esq41 the secretary of the      
special magistrates' department1 of whom
 we have already spoken4 ,he is a       
colored gentleman1 and in every respect 
the noblest man1 white or black1  whom  
we met in the ,west ,indies4 ,he is     
highly intelligent1 and of fine  moral  
feelings4 ,his manners are free and     
unassuming1 and his language in         
conversation fluent and well chosen4 ,he
 is intimately acquainted with  ,english
 and ,french authors1 and has studied   

thoroughly the history and  character of
 the people with whom the tie of color  
has connected him4 ,he  travelled two   
years in ,hayti1 and his letters1       
written in a flowing and  luxuriant     
style1 as a son of the tropics should   
write1 giving an account  of his        
observations and inquiries in that      
interesting island1 were  published     
extensively in ,england2 and have been  
copied into the  anti-slavery journals  
in this country4 ,his journal will be   
given to the  public as soon as his     
official duties will permit him to      
prepare it4 ,he  is at the head of the  
special magistrates1 7of which there are
 sixty in  the island17 and all the     
correspondence between them and the     
governor is  carried on through him4    
,the station he holds is a very         
important one1  and the business        
connected with it is of a character and 
an extent that1  were he not a man of   
superior abilities1 he could not        
sustain4 ,he is  highly respected by the

 government in the island1 and at home1 
and  possesses the esteem of his        
fellow-citizens of all colors4 ,he      
associates  with persons of the highest 
rank1 dining and attending parties at   
the  government-house with all the      
aristocracy of ,jamaica4 ,we had the    
pleasure of spending an evening with him
 at the solicitor-general's4  ,though an
 ,african sun has burnt a deep tinge on 
him1 he is truly one of  nature's       
noblemen4 ,his demeanor is such1 so     
dignified1 yet bland and  amiable1 that 
no one can help respecting him4    ,he  
spoke in the warmest terms of ,lord     
,sligo1,a the predecessor of ,sir       
,lionel ,smith1 who was driven from the 
island by the machinations of the       
planters and the enemies of the blacks4 
,lord ,sligo was remarkable for  his    
statistical accuracy4 ,reports were made
 to him by the special  magistrates     
every week4 ,no act of injustice or     
oppression could escape  his            
indefatigable inquiries4 ,he was        

accessible1 and lent an open ear to  the
 lowest person in the island4 ,the      
planters left no means untried to       
remove him1 and unhappily succeeded4    
,footnote ,a3 ,when ,lord ,sligo visited
 the ,united ,states in the summer of   
#ahcf1 he spoke with great respect of   
,mr4 ,hill to ,elizur ,wright1 ,esq41   
,corresponding ,secretary of the        
,american ,anti-,slavery ,society4 ,mr4 
,wright  has furnished us with the      
following statement3--,just before his  
lordship left this city for ,england1 he
 bore testimony to us  substantially as 
follows3--',when ,i went to ,jamaica1   
,mr4 ,hill was a  special magistrate4   
,in a certain case he refused to comply 
with my  directions1 differing from me  
in his interpretation of the law4 ,i    
informed him that his continued         
non-compliance must result in his       
removal from office4 ,he replied that   
his mind was made up as to the law1  and
 he would not violate his reason to save
 his bread4 ,being satisfied  of the    

correctness of my own interpretation1 ,i
 was obliged1 of course1  to remove him2
 but ,i was so forcibly struck with his 
manly independence1  that ,i applied to 
the government for power to employ him  
as my  secretary1 which was granted4    
,and having had him as an intimate of my
  family for several months1 ,i can most
 cordially bear my testimony to  his    
trustworthiness1 ability1 and           
gentlemanly deportment4' ,lord ,sligo   
also added1 that ,mr4 ,hill was treated 
in his family in all respects as  if he 
had not been colored1 and that with no  
gentleman in the ,west  ,indies was he1 
in social life1 on terms of more        
intimate friendship4    ,the following  
items contain the principal information 
received from ,mr4  ,hill3    #a4 ,the  
apprenticeship is a most vicious system1
 full of blunders and  absurdities1 and 
directly calculated to set master and   
slave at war4    #b4 ,the complaints    
against the apprentices are decreasing  
every month1  except1 perhaps1          

complaints against mothers for absence  
from work1  which he thinks are         
increasing4 ,the apprenticeship law     
makes no  provision for the free        
children1 and on most of the plantations
 and  estates no allowance is given     
them1 but they are thrown entirely for  
support on their parents1 who are       
obliged to work the most and best part  
of their time for their masters         
unrewarded4 ,the nurseries are broken   
up1  and frequently the mothers are     
obliged to work in the fields with their
  infants at their backs1 or else to    
leave them at some distance under the   
shade of a hedge or tree4 ,every year is
 making their condition worse and       
worse4 ,the number of children is       
increasing1 and yet the mothers are     
required1 after their youngest child has
 attained the age of a few  weeks1 to be
 at work the same number of hours as the
 men4 ,very little  time is given them  
to take care of their household4 ,when  
they are tardy  they are brought before 

the magistrate4    ,a woman was brought 
before ,mr4 ,hill a few days before we  
were there1  charged with not being in  
the field till one hour after the rest  
of the  gang4 ,she had twins1 and       
appeared before him with a child hanging
 on  each arm4 ,what an eloquent        
defence6 ,he dismissed the complaint4   
,he mentioned another case1 of a woman  
whose master resided in  ,spanishtown1  
but who was hired out by him to some    
person in the country4  ,her child      
became sick1 but her employer refused   
any assistance4 ,with it  in her arms1  
she entreated aid of her master4 ,the   
monster drove her and  her dying little 
one into the street at night1 and she   
sought shelter  with ,mr4 ,hill1 where  
her child expired before morning4 ,for  
such horrid  cruelty as this1 the       
apprenticeship law provides no remedy4  
,the woman  had no claim for the support
 of her child1 on the man who was       
receiving  the wages of her daily toil4 
,that child was not worth a farthing to 

him1  because it was no longer his      
chattel2 and while the law gives him    
power to rob the mother1 it has no      
compulsion to make him support  the     
child4    #c4 ,the complaints are       
generally of the most trivial and       
frivolous  nature4 ,they are mostly     
against mothers for neglect of duty1 and
 vague  charges of insolence4 ,there is 
no provision in the law to prevent the  
master from using abusive language to   
the apprentice2 any insult short  of a  
blow1 he is free to commit2 but the     
slightest word of incivility1 a  look1  
smile1 or grin1 is punished in the      
apprentice1 even though it  were        
provoked4    #d4 ,there is still much   
flogging by the overseers4 ,last week a 
girl came  to ,mr4 ,h4 terribly scarred 
and slashed1 and complained that her    
master  had beaten her4 ,it appeared    
that this was the seventh offence1 for  
neither of which she could obtain a     
hearing from the special magistrate  in 
her district4 ,while ,mr4 ,h4 was       

relating to me this fact1 a girl came   
in with a little babe in her arms4 ,he  
called my attention to a large  bruise  
near her eye4 ,he said her master       
knocked her down a few days  since1 and 
made that wound by kicking her4         
,frequently when complaints of insolence
 are made1 on investigation1 it  is     
found that the offence was the result of
 a quarrel commenced by the  master1    
during which he either cuffed or kicked 
the offender4    ,the special           
magistrates also frequently resort to   
flogging4 ,many of  them1 as has been   
mentioned already1 have been connected  
with the army  or navy1 where corporal  
punishment is practised and flogging is 
not only  in consonance with their      
feelings and habits1 but is a punishment
 more  briefly inflicted and more       
grateful to the planters1 as it does not
  deprive them of the apprentice's time4
    #e4 ,mr4 ,h4 says that the          
apprentices who have purchased their    
freedom  behave well4 ,he has not known 

one of them to be brought before  the   
police4    #f4 ,many of the special     
magistrates require much looking after4 
,their  salaries are not sufficient to  
support them independently4 ,some of    
them  leave their homes on ,monday      
morning1 and make the whole circuit of  
their  district before returning1 living
 and lodging meanwhile1 free of         
expense1 with the planters4 ,if they are
 not inclined to listen to the          
complaints of the apprentices1 they soon
 find that the apprentices are  not     
inclined to make complaints to them1 and
 that they consequently have  much more 
leisure time1 and get through their     
district much easier4 ,of  the sixty    
magistrates in ,jamaica1 but few can be 
said to discharge their  duties         
faithfully4 ,the governor is often      
required to interfere4 ,a few  weeks    
since he discharged two magistrates for 
putting iron collars on  two women1 in  
direct violation of the law1 and then   
sending him  false reports4    #g4 ,the 

negro grounds are often at a great      
distance1 five or six miles1  and some  
of them fifteen miles1 from the         
plantation4 ,of course much  time1 which
 would otherwise be spent in cultivating
 them1 is necessarily  consumed in going
 to them and returning4 ,yet for all    
that1 and though in  many cases the     
planters have withdrawn the watchmen who
 used to protect  them1 and have left   
them entirely exposed to thieves and    
cattle1 they  are generally well        
cultivated--on the whole1 better than   
during slavery4  ,when there is         
inattention to them1 it is caused either
 by some planters  hiring them during   
their own time1 or because their master 
permits his  cattle to trespass on them1
 and the people feel an insecurity4     
,when you  find a kind planter1 in whom 
the apprentices have confidence1 there  
you  will find beautiful gardens4 ,in   
not a few instances1 where the overseer 
is particularly harsh and cruel1 the    
negroes have thrown up their old        

grounds1 and taken new ones on other    
plantations1 where the overseer is      
better liked1 or gone into the depths of
 the mountain forests1 where no  human  
foot has been before them1 and there    
cleared up small plats4 ,this  was also 
done to some extent during slavery4     
,many of the people1 against  whom the  
planters are declaiming as lazy and     
worthless1 have rich  grounds of which  
those planters little dream4    #h4     
,there is no feeling of insecurity1     
either of life or property4 ,one  may   
travel through the whole island without 
the least fear of violence4  ,if there  
is any danger1 it is from the emigrants1
 who have been guilty  of several       
outrages4 ,so far from the planters     
fearing violence from the  apprentices1 
when an assault or theft is committed1  
they refer it1  almost as a matter of   
course1 to some one else4 ,a few weeks  
ago one of  the island mails was robbed4
 ,as soon as it became known1 it was at 
once  said1 ,some of those villanous    

emigrants did it1 and so indeed  it     
proved4    ,people in the country1 in   
the midst of the mountains1 where the   
whites  are few and isolated1 sleep with
 their doors and windows open1 without a
  thought of being molested4 ,in the    
towns there are no watchmen1 and but a  
small police1 and yet the streets are   
quiet and property safe4    #i4 ,the    
apprentices understand the great        
provisions of the new system1  such as  
the number of hours they must work for  
their master1 and that  their masters   
have no right to flog them1 c41 but its 
details are  inexplicable mysteries4    
,the masters have done much injury by   
deceiving  them on points of which they 
were ignorant4    #aj4 ,the apprentices 
almost to a man are ready to work for   
wages during  their own time4 ,when the 
overseer is severe towards them1 they   
prefer  working on other plantations1   
even for less wages1 as is very natural4
    #aa4 ,almost all the evils of the   
apprenticeship arise from the obstinacy 

and oppressive conduct of the overseers4
 ,they are constantly taking  advantage 
of the defects of the system1 which are 
many1 and while they  demand to the last
 grain's weight the pound of flesh1 they
 are utterly  unwilling to yield the    
requirements which the law makes of     
them4 ,where  you find an overseer      
endeavoring in every way to overreach   
the  apprentices1 taking away the       
privileges which they enjoyed during    
slavery1 and exacting from them the     
utmost minute and mite of labor1  there 
you will find abundant complaints both  
against the master and the  apprentice4 
,and the reverse4 ,the cruel overseers  
are complaining of  idleness1           
insubordination1 and ruin1 while the    
kind master is moving on  peaceably and 
prosperously4    #ab4 ,the domestic     
apprentices have either one day1 or     
fifty cents cash1  each week1 as an     
allowance for food and clothing4 ,this  
is quite  insufficient4 ,many of the    
females seem obliged to resort to theft 

or to  prostitution to obtain a support4
 ,two girls were brought before ,mr4    
,hill  while we were with him1 charged  
with neglect of duty and night-walking4 
,one of them said her allowance was too 
small1 and she must get food in  some   
other way or starve4    #ac4 ,the       
apprentices on many plantations have    
been deprived of several  privileges    
which they enjoyed under the old system4
 ,nurseries have been  abolished1       
water-carriers have been taken away1    
keeping stock is  restricted1 if not    
entirely forbidden1 watchmen are no     
longer provided  to guard the negro     
grounds1 c4--petty aggressions in our   
eyes1 perhaps1  but severe to them4     
,another instance is still more hard4   
,by the custom  of slavery1 women who   
had reared up seven children were       
permitted to  sit down1 as it was       
termed2 that is1 were not obliged to go 
into the  field to work4 ,now no such   
distinction is made1 but all are driven 
into  the field4    #ad4 ,one reason why

 the crops were smaller in #ahce and    
#ahcf than in  former years1 was1 that  
the planters in the preceding seasons1  
either  fearful that the negroes would  
not take off the crops after            
emancipation1 and acting on their       
baseless predictions instead of facts1  
or determined to make the results of    
emancipation appear as disastrous  as   
possible1 neglected to put in the usual 
amount of cane1 and to clean  the coffee
 fields4 ,as they refused to sow1 of    
course they could  not reap4    #ae4    
,the complaints against the apprentices 
generally are becoming fewer  every     
week1 but the complaints against the    
masters are increasing both  in number  
and severity4 ,one reason of this is1   
that the apprentices1 on  the one hand1 
are becoming better acquainted with the 
new system1 and  therefore better able  
to avoid a violation of its provisions1 
and are  also learning that they cannot 
violate these provisions with impunity2 
and1 on the other hand1 they are gaining

 courage to complain against  their     
masters1 to whom they have hitherto been
 subjected by a fear  created by the    
whips and dungeons1 and nameless        
tortures of slavery4  ,another reason   
is1 that the masters1 as the term of the
 apprenticeship  shortens1 and the end  
of their authority approaches nearer1   
are pressing  their poor victims harder 
and harder1 determined to extort from   
them all  they can1 before complete     
emancipation rescues them for ever from 
their grasp4    ,while we were in       
conversation with ,mr4 ,hill1 ,mr4      
,ramsay1 one of the  special magistrates
 for this parish1 called in4 ,he is a   
native of  ,jamaica1 and has been       
educated under all the influences of    
,west ,india  society1 but has held fast
 his integrity1 and is considered the   
firm  friend of the apprentices4 ,he    
confirmed every fact and opinion which  
,mr4  ,hill had given4 ,he was even     
stronger than ,mr4 ,h4 in his           
expressions of  disapprobation of the   

apprenticeship4    ,the day which we    
spent with ,mr4 ,hill was one of those  
on which he holds  a special justice's  
court4 ,there were only three cases of  
complaint  brought before him4    ,the  
first was brought by a woman1 attended  
by her husband1 against her  servant    
girl1 for impertinence and              
insubordination4 ,she took the oath  and
 commenced her testimony with an        
abundance of vague charges4 ,she is  the
 most insolent girl ,i ever saw4 ,she'll
 do nothing that she is told to  do--she
 never thinks of minding what is said to
 her--she is sulky and  saucy1 etc4 ,mr4
 ,h4 told her she must be specific--he  
could not convict  the girl on such     
general charges--some particular acts   
must be proved4    ,she became specific4
 ,her charges were as follows3    #a4   
,on the previous ,thursday the defendant
 was plaiting a shirt4 ,the  complainant
 went up to her and asked her why she   
did not plait it as she  ought1 and not 
hold it in her hand as she did4         

,defendant replied1 that  it was easier1
 and she preferred that way to the      
other4 ,the complainant  remonstrated1  
but1 despite all she could say1 the     
obstinate girl  persisted1 and did it as
 she chose4 ,the complainant granted    
that the  work was done well1 only it   
was not done in the way she desired4    
#b4 ,the same day she ordered the       
defendant to wipe up some tracks in the 
hall4 ,she did so4 ,while she was doing 
it1 the mistress told her the room  was 
very dusty1 and reproved her for it4    
,the girl replied1 ,is it  morning8 7,it
 is customary to clean the rooms early  
in the morning1 and  the girl made this 
reply late in the afternoon1 when       
sufficient time had  elapsed for the    
room to become dusty again47    #c4 ,the
 girl did not wash a cloth clean which  
the complainant gave her1  and the      
complainant was obliged to wash it      
herself4    #d4 ,several times when the 
complainant and her daughter have been  
conversing together1 this girl had burst

 into laughter--whether at them  or     
their conversation1 complainant did not 
know4    #e4 ,when the complainant has  
reproved the defendant for not doing her
  work well1 she has replied1 ,can't you
 let me alone to my work1 and not  worry
 my life out4    ,a black man1 a        
constable on the same property1 was     
brought up to confirm  the charges4 ,he 
knew nothing about the case1 only that  
he often heard  the parties quarrelling1
 and sometimes had told the girl not to 
say any  thing1 as she knew what her    
mistress was4    ,it appeared in the    
course of the evidence1 that the        
complainant and her  husband had both   
been in the habit of speaking           
disrespectfully of the  special         
magistrate1 stationed in their district1
 and that many of the  contentions arose
 out of that1 as the girl sometimes     
defended him4    ,while the accused was 
making her defence1 which she did in a  
modest way1  her mistress was highly    
enraged1 and interrupted her several    

times1 by  calling her a liar and a     
jade4 ,the magistrate was two or three  
times  obliged to reprove her1 and      
command her to be silent1 and1 so       
passionate  did she become1 that her    
husband1 ashamed of her1 put his hand on
 her  shoulder1 and entreated her to be 
calm4    ,mr4 ,hill dismissed the       
complaint by giving some good advice to 
both  parties1 much to the annoyance of 
the mistress4    ,the second complaint  
was brought by a man against a servant  
girl1 for  disobedience of orders1 and  
insolence4 ,it appears that she was     
ordered1  at ten o'clock at night1 to do
 some work4 ,she was just leaving the   
house  to call on some friends1 as she  
said1 and refused4 ,on being told by her
  mistress that she only wanted to go   
out for bad purposes1 she replied1  that
 ,it was no matter--the allowance they  
gave her was not sufficient  to support 
her1 and if they would not give her     
more1 she must get a  living any way she
 could1 so she did not steal4 ,she was  

sentenced to  the house of correction   
for one week4    ,the third case was a  
complaint against a boy for taking every
 alternate  ,friday and ,saturday1      
instead of every ,saturday1 for         
allowance4 ,he was  ordered to take     
every ,saturday1 or to receive in lieu  
of it half  a dollar4    ,mr4 ,hill said
 these were a fair specimen of the      
character of the  complaints that came  
before him4 ,we were much pleased with  
the manner in  which he presided in his 
court1 the ease1 dignity1 and           
impartiality  which he exhibited1 and   
the respect which was shown him by all  
parties4    ,in company with ,mr4 ,hill1
 we called on ,rev4 ,mr4 ,phillips1 the 
,baptist  missionary1 stationed at      
,spanishtown4 ,mr4 ,p4 has been in the  
island  thirteen years4 ,he regards the 
apprenticeship as a great amelioration  
of  the old system of slavery1 but as   
coming far short of the full  privileges
 and rights of freedom1 and of what it  
was expected to be4 ,it  is beneficial  

to the missionaries1 as it gives them   
access to the  plantations1 while       
before1 in many instances1 they were    
entirely  excluded from them1 and in all
 cases were much shackled in their      
operations4    ,mr4 ,p4 has enlarged his
 chapel within the last fifteen months1 
so that  it admits several hundreds more
 than formerly4 ,but it is now too      
small4  ,the apprentices are much more  
anxious to receive religious            
instruction1  and much more open to     
conviction1 than when slaves4 ,he finds 
a great  difference now on different    
plantations4 ,where severity is used1 as
 it  still is on many estates1 and the  
new system is moulded as nearly as      
possible on the old1 the minds of the   
apprentices are apparently closed       
against all impressions1--but where they
 are treated with kindness1 they  are   
warm in their affections1 and solicitous
 to be taught4    ,in connection with   
his church1 ,mr4 ,p4 has charge of a    
large school4 ,the  number present1 when

 we visited it1 was about two hundred4  
,there was1 to  say the least1 as much  
manifestation of intellect and          
sprightliness as  we ever saw in white  
pupils of the same age4 ,most of the    
children were  slaves previous to #ahcd1
 and their parents are still            
apprentices4  ,several were pointed out 
to us who were not yet free1 and attend 
only by  permission1 sometimes          
purchased1 of their master4 ,the greater
 part live  from three to five miles    
distant4 ,mr4 ,p4 says he finds no lack 
of  interest among the apprentices about
 education4 ,he can find scholars for   
as many schools as he can establish1 if 
he keeps himself unconnected  with the  
planters4 ,the apprentices are opposed  
to all schools  established by1 or in   
any way allied to1 their masters4       
,mr4 ,p4 says the planters are doing    
nothing to prepare the apprentices  for 
freedom in #ahdj4 ,they do not regard   
the apprenticeship as  intermediate time
 for preparation1 but as part of the    

compensation4  ,every day is counted1   
not as worth so much for education and  
moral  instruction1 but as worth so much
 for digging cane-holes1 and clearing   
coffee fields4    ,mr4 ,p4's church     
escaped destruction during the          
persecution of the  ,baptists4 ,the     
wives and connections of many of the    
colored soldiers had  taken refuge in   
it1 and had given out word that they    
would defend it  even against their own 
husbands and brothers1 who in turn      
informed their  officers that if ordered
 to destroy it1 they should refuse at   
all peril4        ,,chapter ,,iii4      
,,results ,,of ,,abolition4    ,the     
actual working of the apprenticeship in 
,jamaica1 was the specific  object of   
our investigations in that island4 ,that
 it had not operated so  happily as in  
,barbadoes1 and in most of the other    
colonies1 was admitted  by all parties4 
,as to the degree of its failure1 we    
were satisfied it  was not so great as  
had been represented4 ,there has been   

nothing of an  insurrectionary character
 since the abolition of slavery4 ,the   
affair  on ,thornton's estate1 of which 
an account is given in the preceding    
chapter1 is the most serious disturbance
 which has occurred during the          
apprenticeship4 ,the fear of            
insurrection is as effectually dead in  
,jamaica1 as in ,barbadoes--so long as  
the apprenticeship lasts4 ,there has    
been no increase of crime4 ,the         
character of the negro population has   
been gradually improving in morals and  
intelligence4 ,marriage has  increased1 
the ,sabbath is more generally observed1
 and religious worship  is better       
attended4 ,again1 the apprentices of    
,jamaica have not  manifested any       
peculiar defiance of law4 ,the most     
illiberal  magistrates testified that   
the people respected the law1 when they 
understood it4 ,as it respects the      
industry of the apprentices1 there  are 
different opinions among the planters   
themselves4 ,some admitted  that they   

were as industrious as before1 and did  
as much work in  proportion to the time 
they were employed4 ,others complained  
that they  lacked the power to compel   
industry1 and that hence there was a    
falling off of work4 ,the prominent     
evils complained of in ,jamaica are1    
absconding from work1 and insolence to  
masters4 ,from the statements in  the   
preceding chapter1 it may be inferred   
that many things are called by  these   
names1 and severely punished1 which are 
really innocent or  unavoidable2        
however1 it would not be wonderful if   
there were numerous  instances of both4 
,insolence is the legitimate fruit of   
the  apprenticeship1 which holds out to 
the apprentice1 that he possesses the   
rights of a man1 and still authorizes   
the master to treat him as though  he   
were little better than a dog4 ,the     
result must often be that the           
apprentice will repay insult with       
insolence4 ,this will continue to exist 
until either the former system of       

absolute force is restored1 or a  system
 of free compensated labor1 with its    
powerful checks and balances  on both   
parties1 is substituted4 ,the prevalence
 and causes of the other                
offence--absconding from labor--will be 
noticed hereafter4    ,the atrocities   
which are practised by the masters and  
magistrates1 are  appalling enough4 ,it 
is probable that the actual condition of
 the  negroes in ,jamaica1 is but little
 if any better than it was during       
slavery4 ,the amount of punishment      
inflicted by the special magistrates1   
cannot fall much short of that usually  
perpetrated by the drivers4 ,in         
addition to this1 the apprentices are   
robbed of the time allowed them  by law1
 at the will of the magistrate1 who     
often deprives them of it on  the       
slightest complaint of the overseer4    
,the situation of the free  children,a  
is often very deplorable4 ,the master   
feels none of that  interest in them    
which he formerly felt in the children  

that were his  property1 and            
consequently1 makes no provision for    
them4 ,they are thrown  entirely upon   
their parents1 who are unable to take   
proper care of  them1 from the almost   
constant demands which the master makes 
upon their  time4 ,the condition of     
pregnant women1 and nursing mothers1 is 
decidedly worse than it was during      
slavery4 ,the privileges which the      
planter felt it for his interest to     
grant these formerly1 for the sake  of  
their children1 are now withheld4 ,the  
former are exposed to the  inclemencies 
of the weather1 and the hardships of    
toil--the latter are  cruelly dragged   
away from their infants1 that the master
 may not lose  the smallest portion of  
time1--and both are liable at any moment
 to be  incarcerated in the dungeon1 or 
strung up on the treadwheel4 ,in        
consequence of the cruelties which are  
practised1 the apprentices are in  a    
disaffected state throughout the island4
    ,footnote ,a3 ,all children under   

six years of age at the time of         
abolition1 were made entirely free4     
,in assigning the causes of the         
ill-working of the apprenticeship in    
,jamaica1 we would say in the           
commencement1 that nearly all of them   
are  embodied in the intrinsic defects  
of the system itself4 ,these defects    
have been exposed in a former chapter1  
and we need not repeat them here4  ,the 
reason why the system has not produced  
as much mischief in all the  colonies as
 it has in ,jamaica1 is that the local  
circumstances in the  other islands were
 not so adapted to develop its          
legitimate results4    ,it is not       
without the most careful investigation  
of facts1 that we have  allowed         
ourselves to entertain the views which  
we are now about to  express1 respecting
 the conduct of the planters and special
  justices--for it is to them that we   
must ascribe the evils which exist  in  
,jamaica4 ,we cheerfully accede to them 
all of palliation which may be  found in

 the provocations incident to the       
wretched system of  apprenticeship4     
,the causes of the difficulties rest    
chiefly with the planters4 ,they  were  
originally implicated1 and by their wily
 schemes they soon  involved the special
 magistrates4 ,the ,jamaica planters1 as
 a body1  always violently opposed the  
abolition of slavery4 ,unlike the       
planters  in most of the colonies1 they 
cherished their hostility after the act 
of abolition4 ,it would seem that they  
had agreed with one accord1 never  to   
become reconciled to the measures of the
 ,english government1 and had  sworn    
eternal hostility to every scheme of    
emancipation4 ,whether this  resulted   
most from love for slavery or hatred of 
,english interference1  it is difficult 
to determine4 ,if we were to believe the
 planters  themselves1 who are of the   
opposition1 we should conclude that they
 were  far from being in favor of       
slavery--that they were as much opposed 
to  slavery1 as any one can be,a4       

,notwithstanding this avowal1 the       
tenacity with which the planters cling  
to the remnant of their power1  shows an
 affection for it1 of the strength of   
which they are not  probably themselves 
aware4    ,footnote ,a3 ,it seems to be 
the order of the day1 with the          
opposition  party in ,jamaica1 to       
disclaim all friendship with slavery4   
,we noticed  several instances of this  
in the island papers1 which have been   
most  hostile to abolition4 ,we quote   
the following sample from the ,royal    
,gazette1 7,kingston7 for ,may #f1      
#ahcg4 ,the editor1 in an article       
respecting ,cuba1 says3        ,in      
writing this1 one chief object is to    
arouse the attention of our      own    
fellow-subjects1 in this colony1 to the 
situation--the dangerous                
situation--in which they stand1 and to  
implore them to lend all      their     
energies to avert the ruin that is      
likely to visit them1      should       
,america get the domination of ,cuba4   

,the negroes of this and of all the     
,british ,w4,i4 colonies have been      
'emancipated4' ,cuba on the other hand  
is still a slave country4      7,let not
 our readers imagine for one moment that
 we advocate the      continuance of    
slavery17 c4      ,when public men have 
endeavored to be faithful and upright1  
they have  uniformly been abused1 and   
even persecuted1 by the planters4 ,the  
following facts will show that the      
latter have not scrupled to resort to   
the most dishonest and unmanly intrigues
 to effect the removal or to  circumvent
 the influence of such men4 ,neglect1   
ridicule1 vulgar abuse1  slander1       
threats1 intimidation1                  
misrepresentation1 and legal            
prosecutions1 have been the mildest     
weapons employed against those who  in  
the discharge of their sworn duties     
dared to befriend the oppressed4    ,the
 shameful treatment of the late         
governor1 ,lord ,sligo1 illustrates     
this4 ,his ,lordship was appointed to   

the government about the period of      
abolition4 ,being himself a proprietor  
of estates in the island1 and  formerly 
chairman of the ,west ,india ,body1 he  
was received at first with  the greatest
 cordiality2 but it was soon perceived  
that he was disposed  to secure justice 
to the apprentices4 ,from the accounts  
we received1 we  have been led to       
entertain an exalted opinion of his     
integrity and  friendship for the poor4 
,it was his custom 7unprecedented in the
 ,west  ,indies17 to give a patient     
hearing to the poorest negro who might  
carry  his grievances to the            
government-house4 ,after hearing the    
complaint1 he  would despatch an order  
to the special magistrate of the        
district in  which the complainant      
lived1 directing him to inquire into the
 case4 ,by  this means he kept the      
magistrates employed1 and secured       
redress to the  apprentices to many     
cases where they would otherwise have   
bean  neglected4    ,the governor soon  

rendered himself exceedingly obnoxious  
to the  planters1 and they began to     
manoeuvre for his removal1 which1 in a  
short  time1 was effected by a most     
flagitious procedure4 ,the home         
government1  disposed to humor their    
unruly colony1 sent them a governor in  
whom they  are not likely to find any   
fault4 ,the present governor1 ,sir      
,lionel  ,smith1 is the antipode of his 
predecessor in every worthy respect4    
,when  the apprentices come to him with 
their complaints1 he sends them back    
unheard1 with curses on their heads4 ,a 
distinguished gentleman in the  colony  
remarked of him that he was a heartless 
military chieftain1 who  ruled without  
regard to mercy4 ,of course the planters
 are full of his  praise4 ,his late tour
 of the island was a triumphal          
procession1 amid  the sycophantic       
greetings of oppressors4    ,several    
special magistrates have been suspended 
because of the faithful  discharge of   
their duties4 ,among these was ,dr4     

,palmer1 an independent  and courageous 
man4 ,repeated complaints were urged    
against him by the  planters1 until     
finally ,sir ,lionel ,smith appointed a 
commission to  inquire into the grounds 
of the difficulty4    ,this commission  
consisted of two local magistrates1 both
 of them  planters or managers of       
estates1 and two stipendiary            
magistrates1 the  bias of one of whom1  
at least1 was believed to be against    
,dr4 ,palmer4 ,at  the conclusion of    
their inquiry they summed up their      
report by saying  that ,dr4 ,palmer had 
administered the abolition law in the   
spirit of the  ,english abolition act1  
and in his administration of the law he 
had  adapted it more to the             
comprehension of freemen than to the    
understandings of apprenticed laborers4 
,not only did ,sir ,lionel ,smith       
suspend ,dr4 ,palmer on this report1 but
 the colonial office at home have       
dismissed him from his situation4       
,the following facts respecting the     

persecution of ,special ,justice        
,bourne1 illustrate the same thing4     
,a book-keeper of the name of ,maclean1 
on the estate of the ,rev4 ,m4          
,hamilton1 an ,irish clergyman1         
committed a brutal assault upon an old  
,african4 ,the attorney on the property 
refused to hear the complaint      of   
the negro1 who went to ,stephen ,bourne1
 a special magistrate4 ,when            
,maclean was brought before him1 he did 
not deny the fact2 but said      as the 
old man was not a ,christian1 his oath  
could not be taken6 ,the      magistrate
 not being able to ascertain the amount 
of injury      inflicted upon the negro 
7whose head was dreadfully cut17 but    
feeling that it was a case which        
required a greater penalty than         
three pounds sterling1 the amount of    
punishment to which he was      limited 
by the local acts1 detained ,maclean1   
and afterwards      committed him to    
jail1 and wrote the next day to the     
chief justice      upon the subject4 ,he

 was discharged as soon as a doctor's   
certificate was procured of the state of
 the wounded man1 and bail      was     
given for his appearance at the assizes4
 ,maclean's trial came on      at the   
assizes1 and he was found guilty by a   
,jamaica ,jury2 he was      severely    
reprimanded for his inhuman conduct and 
fined thirty      pounds4 ,the poor     
apprentice however got no remuneration  
for the      severe injury inflicted    
upon him1 and the special justice was   
prosecuted for false imprisonment1      
dragged from court to court1            
represented as an oppressor and a       
tyrant1 subjected to four hundred       
pounds expenses in defending himself1   
and actually had judgment      given    
against him for one hundred and fifty   
pounds damages4        ,thus have the   
planters succeeded in pulling down every
 magistrate      who ventures to do more
 than fine them three pounds sterling   
for any      act of cruelty of which    
they may be guilty4 ,on the other hand1 

there      were two magistrates who were
 lately dismissed1 through1 ,i believe1 
the representation of ,lord ,sligo1 for 
flagrant violations of the law      in  
inflicting punishment2 and in order to  
evince their sympathy for      those    
men1 the planters gave them a farewell  
dinner1 and had      actually set on    
foot a subscription1 as a tribute of    
gratitude for      their ,impartial     
conduct in administering the laws1 as   
special      justices4 ,thus were two   
men1 notoriously guilty of violations of
 law      and humanity1 publicly        
encouraged and protected1 while ,stephen
      ,bourne1 who according to the     
testimony of the present and late       
attorney-general had acted not only     
justly but legally1 was      suffering  
every species of persecution and        
indignity for so doing4    ,probably    
nothing could demonstrate the meanness  
of the artifices to  which the planters 
resort to get rid of troublesome        
magistrates better  than the following  

fact4 ,when the present governor1 in    
making his tour  of the island1 came    
into ,st4 ,thomas in the ,east1 some of 
the planters of  ,manchioneal district  
hired a negro constable on one of the   
estates to go  to the governor and      
complain to him that ,mr4 ,chamberlain  
encouraged the  apprentices to be       
disorderly and idle4 ,the negro went    
accordingly1 but  like another ,balaam1 
he prophesied against his employers4 ,he
 stated to  the governor that the       
apprentices on the estate where he lived
 were lazy  and wouldn't do right1 but  
he declared that it was not ,mr4 ,c4's  
fault1  for that he was not allowed to  
come on the estate6    ,having given    
such an unfavorable description of the  
mass of planters1 it  is but just to add
 that there are a few honorable         
exceptions4 ,there are  some attorneys  
and overseers1 who if they dared to face
 the allied  powers of oppression1 would
 act a noble part4 ,but they are        
trammelled by  an overpowering public   

sentiment1 and are induced to fall in   
very much  with the prevailing          
practices4 ,one of this class1 an       
attorney of  considerable influence1    
declined giving us his views in writing1
 stating  that his situation and the    
state of public sentiment must be his   
apology4 ,an overseer who was disposed  
to manifest the most liberal  bearing   
towards his apprentices1 and who had    
directions from the  absentee proprietor
 to that effect1 was yet effectually    
prevented by his  attorney1 who having  
several other estates under his charge1 
was fearful  of losing them1 if he did  
not maintain the same severe discipline 
on all4    ,the special magistrates are 
also deeply implicated in causing the   
difficulties existing under the         
apprenticeship4 ,they are incessantly   
exposed to multiplied and powerful      
temptations4 ,the persecution which     
they are sure to incur by a faithful    
discharge of their duties1 has  already 
been noticed4 ,it would require men of  

unusual sternness of  principle to face 
so fierce an array4 ,instead of being   
independent of  the planters1 their     
situation is in every respect totally   
the reverse4  ,instead of having a      
central office or station-house to hold 
their courts  at1 as is the case in     
,barbadoes1 they are required to visit  
each estate  in their districts4 ,they  
have a circuit from forty to sixty miles
 to  compass every fortnight1 or in some
 cases three times every month4 ,on     
these tours they are absolutely         
dependent upon the hospitality of the   
planters4 ,none but men of the sterner  
stuff could escape1 7to use the  negro's
 phrase7 being poisoned by massa's      
turtle soup4 ,the character  of the men 
who are acting as magistrates is thus   
described by a colonial  magistrate of  
high standing and experience4    ,the   
special magistracy department is filled 
with the most worthless  men1 both      
domestic and imported4 ,it was a        
necessary qualification of the  former  

to possess no property2 hence the most  
worthless vagabonds on the  island were 
appointed4 ,the latter were worn out    
officers and dissipated  rakes1 whom the
 ,english government sent off here in   
order to get rid of  them4 ,as a        
specimen of the latter kind1 this       
gentleman mentioned one  7special       
,justice ,light7 who died lately from   
excessive dissipation4 ,he  was         
constantly drunk1 and the only way in   
which to get him to do any  business was
 to take him on to an estate in the     
evening so that he might  sleep off his 
intoxication1 and then the business was 
brought before him  early the next      
morning1 before he had time to get to   
his cups4    ,it is well known that many
 of the special magistrates are totally 
unprincipled men1 monsters of cruelty1  
lust1 and despotism4 ,as a result  of   
natural character in many cases1 and of 
dependence upon planters in  many more1 
the great mass of the special justices  
are a disgrace to  their office1 and to 

the government which commissioned them4 
,out of  sixty1 the number of special   
justices in ,jamaica1 there are not more
  than fifteen1 or twenty at farthest1  
who are not the merest tools of the     
attorneys and overseers4 ,their         
servility was graphically hit off by the
  apprentice4 ,if busha say flog em1 he 
flog em2 if busha say send them to  the 
treadmill1 he send em4 ,if an apprentice
 laughs or sings1 and the  busha        
represents it to the magistrate as      
insolence1 he feels it his  duty to make
 an example of the offender6    ,the    
following fact will illustrate the      
injustice of the magistrates4 ,it  was  
stated in writing by a missionary4 ,we  
conceal all names1 in  compliance with  
the request of the writer4 ,an          
apprentice belonging to  ---- in the    
---- was sent to the treadmill by       
special justice ,g4 ,he was  ordered to 
go out and count the sheep1 as he was   
able to count higher  than some of the  
field people1 although a house servant  

from his  youth--,i may say childhood4  
,instead of bringing in the tally cut   
upon a  piece of board1 as usual1 he    
wrote the number eighty upon a piece of 
paper4 ,when the overseer saw it1 he    
would scarcely believe that any of  his 
people could write1 and ordered a piece 
of coal to be brought and  made him     
write it over again2 the next day he    
turned him into the field1  but unable  
to perform the task 7to hoe and weed one
 hundred coffee roots  daily7 with those
 who had been accustomed to field work  
all their lives1  he was tried for      
neglect of duty1 and sentenced to       
fourteen days on the  treadmill6    ,we 
quote the following heart-rending       
account from the ,telegraph1            
7,spanishtown17 ,april #bh1 #ahcg4 ,it  
is from a ,baptist missionary4        ,i
 see something is doing in ,england to  
shorten the apprenticeship      system4 
,i pray ,god it may soon follow its     
predecessor--slavery1 for      it is    
indeed slavery under a less disgusting  

name4 ,business lately      7,december  
#bc7 called me to ,rodney ,hall2 and    
while ,i was there1 a      poor old     
negro was brought in for punishment4 ,i 
heard the fearful      vociferation1    
'twenty stripes4' ',very well2 here     
----1 put this man      down4' ,i felt  
as ,i cannot describe2 yet ,i thought1  
as the supervisor      was disposed to  
be civil1 my presence might tend to make
 the      punishment less severe than it
 usually is--but ,i was disappointed4 ,i
      inquired into the crime for which 
such an old man could be so             
severely punished1 and heard various    
accounts4 ,i wrote to the               
magistrate who sentenced him to receive 
it2 and after many days ,i      got the 
following reply4        ,logan ,castle1 
,jan4 #i1 #ahcf4        ,sir--,in answer
 to your note of the #dth instant1 ,i   
beg leave to      state1 that ---- ----1
 an apprentice belonging to ---- ----1  
was      brought before me by ,mr4 ----1
 his late overseer1 charged upon oath   

with continual neglect of duty and      
disobedience of orders as               
cattle-man1 and also for stealing       
milk--was convicted1 and sentenced      
to receive twenty stripes4 ,so far from 
the punishment of the      offender     
being severe1 he was not ordered one    
half the number of      stripes provided
 for such cases by the abolition act--if
 he received      more than that number1
 or if those were inflicted with undue  
severity1 ,i shall feel happy in making 
every inquiry amongst the               
authorities at ,rodney ,hall            
institution4        ,i remain1 sir1     
yours1 truly1        ,t4,w4 ,,jones1    
,s4,m4    ',rev4 ,j4 ,clarke1 c41 c4'   
,from ,mr4 ,clarke's reply1 we make the 
following extract3        ,jericho1     
,january #ai1 #ahcf4        ,sir--,i beg
 to acknowledge the receipt of your     
letter of the #ith      instant4        
,respecting the punishment of ---- ----1
 ,i still adhere to the      opinion ,i 
before expressed1 that1 for an old man  

of about sixty      years of age1 the   
punishment was severe4 ,to see a        
venerable old man      tied as if to be 
broken on the wheel1 and cut to the bone
 by the      lash of an athletic        
driver--writhing and yelling under the  
most      exquisite torture1 were       
certainly circumstances sufficiently    
strong      to touch the heart of any   
one possessed of the smallest degree of 
common humanity4 ,the usual preparations
 being made1 the old man      quietly   
stripped off his upper garments1 and lay
 down upon the      board--he was then  
tied by his legs1 middle1 above the     
elbows1 and      at each wrist4 ,mr4    
---- then called out to the driver1 ',i 
hope you      will do your duty--he is  
not sent here for nothing4' ,at the     
first      lash the skin started up2 and
 at the third1 the blood began to flow2 
ere the driver had given ten1 the cat   
was covered with gore2 and he           
stopped to change it for a dry one1     
which appeared to me somewhat           

longer than the first4 ,when the poor   
tortured creature had received          
sixteen1 his violent struggles enabled  
him to get one of his hands      loose1 
which he put instantly to his back--the 
driver stopped to      retie him1 and   
then proceeded to give the remaining    
four4 ,the      struggles of the poor   
old man from the first lash bespoke the 
most      extreme torture2 and his cries
 were to me most distressing4 ',oh6 oh6 
mercy6 mercy6 mercy6 oh6 massa6 massa6  
dat enough--enough6 oh1      enough6 ,o1
 massa1 have pity6 ,o1 massa6 massa6 dat
 enough--enough6      ,oh1 never do de  
like again--only pity me--forgive me dis
 once6 oh6      pity6 mercy6 mercy6 oh6 
oh6' were the cries he perpetually      
uttered4      ,i shall remember them    
while ,i live2 and would not for ten    
thousand      worlds have been the cause
 of producing them4 ,it was some minutes
      after he was loosed ere he could  
rise to his feet1 and as he             
attempted to rise1 he continued calling 

out1 ',my back6 oh6 my back6      my    
back is broken4' ,a long time he        
remained half-doubled1 the blood        
flowing round his body2 ',i serve my    
master1' said the aged sufferer1        
'at all times2 get no ,saturday1 no     
,sunday2 yet this is de way      dem use
 me4'        ,with such planters1 and   
such magistrates to play into their     
hands1      is it to be wondered at that
 the apprentices do badly8 ,enough has  
been said1 we think1 to satisfy any     
candid person as to the causes      of  
the evils in ,jamaica4 ,if any thing    
further were needed1 we might      speak
 of the peculiar facilities which these 
men have for      perpetrating acts of  
cruelty and injustice4 ,the major part  
of the      island is exceedingly       
mountainous1 and a large portion of the 
sugar      estates1 and most of the     
coffee plantations1 are among the       
mountains4 ,these estates are scattered 
over a wide extent of      country1 and 
separated by dense forests and          

mountains1 which conceal      each      
plantation from the public view almost  
as effectually as though      it were   
the only property on the island4 ,the   
only mode of access to      many of the 
estates in the mountainous districts1 is
 by mule paths      winding about1 amid 
fastnesses1 precipices1 and frightful   
solitudes4      ,in those lone          
retirements1 on the mountain top1 or in 
the deep glen      by the side of the   
rocky rivers1 the traveller occasionally
 meets      with an estate4 ,strangers  
but rarely intrude upon those little    
domains4 ,they are left to the solitary 
sway of the overseers      dwelling amid
 their gangs1 and undisturbed1 save by  
the weekly      visitations of the      
special magistrates4 ,while the         
traveller is      struck with the       
facilities for the perpetration of those
 enormities      which must have existed
 there during slavery2 he is painfully  
impressed also with the numerous        
opportunities which are still           

afforded for oppressing the apprentices1
 particularly where the      special    
magistrates are not honest men4,a       
,footnote ,a3 ,from the nature of the   
case1 it must be impossible to know  how
 much actual flogging is perpetrated by 
the overseers4 ,we might  safely        
conjecture that there must be a vast    
deal of it that never comes  to the     
light4 ,such is the decided belief of   
many of the first men in the  island4   
,the planters1 say they1 flog their     
apprentices1 and then1 to  prevent their
 complaining to the magistrate1 threaten
 them with severe  punishment1 or bribe 
them to silence by giving them a few    
shillings4 ,the  attorney-general       
mentioned an instance of the latter     
policy4 ,a planter  got angry with one  
of his head men1 who was a constable1   
and knocked him  down4 ,the man started 
off to complain to the special          
magistrate4 ,the  master called him     
back1 and told him he need not go to the
  magistrate--that he was constable1 and

 had a right to fine him himself4       
,well1 massa1 said the negro1 ,i fine   
you five shillings on de spot4  ,the    
master was glad to get off with         
that--the magistrate would probably     
have fined him #e currency4        ,in  
view of the local situation of          
,jamaica--the violent character of      
its planters--and the inevitable        
dependency of the magistrates1 it       
is very manifest that immediate         
emancipation was imperatively           
demanded there4 ,in no other colony did 
the negroes require to be      more     
entirely released from the tyranny of   
the overseers1 or more      thoroughly  
shielded by the power of equal law4     
,this is a principle      which must    
hold good always--that where slavery has
 been most      rigorous and absolute1  
there emancipation1 needs to be most    
unqualified2 and where the sway of the  
master has been most      despotic1     
cruel1 and ,,long ,,continued1 there the
 protection of law      should be most  

,,speedily extended and most impartially
 applied4,b    ,footnote ,b3 ,since the 
above was written we have seen a copy of
 a  message sent by ,sir ,lionel ,smith1
 to the house of assembly of ,jamaica1  
on the #c;d ,november1 #ahcg1 in which a
 statement of the deprivations of  the  
apprentices1 is officially laid before  
the house4 ,we make the  following      
extract from it1 which contains1 to use 
his ,excellency's  language1 the        
principal causes1 as has been found by  
the records of the  special magistrates1
 of complaints among the apprentices2   
and of  consequent collisions between   
the planters and magistrates4           
,prudent and humane planters have       
already adopted what is                 
recommended1 and their properties       
present the good working of this        
system in peace and industry1 without   
their resorting to the      authority of
 the special magistrates2 but there are 
other properties      where neither the 
law of the apprenticeship nor the usages

 of      slavery have been found        
sufficient to guard the rights of the   
apprentices4        ,first1 the         
magistrates' reports show that on some  
estates the      apprentices have been  
deprived of cooks and water-carriers    
while at      work in the field--thus1  
the time allowed for breakfast1 instead 
of      being a period of rest1 is one  
of continual labor1 as they have to     
seek for fuel and to cook4 ,the         
depriving them of water-carriers is     
still more injurious1 as the workmen are
 not allowed to quit their      rows to 
obtain it4 ,both these privations are   
detrimental to the      planter's work4 
,second1 a law seems wanting to supply  
the estates'      hospitals with        
sufficient attendants on the sick       
apprentices1 as      well as for the    
supply of proper food1 as they cannot   
depend on      their own grounds1 whilst
 unable to leave the hospitals4 ,the    
first      clause of the abolition law  
has not been found strong enough to     

secure these necessary attentions to the
 sick4 ,third1 in regard to             
jobbers1 more exposed to hardships than 
any other class4 ,a law is      greatly 
required allowing them the distance they
 may have to walk to      their work1 at
 the rate of three miles an hour1 and   
for compelling      the parties hiring  
them to supply them with salt food and  
meal2      their grounds are oftentimes 
so many miles distant1 it is impossible 
for them to supply themselves4 ,hence   
constant complaints and                 
irregularities4 ,fourth1 that mothers of
 six children and upwards1      pregnant
 women1 and the aged of both sexes1     
would be greatly      benefited by a law
 enforcing the kind treatment which they
 received      in slavery1 but which is 
now considered optional1 or is          
altogether      avoided on many         
properties4 ,fifth1 nothing would tend  
more to effect      general contentment 
and repress the evils of comparative    
treatment1      than the issue of fish  

as a right by law4 ,it was an indulgence
 in      slavery seldom denied1 but on  
many properties is now withheld1 or     
given for extra labor instead of wages4 
,sixth1 his ,excellency during      the 
last sessions had the honor to address a
 message to the house      for a        
stronger definition of working time4    
,the clause of the act in      aid      
expressed that it was the intention of  
the legislature to      regulate        
'uniformity' of labor1 but in practice  
there is still a      great diversity of
 system4 ,the legal adviser of the crown
 considers      the clause active and   
binding2 the special magistrate cannot1 
therefore1 adjudicate on disputes of    
labor under the eight hour      system1 
and the consequences have been continual
 complaints and      bickerings between 
the magistrates and managers1 and       
discontent      among the apprentices by
 comparison of the advantages which one 
system presents over the other4         
,seventh1 if your honorable house       

would adopt some equitable fixed        
principle for the value of              
apprentices desirous of purchasing their
 discharge1 either by      ascertained  
rates of weekly labor1 or by fixed sums 
according to      their trade or        
occupation1 which should not be         
exceeded1 and      allowing the         
deduction of one third from the extreme 
value for the      contingencies of     
maintenance1 clothing1 medical aid1 risk
 of life1      and health1 it would     
greatly tend to set at rest one cause of
      constant disappointment4 ,in      
proportion as the term of apprenticeship
      draws to a close1 ,,the ,,demands 
,,for ,,the ,,sale ,,of ,,services      
,,have ,,greatly      ,,increased4 ,it  
is in the hope that the honorable house 
will be      disposed to enforce a more 
general system of equal treatment1 that 
his ,excellency now circumstantially    
represents what have been the      most 
common causes of complaint among the    
apprentices1 and why the      island is 

subject to the reproach that the        
negroes1 in some      respects1 are now 
in a worse condition than they were in  
slavery4      ,we heard frequent        
complaints in ,jamaica respecting the   
falling off of  the crops since         
abolition4 ,in order that the reader may
 know the extent  of the failure in the 
aggregate island crops1 we have inserted
 in the  appendix a table showing the   
exports for fifty-three years1 ending   
#cast  ,december1 #ahcf1 condensed from 
the journals of the ,house4    ,by the  
disaffected planters1 the diminished    
crops were hailed as an  evident token  
of perdition4 ,they had foretold that   
abolition would be  the ruin of         
cultivation1 they had maintained that   
sugar1 coffee1 rum1  c41 could not be   
produced extensively without the whip of
 slavery1  and now they exultingly point
 to the short crops and say1 ,see the   
results of abolition6 ,we say           
exultingly1 for a portion of the        
planters  do really seem to rejoice in  

any indication of ruin4 ,having staked  
their  reputation as prophets against   
their credit as colonists and their     
interests as men1 they seem happy in the
 establishment of the former1  even     
though it be by the sacrifice of the    
latter4 ,said an intelligent  gentleman 
in ,st4 ,thomas in the ,east1 ,the      
planters have set their  hearts upon    
ruin1 and they will be sorely           
disappointed if it should  not come4    
,hearing so much said concerning the    
diminution of the crops1 we spared  no  
pains to ascertain the true causes4 ,we 
satisfied ourselves that the  causes    
were mainly two4    ,first4 ,the        
prevailing impression that the negroes  
would not work well  after the abolition
 of slavery1 led many planters to throw 
a part of  their land out of            
cultivation1 in #ahcd4 ,this is a fact  
which was  published by ,lord ,sligo1 in
 an official account which he gave      
shortly  before leaving ,jamaica1 of the
 working of the apprenticeship4 ,the    

overseer of ,belvidere estate declared  
that he knew of many cases in  which    
part of the land usually planted in     
canes was thrown up1 owing to  the      
general expectation that much less work 
would be done after  abolition4 ,he also
 mentioned one attorney who ordered all 
the estates  under his charge to be     
thrown out of cultivation in #ahcd1 so  
confident  was he that the negroes would
 not work4 ,the name of this attorney   
was  ,white4 ,mr4 ,gordon1 of           
,williamsfield1 stated1 that the        
quantity of land  planted in cane1 in   
#ahcd1 was considerably less than the   
usual amount3  on some estates it was   
less by twenty1 and on others by forty  
acres4 ,now  if such were the fact in   
the ,parish of ,st4 ,thomas in the      
,east1 where  greater confidence was    
felt probably than in any other parish1 
we have a  clue by which we may         
conjecture 7if indeed we were left to   
conjecture7  to what extent the         
cultivation was diminished in the island

 generally4  ,this of itself would      
satisfactorily account for the falling  
off in the  crops--which at most is not 
above one third4 ,nor would this explain
 the  decrease in '#cd only1 for it is  
well known among sugar planters that a  
neglect of planting1 either total or    
partial1 for one year1 will affect  the 
crops for two or three successive years4
    ,the other cause of short crops has 
been the diminished amount of time  for 
labor4 ,one fourth of the time now      
belongs to the laborers1 and they  often
 prefer to employ it in cultivating     
their provision grounds and  carrying   
their produce to market4 ,thus the      
estate cultivation is  necessarily      
impeded4 ,this cause operates very      
extensively1 particularly  on two       
classes of estates3 those which lie     
convenient to market places1  where the 
apprentices have strong inducements to  
cultivate their  grounds1 and those     
7more numerous still7 which have harsh  
overseers1  to whom the apprentices are 

averse to hire their time--in which     
cases  they will choose to work for     
neighboring planters1 who are better    
men4  ,we should not omit to add here1  
that owing to a singular fact1 the      
falling off of the crops appears greater
 than it really has been4 ,we  learned  
from the most credible sources that the 
size of the hogsheads  had been         
considerably enlarged since abolition4  
,formerly they contained1  on an        
average1 eighteen hundred weight1 now   
they vary from a ton to  twenty-two     
hundred6 ,as the crops are estimated by 
the number of  hogsheads1 this will make
 a material difference4 ,there were two 
reasons  for enlarging in the           
hogsheads1--one was1 to lessen the      
amount of  certain port charges in      
exportation1 which were made by the     
hogshead2  the other1 and perhaps the   
principal1 was to create some foundation
 in  appearance for the complaint that  
the crops had failed because of         
abolition4    ,while we feel fully      

warranted in stating these as the chief 
causes of  the diminished crops1 we are 
at the same time disposed to admit that 
the  apprenticeship is in itself        
exceedingly ill calculated either to    
encourage or to compel industry4 ,we    
must confess that we have no special    
zeal to vindicate this system from its  
full share of blame2 but we are  rather 
inclined to award to it every jot and   
tittle of the dishonored                
instrumentality which it has had in     
working mischief to the colony4         
,however1 in all candor1 we must say1   
that we can scarcely check the  risings 
of exultation when we perceive that this
 party-fangled  measure--this offspring 
of old ,slavery in her dying throes1    
which was  expressly designed as a      
compensation to the proprietor1 ,,has   
,,actually  ,,diminished ,,his ,,annual 
,,returns ,,by ,,one ,,third6 ,so may it
 ever be with  legislation which is     
based on iniquity and robbery6    ,but  
the subject which excites the deepest   

interest in ,jamaica is the  probable   
consequences of entire emancipation in  
#ahdj4 ,the most common  opinion among  
the prognosticators of evil is1 that the
 emancipated  negroes will abandon the  
cultivation of all the staple products1 
retire  to the woods1 and live in a     
state of semi-barbarism2 and as a       
consequence1 the splendid sugar and     
coffee estates must be thrown up1  and  
the beautiful and fertile island of     
,jamaica become a waste howling         
wilderness4    ,the reasons for this    
opinion consist in part of naked        
assumptions1 and  in part of inferences 
from supposed facts4 ,the assumed       
reasons are  such as these4 ,the negroes
 will not cultivate the cane without the
  whip4 ,how is this known8 ,simply     
because they never have1 to any great   
extent1 in ,jamaica4 ,such1 it has been 
shown1 was the opinion formerly in      
,barbadoes1 but it has been forever     
exploded there by experiment4 ,again1   
the negroes are naturally improvident1  

and will never have enough  foresight to
 work steadily4 ,what is the evidence of
 natural  improvidence in the negroes8  
,barely this--their carelessness in a   
state  of slavery4 ,but that furnishes  
no ground at all for judging of natural 
character1 or of the developments of    
character under a totally  different    
system4 ,if it testifies any thing1 it  
is only this1 that the  natural         
disposition of the negroes is not always
 proof against the  degenerating        
influences of slavery4,a ,again1 the    
actual wants of the  negroes are very   
few and easily supplied1 and they will  
undoubtedly  prefer going into the woods
 where they can live almost without     
labor1 to  toiling in the hot cane      
fields or climbing the coffee mountains4
 ,but  they who urge this1 lose sight of
 the fact that the negroes are          
considerably civilized1 and that1 like  
other civilized people1 they will  seek 
for more than supply for the necessities
 of the rudest state of  nature4 ,their 

wants are already many1 even in the     
degraded condition of  slaves2 is it    
probable that they will be satisfied    
with fewer of the  comforts and luxuries
 of civilized life1 when they are       
elevated to the  sphere1 and feel the   
self-respect and dignity of freemen8    
,but let us  notice some of the reasons 
which profess to be founded on fact4    
,they  may all be resolved into two1 the
 laziness of negroes1 and their         
tendency to barbarism4    ,footnote ,a3 
,probably in more instances than the one
 recorded in the  foregoing chapter1 the
 improvidence of the negroes is inferred
 from  their otherwise unaccountable    
preference in walking six or ten miles  
to  chapel1 rather than to work for a   
maccaroni a day4    i4 ,they now refuse 
to work on ,saturdays1 even with wages4 
,on this  assertion we have several     
remarks to make4    #a47 ,it is true    
only to a partial extent4 ,the          
apprentices on many  estates--whether a 
majority or not it is impossible to     

say--do work for  their masters on      
,saturdays1 when their services are     
called for4    #b47 ,they often refuse  
to work on the estates1 because they can
 earn  three or four times as much by   
cultivating their provision grounds and 
carrying their produce to market4 ,the  
ordinary day's wages on an estate  is a 
quarter of a dollar1 and where the      
apprentices are conveniently  situated  
to market1 they can make from           
seventy-five cents to a dollar a  day   
with their provisions4    #c47 ,the     
overseers are often such overbearing and
 detestable men1 that  the apprentices  
doubtless feel it a great relief to be  
freed from their  command on ,saturday1 
after submitting to it compulsorily for 
five days  of the week4    #b4 ,another 
fact from which the laziness of the     
negroes is inferred1 is  their          
neglecting their provision grounds4 ,it 
is said that they have  fallen off      
greatly to their attention to their     
grounds1 since the  abolition of        

slavery4 ,this fact does not comport    
very well with the  complaint1 that the 
apprentices cultivate their provision   
grounds to the  neglect of the estates4 
,but both assertions may be true under  
opposite  circumstances4 ,on those      
estates which are situated near the     
market1  provisions will be cultivated2 
on those which are remote from the      
market1 provisions will of course be    
partially neglected1 and it will be     
more profitable to the apprentices to   
work on the estates at a quarter  of a  
dollar per day1 raising only enough     
provisions for their own use4  ,but we  
ascertained another circumstance which  
throws light on this  point4 ,the       
negroes expect1 after emancipation1 to  
lose their provision  grounds2 many     
expect certainly to be turned off by    
their masters1 and  many who have harsh 
masters1 intend to leave1 and seek homes
 on other  estates1 and all feel a great
 uncertainty about their situation after
  #ahdj2 and consequently they can have 

but little encouragement to  vigorous   
and extended cultivation of their       
grounds4 ,besides this1 there  are very 
many cases in which the apprentices of  
one estate cultivate  provision grounds 
on another estate1 where the manager is 
a man in whom  they have more confidence
 than they have in their own busha4     
,they1 of  course1 in such cases1       
abandon their former grounds1 and       
consequently  are charged with          
neglecting them through laziness4    #c4
 ,another alleged fact is1 that actually
 less work is done now than  was done   
during slavery4 ,the argument founded on
 this fact is this3  there is less work 
done under the apprenticeship than was  
done during  slavery3 therefore no work 
at all will be done after entire        
freedom6  ,but the apprenticeship allows
 one fourth less time for labor than    
slavery did1 and presents no inducement1
 either compulsory or  persuasive1 to   
continued industry4 ,will it be replied 
that emancipation  will take away all   

the time from labor1 and offer no       
encouragement  but to idleness8 ,how is 
it now8 ,do the apprentices work better 
or  worse during their own time when    
they are paid8 ,better1 unquestionably4 
,what does this prove8 ,that freedom    
will supply both the time and the       
inducement to the most vigorous         
industry4    ,the other reason for      
believing that the negroes will abandon 
estate-labor after entire emancipation1 
is their strong tendency to  barbarism6 
,and what are the facts in proof of     
this8 ,we know but one4    ,we heard it 
said repeatedly that the apprentices    
were not willing to  have their free    
children educated--that they had        
pertinaciously declined  every offer of 
the bushas to educate their children1   
and this1 it  was alleged1 evinced a    
determination on the part of the negroes
 to  perpetuate ignorance and barbarism 
among their posterity4 ,we heard from   
no less than four persons of distinction
 in ,st4 ,thomas in the ,east1 the      

following curious fact4 ,it was stated  
each time for the double purpose  of    
proving that the apprentices did not    
wish to have their children  learn to   
work1 and that they were opposed to     
their receiving  education4 ,a company  
of the first-gentlemen of that parish1  
consisting  of the rector of the parish1
 the custos1 the special magistrate1 an 
attorney1 and member of the assembly1   
etc41 had mustered in imposing  array1  
and proceeded to one of the large       
estates in the ,plantain ,garden  ,river
 ,valley1 and there having called the   
apprentices together1 made the          
following proposals to them respecting  
their free children1 the rector  acting 
as spokesman4 ,the attorney would       
provide a teacher for the  estate1 and  
would give the children four hours'     
instruction daily1 if  the parents would
 bind them to work four hours every day2
 the attorney  further offered to pay   
for all medical attendance the children 
should  require4 ,the apprentices1 after

 due deliberation among themselves1     
unanimously declined this proposition4  
,it was repeatedly urged upon  them1 and
 the advantages it promised were held up
 to them2 but they  persisted in        
declining it wholly4 ,this was a great  
marvel to the  planters2 and they could 
not account for it in any other way than
 by  supposing that the apprentices were
 opposed both to labor and education1   
and were determined that their free     
children should grow up in ignorance    
and indolence6 ,now the true reason why 
the apprentices rejected this  proposal 
was1 because it came from the planters1 
in whom they have no  confidence4 ,they 
suspected that some evil scheme was hid 
under the fair  pretence of benevolence2
 the design of the planters1 as they    
firmly  believed1 was to get their free 
children bound to them1 so that they    
might continue to keep them in a species
 of apprenticeship4 ,this was  stated to
 us1 as the real ground of the          
rejection1 by several  missionaries1 who

 gave the best evidence that it was so2 
viz4 that at  the same time that the    
apprentices declined the offer1 they    
would send  their free children six or  
eight miles to a school taught by a     
missionary4 ,we inquired particularly of
 some of the apprentices1 to  whom this 
offer was made1 why they did not accept 
it4 ,they said that  they could not     
trust their masters2 the whole design of
 it was to get  them to give up their   
children1 and if they should give them  
up but for  a single month1 it would be 
the same as acknowledging that they 7the
  parents7 were not able to take care of
 them themselves4 ,the busha would  then
 send word to the ,governor that the    
people had given up their  children1 not
 being able to support them1 and the    
,governor would have  the children bound
 to the busha1 and then1 said they1 we  
might  whistle for our children6 ,in    
this manner the apprentices1 the        
parents1 reasoned4 ,they professed the  
greatest anxiety to have their  children

 educated1 but they said they could have
 no confidence in the  honest intentions
 of their busha4    ,the views given    
above1 touching the results of entire   
emancipation in  #ahdj1 are not         
unanimously entertained even among the  
planters1 and they  are far from        
prevailing to any great extent among    
other classes of the  community4 ,the   
missionaries1 as a body1 a portion of   
the special  magistrates1 and most of   
the intelligent free colored people1    
anticipate  glorious consequences2 they 
hail the approach of #ahdj1 as a        
deliverance  from the oppressions of the
 apprenticeship1 and its train of       
disaffections1 complaints and incessant 
disputes4 ,they say they have  nothing  
to fear--nor has the island any thing to
 fear1 but every thing  to hope1 from   
entire emancipation4 ,we subjoin a      
specimen of the  reasoning of the       
minority of the planters4 ,they         
represent the idea that  the negroes    
will abandon the estates1 and retire to 

the woods1 as wild  and absurd in the   
extreme4 ,they say the negroes have a   
great regard for  the comforts which    
they enjoy on the estates2 they are     
strongly attached  to their houses and  
little furniture1 and their provision   
grounds4 ,these  are as much to them as 
the 'great house' and the estate are to 
their  master4 ,besides1 they have very 
strong local attachments1 and these     
would bind them to the properties4      
,these planters also argue1 from the    
great willingness of the apprentices now
 to work for money1 during  their own   
time1 that they will not be likely to   
relinquish labor when  they are to get  
wages for the whole time4 ,there was no 
doubt much truth  in the remark of a    
planter in ,st4 ,thomas in the ,east1   
that if any  estates were abandoned by  
the negroes after #ahdj1 it would be    
those  which had harsh managers1 and    
those which are so mountainous and      
inaccessible1 or barren1 that they ought
 to be abandoned4 ,it was the           

declaration of a planter1 that entire   
emancipation would regenerate  the      
island of ,jamaica4           99        
99       99       99       99    ,we now
 submit to the candid examination of the
 ,american1 especially the  ,christian  
public1 the results of our inquiries in 
,antigua1 ,barbadoes1  and ,jamaica4    
,the deficiency of the narrative in     
ability and interest1 we  are sure is   
neither the fault of the subject nor of 
the materials4 ,could  we have thrown   
into vivid forms a few only of the      
numberless incidents  of rare beauty    
which thronged our path--could we have  
imparted to pages  that freshness and   
glow1 which invested the institutions of
 freedom1  just bursting into bloom over
 the late wastes of slavery--could we1  
in  fine1 have carried our readers amid 
the scenes which we witnessed1 and  the 
sounds which we heard1 and the things   
which we handled1 we should  not doubt  
the power and permanence of the         
impression produced4 ,it is due  to the 

cause1 and to the society under whose   
commission we acted1  frankly to state1 
that we were not selected on account of 
any peculiar  qualifications for the    
work4 ,as both of us were invalids1 and 
compelled  to fly from the rigors of an 
,american winter1 it was believed that  
we  might combine the improvement of    
health1 with the prosecution of         
important investigations1 while abler   
men could thus be retained in the  field
 at home2 but we found that the         
unexpected abundance of materials       
requires the strongest health and powers
 of endurance4 ,we regret to add1  that 
the continued ill health of both of us1 
since our return1 so  serious in the    
case of one1 as to deprive him almost   
wholly of  participation in the         
preparation of the work1 has            
necessarily1 delayed  its appearance1   
and rendered its execution more         
imperfect4    ,we lay no claim to       
literary merit4 ,to present as simple   
narrative of  facts1 has been our sole  

aim4 ,we have not given the results of  
our  personal observations merely1 or   
chiefly1 nor have we made a record of   
private impressions or idle             
speculations4 ,well authenticated facts1
  accompanied with the testimony1 verbal
 and documentary1 of public men1        
planters1 and other responsible         
individuals1 make up the body of the    
volume1 as almost every page will show4 
,that no statements1 if  erroneous1     
might escape detection and exposure1 we 
have1 in nearly every  case1 given the  
names of our authorities4 ,by so doing  
we may have  subjected ourselves to the 
censure of those respected gentlemen1   
with  whose names we have taken such    
liberty4 ,we are assured1 however1 that 
their interest in the cause of freedom  
will quite reconcile them to what       
otherwise might be an unpleasant        
personal publicity4    ,commending our  
narrative to the blessing of the ,god of
 truth1 and the  ,redeemer of the       
oppressed1 we send it forth to do its   

part1 however  humble1 toward the       
removal of slavery from our beloved but 
guilty country4        ,,appendix4      
,we have in our possession a number of  
official documents from gentlemen1      
officers of the government1 and         
variously connected with its            
administration1 in the different islands
 which we visited3 some of  these--such 
as could not be conveniently            
incorporated into the body of  the      
work--we insert in the form of an       
appendix4 ,to insert them all1  would   
unduly increase the size of the present 
volume4 ,those not embodied  in this    
appendix1 will be published in the      
periodicals of the ,american            
,anti-,slavery ,society4           99   
99       99       99       99           
,,official ,,communication ,,from ,e4,b4
 ,,lyon1 ,,esq41 ,,special ,,magistrate4
    ,jamaica1 ,hillingdon1 near         
,falmouth1 ,trelawney1 ,may #ae1 #ahcg4 
,,to ,j4,h4 ,,kimball41 ,,esq41 and     
,j4,a4 ,,thome1 ,,esq4    ,,dear        

,,sirs1--,of the operation of the       
apprenticeship system in this  district1
 from the slight opportunity ,i have had
 of observing the  conduct of managers  
and apprentices1 ,i could only speak    
conjecturally1  and my opinions1 wanting
 the authority of experience1 would be  
of little  service to you2 ,i shall     
therefore confine the remarks ,i have to
 make1 to  the operation of the system  
in the district from which ,i have      
lately removed4    ,i commenced my      
duties in ,august1 #ahcd1 and from the  
paucity of special  magistrates at that 
eventful era1 ,i had the superintendence
 of a most  extensive district1         
comprising nearly one half of the       
populous parish of  ,st4 ,thomas in the 
,east1 and the whole of the parish of   
,st4 ,david1  embracing an apprentice   
population of nearly eighteen           
thousand1--in  charge of which ,i       
continued until ,december1 when ,i was  
relieved of ,st4  ,david1 and in ,march1
 #ahce1 my surveillance was confined to 

that portion  of ,st4 ,thomas in the    
,east1 consisting of the coffee         
plantations in the  ,blue ,mountains1   
and the sugar estates of ,blue ,mountain
 ,valley1 over  which ,i continued to   
preside until last ,march1 a district   
containing a  population of four        
thousand two hundred and twenty-seven   
apprentices1 of  which two thousand     
eighty-seven were males1 and two        
thousand one hundred  and forty1        
females4 ,the apprentices of the ,blue  
,mountain ,valley were1 at  the period  
of my assumption of the duties of a     
special magistrate1 the  most disorderly
 in the island4 ,they were greatly      
excited1 and almost  desperate from     
disappointment1 in finding their        
trammels under the new  law1 nearly as  
burdensome as under the old1 and their  
condition1 in many  respects1 much more 
intolerable4 ,they were also extremely  
irritated at  what they deemed an       
attempt upon the part of their masters  
to rob them  of one of the greatest     

advantages they had been led to believe 
the new  law secured to them--this was  
the half of ,friday4 ,special ,justice  
,everard1 who went through the district 
during the first two weeks of  ,august1 
#ahcd1 and who was the first special    
justice to read and explain  the new law
 to them1 had told them that the law    
gave to them the extra  four and a half 
hours on the ,friday1 and some of the   
proprietors and  managers1 who were     
desirous of preparing their people for  
the coming  change1 had likewise        
explained it so2 but1 most              
unfortunately1 the  governor issued a   
proclamation1 justifying the masters in 
withholding  the four and a half hours  
on that day1 and substituting any other 
half  day1 or by working them eight     
hours per day1 they might deprive them  
altogether of the advantage to be       
derived from the extra time1 which1 by  
the abolition of ,sunday marketing1 was 
almost indispensable to people  whose   
grounds1 in some instances1 were many   

miles from their  habitations1 and who  
were above thirty miles from ,kingston  
market1 where  prices were fifty per    
cent4 more than the country markets in  
their favor  for the articles they had  
to dispose of1 and correspondingly lower
 for  those they had to purchase4 ,to be
 in time for which market1 it was       
necessary to walk all ,friday night1 so 
that without the use of the  previous   
half day1 they could not procure their  
provisions1 or prepare  themselves for  
it4 ,the deprivation of the half of     
,friday was therefore a  serious        
hardship to them1 and this1 coupled to  
the previous assurance of  their        
masters1 and ,special ,justice ,everard1
 that they were entitled to  it1 made   
them to suspect a fraud was about being 
practised on them1  which1 if they did  
not resist1 would lead to the           
destruction of the  remaining few       
privileges they possessed4 ,the         
resistance was very  general1 but       
without violence2 whole gangs leaving   

the fields on the  afternoon of ,friday2
 refusing to take any other afternoon1  
and sometimes  leaving the estates for  
two or three days together4 ,they       
fortunately had  confidence in me--and  
,i succeeded in restoring order1 and all
 would have  been well1--but the        
managers1 no longer alarmed by the fear 
of rebellion  or violence1 began a      
system of retaliation and revenge1 by   
withdrawing  cooks1 water-carriers1 and 
nurses1 from the field1 by refusing     
medicine  and admittance to the hospital
 to the apprentice children1 and by     
compelling old and infirm people1 who   
had been allowed to withdraw from       
labor1 and mothers of six children1 who 
were exempt by the slave law  from hard 
labor1 to come out and work in the      
field4 ,all this had a  natural tendency
 to create irritation1 and did do so2   
though1 to the  great credit of the     
people1 in many instances1 they         
submitted with the  most extraordinary  
patience1 to evils which were the more  

onerous1  because inflicted under the   
affected sanction of a law1 whose       
advent1 as  the herald of liberty1 they 
had expected would have been attended   
with a  train of blessings4 ,i effected 
a change in this miserable state of     
things2 and mutual contract for labor1  
in crop and out of it1 were made  on    
twenty-five estates in my district1     
before1 ,i believe1 any  arrangement had
 been made in other parts of the island1
 between the  managers and the          
apprentices2 so that from being in a    
more unsettled  state than others1 we   
were soon happily in a more prosperous  
one1 and so  continued4    ,no peasantry
 in the most favored country on the     
globe1 can have been  more              
irreproachable in morals and conduct    
than the majority of  apprentices in    
that district1 since the beginning of   
#ahce4 ,i have1 month  after month1 in  
my despatches to the governor1 had to   
record instances  of excess of labor1   
compared with the quantity performed    

during slavery  in some kinds of work2  
and while ,i have with pleasure reported
 the  improving condition1 habits1      
manners1 and the industry which         
characterized the labors of the         
peasantry1 ,i have not been an          
indifferent or uninterested witness of  
the improvement in the condition  of    
many estates1 the result of the         
judicious application of labor1 and  of 
the confidence in the future and        
sanguine expectations of the            
proprietors1 evinced in the enlargements
 of the works1 and expensive and        
permanent repair of the buildings on    
various estates1 and in the high  prices
 given for properties and land since the
 apprenticeship system1  which would    
scarcely have commanded a purchaser1 at 
any price1 during  the existence of     
slavery4    ,i have invariably found the
 apprentice willing to work for an      
equitable  hire1 and on all the sugar   
estates1 and several of the plantations1
 in  the district ,i speak of1 they     

worked a considerable portion of their  
own  time during crop1 about the works1 
for money1 or an equivalent in          
herrings1 sugar1 etc41 to so great a    
degree1 that less than the time         
allotted to them during slavery1 was    
left for appropriation to the           
cultivation of their grounds1 and for   
marketing1 as the majority1 very  much  
to their credit1 scrupulously avoided   
working on the ,sabbath day4    ,in no  
community in the world is crime less    
prevalent4 ,at the quarter  sessions1 in
 ,january last1 for the precinct of ,st4
 ,thomas in the ,east1  and ,st4 ,david1
 which contains an apprentice population
 of about thirty  thousand1 there was   
only one apprentice tried4 ,and the     
offences that  have1 in general1 for the
 last eighteen months1 been brought     
before me  on estates1 have been of the 
most trivial description1 such as an    
individual occasionally turning out     
late1 or some one of an irritable       
temper answering impatiently1 or for    

some trifling act of disobedience2  in  
fact1 the majority of apprentices on    
estates have been untainted with        
offence1 and have steadily and quietly  
performed their duty1 and  respected the
 law4 ,the apprentices of ,st4 ,thomas  
in the ,east1 ,i do not  hesitate to    
say1 are much superior in manners and   
morals to those who  inhabit the towns4 
,during the first six or eight months1  
while the planters were in doubt  how   
far the endurance of their laborers     
might be taxed1 the utmost  deference   
and respect was paid by them to the     
special magistrates2 their  suggestions 
or recommendations were adopted without 
cavil1 and opinions  taken without      
reference to the letter of the law2 but 
when the obedience  of the apprentice1  
and his strict deference to the law and 
its  administrators1 had inspired them  
with a consciousness of perfect         
security1 ,i observed with much regret1 
a great alteration in the  deportment of
 many of the managers towards myself and

 the people2  trivial and insignificant 
complaints were astonishingly increased1
 and  assaults on apprentices became    
more frequent1 so that in the degree    
that  the conduct of one party was more 
in accordance with the obligations      
imposed on him by the apprenticeship1   
was that of the other in  opposition to 
it2 again with the hold and infirm      
harassed2 again were  mothers of six    
living children attempted to be forced  
to perform field  labor2 and again were 
mothers with sucking children complained
 of1 and  some attempts made to deprive 
them of the usual nurses4    ,such      
treatment was not calculated to promote 
cordiality between master  and          
apprentice1 and the effect will1 ,i     
fear1 have a very unfavorable  influence
 upon the working of many estates1 at   
the termination of the  system2 in fact1
 when that period arrives1 if the       
feeling of  estrangement be no worse1 ,i
 am convinced it will be no better than 
it is  at the present moment1 as ,i have

 witnessed no pains taking on the part  
of the attorneys generally to attach the
 apprentices to the properties1  or to  
prepare them in a beneficial manner for 
the coming change4 ,it was  a very      
common practice in the district1 when an
 apprentice was about to  purchase his  
discharge1 to attempt to intimidate him 
by threats of  immediate ejectment from 
the property1 and if in the face of this
  threatened separation from family and 
connections1 he persevered and  procured
 his release1 then the sincerity of the 
previous intimations was  evinced by a  
peremptory order1 to instantly quit the 
property1 under the  penalty of having  
the trespass act enforced against him2  
and if my  interference prevented any   
outrageous violation of law1 so many    
obstructions and annoyances were placed 
in the way of his communication  with   
his family1 or enjoyment of his domestic
 rights1 that he would be  compelled for
 their peace1 and his own personal      
convenience1 to submit  to privations1  

which1 as a slave1 he would not have    
been subject to4 ,the  consequence is1  
that those released from the obligations
 of the  apprenticeship by purchase1    
instead of being located1 and laboring  
for  hire upon the estate to which they 
were attached1 and forming a nucleus    
around which others would have gathered 
and settled themselves1 they  have been 
principally driven to find other homes1 
and in the majority of  instances have  
purchased land1 and become settlers on  
their own account4  ,if complete        
emancipation had taken place in #ahcd1  
there would have been  no more          
excitement1 and no more trouble to allay
 it1 than that which was  the           
consequence of the introduction of the  
present system of coerced and           
uncompensated labor4 ,the relations of  
society would have been fixed upon  a   
permanent basis1 and the two orders     
would not have been placed in that      
situation of jealousy and suspicion     
which their present anomalous  condition

 has been the baneful means of creating4
    ,i am convinced there never was any 
serious alarm about the consequences  of
 immediate emancipation among those who 
were acquainted with the  peasantry of  
,jamaica4 ,the fears of the morbidly    
humane were purposely  excited to       
increase the amount of compensation1 or 
to lengthen the  duration of the        
apprenticeship2 and the daily ridiculous
 and untruthful  statements that are    
made by the vitiated portion of the     
,jamaica press1  of the indolence of the
 apprentices1 their disinclination to   
work in  their own time1 and the great  
increase of crime1 are purposely and    
insidiously put forward to prevent the  
fact of the industry1 and  decorum1 and 
deference to the law1 of the people1 and
 the prosperous  condition of the       
estates1 appearing in too prominent a   
light1 lest the  friends of humanity1   
and the advocates for the equal rights  
of men1  should be encouraged to agitate
 for the destruction of a system which1 

in its general operation1 has retained  
many of the worst features of  slavery1 
perpetuated many gross infringements of 
the social and domestic  rights of the  
working classes2 and which1 instead of  
working out the  benevolent intention of
 the imperial legislature1 by aiding and
  encouraging the expansion of          
intellect1 and supplying motives for the
  permanent good conduct of the         
apprentices1 in its termination1 has1 ,i
  fear1 retarded the rapidity with which
 civilization would have advanced1  and 
sown the seeds of a feeling more bitter 
than that which slavery1  with all its  
abominations1 had engendered4    ,i am1 
dear sirs1 your very faithful servant1  
,,edmund ,b4 ,,lyon1 ,special ,justice4 
,extract from a communication which we  
received from ,wm4 ,henry ,anderson1    
,esq41 of ,kingston1 the                
,solicitor-,general for ,jamaica4       
,the staples of the island must be      
cultivated after #ahdj as now1 because  
if not1 the negroes could not obtain the

 comforts or luxuries1 of which  they   
are undoubtedly very desirous1 from     
cultivation of their grounds4  ,the     
fruits and roots necessary for the      
public markets are already  supplied in 
profusion at tolerably moderate prices3 
if the supply were  greatly increased1  
the prices could not be remunerative4   
,there is no way  in which they can so  
readily as by labor for wages1 obtain   
money1 and  therefore ,i hold that there
 must ever be an adequate supply of     
labor in  the market4    ,the negroes   
are in my opinion very acute in their   
perceptions of right  and wrong1 justice
 and injustice1 and appreciate fully the
 benefits of  equitable legislation1 and
 would unreservedly submit to it where  
they  felt confidence in the purity of  
its administration4    ,there is not the
 slightest likelihood of rebellion on   
the part of the  negroes after #ahdj1   
unless some unrighteous attempts be made
 to keep up  the helotism of the class  
by enactments of partial laws4 ,they    

could  have no interest in rebellion1   
they could gain nothing by it2 and might
  lose every thing2 nor do ,i think they
 dream of such a thing4 ,they are       
ardently attached to the ,british       
government1 and would be so to the      
colonial government1 were it to indicate
 by its enactments any purposes  of     
kindness or protection towards them4    
,hitherto the scope of its  legislation 
has been1 in reference to them1 almost  
exclusively coercive2  certainly there  
have been no enactments of a tendency to
 conciliate  their good will or         
attachment4    ,the negroes are much    
desirous of education and religious     
instruction3 no  one who has attended to
 the matter can gainsay that4 ,formerly 
marriage  was unknown amongst them2 they
 were in fact only regarded by their    
masters1 and ,i fear by themselves too1 
as so many brutes for labor1 and  for   
increase4 ,now they seek the benefits of
 the social institution of  marriage and
 its train of hallowed relationships3   

concubinage is  becoming quite          
disreputable2 many are seeking to repair
 their conduct by  marriage to their    
former partners1 and no one in any rank 
of life would  be hardy enough to       
express disapprobation of those who have
 done or  may do so4    ,,wm4 ,,henry   
,,anderson4    ,kingston1 ,jamaica1     
#bdth ,april1 #ahcg4           99       
99       99       99       99    ,the   
following communication is the monthly  
report for ,march1 #ahcg1 of  ,major    
,j4,b4 ,colthurst1 special justice for  
,district ,a41 ,rural ,division1        
,barbadoes4    ,the general conduct of  
the apprentices since my last report has
 been  excellent1 considering that      
greater demands have been made upon     
their  labor at this moment to save     
perhaps the finest crop of canes ever   
grown  in the island4    ,upon the large
 estates generally the best feeling     
exists1 because they  are in three cases
 out of four conducted by either the    
proprietors  themselves1 or attorneys   

and managers of sense and consideration4
 ,here  all things go on well2 the      
people are well provided and            
comfortable1 and  therefore the best    
possible understanding prevails4    ,the
 apprentices in my district perform     
their work most willingly1  whenever the
 immediate manager is a man of sense and
 humanity4 ,if this  is not the case1   
the effect is soon seen1 and complaints 
begin to be  made4 ,misunderstandings   
are usually confined to the smaller     
estates1  particularly in the           
neighborhood of ,bridgetown1 where the  
lots are very  small1 and the apprentice
 population of a less rural description1
 and  more or less also corrupted by    
daily intercourse with the town4    ,the
 working hours most generally in use in 
my district are as follows3  ,on most   
estates1 the apprentices work from six  
to nine1 breakfast2 from  ten to one1   
dinner--rest2 from three to six1 work4  
,it is almost the constant practice of  
the apprentices1 particularly the       

praedials or rural portion1 to work in  
their own time for money wages1  at the 
rate of a quarter dollar a day4 ,they   
sometimes work also during  those       
periods in their little gardens round   
their negro houses1 and  which they most
 generally enjoy without charge1 or in  
the land they  obtain in lieu of        
allowance1 they seem ,,always well      
pleased to be fully  employed at free   
labor1 and work1 when so employed1      
exceedingly well4  ,i know a small      
estate1 worked exclusively on this      
system4 ,it is in  excellent order1 and 
the proprietor tells me his profits are 
greater  than they would be under the   
apprenticeship4 ,he is a sensible and   
correct man1 and ,i therefore rely upon 
his information4 ,during the hurry      
always attendant on the saving of the   
crop1 the apprentices are  generally    
hired in their own time upon their      
respective estates at the  above rate1  
and which they seldom refuse4 ,no       
hesitation generally occurs  in this or 

any other matter1 whenever the employer 
discharges his duty  by them in a steady
 and considerate manner4    ,the        
attendance at church throughout my      
district is most respectable2 but  the  
accommodation1 either in this respect or
 as regards schools1 is by  no means    
adequate to the wants of the people4    
,the apprentices conduct  themselves    
during divine service in the most       
correct manner1 and it is  most         
gratifying to perceive1 that only very  
little exertion1 indeed1  would be      
required to render them excellent       
members of society4 ,this fact  is fully
 proved by the orderly situation of a   
few estates in my  district1 that have  
had the opportunity of receiving some   
moral and  religious instruction4 ,there
 are sixty-four estates in my district  
over  twenty-five acres4 ,upon four of  
those plantations where the apprentices 
have been thus taught1 there are a      
greater number of married couples       
7which may be considered a fair test7   

than upon the remaining sixty4 ,i       
scarcely ever have a complaint from     
these four estates1 and they are        
generally reported to be in a most      
orderly state4    ,in the memory of the 
oldest inhabitant1 the island has never 
produced a  finer crop of canes than    
that now in the course of manufacture4  
,all  other crops are luxuriant1 and the
 plantations in a high state of         
agricultural cleanliness4 ,the season   
has been very favorable4    ,under the  
head of general inquiry1 ,i beg leave to
 offer a few remarks4 ,i  have now great
 pleasure in having it in my power to   
state1 that a  manifest change for the  
better has taken place gradually in my  
district within the last few months4    
,asperities seem to be giving way to    
calm discussion1 and the laws are better
 understood and obeyed4    ,it is said  
in other colonies as well as here1 that 
there has been1 and  still continues to 
be1 a great want of natural affection   
among the negro  parents for their      

children1 and that great mortality among
 the free  children has occurred in     
consequence4 ,this opinion1 ,i          
understand1 has  been lately expressed  
in confident terms by the legislature of
 ,st4  ,vincent's1 which has been fully 
and satisfactorily contradicted by the  
reports of the special justices to the  
lieutenant-governor4 ,the same          
assertion has been made by individuals  
to myself4 ,as regards ,barbadoes1  ,i  
have spared no pains to discover whether
 such statements were facts1  and ,i now
 am happy to say1 that not a single     
instance of unnatural  conduct on the   
part of the negro parents to their      
children has come to  my knowledge--far1
 perhaps too far1 the contrary is the   
case2 over  indulgence and petting them 
seems in my judgment to be the only     
matter the parents can be1 with any     
justice1 accused of4 ,they exhibit      
their fondness in a thousand ways4      
,contrasting the actual conduct of the  
negro parents with the assertions of the

 planters1 it is impossible not  to     
infer that some bitterness is felt by   
the latter on the score of  their lost  
authority4 ,when this is the case1      
reaction is the natural  consequence1   
and thus misunderstandings and          
complaints ensue4 ,the like  assertions 
are made with respect to the            
disinclination of the parents to  send  
their children to school4 ,this         
certainly does exist to a certain       
extent1 particularly to schools where   
the under classes of whites are  taught1
 who often treat the negro children in a
 most imperious and  hostile manner4 ,as
 some proof that no decided objection   
exists in the  negro to educate his     
children1 a vast number of the          
apprentices of my  district send them to
 school1 and take pride in paying a bit 
a week each  for them--a quarter dollar 
entrance and a quarter dollar for each  
vacation4 ,those schools are almost     
always conducted by a black man and  his
 married wife4 ,however1 they are well  

attended1 but are very few  in number4  
,to show that the apprentices fully     
estimate the blessings of education1    
many females hire their apprentice      
children at a quarter dollar a week     
from their masters1 for the express     
purpose of sending them to school4      
,this proves the possibility of a       
voluntary system of education           
succeeding1 provided it was preceded by 
full and satisfactory  explanation to   
the parties concerned4 ,i have also     
little doubt that  labor to the extent  
,i speak of1 may be successfully        
introduced when the  apprentices become 
assured that nothing but the ultimate   
welfare of  themselves and children is  
intended2 but so suspicious are they    
from  habit1 and1 as ,i said before1 so 
profoundly ignorant of what may in      
truth and sincerity be meant only for   
their benefit1 that it will  require    
great caution and delicacy on the       
occasion4 ,those suspicions  have not   
been matured in the negroes mind without

 cause--the whole  history of slavery   
proves it4 ,such suspicions are even now
 only  relinquished under doubts and    
apprehensions2 therefore1 all new and   
material points1 to be carried          
successfully with them1 should be       
proposed to them upon the most liberal  
and open grounds4    ,j4,b4 ,,colthurst1
 ,special ,justice ,peace1 ,district ,a1
 ,rural ,division4           99       99
       99       99       99    ,general 
return of the imports and exports of the
 island of ,barbadoes1  during a series 
of years--furnished by the ,custom-house
 officer at  ,bridgetown4               
4     s1    d4  #ahcb                   
#dha1faj   #f     #c  #ahcc             
#dfb1acb  #ad     #d  #ahcd             
#ddi1afi  #ab     #d  #ahce             
#eie1ifa  #ac     #b  #ahcf             
#fbb1abh  #ai    #aa      ,,imports ,,of
 ,,lumber4                       ,feet4 
,shingles4  #ahcc            #e1bij1jhf 
#e1eih1ieh  #ahcd            #e1gjh1did 
#e1ejf1fdf  #ahce            #e1gid1eif 

#d1bhi1jbe  #ahcf            #g1aif1ahi 
#g1jcg1dfb      ,,imports ,,of          
,,provisions4               ,flour4     
,corn ,meal4    ,y'rs4 bbls4  #a_/b     
bbls4  bush4 bbls4                      
-----------------------------------     
#ahcc  #ba1ece     #cig     #fbi   #bfe 
#ahcd  #cd1aia     #hfe    #afge  #aehj 
#ahce  #cb1cic     #hbh     #afj   #hji 
#ahcf  #da1ige     #dcc     #hbc  #aabc 
-----------------------------------     
,bread and  ,biscuits4       ,oats      
,corn4  ,y'rs4 hds4 bbls4#a_/b          
bbls4kegs4bags4 bags4 qrs4              
----------------------------------------
------  #ahcc    #di  #badf     #cj     
#dcj   #ej  #ahcd   #dja  #hefa     #ii 
#eg        #ajj #ajbe  #ahce  #bjbd     
#ajgfb                  #biac #cacd     
#ahcf     #d  #djdh             #ajeh   
#hafh #caai                             
----------------------------------------
------    ,,imports ,,of ,,cattle1      
,,etc4         ,cattle4   ,horses4      
,mules4  #ahcc     #fdi       #dfb      

#fe  #ahcd     #edi       #gbh      #bd 
#ahce     #efi      #ajdg      #dc      
#ahcf    #ajac      #acde     #ajd      
,,return ,,of ,,exports--,,sugar4       
hhds4     trcs4    bbls4  #ahcb         
#ah1hjd     #abgh     #hch  #ahcc       
#bg1jae     #aeje     #fea  #ahcd       
#bg1eic     #adfd    #ajhc  #ahce       
#bd1cji     #adag     #ich  #ahcf       
#be1jfj     #agif     #hjd           99 
99       99       99       99           
,,valuations ,,of ,,apprentices ,,in    
,,jamaica4    ,from the #ast of ,august1
 #ahcd1 to #cast of ,may1 #ahcf1 #iih   
apprentices  purchased their freedom by 
valuation1 and paid #cc1iih4 ,from #cast
 ,may1  #ahcf1 to #ast ,november1 in the
 same year1 #ehb apprentices purchased  
themselves1 and paid #ah1bag--making1 in
 all1 #eb1baf--;a prodigious sum  to be 
furnished by the negroes in two years4  
,from the above statement it  appears   
that the desire to be free is daily     
becoming more general and  more intense1
 and that the price of liberty remains  

the same1 although  the term of         
apprenticeship is decreasing4 ,the      
amount paid by the  apprentices is a    
proof of the extent of the exertions and
 sacrifices  they are willing to make   
for freedom1 which can scarcely be      
appreciated  by those who are           
unacquainted with the disadvantages of  
their previous  condition4 ,the negroes 
frequently raise the money by loans to  
purchase  their freedom1 and they are   
scrupulous in repaying money lent them  
for  that purpose4    ,the above is     
extracted from the ,west ,indies in     
#ahcg1 an ,english work  by ,messrs4    
,sturge and ,harvey1 page #hf1          
,appendix4           99       99        
99       99       99    ,we insert the  
following tabular view of the crops in  
,jamaica for a  series of years         
preceding #ahcg4--;,as the table and    
,remarks appended  were first published 
in the ,st4 ,jago ,gazette1 a decided   
pro-slavery  paper1 we insert1 in       
connection with them1 the remarks of the

 ,jamaica  ,watchman1 published at      
,kingston1 and an article on the present
 condition  of slavery1 from the        
,telegraph1 published at ,spanishtown1  
the seat of  the colonial government4   
,a ,,general ,,return ,,of ,,exports    
,from the island of ,jamaica1 for #ec   
years1  ending #cast ,december1         
#ahcf--;copied from the ,journals of the
 ,house4         4                      
d                                       
,,mo-               e          ,,sugar  
,,rum          ,,las   ,,ginger      t  
,,ses               r     o     s       
s    s                            p     
d                 n    d                
x     a      s     s    o    a        s 
,e     e      e     l    e    e        l
                         h      c     e 
h    h   s    e   s   s           r     
s      r     r    c    s   k    r   k   
k     s     a     g      e     r    n   
g   s    r   s   s     g     e     o    
i     a    u    o   a    a   a   a     a
     ,y     ,h      ,t     ,b    ,p     

,h   ,c    ,b   ,c   ,c     ,b          
#aggb #fi1dea #i1icf  #bgj              
#aggc #gb1iifaa1dec  #hdi               
#aggd #fi1egi #i1bej  #bgh              
#agge #ge1bia #i1jij  #dbe              
#aggf                                   
#aghh #hc1jcf #i1befa1jfc               
#aghi #hd1afgaj1jgha1jgg                
#agij #hd1gda #i1bhda1eii               
#agia #he1ddg #h1jcga1gah               
#agib                                   
#agic #gg1ege #f1gbb  #fdbcd1gee  #hgi  
#fb #h1fje  #agid                       
#hi1ecbaa1aeha1bbdci1hdca1egj           
#abaaj1cje  #agie #hh1hea               
#i1ecga1bbecg1fhda1dge                  
#dbfad1hfa  #agif #hi1baiaj1gjj         
#hehdj1haja1cfd              #fijbj1bge 
#agig #gh1cgc #i1ifc  #gecbh1jada1dfc   
#beibi1jih  #agih                       
#hg1hifaa1gbea1afcdj1hbcb1bcd           
#aaiah1ded                              
#agiiaja1degac1echa1cbacg1jbba1iha      
#bbaaj1ceh  #ahjj                       
#if1cdgac1edia1fcacg1affa1cej           

#ddd #c1ehf                             
#ahjaabc1beaah1gjdb1fibdh1hgia1ead      
#ab   #bci                              
#ahjbabi1eddae1djcb1djcde1fcbb1jgc #dgc 
#bjecff   #bc #b1jgi                    
#ahjcajg1chgaa1hbea1gigdc1biha1daf      
#dfa   #ea #c1bhg                       
#ahjdajc1cebab1hjbb1bjgdb1bjg  #iac     
#dbia1jid #a1hed                        
#ahjeacg1ijfag1iggc1fhiec1baaa1cbh #acc 
#afgdga  #cae #b1abh                    
#ahjfacc1iifah1bcgc1egieh1aiaa1agh      
#dii  #dhe #a1hah                       
#ahjgabc1ageag1cddc1gafea1haba1iih      
#fii  #eab #a1daa                       
#ahjhaba1dddae1hcfb1fbeeb1djib1aif      
#cgi  #dcf #a1dgj                       
#ahjiajd1degad1eifc1ecddc1dibb1gag      
#bcjb1cba   #egb  #ahajajh1gjc          
#d1efjc1gaidb1ceca1ifd         #bic     
#ebj #a1hha                             
#ahaaabg1geaae1bcec1jdfed1jicb1jaa      
#ddfa1aaj #b1jgb                        
#ahabaje1bhcaa1cegb1eehdc1cdfa1eca      
#aea  #hjd #a1bce  #ahac                

#ig1edhaj1jbib1cjddd1faha1cde #chb      
#hgdbjh  #haf #a1dbh                    
#ahadaja1hdfaj1dheb1egedc1dhfa1eea      
#bjba1adfade  #hhd #a1ffh               
#ahaeaah1gfgab1bbdb1hageb1iifa1dfe      
#egda1cihbdba1dic #a1ffg  #ahaf #ic1hha 
#i1ccbb1bcfce1gcf  #gfi #bha            
#ijcaffb1ced #a1aah                     
#ahagaaf1jabaa1jidb1hfhdg1idia1jid #bjc 
#iafbedc1cfa #a1aie                     
#ahahaac1hahaa1chhb1ghfej1aiea1ajh #aba 
#aiadjgb1ebf #a1jfg                     
#ahaiajh1cjeaa1dejc1bdddc1idfa1fie      
#fjba1eehbeca1gad   #gah                
#ahbjaae1jfeaa1cbbb1dgdde1cfaa1ghc #ajf 
#dfjbeba1aei   #caf                     
#ahbaaaa1eabaa1gjca1igbdf1hjba1gic #aec 
#ecdafg  #ihd   #bgd  #ahbb #hh1eea     
#h1gjea1bibbh1gbha1abd   #i  #ddbadd    
#hia    #gb  #ahbc #id1ije              
#i1agia1idgce1bdba1ice  #bj             
#aahfada1jda    #fj  #ahbd #ii1bbe      
#i1feab1giacg1abac1bfa   #e             
#fdiajb1bcj    #eb  #ahbe #gc1hac       
#g1chjb1hehbg1fcjb1jgg #aja             

#baehidc1idg   #cdh  #ahbf #ii1igh      
#i1eadc1abfce1fajc1jiha1heb    #edie1gbd
   #eag  #ahbg #hb1jif                  
#g1dceb1ggjca1hdjb1fgba1egc    #bjdd1hga
   #bdj  #ahbh #id1iab                  
#i1dbhc1jbdcf1eheb1gica1jac    #ahie1chb
   #bgi  #ahbi #ia1cfd                  
#i1aicc1bjdcf1bheb1jji  #efc            
#ffd1aja   #afh  #ahcj #ic1hhb          
#h1gcic1fdecc1ceeb1fega1cfg    #aedc1did
    #ae  #ahca #hh1dji                  
#i1jecc1dibcd1gdcb1hdf  #ihb            
#bcjc1bbd    #bb  #ahcb #ia1dec         
#i1ihgd1fjjcb1jfjb1egja1cfb    #giid1gjb
    #ch  #ahcc #gh1cge                  
#i1cbed1jgdcc1baec1jcd  #igg            
#geed1hah    #bc  #ahcd #gg1hja         
#i1hfjc1jeecj1dieb1ehha1bhh    #dhfe1ibe
   #aaf  #ahce #ga1jag                  
#h1hdjh1deebf1dcca1hbj  #gdg            
#cjjc1ihe   #dhf  #ahcf #fa1fdd         
#g1gjgb1digai1ich  #hgd  #fdf           
#ahbe1bbd    #fi     4                  
d                            e          
,,pimento     ,,coffee     t            

r     o                           p     
x                                       
,,remarks   ,e                   s      
s             d       r     k     s     
n       a     s     g       u       e   
a     a       o       ,y     ,c     ,b  
,p        #aggb               #hda1eeh  
#aggc               #ggi1cjc  #aggd     
#gci1jci  #agge               #dic1iha  
#aggf                        #aghh      
#a1jce1cfh  #aghi             #a1dic1bhb
  #agij             #a1ghc1gdj  #agia   
#b1bii1hgd ,august--,destruction of     
#agib                          ,santo   
,domingo4  #agic   #dbj #i1ajh          
#c1ihc1egf  #agid   #eedbb1aec          
#d1iaa1edi  #agie   #iegbj1dea          
#f1cah1hab  #agif   #acf #i1hbj         
#g1bjc1eci  #agig   #cbh #b1ice         
#g1hfi1acc  #agih #a1aha #h1ifa         
#g1hid1cjf  #agii #a1gffbh1bgcaa1gde1dbe
 ,bourbon cane introduced4  #ahjj       
#fajab1geiaa1aaf1dgd  #ahja             
#fdhad1jhdac1dja1dfh  #ahjb   #eia      
#g1gicag1ifa1ibc  #ahjc                 

#hfgad1hgeae1hff1bia  #ahjd             
#a1dagai1egbbb1jfc1ihj  #ahje   #bhh    
#g1aegba1acg1cic ,largest sugar crop4   
#ahjf #a1jidai1ecdbi1bih1jcf  #ahjg     
#ebeai1bbdbf1gfa1ahh ,march #beth1      
abolition of  #ahjh   #bbe              
#f1ebibi1ebh1bgc    ,african slave      
trade4  #ahjiba1jbb #a1aggbe1ehf1ffh    
#ahaj #d1bgfba1afcbe1hhe1bhe  #ahaa     
#fchbb1jgdag1dfj1jfh  #ahab   #eih      
#g1gghah1dha1ihf  #ahac                 
#a1abdad1cfabd1fbc1egb ,storm in        
,october1 #ahab  #ahad                  
#cidaj1gaacd1jde1ehe ,largest coffee    
crop4  #ahae   #hddbg1chfbg1cfb1gdb     
#ahaf   #heabh1jdgag1bhi1cic ,storm in  
,october1 #ahae  #ahag                  
#idfae1hagad1gic1gjf  #ahah             
#idaba1jgabe1cbi1def  #ahai             
#hhbbd1ejjad1jia1ihc  #ahbj             
#fgcab1hhjbb1abg1ddd  #ahba             
#a1bbdbd1hbgaf1hai1gfa  #ahbb           
#fiiah1fgbai1ggc1iab ,extreme drought4  
#ahbc #a1hidba1dhabj1cbf1dde ,mr4       
,canning's resolutions  #ahbd           

#eiicc1cjfbg1ffg1bci    relative to     
slavery4  #ahbe   #ecgbj1igiba1bed1fef  
#ahbf   #ebbaf1dccbj1ceb1hhf ,severe    
drought in #ahbd1 the previous year4    
#ahbg #c1bcfbf1fiabe1gda1ebj  #ahbh     
#d1jjcbe1cebbb1baf1ghj  #ahbi           
#c1gccdh1iccbb1bcd1fdj  #ahcj           
#e1fjicg1ibebb1bef1iej  #ahca           
#b1hddbb1agjad1jee1cej  #ahcb           
#c1gcfbg1icfai1hae1jaj  #ahcc           
#g1gdaeh1eha #i1hff1jfj ,emancipation   
act passed4  #ahcd                      
#difbi1cjaag1gbe1gca ,seasons favorable4
  #ahce #a1aaeei1jccaj1eic1jah    do4   
#ahcf   #bbgdf1ggiac1ddf1jec    do4     
,the following are the remarks of the   
editor of the ,jamaica ,watchman1 on    
the foregoing1 in his paper of ,april   
#h1 #ahcg3--    ,a general return of    
exports from the island for fifty-three 
years1  ending the #cast ,december last1
 and purporting to be extracted from the
  journals of the assembly1 has been    
published1 and as usual1 the decrease   
in the crops of the respective years has

 been attributed to the  resolutions    
passed by the ,british ,house of        
,commons in #ahbc1 and the  abolition of
 slavery in #ahcc4 ,it is remarkable    
that in preparing this  table1 a        
manifest disposition is evinced to      
account for the falling off  of the     
crops in certain years anterior1 and    
subsequent to the passing of  ,mr4      
,canning's memorable resolution1 whilst 
opposite to the years #ahcd  and #ahce1 
is written seasons favorable4 ,in #ahac1
 the sugar crop fell  off #h1jjj hhds4  
compared with the previous year1 and we 
are told in  reference to this          
circumstance1 that there was a storm in 
,october1 #ahab4  ,this remark is       
evidently made to account for the       
decrease1 and perhaps  the storm at the 
close of the previous year was the cause
 of it4 ,but it  is astonishing1 and the
 circumstance is worthy of notice1 that 
whilst  the sugar crop fell off nearly  
#h1jjj hhds4 the coffee crop increased  
nearly six millions of pounds4 ,we      

should have supposed that the coffee    
trees would have suffered more from the 
effects of a storm1 than the  canes4    
,however1 the effect was as we have     
stated it1 whatever might have  been the
 cause4 ,in #ahad1 the largest coffee   
crop was made4 ,again1 in  #ahaf1 there 
was a decrease in the sugar crop        
compared with the year  immediately     
preceding it of nearly #be1jjj hhds4    
,and here we have the  storm of         
,october1 #ahae1 assigned as a reason4  
,the coffee crop in this  instance also 
fell off nearly ten millions of pounds4 
,in #ahbb1 the sugar  crop was reduced  
#bc1jjj hhds41 and the coffee crop      
increased three  millions of pounds4    
,the reason now assigned is an extreme  
drought4 ,the  celebrated resolutions   
relative to slavery now appear to begin 
to  exercise their baneful influence on 
the seasons and the soil of our  island4
 ,in the year in which they were passed1
 #ahbc1 #id1ijj hogsheads of  sugar were
 made1 and twenty millions of pounds of 

coffee gathered4 #ahbd  came1 and the   
crop1 instead of being reduced1 was     
increased from nearly  #ie1jjj hogsheads
 to upwards of #ii1jjj hogsheads4 ,the  
coffee crop was  also greater by seven  
millions of pounds4 ,in #ahbe1 they fall
 off to  #gc1hfj hogsheads and          
twenty-one millions4 ,in #ahbf1 the     
sugar crop rather  exceeded that of     
#ahbd1 but the coffee crop was seven    
millions less4 ,in  #ahbg1 from causes  
not known to us1 for none were assigned1
 there was a  difference of #af1jjj     
hhds4 of sugar1 and an increase of five 
millions of  pounds of coffee4 #ahbh1   
#bi1 and #cj1 were pretty nearly alike  
in sugar  and coffee crops1 and about   
equal to #ahbc4 ,the crops of #ahca fell
 off  from #ic to #hh1jjj hogsheads of  
sugar1 and from #bb to #ad millions of  
pounds of coffee4 ,no reason is assigned
 for this reduction4 ,it was  during the
 continuance of the driving system1 and 
therefore no blame can  attach to the   
managers4 ,in #ahcb1 the crop rose to   

#ia1jjj hogsheads of  sugar1 and nearly 
twenty millions of pounds of coffee4    
,but #ahcc comes1  and1 with it1 fresh  
troubles for the planters4 ,in that     
ill-fated year1  there was a decrease of
 #ac1jjj hogsheads sugar1 and of ten    
millions of  pounds of coffee4 ,its     
sugar crop was the smallest made1 with  
the  exception of that of #ahbe1 since  
#agic1 and its coffee crop since that of
  #agih4 ,but if this determination be  
alarming1 what must be that of the      
succeeding years4 ,can we be blamed1 if1
 in a strain truly lachrymal1 we  allude
 to the deductions which have annually  
been made from the  miserable return    
which #ahcc gave to the unfortunate     
proprietors of  estates8 ,what boots it 
to tell us that we have fingered        
thousands of  pounds sterling1 in the   
shape of compensation3 and what         
consolation is  it to know1 that a      
hogshead of sugar will now bring thirty 
pounds1  which1 a short time ago1 was   
only worth twelve4 ,let any unprejudiced

  individual look at the return now     
before us1 and say whether our          
prospects are not deplorably dull and   
obscure4 ,if we take the four years     
immediately preceding the passing of    
,mr4 ,canning's resolutions1 say  #ahai1
 #bj1 #ba1 and #bb2 we will find the    
average to be #aje1heh hogsheads1  and  
if from this we even deduct one fourth  
for the time now lost1 there  will be an
 average crop of #gi1cid hhds41 being   
#g1ahe hogsheads mere than  the average 
of #ahcc1 #cd1 #ce1 and #cf2 and no one 
will deny that this  falling off of one 
tenth1 7supposing that the hogsheads    
made during the  last four years are not
 larger than those of #ahai to #ahbb7 is
  nearly1 if not quite equal to the     
increase of price1 from twelve to       
thirty pounds1 or one hundred and fifty 
per cent4    ,it is true some persons   
may be disposed to take the four years  
subsequent to the passing of ,mr4       
,canning's resolutions1 say #ahbc1 #d1  
#e1  and #f1 and compare them with the  

four years ending #cast ,december last4 
,should this be done1 it will be found  
that the average crop of the  previous  
four years is #ia1ihj hhds41 and if from
 it is deducted one  fourth1 there will 
remain #fh1ihe hhds41 whilst the average
 of the other  four years is #gb1bjj    
hhds4 ,such a mode of comparison must1  
however1 be  obviously incorrect2       
because1 in the first place1 ,mr4       
,canning's  resolutions had reduced the 
crops of those years considerably below 
the  average of the years immediately   
preceding them1 and next1 because it    
would show the advantage to be on the   
side of freedom in the ratio of         
seventy-two to sixty-nine1 which cannot 
be correct4 ,besides1 in #ahbd1  there  
was a severe drought1 whereas in #ahcd  
and #ce the seasons are  reported as    
being favorable4 ,again1 it is          
necessary1 in instituting such  an      
inquiry1 to go back more than fourteen  
years2 nor is it a valid  objection to  
this to say1 that even during that      

period a number of  estates have been   
thrown out of cultivation1 in           
consequence of being  worn out and      
unprofitable4 ,deplorable1 however1 as  
is the falling off  in the yearly       
amounts of our staple productions1 which
 have decreased1  gentle reader1        
according to the despatch1 in an        
accelerated ratio  within the last few  
years1 till in the year #ahcf1 when they
 do not  average one half the returns of
 former years preceding that of #ahbc1  
the  year that ,mr4 ,canning's          
resolutions for the ultimate abolition  
of  slavery in the ,british colonies    
passed the ,house of ,commons1 still it 
is a matter of sincere gratification to 
know1 that the sugar planters  are      
better off now than they have been for  
the last fourteen or fifteen  years4    
,with the compensation money a great    
many of them have been  enabled to pay  
off their ,english debts1 and the       
remainder very  considerably to reduce  
them1 whilst the reduction in the       

quantity of  sugar produced1 has        
occasioned such a rise in the price of  
that article  as will place the former  
in easy circumstances1 and enable the   
latter  entirely to free themselves from
 the trammels of ,english mortgagees1   
and  the tender mercies of ,english     
mortgagees before the #ast ,august1     
#ahdj1  arrives4 ,and ought these       
parties not to be thankful8             
,unquestionably they  ought4            
,ingratitude1 we are told1 is as the sin
 of witchcraft1 and  although the table 
of exports exhibits our fair island as  
hastening to a  state of ruin1 and the  
despatch tells us that by the united    
influence  of mock philanthropy1        
religious cant1 and humbug1 a reformed  
parliament  was forced to precipitate   
the slavery spoliation act under the    
specious pretext of promoting the       
industry and improving the condition  of
 the manumitted slaves1 still we        
maintain1 and the reasonable will  agree
 with us1 that we are much better off   

now than we have been for a  long time1 
and that ,jamaica's brightest and       
happiest days have not yet  dawned4 ,let
 the croakers remember the remarkable   
words of the ,tory ,lord1  ,belmore1 the
 planter's friend1 and be silent--,the  
resources of this  fine island will     
never be fully developed until slavery  
ceases4 ,the  happiness and prosperity  
of the inhabitants of ,jamaica are not  
contingent1 nor need they be1 upon the  
number of hogsheads of sugar  annually  
exported from her shores4           99  
99       99       99       99    ,to the
 foregoing we add the remarks of the    
editor of the ,spanishtown  ,telegraph1 
on the present state of the colony1 made
 in his paper of ,may  #i1 #ahcg3--     
,when it was understood that the island 
of ,jamaica and the other      ,british 
,west ,indian colonies were to undergo  
the blessed transition      from slavery
 to freedom1 it was the hourly cry of   
the pro-slavery      party and press1   
that the ruin of ,jamaica would1 as a   

natural      consequence1 follow        
liberty6 ,commerce1 said they1 will     
cease2 hordes      of barbarians will   
come upon us and drive us from our own  
properties2 agriculture will be         
completely paralyzed2 and ,jamaica1     
in the space of a few short months1 will
 be seen buried in                      
ashes--irretrievably ruined4 ,such were 
the awful predictions of an      unjust1
 illiberal faction66 ,such the first    
fruits that were to      follow the     
incomparable blessings of liberty6 ,the 
staple productions      of the island1  
it was vainly surmised1 could never be  
cultivated      without the name of     
slavery2 rebellions1 massacres1         
starvation1      rapine and bloodshed1  
danced through the columns of the       
liberty-hating papers1 in mazes of      
metaphorical confusion4 ,in short1      
the name of freedom was1 according to   
their assertions1 directly              
calculated to overthrow our beautiful   
island1 and involve it in one      mass 

of ruin1 unequalled in the annals of    
history66 ,but what has      been the   
result8 ,all their fearful forebodings  
and horrible      predictions have been 
entirely disproved1 and instead of      
liberty      proving a curse1 she has1  
on the contrary1 unfolded her banners1  
and1 ere long1 is likely to reign       
triumphant in our land4 ,banks1         
steam companies1 railroads1 charity     
schools1 etc41 seem all to have         
remained dormant until the time arrived 
when ,jamaica was to be      enveloped  
in smoke6 ,no man thought of hazarding  
his capital in an      extensive banking
 establishment until ,jamaica's ruin1 by
 the      introduction of freedom1 had  
been accomplished66 ,no person was      
found possessed of sufficient energy to 
speak of navigation      companies in   
,jamaica's brightest days of slavery2   
but now that ruin      stares every one 
in the face--now that we have no longer 
the power      to treat out peasantry as
 we please1 they have taken it into     

their      heads to establish so        
excellent an undertaking4 ,railroads    
were not      dreamt of until darling   
slavery had 7in a great measure7        
departed1 and now1 when we thought of   
throwing up our estates1 and      flying
 from the dangers of emancipation1 the  
best projects are      being set on     
foot1 and what is worst1 are likely to  
succeed6      ,this is the way that our 
,jamaica folks1 no doubt1 reason with   
themselves4 ,but the reasons for the    
delay which have taken place in      the
 establishment of all these valuable    
undertakings1 are too      evident to   
require elucidation4 ,we behold the     
,despatch and      ,chronicle1 asserting
 the ruin of our island2 the overthrow  
of all      order and society2 and with 
the knowledge of all this1 they speak of
      the profits likely to result from 
steam navigation1 banking               
establishments1 and railroads6 ,what in 
the name of conscience1 can      be the 
use of steam-vessels when ,jamaica's    

ruin is so fast      approaching8 ,what 
are the planters and merchants to ship  
in steamers      when the apprentices   
will not work1 and there is nothing     
doing8 ,how      is the bank expected to
 advance money to the planters1 when    
their      total destruction has been   
accomplished by the abolition of        
slavery8      ,what1 in the name of     
reason1 can be the use of railroads1    
when      commerce and agriculture have 
been nipped in the bud1 by that         
baneful weed1 ,freedom8 ,let the unjust 
panderers of discord1 the      haters of
 liberty1 answer4 ,let them consider    
what has all this time      retarded the
 development of ,jamaica's resources1   
and they will find      that it was     
slavery2 yes1 it was its very name which
 prevented the      idea of undertakings
 such as are being brought about4 ,had  
it not      been for the introduction of
 freedom in our land2 had the cruel     
monster1 ,slavery1 not partially        
disappeared1 when would we have seen    

banks1 steamers1 or railroads8 ,no man  
thought of hazarding his      capital in
 the days of slavery1 but now that a new
 era has burst      upon us1 a complete 
change has taken possession of the      
hearts of all      just men1 and they   
think of improving the blessing of      
freedom by the      introduction of     
other things which must ever prove      
beneficial to      the country4         
,the vast improvements that are every   
day being effected in this      island1 
and throughout the other colonies1 stamp
 the assertions of      the pro-slavery 
party as the vilest falsehoods4 ,they   
glory in the      introduction of banks1
 steam-vessels1 and railroads2 with the 
knowledge 7as they would have us        
believe7 that the island is fast        
verging into destruction4 ,they speak of
 the utility and success of             
railroads1 when1 according to their     
showing1 there is no produce to      be 
sent to market1 when agriculture has    
been paralyzed1 and ,jamaica      swept 

to destruction4    99       99       99 
99       99    ,the following copious   
extracts from a speech of ,lord         
,brougham1 on the  workings of the      
apprenticeship1 and on the immediate    
emancipation  substituted therefor in   
,antigua and the ,bermudas1 are         
specially  commended to the notice of   
the reader4 ,the speech was delivered in
 the  ,house of ,lords1 ,feb4 #bj1      
#ahch4 ,we take it from the published   
report of  the speech in the ,london    
,times1 of ,feb4 #be3--        ,i now   
must approach that subject which has    
some time excited almost      universal 
anxiety4 ,allow me1 however1 first to   
remind your      lordships--because that
 goes to the root of the evil--allow me 
first      to remind you of the anxiety 
that existed previous to the            
,emancipation ,act which was passed in  
,january1 #ahcc1 coming into            
operation in ,august1 #ahcd4 ,my lords1 
there was much to apprehend      from   
the character of the masters of the     

slaves4 ,i know the nature      of man4 
99 99 99 99 ,i know that he who has     
abused power clings to it      with a   
yet more convulsive grasp4 ,i know his  
revenge against those      who have been
 rescued from his tyrannous fangs2 ,i   
know that he never      forgives those  
whom he has injured1 whether white or   
black4 ,i have      never yet met with  
an unforgiving enemy1 except in the     
person of one      of whose injustice ,i
 had a right to complain4 ,on the part  
of the      slaves1 my lords1 ,i was not
 without anxiety2 for ,i know the       
corrupt      nature of the degrading    
system under which they groaned4 99 99  
99 99 ,it      was1 therefore1 ,i       
confess1 my lords1 with some anxiety    
that ,i looked      forward to the #ast 
of ,august1 #ahcd2 and ,i yielded1      
though      reluctantly1 to the plan of 
an intermediate state before what was   
called the full enjoyment of            
freedom--the transition condition of    
indentured apprenticeship4        ,the  

first of ,august arrived--that day so   
confidently and joyously                
anticipated by the poor slaves1 and so  
sorely dreaded by their hard            
taskmasters--and if ever there was a    
picture interesting to look             
upon--if ever there was a passage in the
 history of a people      redounding to 
their eternal honor--if ever there was a
 complete      refutation of all the    
scandalous calumnies which had been     
heaped      upon them for ages1 as if in
 justification of the wrongs which we   
had done them--7,hear1 hear7--that      
picture and that passage are to be      
found in the uniform and unvarying      
history of that people throughout       
the whole of the ,west ,india islands4  
,instead of the fires of      rebellion1
 lit by a feeling of lawless revenge and
 resistance to      oppression1 the     
whole of those islands were1 like an    
,arabian scene1      illuminated by the 
light of contentment1 joy1 peace1 and   
good-will      towards all men4 ,no     

civilized people1 after gaining an      
unexpected      victory1 could have     
shown more delicacy and forbearance than
 was      exhibited by the slaves at the
 great moral consummation which they    
had attained4 ,there was not a look or a
 gesture which could gall the      eyes 
of their masters4 ,not a sound escaped  
from negro lips which      could wound  
the ears of the most feverish planter in
 the islands4      ,all was joy1 mutual 
congratulation1 and hope4        ,this  
peaceful joy1 this delicacy towards the 
feelings of others1 was      all that   
was to be seen1 heard1 or felt1 on that 
occasion1      throughout the ,west     
,india islands4        ,it was held that
 the day of emancipation would be one of
 riot and      debauchery1 and that even
 the lives of the planters would be     
endangered4 ,so far from this proving   
the case1 the whole of the      negro   
population kept it as a most sacred     
festival1 and in this      light ,i am  
convinced it will ever be viewed4       

,in one island1 where the bounty of     
nature seems to provoke the             
appetite to indulgence1 and to scatter  
with a profuse hand all the      means  
of excitement1 ,i state the fact when ,i
 say not one drunken      negro was     
found during the whole of the day4 ,no  
less than #hjj1jjj      slaves were     
liberated in that one day1 and their    
peaceful festivity      was disturbed   
only on one estate1 in one parish1 by an
 irregularity      which three or four  
persons sufficed to put down4           
,well1 my lords1 baffled in their       
expectations that the first of          
,august would prove a day of            
disturbance--baffled also in the        
expectation that no voluntary labor     
would be done--we were then told      by
 the practical men1 to look forward to a
 later period4 ,we have      done so1   
and what have we seen8 ,why1 that from  
the time voluntary      labor began1    
there was no want of men to work for    
hire1 and that      there was no        

difficulty in getting those who as      
apprentices had to      give the        
planters certain hours of work1 to      
extend1 upon emergency1      their      
period of labor1 by hiring out their    
services for wages to      strangers4 ,i
 have the authority of my noble friend  
behind me1 7the      ,marquis of        
,sligo17 who very particularly1 inquired
 into the matter1      when ,i state    
that on nine estates out of ten there   
was no difficulty      in obtaining as  
much work as the owners had occasion    
for1 on the      payment of wages4 ,how 
does all this contrast with the         
predictions of      the practical men8  
,oh1 said they1 in #ahcc1 it is idle    
talking2      the cart-whip must be     
used--without that stimulant no negro   
will      work--the nature of the negro 
is idle and indolent1 and without the   
thought of the cartwhip is before his   
eyes he falls asleep--put the           
cartwhip aside and no labor will be     
done4 ,has this proved the case8        

,no1 my lords1 it has not2 and while    
every abundance of voluntary      labor 
has been found1 in no one instance has  
the stimulus of the      cartwhip been  
found wanting4 ,the apprentices work    
well without the      whip1 and wages   
have been found quite as good a stimulus
 as the      scourge even to negro      
industry4 ,oh1 but it is said1 this may 
do      in cotton planting and cotton   
picking1 and indigo making2 but the     
cane will cease to grow1 the operation  
of hoeing will be known no      more1   
boiling will cease to be practised1 and 
sugar-making will      terminate        
entirely4 ,many1 ,i know1 were appalled 
by these      reasonings1 and the hopes 
of many were dissipated by these        
confident      predictions of these     
so-deemed experienced men4 ,but how     
stands the      case now8 ,my lords1 let
 these experienced men1 come forth with 
their      experience4 ,i will plant    
mine against it1 and you will find he   
will      talk no more of his experience

 when ,i tell him--tell him1 too1       
without fear of contradiction--that     
during the year which followed      the 
first of ,august1 #ahcd1 twice as much  
sugar per hour1 and of a      better    
quality as compared with the preceding  
years1 was stored      throughout the   
sugar districts2 and that one man1 a    
large planter1      has expressly       
avowed1 that with twenty freemen he     
could do more work      than with a     
hundred slaves or fifty indentured      
apprentices4 7,hear1      hear47 ,but   
,antigua6--what has happened there8     
,there has not been      even the system
 of indentured apprentices4 ,in ,antigua
 and the      ,bermudas1 as would have  
been the case at ,montserrat if the     
upper      house had not thrown out the 
bill which was prepared by the planters 
themselves1 there had been no           
preparatory step4 ,in ,antigua and the  
,bermudas1 since the first of ,august1  
#ahcd1 not a slave or indentured        
apprentice was to be found4 ,well1 had  

idleness reigned there--had             
indolence supplanted work--had there    
been any deficiency of crop8      ,no4  
,on the contrary1 there had been an     
increase1 and not a      diminution of  
crop4 7,hear47 ,but1 then1 it was said  
that quiet could      not be expected   
after slavery in its most complete and  
abject form      had so long reigned    
paramount1 and that any sudden          
emancipation must      endanger the     
peace of the islands4 ,the experience of
 the first of      ,august at once      
scattered to the winds that most        
fallacious prophecy4      ,then it was  
said1 only wait till ,christmas1 for    
that is a period      when1 by all who  
have any practical knowledge of the     
negro      character1 a rebellion on    
their part is most to be apprehended4   
,we      did wait for this dreaded      
,christmas2 and what was the result8 ,i 
will      go for it to ,antigua1 for it 
is the strongest case1 there being      
there no indentured apprentices--no     

preparatory state--no                   
transition--the chains being at once    
knocked off1 and the negroes      made  
at once free4 ,for the first time within
 the last thirty years1      at the     
,christmas of the year #ahcd1 martial   
law was not proclaimed in      the      
island of ,antigua4 ,you talk of        
facts--here is one4 ,you talk of        
experience--here it is4 ,and with these 
facts and this experience      before   
us1 ,i call on those soi-disant men of  
experience--those men      who scoffed  
at us--who laughed to scorn at what they
 called our      visionary1 theoretical 
schemes--schemes that never could be    
carried      into effect without        
rebellion and the loss of the           
colonies--,i say1      my lords1 ,i call
 on these experienced men to come       
forward1 and1 if      they can1 deny one
 single iota of the statement ,i am now 
making4 ,let      those who thought that
 with the use of those phrases1 a       
planter of      ,jamaica the ,west      

,india interest1 residence in ,jamaica  
and its      experience1 they could make
 our balance kick the beam--let them1 ,i
      say1 hear what ,i tell1 for it is 
but the fact--that when the chains      
were knocked off there was not a single 
breach of the peace      committed      
either on the day itself1 or on the     
,christmas festival      which followed4
        ,well1 my lords1 beaten from    
these two positions1 where did the      
experienced men retreat to under what   
flimsy pretext did they next            
undertake to disparage the poor negro   
race8 ,had ,i not seen it in      print1
 and been otherwise informed of the     
fact1 ,i could not have      believed it
 possible that from any reasonable man  
any such absurdity      could issue4    
,they actually held out this last fear1 
which1 like the      others1 was fated  
to be dissipated by the fact4 ,wait     
only1 said      they1 till the          
anniversary of the first of ,august1 and
 then you      will see what the negro  

character is1 and how little these      
indentured apprentices are fit to be    
entrusted with freedom4 ,was      there 
ever such an absurdity uttered1 as if my
 lords1 the man who      could meet with
 firm tranquillity and peaceful         
thankfulness the      event itself1 was 
likely to be raised to rebellion and    
rioting by      the recollection of it a
 year afterwards4 ,my lords1 in         
considering      this matter1 ,i ask    
you1 then1 to be guided by your own     
experience1      and nothing else2      
profit by it1 my lords1 and turn it to  
your own      account2 for it1 according
 to that book which all of us must      
revere1      teaches even the most      
foolish of a foolish race4 ,i do not ask
 you to      adopt as your own the      
experience of others2 you have as much  
as you      can desire of your own1 and 
by no other test do ,i wish or desire to
      be judged4 ,but ,i think my task  
may be said to be done4 ,i think ,i     
have proved my case1 for ,i have shown  

that the negro can work      without the
 stimulant of the whip2 ,i have shown   
that he can labor      for hire without 
any other motive than that of industry  
to inspire      him4 ,i have            
demonstrated that all over the ,west    
,indies1 even when      fatigued with   
working the allotted hours for the      
profit of his      master1 he can work  
again for wages for him who chooses to  
hire him      and has wherewithal to pay
 him2 ,i have also most distinctly shown
      that the experience of ,antigua   
and the ,bermudas is demonstrative to   
show that without any state of          
preparation1 without any indenture of   
apprenticeship at all1 he is fit to be  
intrusted with his freedom1      and    
will work voluntarily as a free laborer 
for hire4 ,but ,i have      also        
demonstrated from the same experience1  
and by reference to the      same state 
of facts1 that a more quiet1            
inoffensive1 peaceable1      innocent   
people1 is not to be found on the face  

of this earth than      the negro--not  
in their own unhappy country1 but after 
they have      been removed from it and 
enslaved in your ,christian land1 made  
the      victim of the barbarizing demon
 of civilized powers1 and has all       
this character1 if it were possible to  
corrupt it1 and his feelings1      if it
 were possible to pervert them1         
attempted to be corrupted and           
perverted by ,christian and civilized   
men1 and that in this state1      with  
all incentives to misdemeanor poured    
around him1 and all the      temptation 
to misconduct which the arts and        
artifices and examples      of civilized
 man can give hovering over him--that   
after this      transition is made from 
slavery to apprenticeship1 and from     
slavery      to absolute freedom1 a     
negro's spirit has been found to rival  
the      unbroken tranquillity of the   
,caribbean ,seas4 7,cheers47 ,this was  
not      the state of things we         
expected1 my lords2 and in proof that it

 was      not so1 ,i have but to refer  
you to the statute book itself4 ,on what
      ground did you enact the          
intermediate state of indenture         
apprenticeship1 and on what arguments   
did you justify it8 ,you felt      and  
acknowledged that the negro had a right 
to be free1 and that you      had no    
right to detain him in bondage4 ,every  
one admitted this1 but      in the      
prevailing ignorance of their character 
it was apprehended      that they could 
not be made free at once1 and that time 
was      requisite to train the negro to
 receive the boon it was intended       
bestowing upon him4        ,this was the
 delusion which prevailed1 and which was
 stated in the      preamble of the     
statute--the same delusion which had    
made the men on      one side state and 
the other to believe that it was        
necessary to pay      the slave-owners  
for the loss it was supposed they would 
sustain4      ,but it was found to be a 
baseless fear1 and the only result of   

the      phantom so conjured up was a   
payment of twenty millions to the       
conjurors4 7,hear1 and a laugh47 ,now1  
,i maintain that had we known      what 
we now know of the character of the     
negroes1 neither would this             
compensation have been given to the     
slave-owners1 nor we have been          
guilty of proposing to keep the negro in
 slavery five years1 after we      were 
decided that he had a right to his      
freedom4 ,the noble and      learned    
lord here proceeded to contend that up  
to the present time      the            
slave-owners1 so far from being         
sufferers1 had been gainers by      the 
abolition of slavery and the enactment  
of the system of      apprenticeship1   
and that consequently up to the present 
moment      nothing had occurred to     
entitle them to a claim upon the        
compensation allotted by parliament4    
,the slave-owners might be said      to 
have pocketed the seven millions without
 having the least claim      to them1   

and therefore1 in considering the       
proposition he was about      to make1  
parliament should bear in mind that the 
slave proprietors      were1 if         
anything1 the debtors to the nation4    
,the money had1 in      fact1 been paid 
to them by mistake1 and1 were the       
transaction one      between man and    
man1 an action for its recovery might   
lie4 ,but the      slave-owners alleged 
that if the apprenticeship were now done
 away      there would be a loss1 and   
that to meet that loss they had a right 
to the money4 ,for argument's sake he   
would suppose this to be true1      and 
that there would be loss2 but would it  
not be fair that the      money should  
be lodged in the hands of a third party1
 with authority      to pay back at the 
expiration of the two years whatever    
rateable sum      the master could prove
 himself to have lost8 ,his firm belief 
was1      that no loss could arise2 but1
 desirous to meet the planter at every  
point1 he should have no objection to   

make terms with him4 ,let him1          
then1 pay the money into court1 as it   
were1 and at the end of two      years  
he should be fully indemnified for any  
loss he might prove4 ,he      called    
upon their lordships to look to ,antigua
 and the ,bermudas for      proof that  
the free negro worked well1 and that no 
loss was      occasioned to the planters
 or their property by the granting of   
emancipation4 ,but it was said that     
there was a difference between      the 
cases of ,antigua and other colonies1   
such as ,jamaica1 and it was      urged 
that while the negroes of the former1   
from the smallness and      barrenness  
of the place1 would be forced into work1
 that in the      latter they would run 
away1 and take refuge in the woods4     
,now1 he      asked1 why should the     
negro run away from his work1 on being  
made      free1 more than during the    
continuance of his apprenticeship8 ,why1
      again1 should it be supposed that 
on the #ast of ,august1 #ahdj1 the      

emancipated negroes should have less    
inclination to betake      themselves to
 the woods than in #ahch8 ,if there was 
a risk of the      slaves running to the
 woods in #ahch1 that risk would be     
increased      and not diminished during
 the intermediate period up to #ahdj1 by
 the      treatment they were receiving 
from their masters1 and the deferring   
of their hopes4        ,my lords1       
7continued the noble lord17 ,i have now 
to say a few words      upon the        
treatment which the slaves have received
 during the past      three years of    
their apprenticeship1 and which1 it is  
alleged1      during the next two years 
is to make them fitted for absolute     
emancipation4 ,my lords1 ,i am prepared 
to show that in most respects      the  
treatment the slaves have received since
 #ahcd is no better1 and      in many   
others more unjust and worse1 than it   
ever was in the time      of absolute   
slavery4 ,it is true that the use of the
 cartwhip as a      stimulus to labor   

has been abolished4 ,this1 ,i admit1 is 
a great and      most satisfactory      
improvement2 but1 in every other        
particular1 the      state of the slave1
 ,i am prepared to show1 is not         
improved1 and1 in      many respects1 it
 is materially worse4 ,first1 with      
regard to the      article of food1 ,i  
will compare the ,jamaica prison        
allowance with      that allotted to the
 apprenticed negroes in other colonies4 
,in the      ,jamaica prison the        
allowance of rice is #ad pints a week to
 each      person4 ,i have no return of 
the allowance to the indentured         
apprentice in ,jamaica1 but ,i believe  
it is little over this2 but in          
,barbadoes and the ,leeward ,islands1 it
 is much under4 ,in ,barbadoes1         
instead of receiving the ,jamaica prison
 allowance of #ad pints a      week1 the
 apprenticed negro received but #aj     
pints3 while in the      ,leeward       
,islands he had but #h pints4 ,in the   
crown colonies1 before      #ahcd1 the  

slave received #ba pints of rice1 now   
the apprentice gets      but #aj2 so    
that in the material article1 food1 no  
improvement in the      condition of the
 negro was observable4 ,then1 with      
regard to time1 it      is obviously of 
the utmost importance that the          
apprentice should      have at least two
 holidays and a half a week--the        
,sabbath for      religious worship and 
instruction1 the ,saturday to attend the
      markets1 and half of ,friday to   
work in his own garden4 ,the act of     
emancipation specified #de hours a week 
as the period the apprentice      was to
 work for his master1 but the master so 
contrived matters as      in most       
instances to make the #de hours the law 
allotted him run into      the          
apprentice's half of ,friday1 and even  
in some cases into the      ,saturday4  
,the planter invariably counted the time
 from the moment      that the slave    
commenced his work2 and as it often     
occurs that his      residence was on   

the border of the estate1 he may have to
 walk five      or six miles to get to  
the place he has to work4 ,this was a   
point      which he was sure their      
lordships would agree with him in       
thinking      required alteration4      
,the next topic to which ,i shall advert
 relates to the administration      of  
justice2 and this large and important   
subject ,i cannot pass over      without
 a word to remind your lordships how    
little safe it is1 how      little      
deserving the name of just1 or any thing
 like just1 that      where you have two
 classes you should separate them into  
conflicting      parties1 until they    
became so exasperated in their          
resentment as      scarcely to regard   
each other as brethren of the same      
species2 and      that you should place 
all the administration of justice in the
 hands      of one dominant class1 whose
 principles1 whose passions whose       
interests1 are all likely to be         
preferred by the judges when they       

presume to sit where you have placed    
them on the judgment seat4 ,the         
chief and puisne judges are raised to   
their situations from amongst      the  
class which includes the white men and  
planters4 ,but1 worse than      that1   
the jurors are taken from the same      
privileged body3 jurors1      who are to
 assess civil damages in actions for    
injuries done to the                    
negroes--jurors1 who are to try bills of
 indictment against the      whites for 
the maltreatment of the blacks--jurors  
who are to convict      or acquit on    
those bills--jurors who are to try the  
slaves      themselves--nay1            
magistrates1 jailors1 turnkeys1 the     
whole apparatus      of justice1 both   
administrative and executive1           
exclusively in the      hands of one    
race6 ,what is the consequence8 ,why1 it
 is proverbial      that no bills are   
found for the blacks4 7,hear1 hear47    
,six bills of      indictment were      
preferred1 some for murder and some for 

bad      manslaughter1 and at one       
assizes every one of these six          
indictments      was thrown out4        
,assizes after assizes the same thing   
happened1 until      at length wagers   
were held that no such bill would be    
found1 and no      one was found to     
accept them4 ,well was it for them that 
they      declined1 for every one of the
 bills preferred was ignored4 ,now1     
observe that in proceedings1 as your    
lordships know2 before grand            
jurors1 not a tittle of evidence is     
heard for the prisoners2 every          
witness is in favor of the indictment1  
or finding of the bill2 but      in all 
these instances the bills were flung out
 on the examination      of evidence    
solely against the prisoner4 ,even in   
the worst cases of      murder1 as      
certainly and plainly committed as the  
sun shines at noon      day1 monstrous  
to all1 the bills were thrown out when  
half the      witnesses for the         
prosecution remained to be examined4    

7,hear1 hear47      ,some individuals   
swore against the prisoners1 and though 
others      tendered their evidence1 the
 jury refused to hear them4 7,hear1     
hear47 ,besides1 the punishments        
inflicted are monstrous2 thirty-nine    
lashes are inflicted for the vague1     
indefinite--because incapable to      be
 defined--offence of insolence4         
,thirty-nine lashes for the grave       
and the more definite1 ,i admit1 offence
 of an attempt to carry a      small    
knife4 ,three months imprisonment1 or   
fifty lashes for the      equally grave 
offence of cutting off the shoot of a   
cane plant6      ,there seems to have   
prevailed at all times amongst the      
governors of      our colonies a        
feeling1 of which1 ,i grieve to say1 the
 governors at      home have ever and   
anon largely partaken1 that there is    
something in      the nature of a       
slave--something in the habits of the   
,african      negro--something in the   
disposition of the unfortunate hapless  

victims of our own crimes and cruelties1
 which makes what is mercy      and     
justice to other men cruelty to society 
and injustice to the law      in the    
case of the negro1 and which condemns   
offences slightly      visited1 if      
visited at all1 with punishment1 when   
committed by other      men1 to the     
sentence that for his obdurate nature   
none can be too      severe4 7,hear1    
hear47 ,as if we had any one to blame   
but      ourselves--as if we had any    
right to visit on him that character if 
it were obdurate1 those habits if they  
were insubordinate1 that      dishonest 
disposition if it did corrupt his       
character1 all of which      ,i deny1   
and which experience proves to be       
contrary to the fact and      truth2 but
 even if these statements were all truth
 instead of being      foully slanderous
 and absolutely false1 we1 of all men1  
have      ourselves to blame1 ourselves 
to tax1 and ourselves to punish1 at     
least for the self abasement1 for we    

have been the very causes of            
corrupting the negro character4         
7,cheers47        ,if some capricious   
despot1 in his career of ordinary       
tyranny1 were      to tax his           
imagination to produce something more   
monstrous and      unnatural than       
himself1 and were to place a dove       
amongst vultures1      or engraft a     
thorn on the olive tree1 much as we     
should marvel at      the caprice1 we   
should be still more astounded at the   
expectation1      which exceeds even a  
tyrant's proverbial unreasonableness1   
that he      should gather grapes from  
the thorn1 or that the dove should be   
habituated to a thirst for blood4 ,yet  
that is the caprice1 that is      the   
unreasonable1 the foul1 the gross1 the  
monstrous1 the      outrageous1         
incredible injustice of which we are    
hourly guilty      towards the whole    
unhappy race of negroes4 7,cheers47 ,my 
lords1 we      fill up the incasare of  
injustice by severely executing laws    

badly      conceived in a still more    
atrocious and cruel spirit4 ,the whole  
punishments smell of blood4 7,hear1     
,hear47 ,if the treadmill stop in       
consequence of the languid limbs and    
exhausted frames of the      victims1   
within a minute the lash resounds       
through the building--if      the stones
 which they are set to break be not     
broken by limbs      scarred1 and       
marred1 and whaled1 they are summoned by
 the crack of      the whip to their    
toilsome task6 ,i myself have heard     
within the last      three hours1 from a
 person1 who was an eye-witness of the  
appalling      and disgusting fact1 that
 a leper was introduced amongst the     
negroes2 and in passing let me remark1  
that in private houses or      hospitals
 no more care has been taken to separate
 those who are      stricken with       
infectious diseases from the sound      
portion1 any more      than to furnish  
food to those in prison who are         
compelled1 from the      unheard-of1 the

 paltry1 the miserable disposition to   
treat with      cruelty the victims of a
 prison1 to go out and gather their own 
food1--a thing which ,i believe even the
 tyrant of ,siberia does not            
commit4 ,yet in that prison1 where blood
 flows profusely1 and the      limbs of 
those human beings are subjected to     
perpetual torture1 the      frightful1  
the nauseous1 the disgusting--except    
that all other      feelings are lost in
 pity towards the victim and indignation
 against      the oppressor--sight was  
presented of a leper1 scarred from the  
eruptions of disease on his legs and    
previous mistreatment1 whaled      again
 and again1 and his blood again made to 
flow from the jailer's      lash4 ,i    
have told your lordships how bills have 
been thrown out for      murdering the  
negroes4 ,but a man had a bill presented
 for this      offence3 a petition was  
preferred1 and by a white man4 ,yes1 a  
white      man who had dared1 under     
feelings of excited indignation1 to     

complain to the regularly constituted   
authorities1 instead of      receiving  
for his gallant conduct the thanks of   
the community1 had a      bill found    
which was presented against him as a    
nuisance4 ,i have1      within the last 
two hours1 amid the new mass of papers  
laid before      your lordships within  
the last forty-eight hours1 culled a    
sample      which1 ,i believe1          
represents the whole odious mass4       
,eleven females have been flogged1      
starved1 lashed1 attached to the        
treadmill1 and compelled to work until  
nature could no longer endure      their
 sufferings4 ,at the moment when the    
wretched victims were about      to fall
 off--when they could no longer bring   
down the mechanism and      continue the
 movement1 they were suspended by their 
arms1 and at      each revolution of the
 wheel received new wounds on their     
members1      until1 in the language of 
that law so grossly outraged in their   
persons1 they languished and died4 ,ask 

you if a cringe of this      murderous  
nature went unvisited1 and if no inquiry
 was made      respecting its           
circumstances8 ,the forms of justice    
were observed2      the handmaid was    
present1 but the sacred mistress was far
 away4 ,a      coroner's inquest was    
called2 for the laws decreed that no    
such      injuries should take place    
without having an inquiry instituted4   
,eleven inquisitions were held1 eleven  
inquiries were made1 eleven             
verdicts were returned4 ,for murder8    
,manslaughter8 ,misconduct8 ,no2        
but that they died by the visitation of 
,god4 ,a lie--a perjury--a              
blasphemy6 ,the visitation of ,god6     
,yes1 for of the visitations of the     
,divine being by which the inscrutable  
purposes of his will are                
mysteriously worked out1 one of the most
 mysterious is the power      which1    
from time to time1 is allowed by him to 
be exercised by the      wicked for the 
torment of the innocent4 7,cheers47 ,but

 of those      visitations prescribed by
 ,divine ,providence there is one yet   
more      inscrutable1 for which it is  
still more difficult to affix a reason1 
and that is1 when heaven rolls down on  
this earth the judgment1 not      of    
scorpions1 or the plague of pestilence1 
or famine1 or war--but      incomparably
 the worse plague1 the worser judgment1 
of the injustice      of judges who     
become betrayers of the law--perjured1  
wicked men who      abuse the law which 
they are sworn to administer1 in order  
to      gratify their own foul passions1
 to take the part of the wrong-doer     
against his victim1 and to forswear     
themselves on ,god's gospel1 in         
order that justice may not be done4 99  
99 99 99 ,my lords1 ,i entirely         
concur in what was formerly said by ,mr4
 ,burke1 and afterwards      repeated by
 ,mr4 ,canning1 that while the making of
 laws was confined      to the owners of
 slaves1 nothing they did was ever found
 real or      effectual4 ,and when1     

perchance1 any thing was accomplished1  
it had      not1 as ,mr4 ,burke said1 an
 executive principle4 ,but1 when they   
find you determined to do your duty1 it 
is proved1 by the example      which    
they have given in passing the          
,apprenticeship ,amendment ,act1        
that they will even outstrip you to     
prevent your interference with          
them4 99 99 99 99 ,place the negroes on 
the same footing with other men1        
and give them the uncontrolled power    
over their time and labor1 and      it  
will become the interest of the planter1
 as well as the rest of      the        
community1 to treat the negro well1 for 
their comfort and      happiness depend 
on his industry and good behavior4 ,it  
is a      consequence perfectly clear1  
notwithstanding former distinctions1    
notwithstanding the difference of color 
and the variety of race in      that    
population1 the negro and the ,west     
,indian will in a very few              
generations--when the clank of his chain

 is no longer heard1 when      the      
oppression of the master can vex no     
more1 when equal rights are      enjoyed
 by all1 and all have a common interest 
in the general      prosperity--be      
impressed with a sense of their having  
an equal share      in the promotion of 
the public welfare2 nay1 that social    
improvement1 the progress of knowledge1 
civility1 and even      refinement      
itself1 will proceed as rapidly and     
diffuse itself as      universally in   
the islands of the ,western ,ocean as in
 any part of      her ,majesty's        
dominions4 99 99 99 99        ,i see no 
danger in the immediate emancipation of 
the negro2 ,i see no      possible      
injury in terminating the               
apprenticeship1 7which we now      have 
found should never have been adopted17  
and in causing it to      cease for     
slaves previous to ,august1 #ahch1 at   
that date1 as those      subsequent to  
that date must in that case be exempt4  
99 99 99 99 ,i      regard the freedom  

of the negro as accomplished and sure4  
,why8      ,because it is his           
right--because he has shown himself fit 
for      it--because a pretext or a     
shadow of a pretext can no longer be    
devised for withholding that right from 
its possessor4 ,i know that      all men
 now take a part in the question1 and   
that they will no      longer bear to be
 imposed upon now they are well         
informed4 ,my      reliance is firm and 
unflinching upon the great change which 
,i have      witnessed--the education of
 the people unfettered by party or by   
sect--from the beginning of its         
progress1 ,i may say from the hour of   
its birth4 ,yes2 it was not for a humble
 man like me to assist at      royal    
births with the illustrious prince who  
condescended to grace      the pageant  
of this opening session1 or the great   
captain and      statesman in whose     
presence ,i now am proud to speak4 ,but 
with that      illustrious prince1 and  
with the father of the ,queen ,i        

assisted at      that other birth1 more 
conspicuous still4 ,with them and with  
the      lord of the house of ,russel ,i
 watched over its cradle--,i marked its 
growth--,i rejoiced in its strength--,i 
witnessed its maturity--,i have         
been spared to see it ascend the very   
height of supreme      power--directing 
the councils of the state--accelerating 
every great      improvement--uniting   
itself with every good work--propping   
honorable      and useful               
institutions--extirpating abuses in all 
our      institutions--passing the      
bounds of our dominion1 and in the new  
world1 as in the old1 proclaiming that  
freedom is the birthright of            
man--that distinction of color gives no 
title to oppression--that      the      
chains now loosened must be struck off1 
and even the marks they      have left  
effaced by the same eternal law of our  
nature which makes      nations the     
masters of their own destiny1 and which 
in ,europe has      caused every        

tyrant's throne to quake4 ,but they need
 to feel no      alarm at the progress  
of right who defend a limited monarchy  
and      support their popular          
institutions--who place their chiefest  
pride      not in ruling over slaves1 be
 they white or be they black--not in    
protecting the oppressor1 but in wearing
 a constitutional crown1 in      holding
 the sword of justice with the hand of  
mercy1 in being the      first citizen  
of a country whose air is too pure for  
slavery to      breathe1 and on whose   
shores1 if the captive's foot but touch1
 his      fetters of themselves fall    
off4 7,cheers47 ,to the resistless      
progress      of this great principle ,i
 look with a confidence which nothing   
can      shake2 it makes all improvement
 certain--it makes all change safe      
which it produces2 for none can be      
brought about1 unless all has      been 
accomplished in a cautious and salutary 
spirit4 ,so now the      fulness of time
 is come2 for our duty being at length  

discharged to      the ,african captive1
 ,i have demonstrated to you that every 
thing is      ordered--every previous   
step taken--all safe1 by experience     
shown to      be safe1 for the          
long-desired consummation4 ,the time has
 come--the      trial has been made--the
 hour is striking3 you have no longer a 
pretext for hesitation1 or faltering1 or
 delay4 ,the slave has shown1      by   
four years' blameless behavior and      
devotion1 unsurpassed by any            
,english peasant1 to the pursuit of     
peaceful industry1 that he is as        
fit for his freedom as any lord whom ,i 
now address4 ,i demand his              
rights--,i demand his liberty without   
stint1 in the names of justice      and 
of law--in the name of reason--in the   
name of ,god1 who has given      you no 
right to work injustice4 ,i demand that 
your brother be no      longer trampled 
upon as your slave4 7,hear1 hear47 ,i   
make my appeal      to the ,commons1 who
 represent the free people of ,england2 

and ,i      require at their hands the  
performance of that condition for which 
they paid so enormous a price--that     
condition which all their               
constituents are in breathless anxiety  
to see fulfilled6 ,i appeal to      his 
house--the hereditary judges of the     
first tribunal in the      world--to you
 ,i appeal for justice4 ,patrons of all 
the arts that      humanize mankind1    
under your protection ,i place humanity 
herself6 ,to      the merciful          
,sovereign of a free people ,i call     
aloud for mercy to      the hundreds of 
thousands in whose behalf half a million
 of her      ,christian sisters have    
cried aloud1 that their cry may not have
      risen in vain4 ,but first ,i turn 
my eye to the throne of all justice1    
and devoutly humbling myself before ,him
 who is of purer eyes than to           
behold any longer such vast             
iniquities--,i implore that the curse   
over our heads of unjust oppression be  
averted from us--that your      hearts  

may be turned to mercy--and that over   
all the earth ,his will      may at     
length be done6           99       99   
99       99       99    ,,index4        
,,absconding from labor1  ,accident in a
 boiling house1  ,aged negro1           
,allowance to ,apprentices1             
,amalgamation1  ,american ,consul1 7,see
 ,consul47  ,american ,prejudice1       
,amity ,hall ,estate1  ,anderson1 ,wm4  
,,ii4 ,esq41  ,anguilla1  ,annual       
,meeting of ,missionaries1  ,antigua1   
,dimensions of1          ,sugar ,crop   
of1  ,applewhitte1 ,mr4  ,appraisement  
of ,apprentices1  ,apprentice1          
provisions respecting the1              
,apprenticeship compared with slavery1  
,apprenticeship ,system1                
,design of1                ,good effect 
of1                ,no preparation for  
freedom1  ,apprenticeship1 ,operation   
of1  ,apprenticeship1 ,opinion of1 in   
,antigua2--in ,barbadoes2--in ,jamaica1 
,apprentices liberated1  ,apprentices'  
work compared with slaves  ,archdeacon  

of ,antigua1            of ,barbadoes1  
,aristocracy of ,antigua1  ,armstrong1  
,mr4 ,h41  ,ashby1 ,colonel1  ,athill1  
,mr41  ,attachment to home1  ,attorney  
,general of ,jamaica1  ,attendance on   
,church  ,august1 ,first of    ,baijer1 
,hon4 ,samuel ,o41  ,baines1 ,major1    
,banks1 ,rev4 ,mr41  ,baptist ,chapel   
,baptists in ,jamaica1  ,barbadoes1     
,barbuda1  ,barber in ,bridgetown1      
,barclay1 ,alexander1 ,esq41  ,barnard1 
,samuel1 ,esq41  ,barrow1 ,colonel1     
,bath1  ,bazaar1  ,bell1 ,dr41  ,belle  
,estate1  ,bell not tolled for colored  
person1  ,belly1 'blige 'em to work1    
,belmore1 ,lord1  ,belvidere ,estate1   
,benevolent institutions of ,antigua1   
,bible ,society1  ,bishop of ,barbadoes1
  ,blessings of ,abolition1 7,see       
,morals1 c47  ,blind man1  ,boiling     
,house1  ,bookkeepers1 ,slaver of1      
,bornin' ,ground1  ,bourne1 ,mr4        
,london1  ,bourne1 ,mr4 ,s41 7of        
,antigua17  ,bourne1 ,stephen1 ,esq41   
7of ,jamaica17  ,breakfast at ,mr4      

,bourne's1           at ,mr4 ,prescod's1
           at ,mr4 ,thorne's1  ,briant1 
,mr41  ,bridgetown1  ,brown1 ,colonel1  
,brown1 ,thomas ,c41    ,c41 ,mr41 of   
,barbadoes1  ,cage1  ,cane cultivated by
 apprentices on their own ground1       
,cane-cutting1  ,cane-holing1  ,cecil1  
,mr41  ,cedar ,hall1  ,chamberlain1 ,r41
 ,esq41  ,change of opinion in regard to
 slavery1  ,chapel erected by           
apprentices1  ,character of colored     
people1  ,cheesborough1 ,rev4 ,mr41     
,children1 care of1 7,see ,free47       
,christmas1  ,church1 ,established1     
,civility of negroes1  ,clarke1 ,dr41   
,clarke1 ,hon4 ,r4,b41  ,clarke1 ,mr41  
,classification of apprentices1         
,codrington ,estate1  ,coddrington1 ,sir
 ,christopher4  ,coffee ,estates4       
,college1 ,coddrington4  ,colliton      
,estate4  ,colored ,architect4          
,editors4         ,lady4                
,legislators4         ,magistrates4     
,merchants4         ,policemen4         
,population4         ,proprietor4       

,teachers4  ,colthurst1 ,major4         
,complaints to ,special ,magistrates4   
,concubinage4  ,condition of the        
negroes1 changed4  ,conduct of the      
,emancipated on the first of ,august4   
,confidence increased4  ,conjugal       
attachment4  ,consul1 ,american at      
,antigua4                 at ,jamaica4  
,constabulary force1 colored4           
,contributions for religious purposes4  
,conversation with a negro boatman4     
,conversation with negroes on ,harvey's 
estate4  ,conversation with apprentices4
  ,corbett1 ,mr4 ,trial of4  ,corner    
stone laid4  ,courts in ,barbadoes4     
,courts in ,jamaica4  ,cox1 ,rev4       
,james4  ,cranstoun1 ,mr4  ,crimes1     
,diminution of4  ,crimes in ,jamaica4   
,crookes1 ,rev4 ,mr4  ,crops in         
,barbadoes4  ,crops in ,jamaica4        
,cruelty of slavery4         to         
apprentices4  ,cultivation in           
,barbadoes1 7,see ,crops47  ,cultivation
 in ,jamaica4  ,cummins1 ,mr4  ,cummins1
 ,rev4 ,mr4  ,cuppage1 ,captain4        

,custom ,house returns1 ,barbadoes4     
,daily meal ,society4  ,dangers of      
slavery4  ,daniell1 ,dr4  ,death-bed of 
a planter4  ,deception4  ,defect of law4
  ,demerara1 ,apprenticeship in4        
,desire for instruction4  ,dinner at    
,mr4 ,harris's4        at the           
,governor's4  ,disabilities of colored  
people4  ,discussion1 ,effect of4       
,distinction between serving and being  
property4  ,distressed ,females' ,friend
 ,society4  ,disturbances1 ,reason of4  
,docility of the negroes4  ,domestic    
,apprentices4  ,donovan's ,estate4      
,drax ,hall4  ,dress in ,antigua4       
,driver and overseer4  ,drought in      
,antigua4  ,dublin ,castle ,estate4     
,duncan1 ,mr4  ,dungeons in ,antigua4   
in ,barbadoes4    ,economy of the       
negroes4  ,edgecomb ,estate4  ,edmonson1
 ,rev4 ,jonathan4  ,education of        
,apprentices4           in ,antigua4    
in ,barbadoes4 7,see ,schools47         
,education1 ,queries on1 replied to4    
,results1 in regard to4  ,edwards1      

,colonel4  ,eldridge1 ,r4 ,b4 ,esq44    
,elliot1 ,rev4 ,edward4  ,emancipation1 
,immediate4 7,see ,preparation1 c47     
,emancipation1 ,motives of1 in ,antigua4
  ,emigrants from ,europe4  ,employments
 of the colored4  ,english ,delegation4 
,enrolment of colored militia4  ,escape 
of slaves from ,french islands4         
,expectations in regard to #ahch and    
#ahdj4  ,expense of free compared with  
slave labor4  ,expense of               
,apprenticeship compared with slavery4  
,explanation of terms4  ,exports of     
,jamaica for #ec years4    ,fair of ,st4
 ,john's4  ,favey1 ,mr4  ,feeding in    
,barbadoes4  ,feeling1 intense1 of the  
negroes4  ,females in the field4        
,fences wanting in ,antigua4  ,ferguson1
 ,dr4  ,fines upon the planters4  ,fire 
in the canes4  ,fitch's ,creek ,estate4 
,flogging4          machine4  ,forten1  
,james4  ,four and a half per cent tax4 
,fraser1 ,rev4 ,edward4         ,mrs41  
----  ,free children4  ,freedom in      
,antigua4  ,free labor less expensive4  

,freeman1 ,count4  ,frey's ,estate4     
,friendly ,societies4  ,fright of       
,american vessels4    ,galloway1 ,mr4   
,gangs1 ,division of4  ,gardiner1 ,rev4 
,mr4  ,gilbert1 ,rev4 ,n4  ,girl sold by
 her mother4  ,gitters1 ,rev4 ,mr4      
,golden ,grove ,estate4  ,gordon1 ,mr4  
,governor of ,antigua4          of      
,barbadoes4  ,grace ,bay4  ,grenada4    
,grandfather ,jacob4  ,gratitude of the 
,negroes4  ,grecian ,regale4  ,green    
,castle ,estate4  ,green ,wall ,estate4 
,guadaloupe4  ,guarda ,costas4  ,gubner 
poisoned4    ,h41 ,mr41 an ,american4   
,hamilton1 ,capt4  ,hamilton1 ,cheny1   
,esq4  ,hamilton1 ,rev4 ,mr4  ,harrison1
 ,colonel4  ,harris1 ,thomas1 ,esq4     
,harvey1 ,rev4 ,b4  ,hatley1 ,mr4       
,heroism of colored women4              
,higginbothom1 ,ralph1 ,esq4  ,hill1    
,richard1 ,esq4  ,hinkston1 ,samuel1    
,esq4  ,holberton1 ,rev4 ,robert4       
,holidays in ,antigua4  ,horne1 ,rev4   
,mr4  ,horse4  ,horton ,estate4         
,horsford1 ,hon4 ,paul4  ,hostility to  

,emancipation4 7,see also1 ,change1 c47 
,house of ,correction4  ,howell1 ,mr41  
7of ,jamaica74  ,howell1 ,james ,esq4   
,hurricane4    ,imports and ,exports of 
,barbadoes4  ,improvement since         
,emancipation4 7,see ,morals47          
,indolence of ,apprentices4           of
 ,whites4  ,industry of ,emancipated    
,slaves4  ,industry of ,apprentices4    
,infanticide4  ,insolence4              
,insubordination4 7,see ,subordination47
  ,insurrection in ,barbadoes in #ahaf4 
,insurrection not feared in ,antigua2   
nor in ,barbadoes2      nor in ,jamaica4
  ,intelligence of blacks1 as compared  
with whites4  ,intemperance in ,antigua4
 7,see ,temperance47  ,intermixture4    
7,see also ,amalgamation47  ,internal   
,improvement4    ,jamaica4  ,jarvis1    
,colonel4  ,jobs4  ,jocken1 ,mr4        
,jones1 ,mr4  ,jones1 ,rev4 ,mr4        
,jones1 ,t4 ,watkins1 ,s4 ,m4  ,jordon1 
,edward1 ,esq4  ,jury on the body of a  
negro woman4  ,juvenile ,association4   
,kingdon1 ,rev4 ,mr4  ,kingston4        

,kirkland1 ,mr4    ,law1 respect for4   
,lear's ,estate4  ,legislature of       
,antigua4  ,letter to a ,special        
,magistrate4  ,license to marry4        
,licentiousness4  ,lighthouse4  ,lock-up
 house at ,st4 ,john's4  ,lyon1 ,e4,b41 
,esq4  ,lyon's ,estate4    ,machinery1  
,labor-saving4  ,managers1 ,testimony   
of4  ,manchioneal4  ,market in ,st4     
,john's4  ,market people4  ,maroons4    
,marriage4  ,marshall1 ,mr4             
,martinique4  ,master's power over the  
apprentice4  ,mc,cornock1 ,thomas1 ,esq4
  ,mc,gregor1 ,sir ,evan1 ,j4 ,m4       
,megass4  ,merchants1 ,testimony of4    
,messages of ,sir ,lionel ,smith4  ,mico
 ,charity ,infant ,school4  ,miller's   
,estate4  ,missionaries1 ,wesleyan4     
,missionary associations4               
,society1 ,wesleyan4  ,mob1             
,pro-,slavery1 in ,barbadoes4  ,mhne1   
,mr4 and ,mrs4  ,montserrat4  ,morals1  
improvement of4  ,morant ,bay4          
,moravian ,chapel4          ,missionary4
  ,moravians4  ,morrish1 ,rev4 ,mr4     

,mule-traveling4  ,murder of a planter4 
,musgrave1 ,dr4    ,negro ,grounds4     
,negro ,quarters4  ,nevis4  ,newby1 ,mr4
  ,newfield1 visit to4  ,noble trait in 
the apprentices4  ,nugent1 ,hon4        
,nicholas4    ,obstacles to free labor  
in ,antigua4  ,old school tyrant4       
,opinions in ,antigua in regard to      
,emancipation4  ,opinions of the ,united
 ,states4  ,opposition to slavery in    
,jamaica4  ,o',reily1 ,hon4 ,dowel4     
,osburne1 ,mr4  ,overseers4    ,packer1 
,rev4 ,mr4  ,parry1 ,archdeacon4        
,partiality of the ,special             
,magistrates4  ,peaceableness of negro  
villages4  ,peaceableness of the change 
from slavery to freedom4  ,peaceableness
 of the negro character4  ,persecution  
of a ,special ,justice4  ,peter's ,rock4
  ,phillips1 ,rev4 ,mr4  ,physician1    
,testimony of4  ,pigeot1 ,mr4  ,plantain
 ,garden ,river ,valley4  ,planter1 a   
severe one4  ,planters1 cruelty of4     
in ,barbadoes4  ,plough4  ,police       
,court4        of ,antigua4             

,officers1 ,testimony of4               
,reports4  ,policy of colored people in 
regard to prejudice4  ,port ,royal4     
,prejudice against color4  ,prejudice   
,bell4  ,preparation for freedom4       
,prescod1 ,mr4  ,promiscuous seating in 
church 7,see ,amalgamation1 c47         
,proprietor1 testimony of4  ,pro-slavery
 pretences4  ,providence of the         
emancipated1 the4  ,provost ,marshal1   
,testimony of4  ,punishment1 cruel4     
,punishment in ,antigua4    ,ramsay1    
,mr4  ,real ,estate4  ,rebellion1 so    
called4  ,rector of ,st4 ,john's4  ,red 
,shanks4  ,reid1 ,mr4 ,e4  ,religion in 
,antigua2    in ,barbadoes2    in       
,jamaica4  ,religious condition of      
slaves in ,antigua4  ,religious         
instruction desired4  ,report of a      
,special ,magistrate4  ,resolution in   
regard to ,messrs4 ,thome and ,kimball4 
,resolutions of ,wesleyan ,missionaries4
  ,respect for the aged4  ,results in   
,antigua4  ,revengefulness4  ,ridge     
,estate4  ,right of suffrage4  ,rogers1 

,mr4  ,ross1 ,a41 ,esq4  ,rowe1 ,rev4   
,mr4  ,rum1 use of in ,antigua4         
,sabbath in ,antigua2    in ,barbadoes2 
in ,jamaica4  ,sabbath school in        
,bridgetown4  ,safety of immediate      
emancipation4 7,see ,insurrections47    
,school1 adult2    at ,lear's2          
,parochial2    ,wolmer ,free4  ,schools 
in ,antigua2    in ,bridgetown2         
infant2    in ,kingston2    in          
,spanishtown4  ,scotland in ,barbadoes4 
,scotland1 ,james1 ,esq4  ,scotland1    
,j41 ,jr4 ,esq4  ,security restored4    
,self-emancipation4  ,self-respect4     
,shands1 ,mr4 ,s4  ,shiel1 ,mr4         
,shrewsbury1 ,rev4 ,mr4  ,sickness1     
pretended4  ,silver ,hill4  ,sligo1     
,lord4  ,smith1 ,sir ,lionel4  ,social  
intercourse4  ,societies1 benevolent4   
,society among colored people4          
for promotion of ,christian knowledge4  
,soldiers1 black4  ,solicitor ,general  
of ,barbadoes4                   of     
,jamaica4  ,song sung in the schools4   
,spanishtown4  ,speaking1 a ,moravian   

custom4  ,special ,magistrates4 7,see   
also ,partiality47  ,special            
,magistrates1 ,testimony of4  ,st4      
,andrews4  ,station ,house1 ,a4  ,st4   
,christopher's4  ,st4 ,lucia4  ,stock   
,keepers4  ,st4 ,thomas in the ,east4   
,sturge  ,harvey1 ,messrs4  ,st4        
,vincent's4  ,subordination4  ,sugar    
,crop4       cultivation hard for the   
slave4  ,sugar ,mill4  ,sunday ,markets4
  ,superintendent of ,police4           
,suspension of faithful magistrates4    
,task-work4  ,teacher1 ,black4          
,teachers4  ,telegraph1 ,remarks of the4
  ,temperance in ,antigua4            of
 negroes4            ,society4          
,testimony of ,managers4  ,testimony of 
clergymen and missionaries4  ,testimony 
of ,governors4           of magistrates4
           of physicians4  ,theft1      
decrease of4  ,thibou ,jarvis's estate4 
,thomas1 ,mr4  ,thompson1 ,george1 ,bust
 of4  ,thompson1 ,thomas1 ,esq4         
,thorne1 ,mr4  ,thwaites1 ,mr4 ,charles4
  ,tinson1 ,rev4 ,mr4  ,toast to        

,immediate ,emancipation4  ,tortala4    
,traffic in ,slaves4  ,transition from  
slavery to freedom4  ,treatment of      
slaves ameliorated by discussion4       
,treadmill4  ,trinidad4                 
,trustworthiness4    ,unwilling witness4
    ,vagrancy4  ,value of an apprentice4
 7,see ,appraisement47  ,villa ,estate4 
,wages4  ,walton1 ,rev4 ,mr4  ,watchman1
 ,jamaica4           ,remarks of the4   
,watkins1 ,mr4  ,ward1 ,sir ,henry4     
,weatherill's ,estate4  ,wesleyan       
,chapel1 ,antigua4                 ,new1
 4           ,missionary ,society4      
,wesleyans in ,antigua4           in    
,barbadoes4           in ,jamaica4      
,whip banished4  ,whipping ,post4       
,white lady4  ,wilberforce1 opinion of4 
,wickham1 ,richard ,s4  ,willis1        
,george1 ,esq4  ,willoughby ,bay        
,examination4  ,wolmer ,free ,school4   
,women abandon the field4               
condition of4  ,woolridge1 ,rev4 ,mr4   
,wright1 ,andrew1 ,esq4           99    
99       99       99       99           

,,the ,,anti-,,slavery                  
,,examiner--,,extra4           99       
99       99       99       99           
,,emancipation    ,in ,the    ,,west    
,,indies1 ,,in #ahch4           99      
99       99       99       99           
,,important ,,to ,,the ,,united         
,,states4    ,false prophets were never 
stiller about their time-detected       
impostures  than are the pro-slavery    
presses of the ,united ,states about the
 results  of ,west ,india ,emancipation4
 ,now and then1 for the sake of         
appearances1  they obscurely copy into  
their immense sheets an inch or two of  
complaints1 from some snarling ,west    
,india paper1 that the emancipated  are 
lazy and won't work4 ,but they make no  
parade4 ,they are more taciturn  than   
grave-stones4    ,in the following      
closely printed columns1 those who wish 
to know will  find out precisely how the
 great experiment has worked4 ,they     
will find1    #a4 ,the safety of        
abolition demonstrated--its safety in   

the worst  possible case4    #b4 ,that  
the colonies are prospering in their    
agriculture4    #c4 ,that the planters  
conferred freedom because they were     
obliged to by  public opinion abroad4   
#d4 ,that freedom1 even thus unwillingly
 conferred1 was accepted as a  precious 
boon by the slaves--they were grateful  
to ,god1 and ready to  work for their   
masters for fair pay4    #e4 ,that the  
mass of the planters have endeavoured1  
from the first1 to  get work out of the 
free laborers for as small wages as     
possible4    #f4 ,that many of the      
attorneys and managers have refused fair
 wages and  practiced extortion1 to     
depreciate the price of property1 that  
they  might profit thereby4    #g4 ,that
 all the indisposition to labor which   
has yet been exhibited is  fully        
accounted for by these causes4    #h4   
,that in spite of all1 the abolition is 
working well for the honest  of all     
parties4           99       99       99 
99       99    ,,west ,,india           

,,emancipation1 ,,in #ahch4    ,the     
immediate abolitionists hold that the   
change from slavery to freedom  cannot  
be too sudden4 ,they say that the first 
step in raising the slave  from his     
degradation should be that of making him
 a proper subject of  law1 by putting   
him in possession of himself4 ,this     
position they rest on  the ground both  
of justice and expediency1 which indeed 
they believe to  be inseparable4 ,with  
exceptions too trifling to affect the   
question1  they believe the laborer who 
feels no stimulus but that of wages and 
no  restraint but that of law1 is the   
most profitable1 not only to himself    
and society at large1 but to any        
employer other than a brutal tyrant4    
,the benefit of this role they claim for
 every man and woman living  within this
 republic1 till on fair trial the proper
 tribunal shall have  judged them       
unworthy of it4 ,they deny both the     
justice and expediency of  permitting   
any degree of ignorance or debasement to

 work the forfeiture  of self-ownership1
 and pronounce slavery continued for    
such a cause the  worst of all1 inasmuch
 as it is the robbery of the poor       
because he  is poor4    ,what light was 
thrown upon this doctrine by the process
 of abolition in  the ,british ,west    
,indies from the #ast of ,august #ahcd  
to the #ast of ,june  #ahcg1 may be seen
 in the work of ,messrs4 ,thome and     
,kimball entitled1  ,emancipation in the
 ,west ,indies4 ,that light continues to
 shine4  ,bermuda and ,antigua1 in which
 the slaves passed instantaneously out  
of  absolute slavery into full freedom1 
are living witnesses of the blessing  of
 heaven upon immediate emancipation4 ,in
 ,antigua1 one of the old sugar         
colonies1 where slavery had had its full
 sway there has been especially  a fair 
test of immediatism1 and the increasing 
prosperity of the island  does the      
utmost honor to the principle4 ,after   
the fullest inquiry on the  point1      
,messrs4 ,thome and ,kimball say of this

 island3--    ,there is not a class1 or 
party1 or sect1 who do not esteem the   
abolition of slavery as a special       
blessing to them4 ,the rich1 because  it
 relieved them of property which was    
fast becoming a disgrace1 as it  had    
always been a vexation and a tax1 and   
because it has emancipated  them from   
the terrors of insurrection1 which kept 
them all their  life-time subject to    
bondage4 ,the poor whites--because it   
lifted from  off them the yoke of civil 
oppression4 ,the free colored           
population--because it gave the death   
blow to the prejudice that crushed      
them1 and opened the prospect of social1
 civil1 and political equality  with the
 whites4 ,the slaves--because it broke  
open their dungeons1 led  them out to   
liberty1 and gave them1 in one          
munificent donation1 their  wives1 their
 children1 their bodies1 their          
souls--everything4    ,in the emphatic  
language of the ,governor1 ,it was      
universally admitted  that emancipation 

had been a great blessing to the island4
    ,in ,november #ahcg1 ,lord ,brougham
 thus summed up the results of the      
,antigua experiment in a speech in the  
,house of ,lords3--    ,it might be     
known to their lordships that in one    
most important colony  the experiment of
 instant and entire emancipation had    
been tried4  ,infinitely to the honor of
 the island of ,antigua was it1 that it 
did not  wait for the period fixed by   
the ,legislature1 but had at once       
converted  the state of slavery into one
 of perfect liberty4 ,on the #ast of    
,august1  #ahcd1 the day fixed by act of
 ,parliament for the commencement of a  
ten  years' apprenticeship1 the         
,legislature of that colony1 to the     
immortal  honor of their wisdom1 their  
justice1 and their humanity1 had        
abolished  the system of apprenticeship1
 and had absolutely and entirely struck 
the  fetters off from #cj1jjj slaves4   
,their lordships would naturally ask    
whether the experiment had succeeded2   

and whether this sudden  emancipation   
had been wisely and politically done4   
,he should move for  some returns which 
he would venture to say would prove that
 the  experiment had entirely succeeded4
 ,he would give their lordships some    
proofs3 ,first1 property in that island 
had risen in value2 secondly1  with a   
very few exceptions1 and those of not   
greater importance than  occurred in    
,england during harvest1 there was no   
deficiency in the  number of laborers to
 be obtained when laborers were wanted2 
thirdly1  offences of all sorts1 from   
capital offences downwards1 had         
decreased2  and this appeared from      
returns sent by the inspector of slaves 
to the  governor of that colony1 and by 
him transmitted to the proper authority 
here2 and1 fourthly1 the exports of     
sugar had increased3 during the  three  
years ending #ahcd1 the average yearly  
export was #afe1jjj cwts41  and for the 
three subsequent years this average had 
increased to #ahi1jjj  cwts41 being an  

increase of #ba1jjj cwts1 or one clear  
seventh1 produced  by free labor4 ,nor  
were the last three years productive    
seasons2 for in  #ahce there was a very 
severe and destructive hurricane1 and in
 the year  #ahcf there was such a       
drought that water was obliged to be    
imported from  ,barbados4    ,of such   
sort1 with regard to both the colonies  
that adopted the  principle of immediate
 emancipation1 have been the facts--and 
all the  facts--up to the latest        
intelligence4    ,the rest of the       
colonies adopted the plan proposed by   
the ,british  government1 which contrary
 to the wishes of the great body of     
,british  abolitionists1 made the slaves
 but partially free under the name of   
apprentices4 ,in this mongrel condition 
they were to remain1 the house  servants
 four1 and the field laborers six years4
 ,this apprenticeship was  the darling  
child of that expediency1 which1 holding
 the transaction  from wrong to right to
 be dangerous and difficult1 illustrates

 its  wisdom by lingering on the        
dividing line4 ,therefore any mischance 
that  might have occurred in any part of
 this tardy process would have been     
justly attributable to gradualism and   
not to immediatism4 ,the force  of this 
remark will be better seen by referring 
to the nature and  working of the       
apprenticeship as described in the book 
of ,messrs4 ,thome  and ,kimball4 ,we   
have only room to say that the masters  
universally  regarded the system as a   
part of the compensation or bonus to the
  slaveholder and not as a preparatory  
school for the slave4 ,by law they  were
 granted a property in the uncompensated
 labor of the slaves for  six years2 but
 the same law1 by taking away the sole  
means of enforcing  this labor1 in fact 
threw the masters and slaves into a six 
years'  quarrel in which they stood on  
something like equal terms4 ,it was     
surely  not to be wondered if the       
parties should come out of this contest 
too  hostile ever to maintain to each   

other the relation of employer and      
employed4 ,this six years of vexatious  
swinging like a pendulum over the  line 
between bondage and liberty was well    
calculated to spoil all the  gratitude  
and glory of getting across4    ,it was 
early discovered that the masters       
generally were disposed to  abuse their 
power and get from their apprentices all
 that could by any  means be extorted4  
,the friends of humanity in ,great      
,britain were  aroused1 ,mr4 ,sturge1 a 
distinguished philanthropist of         
,birmingham1  accompanied by ,messrs4   
,scohle1 ,harvey1 and ,lloyd1 proceeded 
to the ,west  ,indies on a mission of   
inquiry1 and prosecuted their           
investigation  contemporaneously with   
,messrs4 ,thome and ,kimball4 ,their    
,report produced  a general conviction  
in ,england1 that the planters had      
forfeited all  claim to retain their    
authority over the apprentices1 and the 
government  was accordingly petitioned  
immediately to abolish the system4 ,this

 it  was loth to do4 ,it caused         
inquiries to be instituted in the       
colonies1  especially in ,jamaica1 with 
the evident hope of overthrowing the    
charges  of ,mr4 ,sturge4 ,the result   
more than confirmed those charges4 ,the 
government still plead for delay1 and   
brought in a bill for the  improvement  
of the apprenticeship4 ,in the progress 
of these  proceedings1 urged on as they 
were by the heaven-high enthusiasm of   
the  ,british nation1 many of the       
planters clearly perceived that their   
chance  of power during the remaining   
two years of the apprenticeship had     
become  worth less to them than the good
 will which they might get by           
voluntarily giving it up4 ,whether it   
was this motive operating in good       
faith1 or a hope to escape philanthropic
 interference for the future by         
yielding to its full claim1 and thus    
gain a clear field to oppress under  the
 new system of wages1 one thing is      
certain the chartered colonies1         

suddenly1 and to the surprise of many1  
put the finishing stroke to the  system 
and made their apprentices free from the
 #ast of ,august1 #ahch4 ,the  crown    
colonies have mostly imitated their     
example4    ,the following table        
exhibits the extent and population of   
these  colonies4      ,possessions4     
,date of    ,extent4                    
,population                             
acquisit4  sq4 m4      ,white ,slaves   
,f4 ,col4  ,anguilla,b1        #afej    
4 4 4        #cfe   #b1chh    #cbg      
,antigua,a1         #afcb       #ajh    
#a1ihj  #bi1ecg  #c1hie  ,bahamas,b1    
#afbi     #d1djj       #d1bdj   #i1bfh  
#b1iia  ,barbados,b1        #afbe       
#aff      #ad1iei  #hb1hjg  #e1adf      
,bermudas,a1        #afaa        #bb    
#c1ije   #d1fjh    #gch  ,dominica,b1   
#aghc       #bge         #hdj  #ae1cib  
#c1fjf  ,grenada,b1         #aghc       
#abe         #hja  #bd1ade  #c1ghf      
,jamaica,b1         #afee     #f1djj    
#cg1jjj #caa1fib #ee1jjj  ,montserrat,b1

      #afcb        #dg         #ccj     
#f1bfb    #had  ,nevis,b1               
#afbh        #bj         #gjj   #i1bei  
#b1jjj  ,st4 ,christophers,b1#afcb      
#fh       #a1fab  #ai1caj  #c1jjj  ,st4 
,lucia,b1       #ahjc        #eh        
#igb  #ac1ffa  #c1gah  ,st4 ,vincent,b1 
#aghc       #acj       #a1cja  #bc1ehi  
#b1hbd  ,tobago,b1          #agfc       
#ahg         #cbb  #ab1eef  #a1afd      
,trinidad,b1        #agig     #b1dfj    
#d1bja  #bd1jjf #ae1ief  ,tortola1 or   
,virgin ,isles,b1    #afff      4 4 4   
#hjj   #e1cii    #fjg    ,total1        
,b4,w4,i       4 4 4    #ad1dff         
#gd1cbh #eic1hgi #aje1egb  ,cape of     
,good ,hope1 4 4 4     4 4 4            
#dc1jjj  #ce1ejj  #bi1jjj               
,berbice,b  4 4 4     4 4 4         #ebc
  #bj1fde   #a1afa  ,guiana ,demarara,b 
#ahjc     4 4 4      #c1jjf  #fe1eef    
#f1cfj         ,essequibo,b1 4 4     4 4
 4      4 4 4 4  4 4 4   4 4 4          
,honduras1           #afej    #fb1gej   
#bej   #b1ajj   #b1cjj  ,mauritius1     

4 4 4     4 4 4       #h1jjj  #gf1jjj   
#ae1jjj  ,total4             4 4 4     4
 4 4     #abi1ajg #gic1fhj #aei1cic     
,footnote ,a3 ,emancipated entirely on  
the #ast4 of ,august1 #ahcd4            
,footnote ,b3 ,emancipated entirely on  
the #ast4 of ,august1 #ahch1 by vote  of
 the local legislatures in the chartered
 ,colonies2 and by ,governor and        
,council1 in the ,crown ,colonies4      
,the unanimity with which the           
apprenticeship was given up is a most   
remarkable and instructive fact4 ,in the
 ,council and ,assembly of  ,montserrat1
 there was an unanimous decision in     
favor of ,emancipation as  early as     
,february #ahch4 ,in the legislature of 
,tortola1 which passed the  bill in     
,april #ahch1 the opposing party was    
small4 ,in that of ,barbados  the bill  
was passed on the #aeth of ,may with but
 one dissenting voice4  ,in that of     
,jamaica1 the bill seems to have been   
passed on the #hth of  ,june1 and the   
,jamaica ,times remarks3--,no           

dissentient voice was heard  within the 
walls of the ,assembly1 all joined in   
the wish so often  expressed1 that the  
remaining term of the apprenticeship    
should be  cancelled1 that the          
excitement produced by a law which has  
done  inconceivable harm in ,jamaica1 in
 alienating the affections of her       
people1 and creating discord and        
disaffection1 should at once cease4     
,thank ,god6 it is now nearly at an end1
 and we trust that ,jamaica will  enjoy 
that repose1 so eagerly and anxiously   
sought after1 by all who  wish the      
,island well4    ,these facts come down 
upon the question of the safety of an   
immediate  emancipation with an a       
fortiori1 a much more then4 ,for it is  
admitted on all hands that the          
apprenticeship had alienated the        
affections of the people2 they were in a
 state less favorable to a  quiet       
sequel1 than they were before the first 
of ,august1 #ahcd1 yet the  danger was  
not thought of4 ,the safety was an      

argument in favor of  emancipation1 not 
against it4 ,the raw head and bloody    
bones had  vanished4 ,the following is a
 fair exhibition of the feeling of the  
most  influential planters1 in regard to
 the safety of the step4    ,from the   
,barbadian1 ,may #i1 #ahch4    ,,at ,a  
,,meeting ,,of ,,the ,,board ,,of       
,,legislative ,,council1 ,,in ,,the     
,,new ,,court  ,,house1 ,,april #bd,,th1
 #ahch4    ,the ,lord ,bishop rose and  
spoke as follows3    ,mr4 ,president1   
and ,gentlemen of the ,council1    ',i  
was informed yesterday that1 during my  
absence from this island1 the  members  
recorded their opinion as to the        
expediency of absolutely  abolishing the
 apprenticeship in ,august1 #ahch4 ,i am
 most anxious to  record my entire      
concurrence in this resolution1 but ,i  
wish it to be  understood that ,i do not
 consider the measure as called for by  
any  hardships1 under which the laborers
 in this island are suffering--nor  from
 the want of any essential comfort--nor 

from the deprivation of any  thing1     
which a laborer can fairly claim from   
his master2 still ,i do  express my     
concurrence in the resolution of the    
board1 and ,i do so on  these grounds3  
that ,i am satisfied the measure can be 
safely carried in  this island1 and if  
safely1 then ,i feel justly2 for ,i     
consider the very  important interests  
which are involved in the measure4 ,i   
must confess1  too1 that ,i am unwilling
 the ,barbados should be behind any     
other island1  especially in a measure  
which may be carried both safely and    
justly1 and  where its example may be of
 such beneficial consequence4 ,i am just
  returned from visiting the ,northern  
,islands of the ,diocese4 ,i have gone  
over every part of ,tortola1 and though 
it is far more fertile than the  ,off   
,islands1 yet even these are            
sufficiently productive for the laborer 
to raise the lesser and necessary       
provision of life1--and yet with these  
islands in their very face1 the         

,legislature of ,tortola has passed the 
act of abolition4 ,some of the          
proprietors were opposed to it1 but they
  have now given up their opposition2   
and ,i heard1 whilst in ,antigua1 not   
only that the act had passed1 but that  
on the day of its passing1 or the       
following day1 some of the leading      
proprietors rode through the island1    
and were met by the people with         
expressions of the utmost gratitude1    
regarding the act as a boon granted to  
them by their masters4 ,at ,nevis  the  
act has passed4 ,at ,st4 ,christopher's 
the council are in favor of its         
passing1 and with ,nevis emancipated in 
its vicinity1 there is little  doubt but
 the ,act must pass4 ,at ,montserrat    
also it has passed4 ,at  ,antigua1 which
 ,i visited last year1 ,i found that    
every thing was  proceeding quietly and 
regularly4 ,i found too1 the planters in
 high  spirits1 and some estates1 which 
had been given up1 restored2 and the    
small patches and tenements of the free 

people1 commencing last year1  now in a 
very satisfactory state of cultivation4 
,it is possible1 indeed1  that these    
last mentioned1 unless the population is
 proportionably  increased1 may affect  
the cultivation of the larger estates1  
but there  they are1 and flourishing1 as
 ,i have described1 whilst ,i was in the
  island4 ,a contiguous1 though         
abandoned estate was purchased by ,sir  
,henry  ,martin for about #i1ejj l4     
currency1 being #c1jjj l4 more than he  
had  offered a few years previously4 ,to
 compare ,barbados with any other       
island1 either as to population1 wealth1
 or state of agriculture1 is            
unnecessary4 ,i have seen nothing like  
the commercial activity which ,i  saw in
 the streets yesterday1 except at ,st4  
,thomas2 and ,i feel1  therefore1 on all
 these grounds1 that the act may be     
passed safely and  justly4 ,at the same 
time ,i am not unmindful or insensible  
to the state  of public opinion in the  
mother country1 nor to the many new and 

harassing annoyances to which the       
proprietors may be exposed during a     
protracted continuance of the           
apprenticeship4 ,i request that my full 
concurrence in the resolution of the    
council1 may be accorded on the  minutes
 of this day's proceedings4'    ,such is
 the testimony of a witness in no wise  
warped by prejudice in  favor of the    
anti-slavery party4    ,the debates     
which took place in the legislatures of 
both ,barbados and  ,jamaica1 are full  
of similar testimony1 uttered by men    
every way  qualified to bear witness1   
and under influences which relieve their
  testimony from every taint of         
suspicion4    ,in the legislature of    
,jamaica1 on the question of a          
,committee to bring  in a ,bill1 ,mr4   
,,good remarked1 ,he could say that the 
negroes from their  general good conduct
 were deserving of the boon4 ,then why  
not give in  with a good heart8 why     
exhibit any bad feelings about the      
matter8 ,there  were many honorable     

gentlemen who had benefitted by the     
pressure from  without1 who owed their  
rank in society and their seats in that 
house to  the industry of the negroes4  
,why should they now show a bad heart in
 the  matter8--,nine tenths of the      
proprietors of this island had          
determined  upon giving up the          
apprenticeship4 ,hundreds of thousands  
were to be  benefited--were to take     
their stations as men of society1 and he
 hoped  the boon would not be retarded  
by a handful of men who owed their all  
to slavery4    ,mr4 ,dallas said1--,the 
abolition of the remaining term of      
apprenticeship must take place2 let them
 then join hand and heart in  doing it  
well1 and with such grace as we now     
could4 ,let it have the  appearance of a
 boon from ourselves1 and not in        
downright submission to  the coercive   
measures adopted by the ,british        
,parliament4    ,after a committee had  
been appointed to prepare and bring in a
 ,bill for  the abolition of the        

apprenticeship1 a member rose and       
proposed that the  #bhth of ,june should
 be its termination4 ,we give his speech
 as reported  in the ,jamaica papers1 to
 show how fanatical even a slaveholder  
may become4    ,on the members resuming 
their seats1 ,mr4 ,,hart proposed that  
it be an  instruction to the committee  
appointed to bring in the bill or       
abolishing the remainder of the         
apprenticeship1 to insert a clause in   
it1 that the operation of that bill     
should commence on the #bhth of ,june1  
that being the day appointed for the    
coronation of the ,queen4 ,he felt      
proud in telling the house that he was  
the representative of the black         
population4 ,he was sent there by the   
blacks and his other friends4 ,the      
white ,christians had their             
representatives1 the people of color had
  their representatives1 and he hoped   
shortly to see the day when the  blacks 
would send in their own representatives4
 ,he wanted the thing  done at once1    

,sir1 said the honorable member waxing  
warm4 ,it was  nonsense to delay it4 ,it
 could be done in three lines as he said
 before1  dele #ahdj and put in #ahch4  
,that was all that they had to do4 ,if  
it were  possible1 let the thing be done
 in two words4 ,he went there to do his 
duty to his constituents1 and he was    
determined to do so4 ,his black  friends
 looked up to him to protect them--and  
he would press his motion  that all the 
apprentices in the island should be     
crowned on the #bhth  of ,june4         
7,thundering roars of laughter47 ,he was
 as independent as any  honorable       
member1 and would deliver his sentiment1
 without caring who  were and who were  
not pleased4 ,he was possessed of       
property in  apprentices--he had an     
estate with nearly two hundred negroes1 
that he  was determined to crown on the 
#bhth of ,june4 7,increased roars of    
laughter in the house1 and at the bar47 
,he would not be laughed down4  ,his    
properties were not encumbered4 ,he     

would not owe anything on them  after   
they were paid for1 and that he could   
do4 7,loud laughter47 ,he was           
determined to have his opinion4 ,as he  
had said before1 the #bhth day of  ,june
 being fixed for the coronation of all  
the negroes in the island1  that is the 
day they ought to be released from the  
apprenticeship4  7,thundering and       
deafening roars of laughter74 7,here the
 honorable member  was told that the    
,queen was to be crowned on that day47  
,ah1 well1 he had  made a mistake1 but  
he would tell the house the truth1 he   
had made up  his mind to give his       
apprentices freedom on that day1 but he 
did not  wish to do it without his      
neighbors doing the same1 lest they     
should say  he was setting a bad        
example4 ,he would press his motion to a
 division4  ,it had been seconded by his
 honorable friend on his                
right4--7,aside1  ,good1 didn't you     
promise to second it87 ,the honorable   
member then read  his motion1 and handed

 it up to the clerk4    ,the mistake of 
this liberal descendant of ,israel1     
which excited so  much merriment was1   
after all1 not a very unfortunate one1  
if the  crown of manhood is more        
important than that of monarchy4 ,the   
members  objected to so near an approach
 to immediatism1 not1 however1 be it    
remarked1 on account of the unfitness of
 the apprentices1 7slaves7 but  their   
own convenience4 ,among those who       
replied to ,mr4 ,hart1 was ,mr4         
,osborn1 of unmingled ,african blood1   
born a slave1 and who1 we are  informed1
 was a successful competitor for the    
seat he now occupies  against the very  
man who formerly claimed him as         
property4 ,mr4 ,osborn  and his partner 
,mr4 ,jordon were editors of the        
,jamaica ,watchman1 and had  contended  
manfully for liberty when it was a      
dangerous word4 ,mr4 ,osborn  said3--,he
 was astonished at the galloping        
liberality which seemed to  have seized 
some honorable members1 now there was   

nothing to contend  for4 ,their         
liberality seemed to have outrun all    
prudence4 ,where were  they and their   
liberality when it was almost death to  
breach the  question of slavery8 ,what  
had become of their philanthropy8 ,but  
no1 it  was not convenient then4 ,the   
stream was too strong for them to       
resist4  ,now1 however1 when the        
question was finally settled1 when      
nothing  remained for them to do1 it was
 the time that some honorable gentlemen 
began to clamor their liberality1 and   
began a race who should be the  first1  
or who should have the honor of first   
terminating the  apprenticeship4 ,he    
hoped the motion would be withdrawn1 and
 the  discussion put an end to4    ,what
 had become of the visions of blood and 
slaughter8 ,could there be  more        
impressive testimony to the safety of   
,emancipation in all1 even the  worst   
cases8    ,we might add to this         
testimony that of the universal         
newspaper press of  the ,british ,west  

,india colonies4 ,we have room1 however1
 to select only  from a few of the well 
known opponents of freedom4    ,we      
seriously call upon our representatives 
to consider well all the  bearings of   
the question1 and if they cannot resist 
effectually these  encroachments of the 
,imperial ,government1 adopt the        
remaining  alternative of saving        
themselves from an infliction1 by giving
 up at  once and entirely1 the bone of  
contention between us4 ,thus only shall 
we  disarm1 if anything in reason or in 
nature can1 our enemies of their        
slanderous weapons of offence1 and      
secure in as far as possible1 a  speedy 
and safe return of peace and prosperity 
to the distracted  colony4--,without    
this sacrifice on our parts1 we see no  
shelter from our  sufferings--no        
amelioration of present wrongs--no hope 
for the future2  but on the contrary1 a 
systematic and remorseless train laid   
for the  ultimate ruin of every         
proprietor in the country4 ,with this   

sacrifice  which can only be to any     
extent to a few and which the wisdom of 
our  legislature may possibly find out  
some means or other of compensation1  we
 have the hope that the sunshine of     
,jamaica's prosperity shall not  receive
 any farther diminution2 but shall      
rather dawn again with renewed  vigor2  
when all shall be alike free under the  
protection of the same  law1 and the    
same law-givers2 and all shall be alike 
amenable to the  powers that punish     
without favor and without               
affection4--,jamaica  ,standard4        
,there is great reason to expect that   
many ,jamaica proprietors will          
anticipate the period established by the
 ,slavery ,abolition ,act for the       
termination of the apprenticeship4 ,they
 will1 as an act of grace1 and  with a  
view to their future arrangements with  
their negroes1 terminate  the           
apprenticeship either of all at once1 or
 by giving immediate freedom  to the    
most deserving2 try the effect of this  

gift1 and of the example  afforded to   
the apprentices when they see those who 
have been discharged  from the          
apprenticeship working on the estates   
for wages4 ,if such a  course is        
adopted1 it will afford an additional   
motive for inducing the  ,legislature to
 consider whether the good feeling of   
the laboring  population1 and their     
future connection with their former     
employers1 may  not be promoted by      
permitting them to owe to the grace of  
their own  ,legislature the termination 
of the apprenticeship as soon as the    
requisite legislation for the new state 
of things has been  adopted4--,jamaica  
,despatch4    ,of such sort as this is  
the testimony from all the ,colonies1   
most  abundantly published in the       
,emancipator and other abolition papers1
 to  the point of the safety of entire  
,emancipation4 ,at the time when the    
step was taken1 it was universally      
concluded that so far from being        
dangerous it promised the greatest      

safety4 ,it would not only put an end   
to the danger apprehended from the      
foreign interference of the             
abolitionists1 but it would conciliate  
the negroes6 ,and we are not  able to   
find any one who professes to be        
disappointed with the result  thus far4 
,the only evil now complained of1 is the
 new freemen do not in  some instances  
choose to work on the terms offered by  
the planters4  ,they have shed no man's 
blood4 ,they have committed no          
depredation4 ,they  peaceably obey the  
laws4 ,all this1 up to the latest date1 
is universally  admitted4 ,neither does 
any one now presume to prophesy anything
  different for the future4             
,,industry4    ,on the one topic of the 
industry of the ,emancipated people1 the
 ,west  ,indian papers give the most    
conflicting accounts4 ,some represent   
them as  laboring with alacrity1        
diligence and effect wherever anything  
like an  adequate compensation is       
offered4 ,it is asserted by some1 and   

not denied  by any authorities that we  
have seen1 that the emancipated are     
industriously at work on those estates  
where the masters voluntarily           
relinquished the apprenticeship before  
the first of ,august and met their      
freed people in good faith4 ,but most of
 the papers1 especially in  ,jamaica1   
complain grievously that the freed      
people will work on no  reasonable      
terms4 ,we give a fair specimen from one
 of the ,jamaica  papers1 on which our  
political editors choose most to rely   
for their  information3--    ,in        
referring to the state of the country   
this week1 we have still the  same tale 
to tell of little work1 and that little 
indifferently done1  but exorbitantly   
charged for2 and wherever resisted1 a   
general strike  is the consequence4 ,now
 this1 whatever more favourable         
complexion the  interested and sinister 
motives of others may attempt to throw  
around  it1 is the real state of matters
 upon nine-tenths of the properties     

situated in ,st4 ,james's1              
,westmoreland1 and ,hanover4 ,in        
,trelawny they  appear to be doing a    
little better2 but that only arises1 we 
are  confident from the longer purses1  
and patience of endurance under         
exorbitant wages1 exhibited by the      
generality of the managers of that      
parish4 ,let them wait till they find   
they can no longer continue making      
sugar at its present expensive rate1 and
 they will then find whether  ,trelawny 
is substantially in a better condition  
than either of the other                
parties4--,standard1 quoted in the      
,morning ,journal of ,nov4 #b4    ,this 
is the tale indeed1 of a great part of  
the ,west ,india papers1  sung to the   
same hum drum tune ever since the first 
of ,august2 and so  faithfully echoed by
 our own pro slavery press that many of 
our  estimable fellow citizens have     
given it up that the great experiment   
has turned out unfavorably1 and that the
 colored population of the ,west        

,indies are rapidly sinking from the    
condition of slaves to that of  idle    
freemen4 ,were we all in a position     
perfectly disinterested and  above the  
peculiar influence of slavery1 we might 
perhaps consider these  complaints as   
asking for1 rather than against1 the    
character of the  ,emancipated and the  
cause of freedom1 inasmuch as they prove
 the former  slaves to have both the    
discretion and the spirit which should  
characterise freemen4 ,but to the       
peculiar optics which abound in these   
,united ,states it may be necessary to  
show the entire picture4    ,to prove in
 the first place the general falsehood  
of the complaints  themselves it is only
 necessary to advert to recent official 
documents4  ,for our present purpose it 
will be sufficient to refer to ,jamaica4
 ,the  legislature was convened on the  
#cjth of ,october and addressed by the  
,governor ,sir ,lionel ,smith in a      
speech of which the following extract   
pertains to our subject3--              

,gentlemen of the ,council1 ,mr4        
,speaker1 and ,gentlemen of the ,house  
of ,assembly1        ,the most important
 event in the annals of colonial history
 has taken      place since last ,i had 
the pleasure of meeting the legislature 
of      this ,island2 and ,i am happy in
 being able to declare that the         
conduct of the laboring population1 who 
were then the objects of      your      
liberal and enlightened policy1 entitles
 them to the highest      praise1 and   
amply proves how ,,well ,,they ,,have   
,,deserved the boon      of freedom4    
,it was not to be expected that the     
total extinction of the                 
apprenticeship law would be followed by 
an instantaneous return to      active  
labor1 but feeling as ,i do the deepest 
interest in the      successful result  
of the great measurement now in         
progress1 ,i      sincerely congratulate
 you and the country at large1 on the   
improvement which is daily taking place 
on the resumption of      industrious   

habits1 and ,i ,,trust ,,there ,,is     
,,every ,,prospect ,,of                 
,,agricultural ,,prosperity4    ,such is
 the testimony of a ,governor who is no 
stranger in the ,west  ,indies and who  
was put in the place of ,lord ,sligo as 
more acceptable to  the planters4 ,but  
what said the ,house of ,assembly in    
reply8--a ,house  made up chiefly of    
attornies who had more interest than any
 other men in  the continuance of the   
old system and who1 as will presently be
 shown1  were not unwilling to have the 
experiment fail8 ,they speak as         
follows3--        ,may it ,please your  
,excellency1        ,we1 her ,majesty's 
dutiful and loyal subjects1 the         
,assembly of      ,jamaica1 thank your  
,excellency for your speech at the      
opening of      the session4        ,the
 ,house join your ,excellency in bearing
 testimony ,,to ,,the      ,,peaceable  
,,manner in which the laboring          
population have conducted               
themselves in a state of ,,freedom4     

,it certainly was not to be expected    
that so great a change in the           
condition of the people would be        
followed by an immediate return to      
active labor4 ,the ,house1 however1 are 
willing to believe that some      degree
 of improvement is taking place1 and    
they sincerely join in      the ,,hope  
expressed by your ,excellency1 that the 
agricultural      interests of the      
,island may ultimately prosper1 by a    
resumption of      industrious habits on
 the part of the peasantry in their new 
condition4    ,this settles the         
question4 ,those who will not be        
convinced by such  documents as these   
that the mass of the ,emancipated in    
,jamaica are ready  to do their part in 
the system of free labor1 would not be  
convinced  if one rose from the deed to 
prove it4    ,we are now prepared to    
investigate the causes of the           
complaints1 and  inquire why in numerous
 cases the negros have refused to work4 
,let us  first go back to the debates   

,jamaica ,legislature on the passage of 
the  ,emancipation bill in ,june1 and   
see whether we can discover the temper  
in which it was passed1 and the prospect
 of good faith in its execution4  ,we   
can hardly doubt that some members1 and 
some especially from whose  speeches on 
that occasion we have already quoted1   
designed really to  confer the boon of  
freedom4 ,but others spoke very         
differently4 ,to  understand their      
language we must commence with the      
,governor's speech at  the opening of   
the session3--        ,gentlemen of the 
,council1        ,mr4 ,speaker1 and     
,gentlemen of the ,assembly1        ,i  
have called you together1 at an unusual 
season1 to take it to your              
consideration the state of the ,island  
under the ,laws of      ,apprenticeship1
 for the labouring population4        ,i
 need not refer you to the agitation on 
this subject throughout the             
,british ,empire1 or to the discussions 
upon it in ,parliament1 where      the  

honourable efforts of the ministry were 
barely found sufficient      to preserve
 the original duration of the ,laws1 as 
an obligation of      the ,national     
faith4        ,i shall lay before you   
some despatches on this subject4        
99       99       99       99       99  
,gentlemen1        ,general agitation   
and ,parliamentary interference have    
not1 ,i am      afraid1 yet terminated4 
,a corresponding excitement has been    
long going on among the      apprentices
 themselves1 but still they have rested 
in sober and      quiet hopes1 relying  
on your generosity1 that you will extend
 to      them that boon which has been  
granted to their class in      other    
,colonies4           99       99        
99       99       99        ,gentlemen  
of the ,council1        ,mr4 ,speaker   
and ,gentlemen of the ,assembly1        
,in this posture of affairs1 it is my   
duty to declare my sentiments1      and 
distinctly to recommend to you the early
 and equal abolition of      the        

apprenticeship for all classes4 ,i do so
 in confidence that the      apprentices
 will be found worthy of freedom1 and   
that it will      operate as a double   
blessing1 by securing also the future   
interests      of the planters4         
,i am commanded1 however1 to inform you 
that her ,majesty's ministers      will 
not entertain any question of further   
compensation4 ,but should      your     
views be opposed to the policy ,i       
recommend1 ,i would entreat you      to 
consider well how impracticable it will 
become to carry on      coercive        
labor--always difficult1 it would in    
future be in peril of      constant     
comparisons with other colonies made    
free1 and with those      estates in    
this island made free by individual     
proprietors4        ,as ,governor1 under
 these circumstances1 and ,i never      
shrink from any      of my              
responsibilities1 ,i pronounce it       
physically impossible to      maintain  
the apprenticeship with any hope of     

successful agriculture4           99    
99       99       99       99           
,gentlemen of the ,council1        ,mr4 
,speaker1 and gentlemen of the          
,assembly4        ,jamaica1 is in your  
hands--she requires repose1 by the      
removal of a      law which has equally 
tormented the laborer1 and disappointed 
the      planter--a law by which man    
still constrains man in unnatural       
servitude4 ,this is her first exigency4 
,for her future welfare she      appeals
 to your wisdom to legislate in the     
spirit of the times1 with               
liberality and benevolence towards all  
classes4           99       99       99 
99       99    ,when such a man as ,sir 
,lionel ,smith pronounced it no longer  
practicable  to carry on coercive labor1
 he must have been a bold as well as a  
rash  planter who would venture to hold 
on to the old system under ,lord        
,glenelg's improvement ,act4            
,accordingly we find some of the        
staunchest  advocates of slavery1 men   

who had been fattening on the oppression
 of  the apprentices up to that moment  
the first1 and the most precipitate1  is
 their proposals of abolition4 ,mr4     
,hyslop1 ,mr4 ,gay and others were for  
acting at once on the ,governor's speech
 without referring it to a  committee4  
,the former said3 ,he believed that a   
proposition would be  made to abandon   
the apprenticeship from the #ast of     
,august1 but he would  say let it be    
abandoned from ,sunday next4 ,he would  
therefore move that  the speech be made 
the order of the day for tomorrow4      
,mr4 ,guy said3--    ,the ,governor's   
speech contained nothing more than what 
every ,gentlemen  expected1 and what    
every ,gentlemen1 he believed1 was      
prepared to do4 ,in  short he would     
state that a bill had already been      
prepared by him1  which he intended to  
introduce tomorrow1 for the abolition of
 the  apprenticeship on the #ast of     
,august next4    ,both these gentlemen  
are well known by the readers of        

,jamaica papers as  obstinate defenders 
slavery4 ,the latter was so passionately
 devoted to  the abuses of the          
apprenticeship that ,lord ,sligo was    
obliged to dismiss  him from the post of
 ,adjutant ,general of militia4 ,in the 
ardor of his  attachment to the peculiar
 institution of getting work without    
pay1 he  is reported to have declared on
 a public occasion1 that the ,british   
ministry were a parcel of reptiles and  
that the ,english nation was  fast going
 to the dogs4 ,in another part of the   
debate3--    ,mr4 ,guy hoped the house  
would not go into a discussion of the   
nature of  the apprenticeship1 or the   
terms upon which it was forced us by the
  government4 ,all that he knew about   
the matter was1 that it was a part  and 
parcel of the compensation4 ,government 
had so declared it4 ,in short  it was   
made law4 ,he could not help believing  
that the ,hon4 member for  ,trelawny1   
was arguing against the dictates of his 
own honest heart--that  he came there   

cut and dry with a speech prepared to   
defend the  government4    ,mr4         
,barclay1 to whom1 some years ago1 the  
planters gave a splendid  service of    
plate for his ingenious defence of      
slavery against the  terrible pen of    
,,james ,,stephen1 said it appeared to  
be the general  feeling of the house    
that the apprenticeship should be done  
away with4  ,be that as it may1 he was  
free to say that in that part of the    
island he  was from1 and certainly it   
was a large and wealthy district1 the   
apprenticeship system had worked well1  
and all parties appeared  satisfied with
 it4 ,he denied that there existed any  
necessity to disturb  the working of the
 system1 it would have gradually slided 
into  absolute freedom if they were     
permitted to regulate their own affairs1
  but the government1 or rather1 the    
people of ,england1 had forced on the   
predicament in which they were placed4  
,the ministry could not help            
themselves--,they were driven to violate

 the national compact1 not in  express  
words1 it is true1 but in fact4 ,it was1
 however1 the force of  public opinion  
that operated in producing the change4  
,they were placed  in a situation from  
which they could hardly extricate       
themselves4--  ,they had no alternative1
 he was afraid1 but to go along with    
the stream4    ,mr4 ,hamilton ,brown1   
who at the commencement of the          
apprenticeship came  into a ,special    
,magistrate's court and publicly told   
him that unless he  and his colleagues  
did their duty by having recourse to a  
frequent and  vigorous application of   
the lash1 there would he rebellion in   
the ,parish  7of ,st4 ,ann's67 in less  
than a month1 and all the responsibility
 of such  a calamity would rest on their
 shoulders6 discoursed in the following 
manner4 ,it was always understood1 for  
the apprenticeship had become           
marketable4 ,properties had been bought 
and sold with them1 their time  had been
 bought by others1 and by themselves4   

,he had no hesitation in saying1 that   
the statements which had been made  in  
,england against the planters were as   
false as hell--they had been  concocted 
here1 and sent home by a parcel of spies
 in the island4 ,they  were represented 
as a cruel set of men1 as having        
outraged the feelings  of humanity      
towards the negroes1 or in matters in   
which they were  concerned4 ,this was   
false4 ,he did not mean to deny that    
there were a  few instances of cruelty  
to the apprentices1 but then those were 
isolated cases1 and was it not hard that
 a hue and cry should be  raised against
 the whole body of planters1 and all    
made to suffer on  account of those few4
 ,he would say that there was a greater 
disposition to be cruel to the negroes  
evinced by young men arriving in  this  
island from ,england1 than by the       
planters4 ,there was1 indeed1 a  great  
deal of difficulty in restraining them  
from doing so1 but the  longer they     
lived in the country1 the more kind and 

humane they became4  ,the negroes were  
better off here than many of the people 
of ,great  ,britain1 and they would have
 been contented1 had it not been for the
  injudicious interference of some of   
the ,special ,justices4 ,who had ever   
heard of negroes being starved to death8
 ,had they not read accounts in  the    
,english papers of men destroying their 
wives1 their children1 and  afterwards  
themselves1 because they could not      
obtain food4 ,they had  been grossly    
defrauded of their property2 and after  
doing that1 it was  now sought to       
destroy their constitutional rights4 ,he
 would repeat1 they  had been grossly   
defrauded of their property4 ,here is   
the true  slaveholder1 logic1 chivalry  
and all4    ,mr4 ,frater said1 among    
other things1 ,he knew that it might be 
said the  bill 7,lord ,glenelg's7 did   
not go to the extent of freeing the     
negroes--that we are about to do        
ourselves1 but he would ask whether  we 
were not driven into the difficulty by  

which we are now surrounded6  ,had we   
not been brought into this alarming     
position1 into this  exigency1 by the   
conduct of the ,british ,government4    
,why do we not  tell the ,english nation
 frankly and candidly1 that they agreed 
to give  the planter six years' services
 of their apprentices1 as a part of the 
compensation1 and if they desired to do 
away with it1 that we must be  paid for 
it1 otherwise we will ,,not ,,answer    
,,for ,,any ,,change1 ,,for ,,any       
,,evils  ,,which ,,are ,,likely ,,to    
,,ensue4 ,why did the government force  
such an  obnoxious bill upon us8 ,they  
had in substance done this1 they refused
 to  annul the apprenticeship           
themselves1 it is true1 but said1 we    
will place  them in a situation that    
will compel them to do it themselves4   
,he must  say that the ,government had  
acted cowardly and unjustly1 they had in
  substance deprived them of the further
 two years' services of their           
apprentices1 agreeably to the compact   

entered into1 upon a pretext that  we   
had not kept faith with them1 and now   
tell us they will give us no            
compensation4 ,he hoped the allusion to 
it in the address would be  retained4   
,we beg the patient attention of the    
reader to still more of these  extracts4
 ,the present state of things in        
,jamaica renders them very  important4  
,it is indispensable to a correct       
judgment of the results of  the         
experiment to understand in what temper 
it was entered upon by the  parties4    
,nothing can show this more clearly or  
authoritatively than the  quotations we 
are making4 ,we find another little     
torrent of eloquence  from the same ,mr4
 ,hamilton ,brown above quoted4 ,he and 
several other  gentlemen rose to reply  
to the statements of ,richard ,hill1 a  
friend of  freedom1 and ,secretary of   
the ,special ,magistracy4    ,mr4       
,brown--,mr4 ,chairman1 ,i am on my     
legs1 ,sir4 ,i say that we have to      
thank the ,special ,justices1 and the   

private instructions which they  have   
acted upon1 for all the evils that have 
occurred in the country4  ,had they     
taken the law for their guide1 had they 
acted upon that1 ,sir1  and not upon    
their private instructions1 every thing 
would have gone on  splendidly1 and we  
should have done well4 ,but they had    
destroyed the  negroes with their       
instructions1 they had given them bad   
advice1 and  encouraged them in         
disobedience to their masters4 ,i say   
it1 ,sir1 in  the face of this          
committee--,i would say it on my        
death-bed tomorrow1  that if the        
,stipendiary ,magistrates had done their
 duty all would have  gone on well1 and 
,i told his ,excellency that he might   
then have slept  on a bed of roses4     
,here was one of the abolishers of the  
apprenticeship who held that more       
flogging would have made it work more   
splendidly4 ,mr4 ,hugh ,fraser  ,leslie1
 who the ,february before had1 in his   
place in the ,assembly1  denominated the

 anti-slavery delegates assembled in    
,london1 as a set of  crawling wretches2
 the scum and refuse of society4 ,the   
washings and  scrapings of the          
manufacturing districts1 c4 c4 now      
delivered himself  of the following3--  
,he would ask any man in the house1 nay1
 in the country1 whether the  house had 
any discretion left to them in the steps
 they were about to  take8 ,could it be 
denied1 that they were driven to the    
present  alternative8 ,could they any   
longer say they were an independent     
legislature8 ,it would be               
preposterous--absolutely absurd to      
entertain  any such idea4 ,the          
apprenticeship had been forced upon the 
country as  a part and parcel of the    
planters' compensation--it had been     
working  well1 and would insensibly have
 slided into a state of absolute        
freedom1 had the masters been left alone
 to themselves4 ,it is now  utterly     
impracticable to continue it4 ,a most   
obnoxious measure had been  passed by   

the ,british parliament1 and sent out to
 this country to be  promulgated by the 
,governor as the law of the land4 ,the  
functions of the  legislature were put  
in abeyance1 and a ,british act crammed 
down their  throats4 ,it could not be   
denied that they were now under a       
military  ,government4 ,he was only     
sorry that the thing had not been more  
honestly  done2 in his opinion1 it would
 have been better for all classes1 for  
then the government would have taken all
 the responsibilities which  might      
attend the sudden change they had driven
 the house to make1 and  find the means 
of conducting the affairs of the country
 into a peaceable  and successful state4
 ,let any person look to the excitement 
which at  present prevailed throughout  
the country1 couple that with the speech
  which had been delivered by the       
,governor1 and say if it was any longer 
practicable to carry one the system of  
apprenticeship4 ,with respect to  the   
doctrine which had been broached1 that  

the apprenticeship was not a  part and  
parcel of the compact between the       
government and the planters2  that they 
7the planters7 did not possess an       
absolute but an incidental  right to the
 services of their apprentices1 he      
confessed he was at a  loss to          
understand it1 he was incapable of      
drawing so nice a  distinction4 ,he     
repeated1 the government and nation had 
made the  apprenticeship a part of the  
consideration of the abolition of       
slavery1  and having placed us in a     
situation to render its continuance     
impracticable they were bound in honor  
and common honesty to compensate  us for
 the two years4    ,once more1 and we   
have done4 ,mr4 ,berry said1    ,he did 
not think that because the ,governor    
said they were not entitled  to         
compensation1 that therefore they should
 give up the claim which they           
unquestionably had upon the ,british    
nation for further compensation4 ,he    
would contend also1 that the            

apprenticeship was one part of the      
consideration for the abolition of      
slavery4 ,he had heard it remarked  that
 the apprenticeship must cease1 but it  
ought to be added that they  were       
compelled--they were driven to put an   
end to it by the ,government1  though   
they were convinced that neither party  
was at this moment  prepared for        
immediate abandonment4 ,the ,governor1  
in his opening speech1  had told the    
house that from the agitation at home1  
and the  corresponding agitation which  
at the present moment prevailed here1 it
  was physically impossible to carry one
 the apprenticeship with advantage  to  
masters and labourers4 ,he would take   
leave to remark1 that the               
apprenticeship was working very well--in
 some of the parishes had  worked       
extremely well4 ,where this was not the 
case1 it was attributable  to the       
improper conduct of the ,special        
,justices4 ,he did not mean to  reflect 
upon them all2 there were some honorable

 exceptions1 but he  would say that a   
great deal of the ill-feeling which had 
arisen in the  country between the      
masters and their apprentices1 was to be
 traced to  the injudicious advice and  
conduct of the special ,justices4       
,such were the sentiments of by far the 
majority of those who spoke in  the     
,assembly4 ,such1 doubtless1 were the   
sentiments of more than  nine-tenths of 
the persons invested with the management
 of estates in  ,jamaica4 ,what1 then if
 we had heard that nine-tenths of the   
emancipated  had refused to be employed8
 ,could that have been counted a failure
 of  the experiment8 ,was there any     
reason to believe that the planters     
would  not resort to every species of   
oppression compatible with a system  of 
wages8    ,before proceeding to the     
question of wages1 however1 we invite   
the  reader to scan the temper and      
disposition of the parties of the other 
part1 viz41 the laboring population4    
,let us observe more carefully how  they

 behaved at the important period of     
,,transition    ,two of the sturdiest   
advocates of slavery1 the ,jamaica      
,standard and  the ,cornwall ,courier1  
speak as follows3--    ,the ,standard   
says--,on ,tuesday evening1 7,july #ca71
 the ,wesleyan1 and we  believe1        
,baptist ,chapels1 7,st4 ,james'7 were  
opened for service--the  former being   
tastefully decorated with branches of   
the palm1 sage1 and  other trees1 with a
 variety of appropriate devices1 having 
a portrait of  her ,majesty in the      
center1 and a crown above4 ,when we     
visited the  ,chapel1 about #aj o'clock1
 it was completely full1 but not        
crowded1 the  generality of the audience
 well dressed2 and all evidently of the 
better  class of the colored and negro  
population4 ,shortly after1 we          
understand1  a very excellent and modern
 sermon1 in all political points1 was   
delivered by the ,rev4 ,mr4 ,kerr1 the  
highly respected pastor4 ,the           
congregation was dismissed shortly after

 #ab o'clock2 at which hour the  church 
bell commenced its solemn peal1 and a   
few noisy spirits welcomed  in the      
morning of ,freedom with loud cheers1   
and planted a huge branch1  which they  
termed the ,tree of ,liberty1 in the    
center of the two roads  crossing the   
market square4    ,again the ,standard  
observes1 ,the long1 and somewhat       
anxiously  expected jubilee of          
,emancipation has arrived1 and now      
nearly passed  over1 with a remarkable  
degree of quiet and circumspection4 ,of 
,st4  ,james's of course1 we speak more 
particularly1--,st4 ,james's1 hitherto  
the  most reviled1 and most             
unwarrantably calumniated parish1 of all
 the  parishes in this unfortunate and  
distracted colony6    ,the ,cornwall    
,courier says1 ,the first of ,august1   
the most important  day ever witnessed  
in ,jamaica1 has passed quietly as far  
as actual  disturbance is concerned4    
,the ,jamaica ,morning ,journal1 of     
whose recent course the planters  should

 be the last to complain1 gives more    
particular information of the           
transition in all parts of the island4  
,we give copious extracts1 for to  dwell
 upon such a scene must soften the      
heart4 ,it is good sometimes to  behold 
the joy of mere brute freedom--the      
boundings of the noble horse  freed from
 his stable and his halter--the glad    
homeward flight of the  bird from its   
cage--but here was besides the rational 
joy of a  heaven-born nature4 ,here were
 #cjj1jjj souls set free2 and on wings  
of  gratitude flying upwards to the     
throne of ,god4 ,there were the         
gatherings  in the public squares1 there
 were the fireworks1 the transparencies1
 the  trees of liberty and the shouts of
 the jubilee1 but the churches and the  
schools were the chief scenes1 and hymns
 and prayer the chief language  of this 
great ovation4 ,there was no giving up  
to drunken revelry1 but a  solemn       
recognition of ,god1 even by those who  
had not been wont to  worship him4 ,his 

temples were never so crowded4 ,his     
ministers never so  much honored4 ,we   
give the picture in all its parts1      
faithfully1 and as  completely as our   
information will enable us to do4       
,august #b4    ,in this city1 the day   
has passed off in the way in which such 
a day  ought to pass off4 ,with glad    
hearts and joyful lips1 the people have 
crowded the temples of the living ,god1 
and poured out their praises and        
thanksgivings for the great benefits    
they had received at the hands of a     
beneficent ,providence4 ,that they will 
continue to deport themselves as        
dutiful subjects1 and good men and      
women1 we have no doubt4 ,from the      
country we wait with anxious hopes to   
hear that everything has gone off  with 
the same peace1 and quiet1 and order1   
and regularity which have  prevailed    
here1 and especially that the people    
have returned to their  labor1 and are  
giving general satisfaction4    ,from   
the same4    ,among the various ways of 

interesting the minds of our newly      
enfranchised peasantry on the #ast of   
,august1 was that of planting a ,palm   
tree emblematical of liberty1 and       
commemorative of its commencement in    
this island4 ,both in ,kingston and in  
,liguanca1 we understand1 this  ceremony
 was performed by the schools and       
congregations of the ,london            
,missionary ,society4 ,the following    
hymn1 composed by ,mr4 ,wooldridge1 for 
the purpose1 and committed to memory by 
many of the children1 who were  treated 
with cakes and lemonade4    ,appropriate
 sermons were preached1 both morning and
 evening1 by the ,rev4  ,messrs4        
,woodbridge and ,ingraham1 and in the   
evening a ,temperance ,society  was     
formed for the district of ,liguanca1   
when several signed the pledge4         
,the thorny bush we'll clear away       
,the emblem of old slavery--      ,let  
every fibre of it die1      ,and all its
 vices cease to be4        ,let         
indolence1 deceit1 and theft1      ,be  

of their nourishment bereft1      ,let  
cruel wrong now disappear1      ,and    
decent order crown each year4           
,,proceedings ,,at ,,trelawney4--,a     
correspondent in ,trelawney writes4 ,the
  first of ,august was observed by the  
people so decently and devoutly1 and    
with such manifestations of subdued1 yet
 grateful feeling1 that they  appeared  
more like a select class of ,christians 
celebrating some holy  day of their     
church1 than a race but recently        
converted from idolatry1  and who were  
just emerging from the pollutions and   
degradation  of slavery4    ,,treat ,,to
 ,,the ,,children4--,the most           
interesting and truly exciting scene of 
all in ,trelawny1 was the spectacle of  
some hundreds of happy children  dining4
 ,this feast for them1 and for all who  
had hearts that could  sympathise with  
the happiness of others1 was provided by
 the ,rev4 ,mr4  ,knibb4 ,similar scenes
 were enacted in the rural districts4   
,the ,rev4 ,mr4  ,blyth had1 ,i believe1

 a meeting of his scholars1 and a treat 
provided  for them4 ,the ,rev4 ,mr4     
,anderson had a large assemblage of his 
scholars  at the school-house1 who were 
regaled with meat1 bread1 and beverage1 
and also a large meeting of the adult   
members of his ,church1 to every  one of
 whom1 who could1 or was attempting to  
learn to read1 he gave a  book4--,,he   
,,gave ,a ,,book4    ,,at ,,st4         
,,elizabeth4--,at the hour of #aj1      
,a4,m41 there was about #cjjj persons   
assembled at ,crosmond1 when the        
clergyman1 the ,rev4 ,mr4 ,hylton1      
proposed  an adjournment from the       
,chapel to the shade of some            
wide-spreading trees  in the common     
pasture1 whither the happy multitude    
immediately  adjourned4 ,the morning    
service of the church having ended1 the 
,rev4  ,gentleman preached a most       
impressive sermon from the #dth chapter 
of  ,zech4 #fth verse--,not by might1   
nor by power1 but by my ,spirit1 saith  
the ,lord of ,hosts--,in his            

application1 he took a brief review of  
the  history of the island--the conquest
 by the ,spanish--the extermination by  
the ,indians--and the consequent        
introduction of the negroes from        
,africa4  ,he then adverted to the      
several insurrections that had taken    
place  during the period since the      
conquest by the ,british1 to the last   
general  rebellion in #ahcb1 in which   
both himself and many present were      
deeply  interested4 ,having shown that  
all these insurrections had been        
suppressed1 and had come to nought1 he  
proceeded to point out how  through     
,divine providence ,mr4 ,wilberforce was
 raised up to advocate the  cause of the
 oppressed ,african1 and since that     
period1 step by step1  various          
privileges had been quietly conceded to 
the colored race1 until  the final      
consummation by the ,legislature1 in    
abolishing the last  vestiges of slavery
 on the #ast of ,august1 #ahch4    ,the 
,rev4 ,gentleman's honorable mention of 

,mr4 ,wilberforce appeared to be  deeply
 felt and acknowledged by all around4   
,after the service was  concluded1 the  
assembled multitude gave three hearty   
cheers for ,queen  ,victoria1 and three 
for ,lord ,mulgrave1 the first free     
,governor that  ever came to ,jamaica4  
,a more decent1 orderly1 and            
well-behaved assemblage could not be    
seen in  any part of the world4 ,the    
people have indeed proved themselves    
worthy  of the great boon conferred upon
 them4    ,,at ,,port ,,maria4--,the    
first of ,august passed off happily and 
peaceably4  ,the people felt deeply the 
great blessing that had been conferred  
on  them1 and behaved uncommonly well4  
,all the places of worship were         
crowded2 indeed1 thrice the number would
 not have contained those who  attended1
 and many of whom could not be          
accommodated4    ,from the ,cornwall    
,chronicle of ,aug4 #d4    ,nothing     
could give a fairer and fuller          
confidence in the character of  the     

negroes than their conduct on so joyous 
and trying an occasion1 as  what they   
have exhibited during the brief period  
of their political  regeneration4 ,it   
may be considered as an earnest of their
 future  peaceable demeanor2 the        
disbelief of the sceptic will thus be   
put to the  blush1 and the apprehensions
 of the timid allayed4 ,the first of    
,august  has passed1 and with it the    
conduct of the people has been such as  
to  convince the most jealous1 as well  
as the most sanguine of the evil        
prognosticators1 that they are a good   
and trust-worthy people4 ,there is  no  
doubt but that this day will be held for
 ever as a sacred  anniversary--a new   
,pentecost--upon which they will render 
thanks for the  quiet possession of     
their ,canaan--free from all political  
oppressions1  and that they can suffer  
only from the acts of their own         
indiscretion4  ,if ever they were placed
 in a favorable situation which they    
could  improve1 it could not have been  

equal to the present4--,the exercise of 
moderation1 however1 is now most        
required1 and will be greatly           
appreciated to themselves at a future   
time4    ,,cumberland ,,pen41 ,,st4     
,,catherine4--,the  conduct of the      
people in this district generally1  is  
such as to entitle them to the highest  
commendation4  ,well knowing the        
inconvenience to  which their masters'  
customers would be otherwise  reduced   
from a want of food for their horses    
and cattle1 they voluntarily went out to
 work on  the second day1 and in some   
instances on the following1  and        
supplied the usual demand of the        
market1 presenting their labor thus     
voluntarily  given as a free-will       
offering to their employers4  ,comment  
on such conduct world be superfluous4   
,the late apprentices of ,jamaica have  
hitherto  acquired honors1        ,above
 all ,greek1      ,above all ,roman     
fame4    ,so far as they are concerned1 
the highest expectations  of their      

friends have been more than  realized4  
,let the higher classes universally but 
exhibit the same dispositions and       
conduct1 and  the peace and prosperity  
of ,jamaica are for ever  secured4      
,morning ,journal of ,august #d4        
,,saint ,,thomas ,,in ,,the ,,east4     
,up to the moment when the post left    
,morant ,bay1 the utmost tranquillity   
prevailed4 ,in fact1 from the quiet of  
the day and the circumstance of  droves 
of well-dressed persons going to and    
from the ,church and ,chapels1  ,i was  
occasionally deluded1 says a            
correspondent1 into the belief of the   
day being ,sunday4 ,the parish ,church  
was crowded1 and the ,rector  delivered 
a very able and appropriate address4    
,the ,methodist and  ,independent       
,chapels were also filled4 ,at both     
places suitable sermons  were preached4 
,at the latter1 the resident minister   
provided an ample  second breakfast1    
which was faithfully discussed under the
 shade of a  large tent purposely       

erected for the occasion4 ,the ,rev4    
,mr4 ,atkins1  ,wesleyan ,minister1 has 
proceeded from this place to lay the    
foundation  stone of a chapel this      
afternoon1 7#ast ,august7 at ,port      
,morant1 in which  important service he 
will be assisted by ,thomas ,thomson1   
,esq41 ,church  warden1 and ,alexander  
,barclay1 ,esq41 ,member for the parish4
 ,it is  expected that many thousand    
spectators will be present at the       
interesting ceremony4 ,from all ,i have 
been able to learn the changes  among   
the labourers on the estates in this    
quarter1 will be very  limited1 these   
people being apparently satisfied with  
the arrangement  for their continued    
domicile on the respective properties4  
,another correspondent writes--we are   
very quiet here4 ,the day has  arrived  
and nearly passed off1 and thank ,god   
the predictions of the  alarmists are   
not fulfilled4 ,the ,chapels were quite 
full with a great  many persons in the  
yards4 ,the ,independents are just      

sitting down to a  feast4 ,the ,rector  
delivered a sermon or rather a string of
 advices and  opinions to the labouring 
population1 the most intolerant ,i have 
heard  for a long time4 ,this parish    
will1 ,i am quite certain1 enjoy in     
peace  and quietness this happy jubilee4
    ,,manchester4    ,we learn from this
 parish that the ,churches and ,chapels 
were crowded  many hours before the     
usual time for beginning service4       
,several thousand  persons remained     
outside the respective places1 which    
were much too  small to afford the      
accommodation4 ,every thing was quiet   
and orderly  when the post left4        
,says the ,jamaica ,gazette of ,aug4    
#dth1 a paper of the ,old ,school--,in  
spite of all the endeavours of a clique 
of self-interested agitators1  clerical 
humbug and radical rabble1 to excite the
 bad passions of the  sable populace    
against those who have been the true    
friends of ,colonial  freedom1 and the  
conservators of the public peace and    

prosperity of the  country1 the bonfire1
 bull-roast1 and malignant effigy       
exhibited to  rouse the rancor of the   
savage1 failed to produce the effect    
anticipated  by the projectors of the   
,saturnalia1 and the negro multitude    
fully  satisfied with the boon so       
generously conceded by the ,island      
,legislature1 were in no humor to wreak 
their wrath on individual  benefactors1 
whom the envy of party spirit had marked
 out as the victims  of truth and       
independence4    ,we are happy to give  
our meed of praise to the decent and    
orderly  conduct of the sable multitude1
 and to record that it far excelled the 
,loco ,foco group of bullies and        
boasters in decency of propriety of     
demeanor4 ,a kind of spree or scuffle   
took place between donkey-driver        
,quallo and another4 ,we don't know if  
they came to close fisti-cuffs1 but  it 
was1 we are assured1 the most serious   
affray on the ,course4    ,the following
 is the testimony borne in regard to    

,barbados4    ,from the ,barbados       
,liberal1 ,aug4 #dth4    ,,first ,,of   
,,august4    ,it gives us great pleasure
 to state that1 so far as our           
information  from the country extends1  
this day was observed in a manner highly
  creditable to our brethren4 ,we never 
ourselves anticipated any riotings  or  
disorder on the part of the emancipated4
 ,a little exhilaration  begetting a    
shout or two1 would not have surprised  
us2 but even this1 we  are happy to say1
 made no part of their manifestation of 
joy4 ,the day  was spent in quiet piety6
 ,in heartfelt1 soul overflowing        
gratitude to  their heavenly ,father1   
whose divine agency had raised up       
friends in  their necessity1 and brought
 their great tribulation to an end1 they
  crowded at an early hour to the       
several churches and chapels1 in which  
their numbers could scarcely find       
turning room1 and then quietly and      
devoutly poured forth their souls in    
prayer and praise and thanksgiving6  ,no

 revellings1 no riotings1 no            
drunkenness1 desecrated this day4 ,we   
have  heard from five parishes1 and in  
none of the five have we heard of a     
single convivial meeting4 ,from church  
and chapel they went to their  homes1   
and eat their first free dinner with    
their families1 putting to  shame the   
intolerant prejudices which had prepared
 powder and balls1 and  held the ,riot  
,act in readiness to correct their      
insubordinate notions  of liberty6      
,from the ,new ,haven1 ,ct41 ,herald4   
,barbados1 ,aug4 #b1 #ahch              
,yesterday's sun rose upon eight hundred
 thousand freemen1 on whom      and     
their ancestors the badge of slavery had
 rested for two hundred      years4 ,it 
was a solemn1 delightful1 most memorable
 day4 ,i look upon      it as a matter  
of exceeding thankfulness1 that ,i have 
been permitted      to be a witness to  
it1 and to be able to speak from        
experience and      from observation1 of
 the happiness to which that day has    

given      birth4 ,the day had          
previously been set apart by            
proclamation of the      ,governor1 as a
 day of devout thanksgiving and praise  
to ,almighty      ,god for the happy    
termination of slavery4 ,the            
thanksgiving and      praise were most  
truly sincere1 heartfelt and general4   
,it was an      emancipation not merely 
of the slave but of the proprietor4 ,it 
was      felt as such2 openly           
acknowledged and rejoiced in as such4   
,never      have ,i witnessed more      
apparently unfeigned expressions of     
satisfaction than were made on that day 
by the former owners of      slaves1 at 
the load of which they had been         
relieved4        ,i do not wish to be   
understood as asserting that previous to
 the      working of emancipation1 the  
slave proprietors wished the abolition  
of slavery4 ,far from it4 ,but having1  
though unwillingly1 been made           
witnesses of the operations of freedom2 
and having themselves tasted      of the

 previously unknown satisfaction of     
employing voluntary and      contented1 
because free laborers2 their minds      
became enlightened1      softened1      
changed3 and from being the determined  
opposers1 they      became themselves   
the authors of complete emancipation4 ,i
 know not      in what terms to describe
 to you the emotions excited by passing 
through the streets of this populous    
town on that memorable morning4         
,there was a stillness and solemnity    
that might be felt4 ,it was      caused 
by no display of force1 for none was to 
be seen4 ,here and      there a         
policeman going his usual rounds1 but   
not a soldier1 nor the      slightest   
warlike preparation of any kind to      
strike the eye1 or      overawe the     
spirit of disorder4        ,the spirit  
that seemed to fill the entire          
population was eminently      the spirit
 of peace1 good will1 thankfulness and  
joy too deep1 too      solemn1 to allow 
of any loud or noisy demonstration of   

it4 ,of      course1 all stores1 shops  
and offices of every kind were closed4  
,so      also were all places of        
amusement4 ,no sound of revelry1 no     
evidences      of nightly excess were to
 be heard or seen4 ,i do not say too    
much      when ,i assert that the reign 
of order1 peace1 and sobriety1      was 
complete4        ,to give eclat to an   
event of such importance1 the ,governor 
had      ordered one company of militia 
to attend with him at the cathedral4    
,it is an immense building1 and was     
crowded in every part of its            
spacious area1 galleries and aisles1    
with a most attentive      assemblage of
 people1 of all colors and conditions4  
,several      clergymen officiated1 and 
one of them at the opening of the       
services      read most appropriately   
the #ehth chapter of ,isaiah4 ,imagine  
for a      moment the effect in such an 
audience1 on such an occasion1 where    
were many hundreds of emancipated       
slaves1 of words like these3--,is       

not this the fast that ,i have chosen1  
to loose the bonds of      wickedness1  
to undo the heavy burdens1 and to let   
the oppressed go      free1 and that ye 
break every yoke8 ,the sermon by the    
,bishop was1      as might have been    
expected on such an occasion1           
interesting and      impressive4 ,he    
spoke with great effect of the          
unexpected progress of      freedom1    
from island to island1 from colony to   
colony1 until1 with a      solitary     
exception1 upon that day the stain of   
slavery was      obliterated forever    
from every ,british possession4 ,the    
progress of      education1 the gradual 
reformation of morals1 and the          
increasing      thirst for religious    
instruction1 were all dwelt upon with   
great      force1 and the glory of all  
ascribed1 as was most fit1 to the ,great
      ,giver of every good and perfect  
gift4 ,it was an occasion rich with     
happy emotions1 and long to be          
remembered as a bright and beautiful    

spot in the pathway of our earthly      
pilgrimage4        ,the close of the day
 was not less auspicious than its       
commencement4      ,in company with     
,mrs4 ,h41 ,i drove through several of  
the principal      streets1 and thence  
through the most public thoroughfare    
into the      country2 and no where     
could aught be seen to mar the decent   
and      truly impressive solemnity of  
the day4 ,there were no dances1 no      
merry-making of any sort2 not a solitary
 drunkard1 not a gun fired1      nor    
even was a shout heard to welcome in the
 newborn liberty4 ,the      only groups 
we saw were going to or returning from  
the different      chapels and churches3
 except in a few instances1 where       
families      might be seen reading or  
singing hymns at their own dwellings4   
,and now1 sir1 having arrived at the    
long looked for consummation of      all
 the labors and prayers of the friends  
of the slave for so many      years1 as 
,i cast my eye around this land of      

liberty1 how many      thoughts crowd my
 mind8 ,i ask myself--is it indeed      
finished8 ,and are      there none to   
lament the downfall of time-honored1    
hoary-headed      slavery8 ,where are   
the mourners8 ,where are the            
prognosticators of      ruin1           
desolation1 and woe8 ,where are the     
riots and disorders1 the      bloodshed 
and the burnings8 ,the prophets and     
their prophecies are      alike empty1  
vain1 and unfounded1 and are alike      
buried in oblivion4        ,and why1 in 
the name of humanity1 was not this      
glorious consummation      brought about
 ages ago8--,is it because the slaves of
 #ahch are better      fitted for       
freedom than those of fifty or a hundred
 years since8 ,no      one believes it4 
,the only preparation for freedom       
required in this      island1 or any    
where else1 in order to put a peaceful  
end to      slavery1 is the preparation 
of heart in the slaveholder to grant    
deliverance to the captive4             

,yours truly1        ,,wm4 ,r4 ,,hayes  
,p4,s4 ,august #ith4--,all is quiet1 and
 the utmost good order every      where 
prevails4    ,to complete the picture we
 will give two extracts of letters from 
eminent ,jamaica ,attornies to their    
employers in ,england1 with regard to   
the turning out to work4 ,it is remarked
 by the ,english papers that the        
,attornies generally in writing to their
 employers adopt the same strain4  ,they
 are all doing well on their estates1   
but hear that the rest of  the island is
 in a woful condition4--,these are the  
men who are the  greatest1 if not the   
only1 losers by emancipation2 hence     
their testimony  is doubly valuable4    
,from the ,british ,emancipator1 ,nov4  
#ad4    ,,letters ,,from ,,attornies4   
,extract of a ,letter from an eminent   
,estate ,attorney1 in ,st4 ,mary's1     
,jamaica1 dated ,august #bd1 #ahch4     
,there was nothing whatever done in this
 parish1 or throughout the      island1 
for the first two weeks of the month4   

,in this quarter some      estates did a
 little last week1 and have been making 
more progress      since1 but the far   
greater number have not yet done any    
work2 the      minds of the people are  
very unsettled1 and full of all sorts of
      foolish notions1 which will       
continue more or less till we hear of   
the home government having accepted and 
approved of our abolition      bill1 and
 their views with regard to us4         
,on several of the estates which have   
wrought1 the people have struck         
once or twice4 ,we have in this parish  
ministers of every      denomination1   
and they are all acting very properly2  
but they do not      seem to have as    
much influence as expected2 we must be  
as      considerate and liberal as      
possible to secure their confidence     
ourselves4 ,we are in ,st4 ,mary's      
paying the highest rate of wages in     
the island2 #as4 #h;d4 currency per day 
nett1 with allowances1 are              
generally offered2 ,i am giving here1   

from sheer necessity1 #bs4 #f;d4        
currency per day1 without charging any  
rent in the mean time4 ,in the          
present state of things when so few     
estates are doing anything at      all1 
,i have much satisfaction in saying that
 the people here1 on      ----1 a good  
proportion of them were at work last    
week1 and ,i have      now the mill     
about making sugar1 with every          
probability1 ,i think of      going on  
satisfactorily2 and looking             
dispassionately at the great      change
 which has so suddenly taken place1 our 
present difficulties      are not much  
to be wondered at4        ,sunday night1
 #hth ,sept4--,the foregoing was        
written1 but too late1      for the last
 packet2 but as another sails to-morrow1
 ,i write you a      few lines more4    
,there is1 up to this moment1 but little
 material      alteration in the state  
of affairs generally1 certainly none for
 the      worse4 ,i have made here      
twenty hogsheads of sugar since the #ast

 ult4      ,we are altogether in an     
uncertain state1 but there are more     
mills      about1 and more work doing in
 this district than in any other in     
the island1 which might and ought to be 
a feather in the cap of      ,maitter1  
our late stipe4 ,i have no time to say  
more now1 excepting      that1 although 
,i am in great hopes that things will   
soon generally      improve1 and am of  
opinion that our present difficulties   
are not to      be wondered at1 yet our 
situation is still so critical1 that ,i 
dare      not venture to hazard an      
opinion as to the success of the great  
experiment1 ,i repeat1 however1 again1  
that we have not seen anything      to  
disappoint or surprise us1 bad as many  
things are4    ,extract of a ,letter    
from an ,attorney in ,st4 ,mary's1      
,jamaica1 #bdth  ,august1 #ahch    ,the 
services of the stipes are much wanting 
here2 ,i am paying #ajs4 a  week for    
first class1 #fs4 #h;d4 for second1 and 
#ds4 #b;d4 for third1 for  five days    

work2 they say they will not work on    
,fridays4 ,however1 ,i have  got people 
at ---- to work today2 they are behaving
 better than most  others4 ,i hope      
things will now improve2 and it is my   
opinion that good  estates will do1 and 
others will fall to the ground4 ,old    
,mr4 ,tytte is  dead1 and his son       
,alexander made stipe for the district4 
,the ,governor's  speech respecting     
women has done a great deal of harm4    
,none of the women  want to work4 ,if   
,lord ,glenelg had made such a mistake1 
he would have  heard enough of it4 ,i   
wish the ,government would take it on   
themselves to  settle the rate of wages1
 otherwise two-thirds of the estates    
will be  thrown up before next year2 of 
course ,i can stand this as well as any4
  ,the ---- people have behaved well3   
they did every thing ,i told them2  they
 are working on piece-work1 which is the
 best plan4    ,precisely similar is the
 testimony of private correspondents and
 of the  public press so far as we have 

been able to learn1 in all the other    
colonies where emancipation has taken   
place4 ,there is certainly nothing  in  
all this that indicates a disposition on
 the part of the emancipated  to throw  
off the employment of their former      
masters1 but much the  reverse4 ,we may 
safely challenge contradiction to the   
assertion1 that at  the expiration of   
the jubilee there were not a set of free
 laborers on  earth from whom the ,west 
,india planters could have got more work
 for the  same money4 ,it may be proper 
in these days1 when the maxims of       
slavery  have so fearfully overshadowed 
the rights of man1 to say that a man has
  a right to forbear laboring when he   
can live honestly without it--or1  at   
all events1 he has a right to choose    
whether he will employ himself  or be   
employed by another4 ,hence it may turn 
out that the refusal to  labor1 so far  
as there has been any1 only serves to   
prove the more  clearly the fitness of  
the laborers of freedom4    ,,wages     

,it must have been obvious to every man 
of reflection that in a change so  vast1
 involving so many laborers1 and in     
circumstances so various1 there  would  
arise almost infinite disputes about the
 rate of wages4 ,the  colonies differ   
widely as to the real value of labor4   
,some have a rich1  unexhausted1 and1   
perhaps1 inexhaustible soil1 and a      
scanty supply of  laborers4 ,others are 
more populous and less fertile4 ,the    
former would of  course offer higher    
wages than the latter1 for so sudden was
 the step  there could be no common     
understanding on the point4 ,again1 as  
we have  seen1 the planters came into   
the measure with different views4 ,some 
anticipated the general change1 and     
either from motives of humanity or      
policy1 or more probably of both1       
adopted a course calculated to gain  the
 gratitude and good will of the         
laborer4--,these would offer wages      
which the less liberal would call       
ruinous4 ,many1 and it would seem the   

great body of them in ,jamaica1 yielded 
unwillingly to superior power4  ,they   
saw the sceptre of despotic authority   
was to be wrested from their  grasp4    
,they threw it down1 as one may easily  
believe1 resolved to seize  the best    
substitute they could4 ,they would      
infallibly fall upon the plan  of       
getting the greatest possible amount of 
work for the least possible  amount of  
pay4 ,when we consider that even in the 
oldest1 most civilized1  and most       
,christianized free-labor communities1  
employers are wont to  combine to keep  
down the rate of wages1 while on the    
other hand the  laborers throw up work  
to raise it1 we shall not be surprised  
that there  should be things of this    
sort in ,jamaica1 liberty being in the  
gristle4  ,the only help for such an    
evil is1 that there is always a rate of 
wages  which is advantageous to both    
parties1 and things being left to       
themselves1 it will at last be found4   
,to the planters and freed-men in       

settling the question what wages they   
should offer and receive1 two standards 
or guides presented  themselves1--#a4   
,the rate of wages which had been given 
in ,antigua since  #ahcd4 #b4 ,the      
compensation that had been demanded by  
the ,jamaica planters  themselves1 and  
adjudged by the magistrates1 in case of 
apprentices  buying their own time4     
,hundreds of planters had declared upon 
oath what  the time of the apprentice   
was worth to them4 ,possibly as sellers1
 in  the elasticity of their            
consciences1 they may have set a higher 
price  than they would be willing to    
give as buyers4 ,in strict honesty1     
however1 it is difficult to see why     
labor should not be worth to them as    
much in the one case as the other4 ,the 
rate of wages fixed upon in  ,antigua   
may be seen by a reference to the       
,journal of ,thome and ,kimball  to be  
very inadequate to the wants of the     
laborer4 ,free labor is there  screwed  
down to the lowest possible point4 ,the 

wonder is that the  laborers should have
 submitted to such a scale for a moment4
 ,but they  had no precedent to guide   
them1 no advisers free from the yoke of 
the  proprietary1 no valuations given by
 their own masters1 and there was  every
 facility for successful combination on 
the part of the masters4  ,they must    
work for such wages as the masters      
pleased to offer1  or starve4    ,say   
,messrs4 ,thome and ,kimball--,by a     
general understanding among the         
planters1 the rate is at present fixed  
at a shilling per day1 or a  little more
 than fifty cents per week1 counting    
five working days4 ,this  ,antigua      
scale1 and not the one they themselves  
had sold labor by during  the           
apprenticeship1 became at once the      
favorite with a great part of the       
,jamaica and ,barbados planters4 ,if    
they in any cases offered higher  wages1
 they made it up by charging higher rent
 for the houses and  grounds1 which the 
negroes had built and brought under     

culture on their  properties4 ,it was   
before the first of ,august that this   
procedure was  resolved upon by the     
planters1 as we gather from numerous    
communications  in the papers           
recommending a variety of modes of      
getting labor for less  than its natural
 market value4 ,we select a single one  
of these as a  specimen1 by the         
application to which of a little        
arithmetic1 it will be  perceived that  
the employer would bring the laborer in 
debt to him at  the end of the year1    
though not a moment should be lost by   
sickness or  other casualty4 ,the       
humanity of the document is perfectly of
 a piece  with that of the system which 
would civilize mankind by making        
merchandize of them4    ,to the ,editor 
of the ,morning journal4    ,,sir1--,let
 meetings be held1 not only in every    
parish1 but in every  district of a     
parish1 and let all land-owners1 c41    
agree not to rent  land under #h;,a per 
acre1 and not to sell it for less than  

double that  sum4 ,should a few be found
 regardless of the general weal1 let the
  proprietary1 c4 join and purchase such
 lands1 and if otherwise1 it is         
presumed the dissentients to the measure
 would be so small as not to  affect in 
any material degree the general         
interest1 inasmuch as those  who        
dissented1 from the consequent scarcity 
of land arising from the  measure1 would
 demand a high rental for their land4   
,the maximum system  appears to be      
preferable to the minimum4 ,i have      
therefore made choice  of it as a       
stimulus to the laborers to work at     
least four days or  thirty-six hours in 
the week to pay for their rent1 c4 c41  
or pay #bs4  #a;d4 for every day's      
absence2 or1 if sick1 pay up the labor  
by working  on the ,friday1 c41 and     
,saturday1 if needful4 ,weekly          
settlements with  both parties1 or      
immediate summary ejectment1 if deemed  
necessary4    ,footnote ,a3 ,the sums   
are in the currency of the islands when 

not  otherwise specified1 that is #gs   
#f;d to the dollar4                     
s4  d4  ,rent of #b acres of land as a  
ground for      each able adult1 at #e  
per acre            #aj   #j   #j  ,do4 
of house and garden1 from #d to      #aj
 per annum1 say                         
#f   #j   #j  ,medical attendance1      
medicine1 c4 c41      worth #d per annum
                         #d   #j   #j   
,clothing and ,christmas allowance per  
annum                                   
#a  #ac   #d                            
----------                              
#ba  #ac   #d                           
----------    ,four days' or #cf hours' 
labor in each      week1 at #bs4 #a;d4  
per day1 or #bjh      days1 at #bs4     
#a;d4                           #ba  #ac
   #d  ,if task-work were adopted1 or   
the day's      labor prolonged to       
#aj-a_/b or #ab hours'      labor1 #c   
days' or #c-a_/b days' labor      would 
suffice1 consequently1 the      laborer 
would have #b or #c days      in each   

week to work for extra      wages4  ,in 
addition to the above1 say pasturage    
for a horse1 at #ds4 #b;d4 per week per 
annum                                   
#aj  #af   #h  ,pasturage for an ass1 at
 #bs4 #a;d4 per week      per annum     
#e   #f   #d  ,run of pasturage and     
fruit1 for a sow1      barrow1 or sholt2
 ,,if ,,rung ,,in ,,the      ,,nose1    
#aj;d4 per week2 ,,if ,,not ,,rung1     
#as4 #h;d4 per week2 per annum1 at      
#aj;d4 per week                         
#b   #c   #d    ,the above charges for  
pasturage might be paid for either by   
additional  labor or in money1 and to a 
good head-man they might be granted as a
  gratuity1 and perhaps an additional   
acre of land allowed him to  cultivate4 
,it would be desirable that the negroes 
should1 when quite  free1 work #aa hours
 per day in the short days1 and #ab     
hours in the  longer ones4 ,i believe   
the shortest day's labor in ,england in 
the winter  months in #aj hours' actual 
labor1 and #ab hours' in the summer1 for

 which  #b hours they are paid extra    
wages4    ,st4 ,mary's1 #hth ,june1     
#ahch4 ,s4,r4    ,the date should not   
escape notice4 ,by this plan1 for a few 
petty  indulgences1 all of which were   
professedly granted in the time of      
slavery itself1 the master could get the
 entire labor of the negro1 and  seven  
or eight pounds per annum besides6 ,some
 may be disposed to  regard this as a   
mere joke1 but we can assure them it was
 a serious  proposal1 and not more      
monstrous than many things that the     
planters are  now attempting to put in  
practice4 ,the idea of actually paying  
money  wages was horrifying and         
intolerable to many of the planters2    
they seem  to have exercised their      
utmost ingenuity to provide against so  
dreadful  a result4 ,one who signed     
himself an ,old ,planter in the         
,despatch1  before the abolition of the 
apprenticeship1 in view of the          
emancipation  of the non-praedials which
 was to take place on the first of      

,august1  gravely wrote as follows3--   
,it is my intention1 therefore1 when the
 period arrives for any  arrangement    
with them1 to offer them in return for  
such services1 the  same time as the    
praedials now have1 with of course the  
same allowances  generally1 putting out 
of the question1 however1 any relaxation
 from  labor during the day1 usually    
allowed field laborers1 and understood  
as  shell-blow--house people being      
considered at all times capable of      
enjoying that indulgence at their       
pleasure1 besides the impossibility of  
their master submitting to such an      
inconvenience4--,this appears to me to  
be the only mode of arrangement that    
would be feasible1 unless we resort  to 
money wages1 and ,i should regret to    
find that such a precedent was          
established in this instance1 for it    
would only be a forerunner to  similar  
demands at the coming period1 when the  
praedials became free4    ,there were   
more reasons than one why money wages   

were feared by the  ,jamaica planters4  
,a great many estates are managed by    
attorneys for  absentee proprietors4    
,these gentlemen pocket certain         
commissions1 for  which reason they keep
 in cultivation estates which cannot    
possibly  yield a profit under a system 
of paid labor4 ,they deem it for their  
interest to retain their occupation even
 at the expense of their  employers4    
,not a few conceive it for their        
interest to depreciate the  value of    
property that they may purchase low1    
hence they deem it good  policy to      
refuse wages1 let the crops perish1 and 
get up a panic4 ,the  documents we shall
 furnish will be clear on these points4 
,the great  diversity of practice in the
 planters in regard to wages1 as well as
 the  reasonable disposition of the     
laborers1 is shown by the following     
paragraphs culled from the ,morning     
,journal of ,august #aj3--    ,,st4     
,,davids4--,a gentleman in the          
management of a property in this parish1

  writes in the following strain to his 
employer--,i have an accession of       
strength this morning4 ,the people are  
civil and industrious4 ,i have  received
 letters assuring me that the example of
 the ,cocoa ,walt estate  people1 has   
been the means of inducing those on     
other estates to enter  into the terms  
proposed--that is #es4 per week1 with   
houses1 grounds1  medicines1 c1 c4      
,st4 ,thomas in the ,east4--,the        
apprentices on ,golden ,grove ,estate1  
turned  out to work on ,monday1 but we  
have not learnt on what terms4 ,at      
,mount  ,vernon1 the property of        
,kenneth ,mc,pherson ,esq41 they turned 
out on  ,tuesday morning to work for    
five days in the week1 at #aj;d4 per day
 with  houses1 grounds1 c4              
,trelawny--,a correspondent writes1     
every thing is quiet1 and the people    
would go to work if any bargains were   
made1 but ,i believe throughout the     
parish the people were directed to go to
 work on ,monday morning1 without  any  

previous arrangement1 or being even told
 how much they would be  paid1 or asked 
what they expected4 ,on one estate #as4 
#h;d4 with houses and  grounds was      
offered and refused4 ,some of the       
masters are determined1 it  is said1 to 
hold out1 and will not consent to give  
more than #as4 #c;d4 or  #as4 #h;d4 per 
day4    ,st4 ,johns4--,the people in    
this parish are at work on most of the  
estates without any agreement4 ,they    
refuse the offer of #as4 #ja-b;d4 per   
day1 but continue to labor1 relying on  
the honor and liberality of the         
planters for fair and reasonable pay4   
,if they do not get these in two  weeks1
 our correspondent writes1 there will be
 a dead stop4 ,the laborers  fix the    
quantity of work to be done in a day1   
agreeable to the scale of  labor        
approved of by the ,governor during the 
apprenticeship4 ,for any  thing beyond  
that1 they demand extra pay1 as was     
usual under  that system4    ,st4       
,thomas in the ,vale--,no work1 we      

understand1 is being done in this       
parish as yet4 ,a correspondent states  
that some of the overseers and          
attorneys wish the people to turn out to
 work without entering into any         
arrangements1 which they refuse to do4  
,the attorney for ,rose ,hall1          
,knollis1 ,new ,works1 and ,wallace     
,estates has offered #as4 #c;d4 per day1
 out  of which #e per annum is to be    
deducted for houses and grounds4 ,the   
offer has been refused4 ,the overseer of
 ,byndloss estate required his  people  
to work without agreeing as to the rate 
of wages they were to  receive1 but they
 refused to do any thing without a      
proper agreement4    ,st4 ,mary's--,on  
some estates in this parish we are      
informed1 and  particularly those under 
the charge of ,richard ,lewis1 ,esq4    
such as  ,ballard's ,valley1 ,timperon's
 estates1 ,ellis' estates1 c4 and of    
,charles  ,stewart1 ,esq4 ,trinity1     
,royal1 ,roslin ,bremer ,hall1 c41 and  
also of ,james  ,geddes1 ,esq41 the     

laborers are getting from #bs4 #f;d4 to 
#cs4 #d;d4 per day4  ,the same rates are
 paid upon many outer properties4 ,on   
many estates the  people have refused to
 labor1 and urge objections against the 
managers1  as a reason for so acting4   
,they remain and will engage to labor1  
provided the obnoxious parties are      
removed4    ,how could the people be    
blamed for refusing #aj;d4 per day1     
while on many  properties they were     
getting from #bs4 #f;d4 to #cs4 #d;d48  
,such being also  the valuation which   
the masters had uniformly placed upon   
their time  during the apprenticeship8  
,when the planters found that the free  
laborers could neither be  prevailed    
upon to labor for half-price nor be     
driven to excesses by such  paltry      
persecution1 they turned their wrath1 as
 had been long their  custom1 upon the  
,baptist ,missionaries4 ,upon ,mr4      
,knibb especially they  laid the blame  
of giving mischievous advice to the     
peasantry4 ,and for  the obvious purpose

 of exciting the thousands of people    
warmly devoted  to him1 to acts of      
violence1 they attempted to burn him in 
effigy and  actually circulated the     
report that he had been murdered4       
,thousands of  his people flocked into  
,spanish ,town1 threatening to destroy  
the town if  the report proved true4    
,but on learning its falsity were easily
  persuaded to retire1 and did so       
without being guilty of any excess      
whatever4 ,unmeasured and unceasing have
 been the attacks of the ,jamaica  press
 upon the missionaries4 ,upon their     
shoulders has been laid the  ruin of    
that fine island4--,they have corrupted 
the peasantry and put it  in their heads
 to ask more wages than the estate can  
possibly give4 ,to  determine the value 
of the testimony of the missionaries in 
this case it  is important to know the  
nature of their influence upon the      
laborers  touching the question of      
wages4 ,we are happily furnished with   
the  required information from their own

 lips and pens in the ,jamaica papers4  
,from the ,falmouth ,post4    ,,rev4 ,w4
 ,,knibb',s ,,advice ,,to ,,the         
,,negroes4    ,,meeting ,,at ,,the      
,,suffield ,,school-,,room4    ,on      
,friday evening last we attended the    
suffield ,school-room1 in this  town1   
which1 at an early hour was crowded with
 apprentices and head  people1 from     
upwards of twenty properties1 who had   
met for the purpose  of receiving advice
 from the ,rev4 ,wm4 ,knibb1 and        
,special ,justice ,lyon1  respecting the
 course of conduct it will be necessary 
for them to adopt1  on taking their     
stand in society as freemen4 ,several   
gentlemen connected  with the commercial
 and agricultural interests of the      
parish were  present on the occasion4   
,the ,rev4 ,w4 ,knibb commenced by      
saying1 that he attended a meeting of a 
similar nature at ,wilberforce ,chapel1 
on the preceding evening4 ,he had       
thought it better to request the        
attendance this evening of the head     

people1 who being the more intelligent  
would be able to explain to  others1 the
 advice which they would now receive    
themselves4 ,i am glad1  said the ,rev4 
,gentleman1 to see so many persons      
present1 among whom ,i  notice a few    
gentlemen who are not connected with my 
church3 ,i am glad  of the attendance of
 these gentlemen1 for what ,i do1 ,i do 
openly1 and  any one is at liberty to   
express his opinion at this meeting if  
he  desires to do so4    ,you will      
shortly1 my friends1 be released from   
your present state of  bondage2 in the  
course of a very few weeks you will     
receive the boon of  freedom1 and ,i    
would therefore impress deeply on your  
minds the  necessity of your continuing 
the cultivation of the soil on the      
receipt  of fair and equitable wages4 ,i
 am not aware myself of any complete    
scale  of wages having been drawn up1   
but ,i have been on #aj or #ab different
  properties1 ,i have conversed with    
several proprietors1 and ,i am glad to  

say that with some of them there appears
 to be a disposition to meet the  charge
 fairly and honorably4 ,those who are   
more conversant with figures  than ,i   
am1 will be enabled to show what the    
owner can afford to give for  the       
cultivation of his property4 ,in the    
mean time ,i would say to you1 do  not  
make any hasty bargain3 take time and   
consider the subject1 for it  is one of 
vital interest and importance to all6   
,if you demand too high a  rate of      
wages1 the proprietors will be ruined2  
if you consent to take  too low a sum1  
you will not be able to provide for the 
wants of  yourselves and families4 ,in  
making your arrangement1 if there be an 
attempt to grind you down1 resist the   
attempt by all legal means2 for  you    
must consider that you are not acting   
for yourselves alone1 but for           
posterity4 ,i desire to see every       
vestige of slavery completely rooted    
out4 ,you must work for money2 you must 
pay money to your employers for  all you

 receive at their hands3 a fair scale of
 wages must be  established1 and you    
must be entirely independent of any one4
 ,if you  continue to receive those     
allowances which have been given during 
slavery and apprenticeship1 it will go  
abroad that you are not able to  take   
care of yourselves2 that your employers 
are obliged to provide you  with these  
allowances to keep you from starvation2 
in such a case you  will be nothing more
 than slaves4--,to be free1 you must be 
independent2  you must receive money for
 your work2 come to market with money2  
purchase from whom you please1 and be   
accountable to no one but that  ,being  
above1 who ,i hope will watch over and  
protect you6--,i sincerely  trust that  
proper arrangements will be made before 
the #ast of ,august4--,i  have spoken to
 nearly four thousand persons connected 
with my church1  and ,i have not yet    
learnt that there is any disposition    
among them to  leave their present      
employers1 provided they receive        

equitable wages4  ,your employer will   
expect from you good crops of sugar and 
rum2 and  while you labour to give him  
these1 he must pay you such wages as    
will  enable you to provide yourselves  
with wholesome food1 good clothing1     
comfortable houses1 and every other     
necessity of life4 ,your wages must  be 
such as to enable you to do this2 to    
contribute to the support of  your      
church2 the relief of the distressed2   
the education of your  children1 and to 
put by something for sickness and old   
age4 ,i hail the  coming of the #ast    
,august with feelings of joy and        
gratitude4 ,oh1 it will  be a blessed   
day2 a day which gives liberty to all2  
and my friends1 ,i  hope that the       
liberty which it will bring to you will 
by duly  appreciated4 ,i trust ,i may   
live to see the black man in the full   
enjoyment of every privilege with his   
white brethren1 and that you may  all so
 conduct yourselves as to give the lie  
direct to those who have  affirmed that 

the only idea you have of liberty is    
that it will enable  you to indulge in  
idle habits and licentious pursuits4    
,when liberty  casts her benignant      
smiles on this beautiful island1 ,i     
trust that the  employer and the laborer
 will endeavour to live on terms of     
friendship  and good will with one      
another4--,when the labourer receives a 
proper  remuneration for his            
services--when the employer contemplates
 the  luxuriance of his well-cultivated 
fields1 may they both return thanks to  
a merciful ,god1 for permitting the sun 
of liberty to shine with bright         
effulgence6 ,i need scarcely assure you1
 my friends1 that ,i will be at  all    
times ready to protect your rights4 ,i  
care not about the abuse with  which ,i 
may probably be assailed2 ,i am ready to
 meet all the obloquy and  scorn of     
those who have been accustomed to place 
the most unfavourable  constructions on 
my actions4 ,i am willing to meet the   
proprietors in a  spirit of candour and 

conciliation4 ,i desire to see you      
fairly  compensated for your labor2 ,i  
desire also to you performing your work 
with cheerful industry3 but ,i would    
warn you not to be too hasty in         
entering into contracts4 ,think         
seriously before you act1 and remember1 
as ,i have already old you1 that you    
have now to act not only for            
yourselves1 but for posterity4    ,we   
give numerous documents from these      
gentlemen1 as among the best if  not the
 greatest part of our fellow citizens2  
we trust their testimony  will be deemed
 the best that could be offered4        
,,letter ,,of ,,eight ,,baptist         
,,missionaries4    ,to the ,right ,hon4 
,lord ,,glenelg1 c4    ,my ,lord--,we   
feel assured that no apology is         
necessary1 in requesting  your attention
 to the subject of this letter4 ,the    
official connection  which you hold with
 the colony1 together with the peculiar 
circumstances  in which its             
newly-emancipated population are placed1

 render it an  imperative duty we owe to
 ourselves to lay before you our        
sentiments4    ,having labored in the   
island for many years1 and having been  
in daily  intercourse with the objects  
of our solicitude1 we do feel devoutly  
thankful to ,,almighty ,,god1 that he   
has spared us to see the  disenthralment
 of our beloved flocks2 while it gives  
us increased  pleasure to assure your   
lordship that they received the boon    
with holy  joy1 and that the hour which 
made them men beheld them in thousands  
humbly prostrate at the footstool of    
mercy1 imploring the blessing of        
,,heaven upon themselves and their      
country1 while1 during the night and    
joyful day1 not a single case of        
intoxication was seen4    ,to us1 as    
their pastors1 they naturally looked for
 advice1 both as to  the labor they     
should perform and the wages they should
 receive4 ,the  importance of this      
subject was deeply felt by us1 and we   
were prepared  to meet it with a full   

sense of the responsibility it involved1
 and  happily succeeded in inducing them
 to accept of a sum lower than that     
which the representatives of the        
landowners had formerly asserted was    
fair and just4    ,we regret to state1  
that a deep combination was formed by   
many of these  middlemen to grind the   
peasantry to the dust1 and to induce1 if
  possible1 the acceptance of           
remuneration which1 by affording no     
inducement to the peasant cheerfully to 
labor1 would have entailed  pauperism on
 him and his family1 and ruin on the    
absentee proprietor4 ,it  was to this   
circumstance1 and not in the least to   
any unwillingness in  the free negro to 
work1 or to demand more for his labor   
than it was  fairly worth1 that for one 
or two weeks1 in some places1 the       
cultivation  of the soil was not        
resumed4 ,upon the planting attorneys1  
so long  accustomed to tyranny and      
oppression1 and armed with a power over 
the  land which must prove inimical to  

the full development of the resources   
of this valuable colony1 the blame      
entirely rests4    ,we suppose that your
 lordship is fully aware1 that the laws 
under which  the laborer is now placed  
are tyrannical and unjust in the        
extreme2  laws1 we hesitate not to      
affirm1 which are a disgrace to those   
who  framed them1 and which1 if acted   
upon by a local magistracy1 will entail 
upon the oft-cheated1 over-patient negro
 some of the worst features of  that    
degrading state of vassalage from which 
he has just escaped4 ,we  particularly  
refer to ,an ,act to enlarge the ,powers
 of ,justices in  determining complaints
 between ,masters and ,servants1 and    
between  ,masters1 and ,apprentices1    
,artificers1 and others1 which passed   
the  ,assembly the #crd day of ,july1   
#ahcd1 while by police acts1 especially 
one  regulating the town of ,falmouth1  
our people will be daily harassed  and  
annoyed4    ,we think it right to inform
 your lordship1 that the greater part of

  those who hold the commission of      
magistrates are the very persons who1   
by their connection with the soil1 are  
the most unfit1 because the most        
interested1 honestly to discharge their 
important duties2 while their  ignorance
 of the law is1 in too many cases1      
equalled only by their love  of tyranny 
and misrule4 ,time must work a mighty   
change in the views of  numbers who hold
 this office1 ere they believe there is 
any dereliction  of duty in daily       
defrauding the humble ,african4 ,we     
cannot but entreat  your lordship to use
 those means which are in your power to 
obtain for  the laborer1 who imploringly
 looks to the ,queen for protection1    
justice  at the hands of those by whom  
the law is administered4 ,we must1      
indeed1  be blind to all passing events1
 did we not see that1 without the       
watchful care of the home government1   
the country district courts1 held       
sometimes in the very habitations of    
those who will have to make the         

complaints1 will be dens of injustice   
and cruelty1 and that our hearts  will  
again be lacerated by the oppressions   
under which our beloved  people will    
groan4    ,we beg to apprise your       
lordship1 that we have every reason to  
believe  that an early attempt will be  
made to deprive the peasantry of their  
provision grounds--that they will not be
 permitted1 even to rent them2  so that1
 by producing starvation and rendering  
the population entirely  dependent upon 
foreign-supplies for the daily          
necessaries of life1 a  lower rate of   
wages may be enforced4 ,cruel as this   
may appear to your  lordship1 and       
unlikely as it may seem1 long experience
 has taught us  that there is no        
possible baseness of which a slave-owner
 will not be  guilty1 and no means of   
accomplishing his purposes1 however     
fraught with  ruin to those around him1 
which he will not employ4    ,should the
 peasantry be thus treated1 we shall    
feel it our duty humbly  to implore that

 the lands belonging to the crown may be
 made available  for their use4 ,your   
lordship will remember that these       
ill-treated people  became not the      
subjects of her ,majesty by choice1     
though they are now  devotedly attached 
to her government4 ,their fathers were  
stolen and  brought hither4 ,on their   
native shores they had lands and        
possessions  capable of supplying all   
their wants4 ,if1 then1 after having    
toiled  without remuneration1 they are  
prevented even renting a portion of land
  which has hitherto been esteemed as   
their own1 we shall ask1 and shall  feel
 assured that the boon will not be      
withheld1 that her ,most ,gracious      
,majesty will throw open the lands      
belonging to the crown1 where we may    
retire from the tyranny of man1 and with
 our people find a peaceful and  quiet  
home4    ,though still surrounded by    
obloquy and reproach1 though the most   
abusive  epithets and language          
disgracefully vulgar has been employed  

to assail  us1 especially by a newspaper
 known to be under the patronage of a   
bishop1 and in which all official       
accounts of his diocese are given to    
the world1 yet we assure your lordship  
that1 in endeavouring to promote  the   
general interests and welfare of this   
colony1 we shall still pursue  that line
 of conduct which is the result of our  
judgment1 and in  accordance with the   
dictates of our conscience4    ,in no   
part of the island are arrangements made
 so fully or so fairly1 as  in those    
districts where our congregations       
reside1 and in no part are  the laborers
 more faithfully performing their duty4 
,we deeply feel our  responsibility at  
the present crisis1 and pledging        
ourselves to your  lordship and the     
,british ,government by the sacred      
office we hold1 we  assure you that     
ceaseless efforts shall still be        
exerted1 as they have  ever been1 to    
promote the peace and happiness of those
 around us4    ,in the name and on the  

behalf of our churches1 for the sacred  
cause of  freedom throughout the world1 
we unitedly implore your lordship to    
throw  the shield of ,britain's         
protection over those who are just made 
her  loyal subjects4 ,all they want1 and
 all they ask1 is1 that1 as they are    
raised to the dignity1 so they may      
receive all the rights of man1 and  that
 the nation who purchased them from     
bondage may fully secure to them  that  
civil and religious liberty1 to which   
both their unparalleled  sufferings and 
their unexampled patience so richly     
entitle them4    ,we cannot conclude    
this letter1 without expressing the high
 sense we  entertain of the noble and   
disinterested conduct pursued by his    
excellency ,sir ,lionel ,smith1 the     
,governor of this colony4 ,but for his  
firmness1 ,jamaica would have presented 
all the horrors of a civil war4         
,feeling assured that your lordship will
 give that attention to this  letter    
which the subject demands1 and with     

earnest prayer that this  colony1 now   
blest with liberty1 may exhibit         
increasing prosperity1 we  are1 my lord1
 your most obedient servants1 ,signed by
    ,,thomas ,,burchell  ,,william      
,,knibb  ,,thomas ,,abbott  ,,walter    
,,dendy  ,,john ,,clark  ,b4,b4 ,,dexter
  ,,samuel ,,oughton  ,j4 ,,hutchins    
,baptist ,missionaries1 ,north ,side    
,union4    ,on the foregoing letter the 
,london ,sun has the following          
observations4    ,every arrival from the
 ,west ,indies but strengthens our      
conviction1 that  there never will be   
happiness1 security1 or peace for the   
emancipated  negroes1 so long as the    
administration of the laws1 and the     
management  of the plantations1 are     
continued in the hands of those white   
officials  whose occupation1 previous to
 the passing of the emancipation act1   
consisted in torturing and tormenting   
them with impunity4 ,they cannot  endure
 to witness the elevation to the rank of
 free1 intelligent1 and  well-behaved   

fellow-citizens1 of a class of beings   
whom they were  accustomed to treat a   
myriad of times worse than they did the 
beasts  that perish4 ,having pronounced 
them incapable of civilization1 and     
strangers to all the better feelings of 
our nature1 they deem it a sort  of duty
 to themselves to employ every artifice 
to neutralize or retard  every measure  
calculated to ameliorate the moral and  
social condition of  the negro race4    
,several of the colonial agents have    
powerful inducements  to the provocation
 of some insurrectionary outbreak1 on   
the part of the  colored population4 ,in
 the first place1 such an emute would   
fulfil  their predictions with regard to
 the passing the ,emancipation ,act1 and
  so establish their reputation as      
seers2 and in the next1 it would lead   
to the sale of many of the plantations  
at one-sixth their real value1  and so  
transform them from agents to           
principles1 as they would not fail  to  
be the purchasers4 ,that such is their  

policy cannot1 we think1 be  doubted for
 a moment by those who will take the    
trouble to peruse a  letter addressed by
 eight ,baptist missionaries1 long      
resident in  ,jamaica1 to ,lord         
,glenelg1 which will be found in another
 part of ,the  ,sun4 ,these             
missionaries1 we are assured1 are men of
 irreproachable  lives1 of indefatigable
 ,christian zeal1 and of conversation   
becoming  persons whose sacred office it
 is to preach the gospel of peace4 ,that
  their representation will produce a   
powerful effect upon the minds of  the  
people of this country1 we feel as      
confident as we do that our  gracious   
,queen will concede any boon in her     
royal gift1 necessary to the  welfare of
 her colored subjects4    ,the following
 are a series of letters to ,mr4        
,sturge1 published in the  ,british     
,emancipator for ,nov4 #bh1 #ahch4 ,the 
one from a ,special ,justice  clearly   
developes the principal causes of the   
backwardness of the  laborers4 ,the     

testimony of this letter to some        
important facts will be  fully confirmed
 by that of the ,governor of ,jamaica4  
,the evidence of  extortion submitted by
 the missionaries is so explicit1 that  
we beg the  attention of the reader to  
all the details4 ,remember the          
experiment  involves the claims of      
millions to that without which life is  
little  better than a curse4 ,every     
thing hangs on the inquiry whether the  
emancipated or their former masters are 
chargeable with whatever there  is of   
ruin in the fine island of ,jamaica4    
,says ,mr4 ,sturge1 in laying  these    
letters before the public1 it should be 
clearly understood that  the fee simple 
of all negro houses in ,jamaica is not  
worth #aj each on  an average1 and that 
their provision grounds have been       
brought into  cultivation by the negroes
 themselves in their own time4          
,extract of a letter from a             
,missionary3--    ,savannah-la-,mar1    
,sept4 #h1 #ahch4    ,,my ,,dear        

,,sir1--,you are probably aware that the
 following question has  been submitted 
by the ,governor to the                 
,attorney-,general for his opinion3     
7copy47    7,no4 #hdd47 ,king' ,house1  
,aug4 #bg1 #ahch4    ,,sir1--,i am      
desired by the ,governor to request you 
will give your opinion  for general     
publication4 #ast4 ,whether in instances
 of notices to quit  their houses and   
grounds1 having been served upon the    
late apprentices1  they are liable to be
 made to pay rent for the occupation of 
such house1  during the three months    
allowed by law8    7,,opinion47    ,they
 are4    7,signed17    ,d ,o',,reill4   
,we shall soon see the evil effects of  
this opinion1 it being generally        
previously understood that the late     
apprenticed population would not be     
liable for rent until the three months  
had expired1 after receiving  notice to 
quit4    ,as a specimen of this being   
made an instrument of great oppression  
in  the hands of managers of estates1 ,i

 would state that two notices were      
yesterday brought to brother ,hutchins  
for his inspection2 one was served  upon
 ,david ,clarke1 a labourer1 on ,king's 
,valley estate1 in this parish4  ,on the
 back of the notice to quit was written 
as under2--    ,the rent of your house  
and grounds is twenty-one pounds six    
shillings  and eight pence1 per annum1  
commencing #ast of ,august1 #ahch1 if   
legal4    7,signed7 ,j4 ,h4 ,,jones4    
,mr4 ,sturge appends the following ,west
 ,india accounts1 which be says are  in 
his possession by which it is evident   
that the planters are bringing  their   
laborers in debt to them1 by a spirit of
 shameless extortion4    ,charles       
,duncan to ,john ,dixon1 ,dr4  #ahch4   
,sept4 #ae4 ,to rent of house  and      
ground1 from #ast of ,august to  date1  
#fs4 #h;d4 per week4                    
#b  #c  #i-a_/b  ,cr4 ,by balance1 five 
days1 #as4#h;d4 per day #j  #h  #d      
-------------                           
#a #ae  #e-a_/b  ,charles ,brown1 to    

,john ,dixon1 ,dr4  #ahch4 ,sept4 #ac4  
,to rent of house  and ground1 #fs4     
#h;d4 per week1  from #ast ,aug1 to     
date4                    #b  #a #aj     
,charge for running a sow and pigs1     
from #ast ,aug4 to date1 #bs4 #f;d4 per 
week                                    
#j #ae  #h-a_/b                         
-------------                           
#b #ag  #f-a_/b    ,john ,alfred        
,bullock to ,john ,dixon1 ,dr4  #ahch4  
,sept4 #ae4 ,to rent of house  and      
garden1 from #ast of ,aug4  to date1    
#fs4 #h;d4 per week1                #b  
#c  #i-a_/b  ,rent of provision ground1 
#es4 per  week1                         
#a #ab  #f  ,pasturage1 two weeks1 for  
an ass1  #fs4 #c;d1 per month1          
#j  #c  #d  ,two hogs1 #as4 #h;d4 per   
week1               #a  #a #aj-c_/d     
-------------                           
#e  #a  #f-a_/d  ,cr4 ,by two days'     
labour1 #as4  #h;d4 per day             
#j  #c  #d                              
-------------                           

#d #ah  #b-a_/c    ,,letter ,,to ,,mr4  
,,sturge1 ,,from ,a ,,special ,,justice4
    ,jamaica1 ,oct4 #abth1 #ahch4       
,freedom has brought with it the        
blessings we anticipated2 and as we     
progress in civilization we shall all be
 happier4 ,i have ever been  sanguine as
 to its beneficial results1 and ,i am   
not in the least  disappointed4 ,i      
cannot find language sufficiently strong
 to express the  commendation due to the
 negroes for their steady and good      
conduct since  the #ast of ,august4     
,amidst the most trying circumstance1   
they have  exhibited the greatest       
forbearance1 and placed their whole     
reliance on  the laws for protection4 ,i
 am satisfied that no other nation of   
free men  could conduct themselves so   
temperately and well1 under similar     
circumstances2 and in my opinion1 they  
have proved themselves infinitely       
superior to many of those who so lately 
exercised almost unlimited  control over
 them4 ,i declare to you1 to see such a 

mass of persons1  whose morals have been
 little regarded by those who held them 
in  slavery1 and without education1 rise
 all at once1 and express and  conduct  
themselves so admirably1 is wonderful4  
,when seeking redress  before the       
magistrates for wrongs committed by     
there former owners they  have          
maintained more coolness and temper than
 their more fortunate  brethren1 when   
maters are decided against them4 ,there 
is a hard struggle  on the part of the  
pro-slavery faction to compel the negro 
to work for  little or nothing1 in order
 that the attorneys and overseers may   
keep  their places as before2 and ,i am 
informed1 by a gentleman whose veracity 
is not to be doubted1 and who is himself
 an attorney1 that he can still  keep   
his overseer and merchant as in former  
days1 draw his own  commissions1 and    
send home to his employer a very        
handsome surplus4  ,under such          
circumstances1 well may the friends of  
freedom cry shame at  the opposition    

which has for so long a time been thrown
 in the way of  liberty1 by these ,west 
,indians of practical knowledge4 ,the   
facts are1  that the absent proprietors 
have been led by the advice they have   
received from their attorneys2 and these
 have had so many ways of making  more  
than an honest commission1 and have so  
speedily made their  fortunes1 that as  
long as they could continue slavery1    
they have exerted  every influence4 ,the
 overseer was paid1 housed1 fed1 and    
waited upon1  all at the expense of     
master and slave1 beside2 keeping a fine
 stud of  horses1 and as many brood     
mares at pasture on the property as     
would  enable him to dispose of seven or
 eight prime mules annually2 and so     
long as he drove and tormented the poor 
negro1 and made good crops for  the     
attorney's commissions1 and supplied his
 horses with corn1 these  little        
perquisites were never discovered4 ,now 
the proprietor will  hardly pay for more
 labor than is absolutely necessary to  

grow and  manufacture the produce of his
 estate2 and these gentlemen must       
henceforth look to their own resources1 
for the payment of servants to  attend  
and take care of their own interests and
 comforts4 ,an overseer's  situation on 
an estate making #cjj hogsheads1 was    
calculated in slavery  to be equal to   
#bjjjl4 a year4 ,indeed no man in any   
town could have lived  in such luxury   
for that sum4 ,if the proprietor would  
only come out1 and  live prudently1 he  
would save all this by residing on his  
property1  which he could easily manage 
by employing1 for extra wages1 his      
former  steady head people4 ,they1 from 
long residence1 know the best manner of 
working the land2 and1 as to the        
manufacture of sugar1 they are the      
persons who have all their lives been   
working at it4 ,the most  important part
 of an overseer and book-keeper's       
business was to make use  of their eyes4
 ,the negro had to make use of his legs1
 arms and  strength2 and1 in nine cases 

out of ten1 his brains kept the white   
people in their situations1 by          
preventing matters from going wrong4    
,i perfectly coincide with you1 as to   
the propriety of the negro speedily     
becoming possessed of the elective      
franchise4 ,in ,antigua there is very   
little more land than is in cultivation 
for the estates1 but here it is  widely 
different2 and they are beginning to    
settle themselves by  purchasing small  
lots very fast4 ,at ,sligoville there   
are nearly fifty  new freeholders4 ,the 
negroes are taught to do this by the    
perpetual  worry of their employers1    
threatening to oust them on every       
trifling  occasion1 and withholding part
 of their wages on the plea of          
non-performance of work4--,the root of  
all evil is the ,assembly and the       
,juries4 ,nothing requires greater      
alteration2 and ,i shall never rest1    
until ,i see the black man stand the    
same chance at the bar of his  country  
as the white man4--,the negroes will not

 work under their former  hard          
task-masters4 ,they determinedly resist 
all solicitations to labor  with those  
who treated them ill4 ,they say that the
 pain is gone1 but the  mark remains1   
and ,i respect them for this proud      
feeling4           99       99       99 
99       99    ,i have come under his   
displeasure for taking the opinion of   
,middleton  and ,mc,dougal1 as to the   
legality of charging the negro hire for 
his  house and grounds1 for the three   
months during which the notices to quit 
are running4--,had we not taken these   
opinions1 what a fearful state  things  
might we have been brought to in this   
country6 ,i am quite  satisfied that no 
rent could be recovered until the       
expiration of the  three months1 from   
which time it would commence to run1 and
 the  plaintiff would in law be         
considered in possession of his lands   
again1  which1 in slavery1 he was       
compelled to give to his slave for his  
support  and maintenance4 ,he must      

re-enter before he could demand rent1   
for it is  impossible for him to prove a
 contract1 or imply one4 ,the negro did 
not  willingly come from ,africa1 and   
occupy his land2 he was torn from his   
native land1 and compelled by his owner1
 under laws that took his life1  not to 
quit the land2 how therefore can he be  
considered to have made a  contract1 or 
consented to one8    ,,from ,,the ,,rev4
 ,j4 ,,kingdon    ,manchioneal1 ,oct4   
#i1 #ahch4    ,in passing through       
,hector's ,river great house yard1 in my
 way to my  preaching spot1 ,i have the 
most sensible demonstration of the      
reality of  the political change happily
 brought about2 for that hot-house1 in  
which  ,i have seen one of my own       
members in irons for having a bad sore  
leg1  and in which ,i have been grossly 
insulted for daring to go to see my     
poor people--that house is shut up6     
,delightful1 ,i assure you1 are my      
feelings1 whenever ,i go by that place1 
attached to which1 too1 was the         

old-time prison1 a perfect              
charnel-house4    ,,from ,,the ,,rev4   
,s4 ,,oughton4    ,lucea1 ,october #b1  
#ahch4    ,unused to acts of justice and
 humanity1 the ,planters1 in a moment of
 mad  excitement passed an act to       
abolish the accursed system of ,slavery4
 ,the  debates on that occasion proved  
with what an ill grace they performed   
that scanty act of justice1 and all     
experience since that period proves  how
 bitterly they repent it4 ,it is true1  
we are not now1 as before1  distressed  
by hearing recitals of barbarous        
corporeal punishments1 and  we are no   
longer pained by seeing human beings    
chained to each other by  the neck2 but1
 although cruelty has1 to a certain     
extent1 ceased1  oppression has become  
ten thousand times more rampant than    
ever4 ,every  act which ingenuity or    
malice can invent1 is employed to harass
 the poor  negroes4 ,prior to ,august   
#ast1 the planter studiously avoided    
every thing  like an arrangement with   

the laborer1 and when1 on the following 
,monday1  they turned out to work1 the  
paltry pittance of #ab-a_/b;d4          
7#g-a_/b;d4  sterl47 was all that in the
 majority of cases was offered for the  
services of an able-bodied negro1       
although #bs4 #f;d4 per day 7currency71 
had before been invariably exacted from 
them1 when they were desirous of        
purchasing the remaining term of their  
apprenticeship4 ,of course1 the  people 
refused to receive so paltry a          
remuneration for their labour1 and  this
 has laid the foundation for a course of
 systematic oppression  scarcely        
conceivable4 ,notices to quit were      
served indiscriminately on  every one1  
old and young1 sick and healthy4        
,medical attendance was  refused1 and   
even a dose of physic from the ,estates'
 hospitals4 ,cattle  were turned into   
the provision-grounds of the negroes1   
thus destroying  their only means of    
support2 and assaults of the most wanton
 and brutal  description were committed 

on many of the peasantry4 ,on one estate
 the  proprietor and his brother        
assaulted a young man in the most       
unprovoked  manner4 ,one presented a    
pistol to his breast1 and threatened to 
shoot  him2 while the other levelled a  
gun at his head for the same purpose4   
,they were bound over to take their     
trial at the ,quarter ,sessions2 but    
what hope is there in such a tribunal as
 that1 composed principally of  men     
engaged in the same reckless course1 and
 banded together by mutual  interests8  
,on another estate 7,content71 the      
attorney ordered the  cattle of a poor  
man 7a member of my ,chapel7 to be taken
 up and  impounded4 ,it was done1 and   
the man was obliged to pay #fl4 to      
redeem  them2 when1 as soon as he       
carried them back1 they were again taken
 and  impounded4 ,the man has been to my
 house with his case of oppression1 on  
my return from ,kingston4 ,he states    
that he exhausted his last farthing  to 
redeem the cattle the first time1 and   

was also obliged to borrow of  his      
friends2 they have now been impounded   
five weeks1 and unless he can  raise the
 money to redeem them 7upwards of       
#ajl471 they will be sold to  pay the   
expenses4 ,thus is an honest and worthy 
man1 in a few weeks1  stripped of every 
thing which1 by years of industry and   
care1 he had  accumulated for the       
comfort of his old age1 or the benefit  
of his  family4 ,yesterday a negro came 
and informed me that the owner of a     
property had told him last year1 that he
 must cultivate more ground1 so  as to  
be able to continue possession as a     
tenant2 and now that he has  done so1   
another person1 saying that he had      
purchased the property1 came  a few days
 ago1 and told him that in three weeks  
he would drive him from  the place4 ,he 
then ordered a man whom he had with him 
to climb a  bread-fruit tree1 and pull  
the fruit1 which he forcibly carried    
away to  give to his hogs4 ,but ,i must 
forbear3 were ,i to state half the cases

 of  oppression which have occurred in  
,hanover since ,august #ast2 ,i should  
require a volume instead of a sheet4 ,i 
think1 however1 ,i have said  enough to 
prove the bitter and rancorous spirit   
which at present  animates the planters4
 ,enclosed ,i send a specimen of another
 artifice  adopted to harass and        
distress the negroes4 ,they have adopted
 the notion  7sanctioned by the opinion 
of the old ,planters' ,jackall1 ,batty1 
and the  ,attorney ,general71 that the  
people are liable to pay rent for houses
 and  grounds during the three months'  
possession to which the ,abolition ,act 
entitled them1 and notices have been    
served on the people1 demanding the     
most extravagant amounts for the        
miserable sheds which the people        
inhabited4 ,you will perceive that in   
once case #bal4 #fs4 #i;d4 has been     
demanded4 ,this conscientious demand was
 made by ,john ,houghton ,james1        
,executor and ,attorney for ,sir ,simon 
,clark4 ,another is from a ,mr4 ,bowen1 

of ,orchard ,estate2 and the third from 
,mr4 ,brockett1 of ,hopewell and        
,content ,estates1 the property of ,mr4 
,miles1 ,m4,p4 for ,bristol4 ,let it  be
 borne in mind that these shameful and  
exorbitant demands are not  made1 as in 
,england1 on the head of the family     
only1 but on every  member who is able  
to do the least work1 and even little   
children have  papers demanding #bs4    
#d;d4 per week for ground1 although     
unable to do the  least thing3 one of   
these ,i also enclose4    ,jamaica1 ss4 
,notice is hereby ,given1 ,that the sum 
of eight shillings and  four pence1     
weekly1 will be exacted from you and    
each of you  respectively1 for the      
houses and grounds at ,orchard ,estate1 
in the  parish of ,hanover1 from ,august
 of the present year1 until the         
expiration  of the three months' notice1
 from its period of service to quit2 or 
to  the period of surrendering to me the
 peaceable possession of the  aforesaid 
house and provision grounds4    ,j4 ,r4 

,,bowen4    ,dated this #agth day of    
,sep4 #ahch4    ,,to ,,james ,,darling  
and ,,sarah ,,darling1 of the parish of 
,,hanover4    ,here then1 my dear ,sir1 
you may perceive something of the       
atrocious  proceedings in the island of 
,jamaica4 ,pray insert these documents  
in the  ,emancipator4 ,let the          
,anti-slavery friends know the state of 
things1  and urge them to redoubled     
diligence4 ,the ,house of ,assembly will
 meet on  the #cjth instant1 and then1  
,i fear1 dreadful measures will be      
taken4 ,a  letter from ,mr4 ,harker1 of 
the ,jamaica ,royal ,gazette1 about a   
fortnight  since1 addressed to ,mr4     
,abbott1 shows what absolute and cruel  
statutes  they would wish either to act 
upon1 or to make the models of new laws4
  ,every act must be watched with the   
most jealous scrutiny4 ,experience      
shows that the planters possess an      
ingenuity truly diabolical1 in  twisting
 and distorting the laws to suit their  
own selfish purpose4 ,our  hope is in   

,british ,christians2 and we confidently
 hope every one of them  will feel the  
importance of increased diligence1 lest 
the great1 and  long prayed-for boon of 
freedom1 should become a curse1 instead 
of a  blessing4 ,the papers will inform 
you of the odium ,i have drawn on myself
  in defending the people's rights4     
,that contained in the great mass1 only 
provokes a smile4 ,i know that every    
friend in ,england will interpret it    
inversely4 ,i did feel ,mr4 ----'s      
letter in the ,falmouth ,post1 but he   
knows his error1 and is sorry for it4 ,i
 could have answered it1 but did  not   
choose to cause a division amongst the  
few friends of the negro1  when they had
 quite enough to do to withstand the    
attacks of  their enemies4    ,,from    
,,the ,,rev4 ,j4 ,m4 ,,philippo4        
,spanish ,town1 ,oct4 #ac1 #ahch4       
,the following is one of the seven of   
the same tenor now in my  possession1   
which will1 in addition to those ,i     
forwarded by last mail1  inform you of  

the cause of the late disinclination of 
the people in some  districts to        
labour--which1 with so much effrontery1 
has been proclaimed  through the public 
,journals here3--    ,charles ,michael  
,kelly and ,wife1 to ,j4,s4 ,benbow1    
,dr4       #ahcj3 ,july #adth to ,sept4 
#ith4  #a4 ,to the rent of house and    
ground on ,castle ,kelly     plantation1
 for eight weeks1     at #fs4 #h;d4 per 
week4         #cl4 #ac #d  #b4 ,richard 
,kelly and ,wife4 ,same4  #c4 ,elenor   
,mercer4 ,same4  #d4 ,john ,ried and    
,wife4 ,same4  #e4 ,mary ,ann ,christie4
 ,same4  #f4 ,venus ,owen 7or such like 
name74 ,same4      ,,from ,,the ,,rev4  
,j4 ,,hutchins4    ,savanna-la-,mar1    
,sept4 #ag1 #ahch4    ,i now1 according 
to promise in my last1 send you a few   
out of the many  cases ,i am almost     
hourly troubled with4 ,some of our      
would-be great men  are1 ,i am sorry to 
say1 harassing the poor free labourers  
shamefully2  and should it prove1 as ,i 
think in some cases it must1 of serious 

injury  to the absentee proprietors1 ,i 
shall publish the cases of grievance    
brought me1 together with the names of  
the estates1 owners1 attorneys1         
overseers1 c41 and leave all parties to 
form their own opinion on  the subject4 
,amelia ,martin1 to ,retrieve ,estate1  
,dr4        #ahch3 ,august #bi4  ,to    
house and ground1 rent at    #es4 per   
week1 from #ast ,august    to date      
#dl4  #j    #j  ,a,alliac ,davis1 ground
    rent at    #aj;d4 per week          
#c    #j  ,a,william ,davis2 ditto      
ditto                    #j      #c     
#d                                      
-------------                           
#dl4  #f    #d                          
-------------    ,thos4 ,tats1 ,esq4 is 
,attorney1 and ,mr4 ,comry              
,overseer1    ,footnote ,a3 ,boys from  
#i to #aa1 her sons4           99       
99       99       99       99           
,louisa ,patter1 to ,retrieve ,estate1  
,dr4        #ahch3 ,aug4 #bh4  ,to house
 and ground from #ast    ,aug4 to date  

#al4  #j    #j    ,she states she has   
been sickly so long1 that she has no    
ground in  cultivation1 and cannot help 
herself1 and has only what yams her     
friends give her4           99       99 
99       99       99       ,susan       
,james1 to ,albany ,estate1 ,dr4        
#ahch3 ,aug4 #bh4  ,to house and ground 
rent at    #es4 per week1 from #ast     
,august1    to date                     
#al4    #j    #j  ,thos4 ,hewett1 ground
 rent   #j     #ac    #d  ,elizabeth    
,james1 ditto      #j     #ac    #d     
,mary ,dunn1 ditto            #j     #aj
    #j  ,letitia1 ditto,a           #j  
#f    #h                                
-------------                           
#cl4    #c    #d                        
-------------    ,footnote ,a3 ,these   
are a mother and four children in  one  
house1 and with but one ground1 they    
tell  me4         99       99       99  
99       99    ,richard ,warren1 to     
,albany ,estate1 ,dr4  #ahch3 ,aug4 #bh4
  ,to house and ground rent to     date 

#al4    #j    #j     ,wife              
#j     #ae    #d     ,child,b           
#j     #aj    #j                        
-------------                           
#bl4    #e    #d                        
-------------    ,footnote ,b3 ,the     
child is quite young1 and in daily      
attendance  at one of my schools4       
99       99       99       99       99  
,on this property1 under the same       
managers as ,retrieve1 the people state 
that they are going on shamefully4 ,the 
last ,sabbath but one1 when we  were at 
service1 ,stephen ,campbell1 the        
book-keeper1 and ,edward ,pulsey1       
old-time constable1 come round and mark 
all for we house1 and charge for  ebery 
one of we family4 ,we don't know what   
kind of fee dis we hab at  all2 for we  
attorney1 ,mr4 ,tate1 neber come on we  
property1 leave all to  ,mr4 ,comeoy4   
,we peak to him for make bargain1 him   
say him can't make law1  and him no make
 bargain till him heare what law come   
out in packet4 ,him  say dem who make   

bargain are fools2 beside him no call up
 a parcel of  niggers to hold service   
wid me2 should only get laughed at4 ,so 
we know  not what for do4 ,you are for  
we minister1 and for we only friend2 and
 if  you did not advise we to go on work
 till things settle down1 we no lift    
another hoe4 ,we would left the         
property4 ,unless an arrangement is soon
  entered into1 ,i shall advise them to 
do so4    ,james ,greenheld1 to ,new    
,galloway ,estate1 ,dr4  ,to one week's 
rent of house1 garden1 and     ground1  
and to #e ditto for his wife1 ,margaret 
,greenfield1 at #es4 per week4          
#a #aj #j    ,j4,g4 states1 ,i come for 
massa4 ,when we make bargain with ,mr4  
,mc,neal1 it  was a maccaroni 7#as4     
#h;d47 a day1 and for we house and      
ground4 ,me is able  and willing for    
work1 so let my wife stop home2 so him  
charge me de same  sum for my wife1 as  
for me own house and ground4 ,and den   
last week me  sick and get no money1 and
 they charge me over again1 7as above7  

one  week me sick4 ,me no able for say  
what to call dat massa1 me sure4    ,i  
leave with you to make your own         
comments1 and to do what you please     
with the above4 ,although my chapel is  
#gjj in debt1 and my schools1 one  of   
#ahj and one of #afj scholars1 are      
heavy1 very heavy on me1 ,i cannot do   
other than advise my people to save     
every mite1 buy an acre of land1 and  by
 that means be independent1 and job     
about wherever they may be wanted4      
,,from ,,the ,,rev4 ,t4 ,,burchell4     
,montego ,bay1 ,october #b1 #ahch4      
,the reason why ,i have not written to  
you so long1 is the intensely  anxious  
time we have had4 ,i feel1 however1 that
 it is high time now to  address you2   
for1 if our friends in ,england relax   
their efforts1 my  conviction is1 that  
freedom will be more in name than in    
reality1 in  this slave-holding ,island4
 ,there is nothing to be feared1 if the 
noble  band of friends who have so long 
and so successfully struggled1 will but 

continue their assistance a short time  
longer4 ,the planters have made a       
desperate struggle1 and so1 ,i have no  
doubt1 will the ,house of ,assembly1    
against the emancipated negroes4 ,my    
firm conviction has been1 and still  is1
 that the planters have endeavored1 by  
the offer of the most paltry  wages1 to 
reduce the condition of the laborer1 and
 make him as badly off  as he was when  
an apprentice or a slave1 that he may   
curse the day that  made him free4      
,though unable to conduct the usual     
services on ,sunday the #eth ,august1 at
  the close ,i addressed the            
congregation1 urging upon them the      
necessity  of commencing their work on  
the following day1 whether arrangements 
were  made between themselves and their 
masters or not2 as by so doing they     
would put it out of the power of their  
opponents to say anything evil of  them4
 ,they assembled1 and on ,monday the    
#fth thousands turned out to  work1 and 
continued to labor1 unless prevented by 

the ,manager1 until  arrangements were  
made4    ,you will remember1 that prior 
to the #ast of ,august1 a white man who 
hired out a gang of apprentices to an   
estate was paid at the rate of #as4     
#f;d4 sterling per diem for each able   
laborer4 ,the apprentice received the   
same when he worked for the estate on   
his own days1 ,friday and ,saturday2    
and whenever they were valued for the   
purpose of purchasing the  remaining    
time of their apprenticeship1 the       
planter upon oath stated  that their    
services were worth at least #as4 #f4   
per diem to the estate1  and the        
apprentice had to redeem himself at that
 rate4    ,after the #ast of ,august1   
the planters discovered1 that1 whilst   
the  properties would well afford to    
continue the lavish and extravagant     
expenditure in managing the estates1 it 
would be certain ruin to the            
properties1 if the labourer was paid    
more than #ga_/b;d4 per diem4 for the   
#ast class of labourers1 #f;d4 the #bnd 

class1 and #da_/b;d4 for the #crd       
class3 and why8 ,i know not why1 unless 
it was because the long  oppressed negro
 was to put the money into his own      
pocket1 and not his  white oppressors4  
,this seems to have made all the        
difference4 ,the above  wages were      
accordingly offered1 and rejected with  
scorn2 the people  feeling the greatest 
indignation at the atrocious attempt of 
their old  oppressors to grind them down
 now they are free1 and keep them in a  
state of degradation4 ,the greatest     
confusion and disorder ensued2 the      
labourers indignant at the conduct of   
their masters1 and the planters  enraged
 against the people1 for presuming to   
think and act for  themselves4 ,as a    
matter of course1 the fury of the       
planters was directed  against half a   
dozen ,baptist missionaries1 and as many
 more friends and  stipendiary          
,magistrates2 and ,i can assure you that
 the ,jamaica press  equalled its most  
vituperative days1 and came forth worthy

 of itself4  ,the ,despatch1 or the ,old
 ,jamaica ,courant1 so well known in    
#ahcb for  advocating the burning of    
chapels1 and the hanging of             
missionaries2 was  quite in the shade4  
,the pious ,polypheme1 the ,bishop's    
paper1 with the  ,jamaica ,standard of  
infamy and falsehood1 published in this 
town1 took  the lead1 and a pretty      
standard it is4 ,let foreigners judge of
 ,jamaica  by the ,jamaica ,standard of 
,august last1 and they must suppose it  
is an  island of savages1 or a little   
hell4 ,the press teemed with abuse of   
the  most savage nature against us1 and 
published the most barefaced lies4      
,that1 however1 you who know the        
generality of the ,jamaica ,press1 will 
say is nothing new or strange2 well1 it 
is not1 nor do we regard any  statements
 they make2 for no one believes what    
they publish1 and it is a  source of    
gratification to us that we have never  
forfeited our character  or principles  
in the estimation of the reflecting1 the

 philanthropist1  or the ,christian     
public1 by meriting their approbation4  
,in the mulct of this seemingly general 
conspiracy to defraud the laborer  of   
his wages by exorbitant rents1 c4 ,sir  
,lionel ,smith1 the ,governor1  proceeds
 from district to district1 giving      
advice to both of the  contending       
parties1 and striving to promote a      
mutual understanding4 ,his  testimony to
 the designs of the planters given to   
their faces1 and not  denied1 is very   
important2 we give therefore one of his 
meetings1 as the  find it reported in   
the ,jamaica papers4 ,here is a rather  
familiar  conversation among some of the
 chief men of that island--where can we 
expect to find more authoritative       
testimony8    ,,sir ,,lionel ,,smith',s 
,,visit ,,to ,,dunsinane4    ,his       
,excellency1 ,sir ,lionel ,smith1       
visited ,dunsinane on ,thursday last1   
agreeably to arrangements previously    
entered into1 for the purpose of        
addressing the late apprenticed         

population in that neighborhood1 on the 
propriety of resuming the cultivation of
 the soil4 ,about two miles from        
,dunsinane1 his ,excellency was met by a
 cavalcade composed of the late         
apprentices1 who were preceded by       
,messrs4 ,bourne1 ,hamilton1 and ,kent1 
late ,special ,justices4 ,on the arrival
 of his ,excellency at ,dunsinane1 he   
was met by the ,hon4 ,joseph ,gordon1   
,custos1 the ,lord ,bishop attended by  
his ,secretary1 and the ,rev4 ,alexander
 ,campbell2 the ,hon4 ,hector ,mitchel1 
,mayor of ,kingston1 and a large number 
of highly respectable planters1         
proprietors1 and attorneys4 ,his        
,excellency1 on being seated in the     
dwelling1 said1 that from information   
which he had received from other        
parishes1 and facts gathered from       
personal observation1 he believed that  
the same bone of contention existed     
there as elsewhere--a source of         
discontent brought about by the planters
 serving the people with notices  to    

quit their houses and grounds4 ,he did  
not question their right to do  so1 or  
the legality of such a proceeding1 but  
he questioned the prudence  of the step4
 ,the great change from slavery to      
unrestricted freedom  surely deserved   
some consideration4 ,things cannot so   
soon be quiet and  calm4 ,depend upon   
it1 nothing will be done by force4 ,much
 may be by  conciliation and prudence4  
,do away with every emblem of slavery2  
throw  off the ,kilmarnock cap1 and     
adopt in its stead1 like rational men1  
,britannia's cap of liberty4 ,he 7,sir  
,lionel7 doubted not the right of the   
planters to rent their houses and       
grounds2 in order to be more certain  on
 that head1 he had procured the opinion 
of the ,attorney ,general2 but  the     
exercise of the right by the planter1   
and getting the people to  work1 were   
very different matters4 ,much difficulty
 must be felt in  getting rid of        
slavery4 ,even in the little island of  
,antigua1 it had  taken six months to   

get matters into a quiet state2 but     
here1 in a large  country like ,jamaica1
 could it be expected to be done in a   
day1 and was  it because it was not     
done1 that the planters were to be      
opposed to him8  ,you are all in arms   
against me 7said his ,excellency17 but  
all ,i ask of  you is to exercise       
patience1 and all will be right4 ,i have
 done1 and am  doing all in my power for
 the good of my country4 ,if you have   
served the  people with notices to quit1
 with a view to compel them to work1 or 
thinking to force them to work for a    
certain rate of wages1 you have  done   
wrong4 ,coercive measures will never    
succeed4 ,in ,vere1 which ,i  lately    
visited1 the planters have agreed to    
give the people #as4 #h;d4 per  day1 and
 to let them have their houses and      
grounds for three months free  of       
charge4 ,his ,excellency1 on seeing some
 symptoms of disapprobation  manifested1
 said1 ,well1 if you cannot afford to   
pay so much1 pay what  you can afford2  

but above all1 use conciliatory         
measures1 and ,i have not  a doubt on my
 mind but that the people will go to    
their work4 ,seeing so  many planters   
present1 he should be happy if they     
would come to an  arrangement among     
themselves1 before he addressed the     
people outside4    ,mr4 ,,wellwood      
,,hyslop remarked1 that ,vere and other 
rich sugar parishes  might be able to   
pay high rates of wages1 because the    
land yielded  profitable crops1 but in  
this district it was impossible to      
follow the  example of those parishes4  
,he thought that two bits a day might do
 very  well1 but that was as much as    
could be afforded4    ,his ,,excellency 
said that in ,manchester1 where he      
believed he had more  enemies than in   
any other parish1 he had advised them to
 work by the  piece1 and it had been    
found to answer well4    ,mr4 ,,hinton  
,,east said that he would submit a      
measure which he thought  would be      
approved of4 ,he proposed that the      

people should be paid #es4 for  four    
days' labor2 that if they cleaned more  
than #acj trees per day1  either        
themselves or by bringing out their     
wives and children1 they  should be paid
 extra wages in the same proportion4    
,mr4 ,,andrew ,,simpson said that he    
could not afford to pay the rates named 
by his ,excellency4 ,it was entirely out
 of the question2 that a good deal      
depended upon the state the fields are  
in--that his people1 for  instance1     
could1 with much ease1 if they chose1   
clean #agj trees by  half-past three    
o'clock4    ,mr4 ,,mason1 of ,st4       
,george's1 said he was willing to pay   
his people #as4  #h;d4 per day1 if they 
would but work2 but the fact was that   
they refused  to do so1 on account of   
the stories that had been told them by  
,special  ,justice ,fishbourne2         
willingly too would ,i have given them  
their houses  and grounds for three     
months1 free of charge1 had they shown a
 desire to  labor2 but what was the     

lamentable fact8 the people would not   
work1  because ,mr4 ,fishbourne had     
influenced them not to do so1 and he    
7,mr4  ,mason7 had been a loser of one  
thousand pounds in consequence4 ,he had 
been compelled in self-defence to issue 
summonses against two of his  people4   
,he had purchased his property--it was  
his all--he had sacrificed  twenty of   
the best years of his life as a planter1
 he had a wife and  family to support1  
and what was the prospect before him and
 them8 ,he  admitted having served      
notices on his people to quit their     
houses--in  truth he did not now care   
whether they were or were not located on
 the  property--he was willing to pay   
fair1 nay1 high wages1 but the demand   
was exorbitant4 ,he had a servant1 a    
trustworthy white man1 who laboured     
from day-dawn to sunset for #bs4 #a;d4  
per day1 and he was quite satisfied4    
,all the mischief in his district had   
been owing to the poisonous stories     
poured into the ears of the people by   

,special ,justice ,fishbourne4 ,if he   
were removed1 the parish might probably 
assume a healthy state2 if  allowed to  
remain1 no improvement could possibly   
take place4    ,his ,,excellency said   
that the ,assembly had passed a law     
preventing the  special magistrates from
 going on the estates2 they could not1  
however1  prevent the people from going 
to them1 and taking their advice if they
  wished it4 ,he had understood that the
 people had gone to the special         
magistrates1 informing them that the    
planters demanded #cs4 #d;d4 per week   
rent for the houses and grounds1 and    
that they had been advised1 if such     
were the case1 that they ought to be    
paid higher wages4 ,he understood  that 
to be a fact4    ,mr4 ,,andrew ,,simpson
 said that the people would1 he had no  
doubt1 have  worked1 but for the        
pernicious advice of ,mr4 ,fishbourne4  
,he had heard  that the people had been 
told that the ,governor did not wish    
them to  work1 and that he would be     

vexed with them if they did4    ,sir    
,,lionel replied that he was aware that 
white men were going about the  country 
disguised as policemen1 pretending to   
have his 7,sir ,lionel's7  authority1   
telling the people not to work4 ,he knew
 well their intention  and design1 he   
understood the trick4 ,you are anxious  
7said his  ,excellency7 to produce a    
panic1 to reduce the value of property1 
to  create dismay1 in order that you may
 speculate1 by reducing the present     
value of property2 but you will be      
disappointed1 notwithstanding a press   
sends forth daily abuse against me1 and 
black-guard and contemptible  remarks   
against my acts4 ,i assure you ,i am up 
to your tricks4    ,mr4 ,,andrew        
,,simpson would be glad if his          
,excellency would speak  individually4  
,there was a paper called the ,west     
,indian1 and another the  ,colonial     
,freeman4 ,he wished to know whether his
 ,excellency meant either  of those     
papers4 ,some slight interruption here  

took place1 several  gentlemen speaking 
at the same time4    ,his ,,excellency  
said he had not come to discuss         
politics1 but to  endeavour to get the  
people to work1 and it would be well for
 them to  turn their attention to that  
subject4    ,mr4 ,,simpson said he had a
 gang who had jobbed by the acre1 and   
had done  well1 but it was unfortunate  
in other respects to observe the        
disinclination shown by the laborers to 
work4 ,he wished them to know  that they
 must work1 and trusted that his        
,excellency would endeavour to  force   
them to labor4    ,sir ,,lionel--,i     
can't compel them to do as you would    
wish1 nor have ,i the  power of forcing 
them to labor4 ,the people will not     
suffer themselves to  be driven by means
 of the cart-whip4 ,it is the policy of 
every man to  make the best bargain he  
can4 ,i can say nothing to the people   
about  houses and grounds1 and price of 
wages4 ,i can only ask them to work4    
,mr4 ,,wiles said that the planters were

 anxious to come to amicable            
arrangements with the people1 but they  
were unreasonable in their  demands4    
,the planters could not consent to be   
injured--they must profit  by their     
properties4    ,mr4 ,,mason said1 that  
the only bone of contention was the     
subject of  rent4 ,his people were      
outside waiting to be satisfied on that 
head4 ,he  hesitated not to say1 that   
the proprietors were entitled to rent in
  every instance where the laborer was  
unwilling to labor1 and unless that     
subject was at once settled1 it would   
involve both parties in endless         
disagreement4 ,he was not one of those  
persons alluded to by his  ,excellency1 
who circulated misrepresentations for   
private benefit1 nor  was he aware that 
any one in the parish in which he lived 
had done so4  ,all that he desired was  
the good of the country1 with which his 
interests were identified4    ,sir      
,,lionel--,i could not possibly be      
personal towards any gentleman  present1

 for ,i have not the honour of knowing  
most of you4 ,my  observations were not 
confined to any particular parish1 but  
to the  ,island of ,jamaica1 in which   
the occurrences named have taken place4 
,dr4 ,,rapky1 of ,st4 ,george's--,if    
your ,excellency will only do away with 
a  curtain magistrate1 things will go on
 smoothly in the parish of ,st4         
,george4 ,this gentleman has told the   
people that they are entitled to the    
lands occupied by them1 in consequence  
of which the parish is now in an        
unsettled state4    ,sir ,,lionel--,who 
is the magistrate6    ,dr4 ,,rapky--,mr4
 ,fishbourne4    ,sir ,,lionel--,i am   
afraid ,i cannot please you4 ,the       
question of possession  of lands and    
houses has for the present been settled 
by the opinion of  the                  
,attorney-,general1 but it is still an  
undetermined question at law4  ,there   
are many persons in the island who are  
of opinion that the  legislature had not
 so intended2 he 7,sir ,lionel7 was at a

 loss to know  what they meant2 seeing1 
however1 some members of the assembly   
present1  perhaps they would be disposed
 to give some information4    ,mr4      
,s4,j4 ,,dallas said1 that it was the   
intention of the legislature that  rent 
should be paid4 ,he thought it fair that
 #as4 #h;d4 per day should be  offered  
the people to work five days in the     
week1 they returning one  day's labor   
for the houses and grounds4    ,mr4     
,,special ,,justice ,,hamilton said that
 complaints had been made to him1  that 
in many instances where the husband and 
wife lived in the same  house1 rent had 
been demanded of both4 ,the laborers    
had1 in consequence1  been thrown into a
 state of consternation and alarm1 which
 accounted for  the unsettled state of  
several properties--a serious bone of   
contention  had in consequence been     
produced4 ,he held a notice in his hand 
demanding  of a laborer the enormous sum
 of #ajs4 per week for house and ground4
 ,he  had seen other notices in which   

#fs1 #h;d4 and #es4 had been demanded   
for  the same4 ,he did not consider that
 the parties issuing those notices had  
acted with prudence4    ,mr4 ,,hyslop   
explained--,he admitted the charge1 but 
said that the sum was  never intended to
 be exacted4    ,sir ,,lionel said he   
was aware of what was going on2 he had  
heard of it4  ,it was a policy which    
ought no longer to be pursued4    ,we   
have given the foregoing documents1 full
 and ungarbled1 that our  readers might 
fairly judge for themselves4 ,we have   
not picked here a  sentence and there a 
sentence1 but let the ,governor1 the    
,assembly1 the  ,missionaries1 and the  
press tell their whole story4 ,let them 
be read1  compared1 and weighed4    ,we 
might indefinitely prolong our extracts 
from the ,west ,india papers to  show1  
not only in regard to the important     
island of ,jamaica1 but  ,barbados and  
several other colonies1 that the former 
masters are alone  guilty of the        
non-working of the emancipated1 so far  

as they refuse to  work4 ,but we think  
we have already produced proof enough to
 establish  the following points3--     
#a4 ,that there was a strong            
predisposition on the part of the       
,jamaica  planters to defraud their     
labourers of their wages4 ,they hoped   
that by  yielding1 before they were     
driven quite to the last extremity1 by  
the  tide of public sentiment in        
,england1 they should escape from all   
philanthropic interference and          
surveillance1 and be able to bring the  
faces of their unyoked peasantry to the 
grindstone of inadequate wages4    #b4  
,that the emancipated were not only     
peaceful in their new freedom1 but      
ready to grant an amnesty of all post   
abuses1 and enter cheerfully into  the  
employ of their former masters for      
reasonable wages4 ,that in cases  where 
disagreement has arisen as to the rate  
of daily or weekly wages1  the labourers
 have been ready to engage in task work1
 to be paid by the  piece1 and have     

laboured so efficiently and             
profitably--proving a strong            
disposition for industry and the        
acquisition of property4    #c4 ,that in
 the face of this good disposition of   
the laborers1 the  planters have1 in    
many cases1 refused to give adequate    
wages4    #d4 ,that in still more       
numerous cases1 including many in which 
the wages  have been apparently liberal1
 enormous extortion has been practiced  
upon  the laborer1 in the form of rent  
demanded for his hovel and provision    
patch--#bj per annum being demanded for 
a shanty not worth half that  money1 and
 rent being frequently demanded from    
every member of a  family more than     
should have been taken from the whole4  
#e4 ,that the negroes are able to look  
out for their own interest1 and  have   
very distinct ideas of their own about  
the value of money and the  worth of    
their labour1 as well as the best       
methods of bringing their  employers to 
reasonable terms4 ,on this point we     

might have made a still  stronger case  
by quoting from the ,despatch and       
,standard1 which assert  numerous       
instances in which the labourers have   
refused to work for wages  recommended  
to them by the ,governor1 ,special      
,magistrates1 or  ,missionaries1 though 
they offered to work for #cs4 #d;d41    
#es41 or a dollar  a day4 ,they are     
shown to be rare bargain-makers and not 
easily trapped4    #f4 ,that the        
attorneys and managers have deliberately
 endeavoured to  raise a panic1 whereby 
property might be depreciated to their  
own  advantage2 showing clearly thereby1
 that they consider ,jamaica property1  
even with the laborers1 irreclaimably   
free1 a desirable investment4    #g4    
,that in spite of all their efforts1 the
 great body of the laborers  continue   
industrious1 doing more work in the same
 time than in slavery4  ,the testimony  
to his very important point1 of the     
,governor and ,house of  ,assembly1 is  
perfectly conclusive1 as we have already

 said4 ,a house  that represents the    
very men who1 in #ahcb1 burnt the       
missionary chapels1  and defied the     
,british ,parliament with the threat1   
that in case it  proceeded to legislate 
,abolition1 ,jamaica would attach       
herself to the  ,united ,states1 now    
,,hopes for the agricultural prosperity 
of the island6  ,indeed no one in       
,jamaica expresses a doubt on this      
subject1 who does not  obviously do so  
for the sake of buying land to better   
advantage6 ,were  the colony a shade    
worse off than before ,emancipation1    
either in fact  or in the opinion of its
 landholders1 or of any considerable    
portion of  persons acquainted with it1 
the inevitable consequence would be a   
depreciation of real estate4 ,but what  
is the fact8 said ,rev4 ,john  ,clark1 a
 ,jamaica ,baptist ,missionary1 who has 
visited this country since  the first of
 ,august1 in a letter published in the  
,journal of ,commerce3--    ,the ,island
 of ,jamaica is not in the deplorable   

state set forth by your                 
correspondent4--,land is rising in value
 so rapidly1 that what was  bought five 
years ago at #c dollars per acre1 is now
 selling for #ae  dollars2 and this in  
the interior of the ,island1 in a parish
 not  reckoned the most healthy1 and    
sixteen miles distant from the nearest  
town4 ,crops are better than in the days
 of slavery--extra labour is  easily    
obtained where kindness and justice are 
exercised towards the  people4 ,the     
hopes of proprietors are great1 and     
larger sums are being  offered for      
estates than were offered previous to   
,august1 #ahcd1 when  estates1 and      
negroes upon them1 were disposed of     
together4    ,again1 as in ,jamaica     
commerce rests wholly upon agriculture1 
its  institutions can only flourish in a
 flourishing condition of the           
latter4--,what then are we to infer from
 an imposing prospectus which  appears  
in the island papers1 commencing thus3--
       ,kingston1 ,october #bf1 #ahch   

,jamaica ,marine1 ,fire1 and ,life      
,assurance ,company4        ,capital    
#ajj1jjj1        ,in #ejjj shares of #bj
 each4        ,it has been long a matter
 of astonishment that1 in a community so
      essentially mercantile as         
,jamaica1 no ,company should have been  
formed for the purpose of effecting     
,insurance on ,life and ,property2      
although it cannot be doubted for an    
instant1 that not only would      such  
an establishment be highly useful to all
 classes of the      community1 but that
 it must yield a handsome return to such
 persons      as may be inclined to     
invest their money in it1 c4    ,farther
 down in the prospectus we are told--,it
 may here be stated1  that the scheme   
for the formation of this ,company has  
been mentioned to  some of the principal
 ,merchants and ,gentlemen of the       
,country1 and has  met with decidedly   
favourable notice3 and it is expected   
that the  shares1 a large number of     
which have been already taken1 will be  

rapidly  disposed of4    ,the same      
paper1 the ,morning ,journal1 from which
 we make this extract1  informs us3     
,nov4 #b;d--    ,the shares subscribed  
for yesterday1 in the ,marine ,fire and 
,life  ,insurance ,company1 we          
understand1 amount to the almost        
unprecedented  number of ,one ,thousand 
,six ,hundred1 with a number of         
applicants whose  names have not been   
added to the list4    ,the ,morning     
,journal of ,october #bjth in remarking 
upon this project  says3--    ,jamaica  
is now happily a free country2 she      
contains within herself the  means of   
becoming prosperous4 ,let her sons      
develope those resources  which ,lord   
,belmore with so much truth declared    
never would be developed  until slavery 
had ceased4 ,she has her ,banks4--,give 
her1 in addition1  her ,loan ,society1  
her ,marine1 ,fire1 and life ,assurance 
,company1 and some  others that will    
shortly be proposed1 and capital will   
flow in from  other countries--property 

will acquire a value in the market1 that
 will  increase with the increase of    
wealth1 and she will yet be a           
flourishing  island1 and her inhabitants
 a happy and contented people4    ,now  
men desperately in debt might invite in 
foreign capital for  temporary relief1  
but1 since the compensation1 this is    
understood not  to be the case with the 
,jamaica planters2 and if they are      
rushing into  speculation1 it must be   
because they have strong hope of the    
safety  and prosperity of their         
country--in other words1 because they   
confide in  the system of free labor4   
,this one prospectus1 coupled with its  
prompt  success1 is sufficient to prove 
the falsehood of all the stories so     
industriously retailed among us from the
 ,standard and the ,despatch4 ,but      
speculators and large capitalists are   
not the only men who confide in  the    
success of the great experiment4    ,the
 following editorial notice in the      
,morning ,journal of a recent date      

speaks volumes3--    ,,savings ,,bank4  
,we were asked not many days ago how the
 ,savings ,bank in this ,city was       
getting on4 ,we answered well1 very well
 indeed4 ,by a notification  published  
in our paper of ,saturday1 it will be   
seen that #afjj has been  placed in the 
hands of the ,receiver-,general4 ,by the
 establishment of  these ,banks1 a great
 deal of the money now locked up1 and   
which yields  no return whatever to the 
possessors1 and is liable to be stolen1 
will  be brought into circulation4 ,this
 circumstance of itself ought to        
operate as a powerful inducement to     
those parishes in which no ,banks are   
yet established to be up and doing4 ,we 
have got some five or six of  them      
fairly underweigh1 as ,jack would say1  
and hope the remainder will  speedily   
trip their anchors and follow4    ,we   
believe banks were not known in the     
,west ,indies before the #ast of        
,august #ahcd4 ,says the ,spanishtown   
,telegraph of ,may #ast1 #ahcg1 ,banks1 

,steam-,companies1 ,rail-,roads1        
,charity ,schools1 etc41 seem all to    
have  remained dormant until the time   
arrived when ,jamaica was to be         
enveloped in smoke6 ,no man thought of  
hazarding his capital in an  extensive  
banking establishment until ,jamaica's  
ruin1 by the  introduction of freedom1  
had been accomplished6 ,and it was not  
till  after the #ast of ,august1 #ahch1 
that ,jamaica had either savings banks  
or  savings4 ,these institutions for the
 industrious classes came only with     
their manhood4 ,but why came they at    
all1 if ,emancipated industry is1 or  is
 likely to be1 unsuccessful8--,in       
,barbados we notice the same            
forwardness in founding monied          
institutions4 ,a ,bank is there         
proposed1  with a capital of #bjj1jjj4  
,more than this1 the all absorbing      
subject in  all the ,west ,india papers 
at the present moment is that of the    
currency4 ,why such anxiety to provide  
the means of paying for labor  which is 

to become valueless8 ,why such keenness 
for a good circulating  medium if they  
are to have nothing to sell8 ,the       
complaints about the old  fashioned     
coinage we venture to assort have since 
the first of ,august  occupied five     
times as much space in the colonial     
papers1 we might  probably say in each  
and every one of them1 as those of the  
non-working  of the freemen4 ,the       
inference is irresistible4 ,the white   
colonists take  it for granted that     
industry is to thrive4    ,it may be    
proper to remark that the late refusal  
of the ,jamaica  legislature to fulfil  
its appropriate functions has no        
connection with  the working of freedom1
 any further than it may have been a    
struggle to  get rid in some measure of 
the surveillance of the mother country  
in  order to coerce the labourer so far 
as possible by vagrant laws1 c4 ,the    
immediate pretext was the passing of a  
law by the imperial ,parliament  for the
 regulation of prisons1 which the ,house

 of ,assembly declared a  violation of  
that principle of their charter which   
forbids the  mother-country to lay a tax
 on them without their consent1 in as   
much as  it authorized a crown officer  
to impose a fine1 in a certain case1 of 
#bj4 ,a large majority considered this  
an infringement of their  prerogatives1 
and among them were some members who    
have nobly stood up  for the slave in   
times of danger4 ,the remarks of ,mr4   
,osborn especially1  on this subject1   
7he is the full blooded1 slave-born1    
,african man to  whom we have already   
referred7 are worthy of consideration in
 several  points of view4 ,although he  
had always been a staunch advocate of   
the  home government on the floor of the
 ,assembly are now contended for the    
rights of the ,jamaica legislature with 
arguments which to us republicans  are  
certainly quite forcible4 ,in a speech  
of some length1 which appears  very     
creditable to him throughout1 he said-- 
,government could not be acting fair    

towards them to assume that the  mass of
 the people of this island would remain 
in the state of political  indifference 
to which poverty and slavery had reduced
 them4 ,they were  now free1 every man  
to rise as rapidly as he could2 and the 
day was not  very distant when it would 
be demonstrated by the change of        
representatives that would be seen in   
that house4 ,it did appear to him1  that
 under the pretext of extending the     
privileges of freemen to the  mass of   
the people of this country1 the         
government was about to deprive  them of
 those privileges1 by curtailing the    
power of the representative  ,assembly  
of those very people4 ,he could not     
bring himself to admit1 with  any regard
 for truth1 that the late apprentices   
could now be oppressed2  they were quite
 alive to their own interests1 and were 
now capable of  taking care of          
themselves4 ,so long as labor was       
marketable1 so long they  could resist  
oppression1 while on the other hand1 the

 proprietor1 for  his own interest's    
sake1 would be compelled to deal fairly 
with them4    ,though it is evidently   
all important that the same public      
opinion which  has wrested the whip from
 the master should continue to watch his
  proceedings as an employer of freemen1
 there is much truth in the speech  of  
this black representative and alderman  
of ,kingston4 ,the brutalized  and      
reckless attorneys and managers1 may    
possibly succeed in driving  the negroes
 from the estates by exorbitant rent and
 low wages4 ,they  may succeed in their 
effort to buy in property at half its   
value4 ,but  when they have effected    
that1 they will be totally dependent for
 the  profits of their ill-gotten gains 
upon the free laboring people4 ,they    
may produce what they call idleness now1
 and a great deal of vexation  and      
suffering4 ,but land is plenty1 and the 
laborers1 if thrust from the  estates1  
will take it up1 and become still more  
independent4 ,reasonable  wages they    

will be able to command1 and for such   
they are willing to  labor4 ,the few    
thousand whites of ,jamaica will never  
be able to  establish slavery1 or any   
thing like it1 over its #cjj1jjj blacks4
    ,already they are fain to swallow   
their prejudice against color4 ,mr4     
,jordon1 member for ,kingston and free  
nigger1 was listened to with  respect4  
,nay more1 his argument was copied into 
the ,protest which the  legislature     
proudly flung back in the face of       
,parliament1 along with the  abolition  
of the apprenticeship1 in return for    
,lord ,glenelg's ,bill4 ,let  all in the
 ,united ,states read and ponder it who 
assert that the two  races cannot live  
together on term of equality4           
,legislative independence of ,jamaica   
has ever been the pride of her  ,english
 conquerors4 ,they have received with   
joy the colored fellow  colonists into  
an equal participation of their valued  
liberty1 and they  were prepared to     
rejoice at the extension of the         

constitution to the  emancipated blacks4
 ,but the ,british ,government1 by a    
great fault1 if not  a crime1 has1 at   
the moment when all should have been    
free1 torn from  the lately ascendant   
class1 the privileges which were their  
birthright1  another class1 now the     
equals of the former1 the rights they   
had long  and fortunately struggled for1
 and from the emancipated blacks the    
rights which they fondly expected to    
enjoy with their personal freedom4  ,the
 boon of earlier freedom will not       
compensate this most numerous part  of  
our population for the injustice and    
wrong done to the whole  ,jamaica       
people4    ,the documents already       
adduced are confined almost exclusively 
to  ,jamaica4 ,we will refer briefly to 
one of the other colonies4 ,the next in 
importance is    ,,barbados    ,here has
 been played nearly the same game in    
regard to wages1 and with  the same     
results4 ,we are now furnished with     
advices from the island down  to the    

#aith of ,december #ahch4 ,at the latter
 date the panic making papers  had      
tapered down their complainings to a    
very faint whisper1 and withal          
expressing more hope than fears4 ,as the
 fruit of what they had already  done we
 are told by one of them1 the           
,barbadian1 that the unfavourable  news 
carried home by the packets after the   
emancipation had served to  raise the   
price of sugar in ,england1 which object
 being accomplished1 it  is hoped that  
they will intermit the manufacture of   
such news4 ,the first  and most         
important document1 and indeed of itself
 sufficient to save the  trouble of     
giving more1 is the comparison of crime 
during two and a half  months of        
freedom1 and the corresponding two and a
 half months of  slavery or             
apprenticeship last year1 submitted to  
the legislature at the  opening of its  
session in the latter part of ,october4 
,here it is4 ,we  hope it will be held  
up before every slave holder4    ,from  

the ,barbadian of ,dec4 #a4             
,barbados4--,comparative ,table1        
exhibiting the number of ,complaints    
preferred against the ,apprentice       
population of this ,colony1 in the      
months of ,august1 ,september and to the
 #aeth of ,october1 #ahch2 together     
with the ,complaints charged against    
,free ,labourers of the same ,colony1   
during the months of ,august1 ,september
 and to the #aeth of ,october1 #ahch4   
,the former compiled from the ,monthly  
,journals of the ,special ,justice of   
the ,peace and the latter from the      
,returns of the ,local ,magistracy      
transmitted to his excellency the       
,governor        ,,apprenticeship4      
,total of ,complaints vs4 ,apprentices  
from the      #ast to #cast ,august     
#ahcg4                  #agjh           
,ditto from the #ast to #cjth ,september
      #adfd      ,ditto from the #ast to
 #aeth ,october         #egd            
,grand ,total                           
#cgdf        ,total number of           

,apprentices punished from the      #ast
 to #cast ,august                       
#afjh      ,ditto from #ast to #cast    
,september          #acba      ,ditto   
from the #ast to #aeth ,october         
#efa        ,grand ,total               
#cdij        ,total compromised1        
admonished and dismissed      from #ast 
to #cast ,august                    #aje
      ,ditto from the #ast to #cjth     
,september       #aac      ,ditto from  
#ast to #aeth ,october              #ch 
,total                                  
#bef        ,deficiency in compromised  
cases in #ahcg comparatively      with  
those of #ahch                          
#aeh        ,grand ,total               
#dad        ,,freedom4        ,total of 
,complaints vs4 ,labourers from the     
#ast to the #cast ,august #ahch         
#ehb      ,ditto from the #ast to the   
#cjth ,september   #chf      ,ditto from
 the #ast to the #aeth ,october     #ajc
        ,total                          
#ajga        ,comparative ,surplus of   

,complaints in #ahch #bfge        ,grand
 ,total                                 
#cgdf        ,total of ,laborers        
punished from the #ast to      the #cast
 ,august1 #ahch1                        
#ccd      ,ditto from the #ast to #cjth 
,september       #bgj      ,ditto from  
the #ast to #aeth ,october          #ec 
,total                                  
#feg        ,comparative surplus of     
punishment in #ahcg #bhcc        ,grand 
total                                   
#cdij        ,total compromised1        
admonished and dismissed      from the  
#ast to the #cast ,august               
#bdh      ,ditto from the #ast to #cjth 
,september       #aaf      ,ditto from  
the #ast to #aeth ,october          #ej 
,grand ,total                           
#dad          ,,note4        ,it may be 
proper to remark that the accompanying  
,general ,abstract      for ,august1    
,september1 and to the #aeth ,october1  
#ahcg1 does not      include complaints 
preferred and heard before the ,local   

,magistrates      during those months   
for such offences--viz4 for             
misdemeanors1 petty      debts1 assaults
 and petty thefts--as were not          
cognizable by the      ,special         
,justices2 so that estimating these     
offences--the number of      which does 
not appear in the ,abstract for         
#ahcg--;at a similar number      as that
 enumerated in the ,abstract for #ahch1 
the actual relative      difference of  
punishments between the two and a half  
months in #ahcg      and these in #ahch1
 would thus appear3          ,surplus of
 ,apprentices punished in #ahcg1 as     
above                                   
#bhcc        ,offences in ,august1      
,september1 and to the      #aeth1      
,october1 #ahcg heard before the        
,general      ,justices of the ,peace1  
and estimated as follows3        ,petty 
thefts                                  
#ge      ,assaults                      
#adc      ,misdemeanors                 
#ih      ,petty ,debts                  

#ai--hce        ,actual surplus of      
punishment in #ahcg1     #cafh          
,from the ,journal of ,commerce4        
,letter from ,w4,r4 ,hays1 ,esq4        
,barbados1 ,w4,i4 to ,rev4 ,h4,g4       
,ludlow1 of ,new  ,haven4               
,,barbados1 ,dec4 #bf1 #ahch4        ,i 
gave you in my last1 some account of the
 manner in which the first      day of  
emancipation came and went in this      
island4 ,we very soon      afterwards   
received similar accounts from all the  
neighboring      islands4 ,in all of    
them the day was celebrated as an       
occasion of      devout thanksgiving and
 praise to ,god1 for the happy          
termination of      slavery4 ,in all of 
them1 the change took place in a manner 
highly      creditable to the           
emancipated1 and intensely gratifying to
 the      friends of liberty4 ,the      
quiet1 good order1 and solemnity of the 
day1      were every where remarkable4  
,indeed1 is it not a fact worth         
remembering1 that whereas in former     

years1 a single day's relaxation        
from labor was met by the slaves with   
shouting and revelry1 and               
merry-making1 yet now1 when the last    
link of slavery was broken      forever1
 sobriety and decorum were especially   
the order of the day4      ,the perfect 
order and subordination to the laws1    
which marked the      first day of      
,august1 are yet unbroken4 ,we have now 
nearly five      months' experience of  
entire emancipation2 and ,i venture to  
say1      that a period of more profound
 peace never existed in the ,west       
,indies4 ,there have been disputes about
 wages1 as in ,new ,england and      in 
other free countries2 but no concert1 no
 combination even1 here2      and the   
only attempt at a combination was among 
the planters1 to      keep down         
wages--and that but for a short time    
only4 ,i will not      enter            
particularly into the questions1 whether
 or not the people      will continue to
 work for wages1 whether they will      

remain quiet1--or      on the other     
hand1 whether the ,island will be       
suffered to become      desolate1 and   
the freed slaves relapse into barbarism1
 c4 ,these      things have been        
speculated about1 and gloomy predictions
 have had      their day2 the time has  
now come for the proof4 ,people do not  
buy      land and houses1 and rent      
property for long terms of years1 in    
countries where life is insecure1 or    
where labor cannot be had1 and      the 
tendency of things is to ruin and decay4
 ,in short1 men1 in their      senses1  
do not embark on board a sinking ship4  
,confidence is the      very soul of    
prosperity2 of the existence of this    
confidence in this      ,island1 the    
immense operations in real estate1 since
 the first of      ,august1 are abundant
 proof4 ,there are multitudes of        
instances in      which estates have    
sold for #bj1jjj more than was asked for
 them      six months ago2 and yet at   
the time they were considered very      

high4 ,a proprietor who was persuaded a 
few weeks since to part with      his   
estate for a very large sum of money1   
went and bought it back      again at an
 advance of #ifjj4 ,a great many long   
leases of      property have been       
entered into4 ,an estate called         
,edgecombe1      mentioned by ,thome and
 ,kimball1 has been rented for #ba years
 at      #gejj per annum4 ,another      
called the hope has been rented for #aj 
years at #bjjj sterling1 equal to #ifjj 
per annum4 ,another1 after      being   
rented at a high price1 was relet1 by   
the lessee1 who became      entirely    
absolved from the contract1 and took    
#af1jjj for his      bargain4 ,if       
required1 ,i could give you a host of   
similar cases1 with      the names of   
the parties4 ,but it seems unnecessary4 
,the mere impulse      given to the     
value of property in this island by     
emancipation1 is a      thing as        
notorious here1 as the fact of          
emancipation4        ,but1 are not      

crimes more frequent than before8 ,i    
have now before me      a ,barbados     
newspaper1 printed two weeks since1 in  
which the fact is      stated1 that in  
all the county prisons1 among a         
population of      #hj1jjj1 only two    
prisoners were confined for any cause   
whatever6        ,but1 says a believer  
in the necessity of ,colonization1 how  
will      you get rid of the negroes8 ,i
 answer by adverting to the             
spectacle which is now witnessed in all 
the ,islands of the former              
proprietors of slaves1 now employers of 
free laborers1 using      every endeavor
 to prevent emigration4 ,trinidad1      
,demerara1 and      ,berbice1 want      
laborers4 ,the former has passed a law  
to pay the      passage money of any    
laborer who comes to the ,island1       
leaving him      free to choose him     
employment4 ,demerara and ,berbize have 
sent      ,emigration agents to this and
 other islands1 to induce the laborers  
to join those colonies1 offering high   

wages1 good treatment1 c4 ,on      the  
other hand1 ,barbados1 ,grenada1 ,st4   
,vincent1 and all the old and           
populous islands1 individually and      
collectively1 by legislative            
resolves1 legal enactments1 c4          
c4--loudly protest that they have       
not a man to spare6 ,what is still      
better1 the old island      proprietors 
are on every hand building new houses   
for the peasantry1      and with great  
forethought adding to their comfort2    
knowing that      they will thereby     
secure their contentment on their native
 soil4 ,as      a pleasing instance of  
the good understanding which now exists 
between proprietors and laborers1 ,i    
will mention1 that great numbers      of
 the former were in town on the #bdth1  
buying up pork1 hams1 rice1      c4 as  
presents for their people on the ensuing
 ,christmas2 a day      which has this  
year passed by amid scenes of quiet     
,sabbath      devotions1 a striking     
contrast to the tumult and drunkenness  

of      former times4 ,i cannot close   
this subject1 without beating my        
testimony to the correctness of the     
statements made by our      countrymen1 
,thome and ,kimball4 ,they were highly  
esteemed here by all      classes1 and  
had free access to every source of      
valuable      information4 ,if they have
 not done justice to the subject of     
their      book1 it is because the      
manifold blessings of a deliverance from
      slavery are beyond the powers of  
language to represent4 ,when ,i         
attempt1 as ,i have done in this letter1
 to enumerate a few of the1 ,i      know
 not where to begin1 or where to end4   
,one must see1 in order      to know and
 feel how unspeakable a boon these      
islands have      received1--a boon1    
which is by no means confined to the    
emancipated      slaves2 but1 like the  
dew and rains of heaven1 it fell upon   
all the      inhabitants of the land1   
bond and free1 rich and poor1 together4 
,it is a common thing here1 when you    

hear one speak of the benefits      of  
emancipation--the remark--that it ought 
to have taken place long      ago4 ,some
 say fifty years ago1 some twenty1 and  
some1 that at any      rate it ought to 
have taken place all at once1 without   
any      apprenticeship4 ,the noon-day  
sun is not clearer than the fact1 that  
no preparation was required on the part 
of the slaves4 ,it was the      dictate 
of an accusing conscience1 that foretold
 of bloodshed1 and      burning1 and    
devastation4 ,can it be supposed to be  
an accidental      circumstance1 that   
peace and good-will have uniformly1 in  
all      the colonies1 followed the     
steps of emancipation4 ,is it not rather
      the broad seal of attestation to  
that heaven born principle1 ,it is      
safe to do right4 ,dear brother1 if you 
or any other friend to down      trodden
 humanity1 have any lingering fear that 
the blaze of light      which is now    
going forth from the islands will ever  
be quenched1      even for a moment1    

dismiss that fear4 ,the light1 instead  
of growing      dim1 will continue to   
brighten4 ,your prayers for the safe and
 happy      introduction of freedom1    
upon a soil long trodden by the foot of 
slavery1 may be turned into praises--for
 the event has come to pass4      ,when 
shall we be able to rejoice in such a   
consummation in our      beloved        
,america8 ,how ,i long to see a         
deputation of slaveholders      making  
the tour of these islands4 ,it would    
only be necessary for      them to use  
their eyes and ears4 ,argument would be 
quite out of      place4 ,even an appeal
 to principle--to compassion--to the    
fear of      ,god--would not be needed4 
,self-interest alone would decide them  
in      favor of immediate emancipation4
        ,ever yours1        ,w4,r4      
,,hayes4    ,,demerara4    ,,speech ,,of
 ,,the ,,governor1 ,,on ,,opening ,,the 
,,session ,,of ,,the ,,court ,,of       
,,policy1  ,,sept4 #ag1 #ahch4    ,from 
the ,guiana ,royal ,gazette4        ,i  

should fail in my duty to the public1   
and perhaps no respond to      the      
expectations of yourselves1 ,gentlemen  
of the ,colonial ,section of      this  
,honorable ,court1 did ,i not say a few 
words on the state of the      ,colony1 
at this our first meeting after the     
memorable first      of ,august4        
,we are now approaching the close of the
 second month since that      date--a   
sufficient time to enable us to judge of
 the good      disposition of the new   
race of ,freemen1 but not perhaps of the
      prosperity of the ,colony4 ,it is 
a proud thing for the                   
,colonist--,proprietors and             
,employers--that nothing has occurred to
      indicate a want of good feeling in
 the great body of the laborers4        
,it is creditable to them1 satisfactory 
to their employers1 and      confounding
 to those who anticipated a contrary    
state of affairs4        ,that partial  
changes of location should have taken   
place1 cannot      surprise any         

reasonable mind--that men who have all  
their lives been      subject to        
compulsory labor should1 on having this 
labor left to      their discretion1 be 
disposed at first to relax1 and1 in some
      instances1 totally abstain from   
it1 was equally to be expected4 ,but    
we have no reason to despond1 nor to    
imagine that1 because such has          
occurred in some districts1 it will     
continue4        ,it is sufficient that 
the ignorant have been undeceived in    
their      exaggerated notions of their 
rights as ,freemen3 it was the first    
step towards resumption of labor in     
every part of the ,colony4 ,the         
patient forbearance of the ,employers   
has produced great changes4 ,if         
some ,estates have been disappointed in 
the amount of labor      performed1     
others again1 and ,i have reason to     
believe a great      number1 are doing  
well4 ,it is well known that the        
,peasantry have not      taken to a     
wandering life3 they are not lost to the

 cultivated parts      of the ,colony3  
for the reports hitherto received from  
the      ,superintendents of ,rivers and
 ,creeks make no mention of an augmented
      population in the distant parts of
 their respective districts4        ,i  
hear of few commitments1 except in this 
town1 where1 of course1      many of the
 idle have flocked from the country4 ,on
 the ,east ,coast1      there has been  
only one case brought before the ,high  
,sheriff's ,court      since the #ast of
 ,august4 ,in the last ,circuit1 not    
one6        ,with these facts before us1
 we may1 ,i trust1 anticipate the       
continued prosperity of the ,colony2 and
 though it be possible there      may be
 a diminution in the exports of the     
staple commodities in this      and the 
succeeding quarter1 yet we must take    
into consideration that      the season 
had been unfavorable1 in some districts1
 previous to the      #ast ,august1     
therefore a larger proportion of the    
crops remained      uncut2 and we may   

ask1 whether a continuance of compulsory
 labor      would have produced a more  
favorable result8 ,our united efforts   
will1 ,i trust1 not be wanting to base  
individual prosperity on the            
welfare of all4    ,the ,governor of    
,demerara is ,,henry ,,light1 ,esq41 a  
gentlemen who seems  strongly inclined  
to court the old slavery party and      
determined to shew  his want of affinity
 to the abolitionists4 ,in another      
speech delivered  on a similar occasion1
 he says3    ,many of the new freemen   
may still be said to be in their infancy
 of  freedom1 and like children are     
wayward4 ,on many of the estates they   
have repaid the kindness and forbearance
 of their masters2 on others  they have 
continued to take advantage of 7what8   
the kindness and  forbearance of their  
masters8 ,no47 their new condition1 are 
idle or  irregular in their work4 ,the  
good sense of the mass gives me reason  
to  hope that idleness will be the      
exception1 not the rule4    ,the        

,barbadian of ,,nov4 #bh1 remarks1 that 
of six districts in ,demerara  whose    
condition had been reported1 five were  
working favorably4 ,in the  sixth the   
laborers were standing out for higher   
wages4    ,,trinidad4    ,in the        
,jamaica ,morning ,journal of ,oct4 #b;d
 and #aeth1 we find the  following      
paragraphs in relation to this colony3  
,trinidad4--,the reports from the       
various districts as to the conduct of  
our laboring population1 are as various 
and opposite1 the ,standard says1  to   
each other as it is possible for them to
 be4 ,there are many of the  ,estates on
 which the laborers had at first gone on
 steadily to work  which now have       
scarcely a hand upon them1 whilst upon  
others they muster  a greater force than
 they could before command4 ,we hear    
also that the  people have already in   
many instances exhibited that propensity
 common  to the habits of common life1  
which we call squatting1 and to which we
  have always looked forward as one of  

the evils likely to accompany their     
emancipation1 and calling for the       
earliest and most serious attention of  
our ,legislature4 ,we must confess1     
however1 that it is a subject not easy  
to deal with safely and effectually4    
,,trinidad1--,the ,standard says3 ,the  
state of the cultivation at present  is 
said to be as far advanced as could have
 been anticipated under the  new        
circumstances in which the ,island      
stands4 ,the weather throughout the     
month has been more than usually        
favorable to weeding1 whilst there has  
also been sufficient rain to bring out  
the plants2 and many planters  having1  
before the #ast of ,augus1 pushed on    
their weeding by free labor  and 7paid7 
extra tasks1 the derangement in their   
customary labor which  has been         
experienced since that period1 does not 
leave them much below  an average       
progress4    ,of the laborers1 although 
they are far from being settled1 we     
believe  we may say1 that they are not  

working badly2 indeed1 compared with    
those  of the sister colonies1 they are 
both more industrious and more disposed 
to be on good terms with their late     
masters4 ,some few estates continue     
short of their usual compliment of      
hands2 but many of the laborers who  had
 left the proprietors1 have returned to 
them1 whilst many others have  changed  
their locality either to join their     
relations1 or to return to  their haunts
 of former days4 ,so far as we can      
learn1 nothing like  insubordination or 
combination exists4 ,we are also happy  
to say1 that on  some estates1 the      
laborers have turned their attention to 
their  provision grounds4 ,there is one 
point1 however1 which few seem to       
comprehend1 which is1 that although     
free1 they cannot work one day and  be  
idle the next1 ad libitum4    ,later    
accounts mention that some thousands    
more of laborers were wanted  to take   
off the crop1 and that a committee of   
immigration had been  appointed to      

obtain them4 ,see ,amos ,townsend's     
letter on the last page4  ,so it seems  
the free laborers are so good they want 
more of them4 ,the  same is notoriously 
true of ,demerara1 and ,berbice4        
,instead of a  colonization spirit to   
get rid of the free blacks1 the quarrel 
among the  colonies is1 which shall get 
the most4 ,it is no wonder that the poor
  negroes in ,trinidad should betake    
themselves to squatting4 ,the island is 
thinly peopled and the administration or
 justice is horribly corrupt1  under the
 governorship and judgeship of ,sir     
,george ,hill1 the well known  defaulter
 as ,vice ,treasurer of ,ireland1 on    
whose appointment ,mr4  ,o',connell     
remarked that delinquents might excuse  
themselves by  referring to the case of 
their judge4    ,,grenada4              
,,grenada--,the ,gazette expresses its  
gratification at being able to  record1 
that the accounts which have been       
received from several parts of  the     
country1 are of a satisfactory nature4  

,on many of the properties the          
peasantry have1 during the week1 evinced
 a disposition to resume their  several 
accustomed avocations1 at the rates1 and
 on the terms proposed  by the directors
 of the respective estates1 to which    
they were formerly  belonging2 and very 
little desire to change their residence 
has been  manifested4 ,one of our       
correspondents writes1 that 'already1 by
 a  conciliatory method1 and holding out
 the stimulus of extra pay1 in          
proportion to the quantity of work      
performed beyond that allowed to  them1 
he had1 'succeeded in obtaining1 for    
three days1 double the former  average  
of work1 rendered by the labors during  
the days of slavery2 and  this1 too1 by 
four o'clock1 at which hour it seems1   
they are now wishful  of ceasing to     
work1 and to enable them to do so1 they 
work continuously  from the time they   
return from their breakfast4'    ,it is 
one decided opinion1 the paper named    
says1 that in a very short  time the    

cultivation of the cane still be        
generally resumed1 and all  things      
continue to progress to the mutual      
satisfaction of both employer  and      
laborer4 ,we shall feel indebted to our 
friends for such information1  as it may
 be in their power to afford us on this 
important subject1 as  it will tend to  
their advantage equally with that of    
their laborers1  from the same being    
made public4 ,we would wish also that   
permission be  given as to mention the  
names of the properties on which matters
 have  assumed a favorable aspect4      
,jamaica ,morning ,journal of ,oct4 #b4 
,,grenada4--,according to the ,free     
,press1 it would appear that 'the       
proprietors and managers of several     
estates in ,duquesne ,valley1 and       
elsewhere1 their patience being worn    
out1 and seeing the cultivation of      
their estates going to ruin1 determined 
to put the law into operation1  by      
compelling1 after allowing twenty-three 
or twenty-four days of  idleness1 the   

people either to work or to leave the   
estates4 ,they  resisted2 the aid of the
 magistrates and of the constabulary    
force was  called in1 but without       
effect1 and actual violence was1 we     
learn1 used  towards those who came to  
enforce the law4 ,advices were          
immediately sent  down to the           
,executive1 despatched by a gentleman of
 the ,troop1 who  reached town about    
half past five o'clock on ,saturday     
morning last4 ,we  believe a ,privy     
,council was summoned1 and during the   
day1 ,capt4 ,clarke  of the #ast        
,west-,india ,regiment1 and ,government 
,secretary1 ,lieut4 ,mould  of the      
,royal ,engineers1 and ,lieut4          
,costabodie of the #gjth1 together with 
twenty men of the #gjth1 and #bj of the 
#ast ,west ,india1 embarked1 to be      
conveyed by water to the scene of       
insubordination4'    ',we have not      
learnt the reception this force met     
with1 from the  laborers1 but the       
results of the visit paid them were1    

that yesterday1  there were at work1 on 
four estates1 none3 on eleven others1   
#bhg in all1  and on another all except 
three1 who are in the hands of the      
magistrates4 ,on one of the above       
properties1 the great gang was1 on      
,friday last1 represented in the        
cane-piece by one old woman6'    ',the  
presence of the soldiers has had1 it    
will be seen1 some effect1  yet still   
the prospects are far from encouraging2 
a system of stock  plundering1 c4 is    
prevalent to a fearful degree1 some     
gentlemen and the  industrious laborers 
having had their fowls1 c4 entirely     
carried off by  the worthless criminals2
 it is consolatory1 however1 to be able 
to quote  the following written1 to us  
by a gentleman3 ,although there are a   
good  many people on the different      
estates1 still obstinate and resisting  
either to work or to leave the          
properties1 yet ,i hope that if the     
military are posted at ,samaritan for   
some time longer1 they will come  round1

 several of the very obstinate having   
done so already4 ,two  negroes were sent
 down to goal on ,monday last1 to have  
their trial for  assaulting the         
magistrates4'    ',such are the facts1  
as far as we have been able to ascertain
 them1  which have attended a rebellious
 demonstration among a portion of the   
laboring population1 calculated to      
excite well-founded apprehension in  the
 whole community4 ,had earlier          
preventive measures been adopted1 this  
open manifestation of a spirit of       
resistance to1 and defiance of the  law1
 might have been avoided4 ,on this      
point1 we have1 in contempt of the      
time-serving reflections it has drawn   
upon us1 freely and fearlessly          
expressed our opinion1 and we shall now 
only remark1 that matters having  come  
to the pass we have stated1 the         
,executive has adopted the only         
effective means to bring affairs again  
to a healthy state2 fortunate is  it for
 the colony1 that this has been done1   

and we trust that the  effects will be  
most beneficial4'    ,,tobago4    ,the  
following testifies well for the ability
 of the emancipated to take  care of    
themselves4    ',tobago4--,the ,gazette 
of this ,island informs us that up to   
the period  of its going to press1 the  
accounts from the country1 as to the    
disinclination of the laborers to turn  
out to work are much the same as  we    
have given of last week4 ,early this    
morning parties of them were seen       
passing through town in various         
directions1 accompanied by their        
children1 and carrying along with them  
their ground provisions1 stock1  c4     
indicating a change of location4 ,whilst
 on many estates where  peremptory      
demands have been made that work be     
resumed1 or the laborers  should leave  
the estate1 downright refusal to do     
either the one or the  other has been   
the reply2 and that reply has been      
accompanied by threat  and menace of    
personal violence against any attempts  

to turn them out of  their houses and   
grounds4 ,in the transition of the      
laborers from a state  of bondage to    
freedom1 much that in their manners and 
deportment would  have brought them     
summarily under the coercion of the     
stipendiary  magistrate1 formerly1 may  
now be practised with impunity2 and the 
fear  is lest that nice discrimination  
betwixt restraints just terminated and  
rights newly acquired1 will not be      
clouded for some time1 even in the      
minds of the authorities1 before whom   
laborers are likely to be brought  for  
their transgression4 ,thus1 although it 
may appear like an alarming             
confederacy1 the system of sending      
delegates1 or head men1 around the      
estates1 which the laborers have        
adopted1 as advisers1 or agents1 to     
promote general unanimity2 it must be   
borne in mind that this is  perfectly   
justifiable2 and it is only where actual
 violence has been  threatened by those 
delegates against those who choose to   

work at under  wages1 that the          
authorities can merely assure them of   
their protection  from                  
violence4'--,morning ,jour41 ,oct4 #b4  
,the ,barbadian of ,november #ba1 says1 
,an agricultural report has been  lately
 made of the windward district of the   
,island1 which is favorable  as to the  
general working of the negroes4 ,the    
same paper of ,november  #bh1 says1 ,it 
is satisfactory to learn that many      
laborers in ,tobago  are engaging more  
readily in agricultural operations4     
,,st4 ,,vincent4    ,saint              
,vincent4--,our intelligence this week1 
observes the ,gazette of  #beth ,august1
 from the country districts1 is         
considerably more favorable  than for   
the previous fortnight4 ,in most of the 
leeward quarter1 the  people have1 more 
or less1 returned to work1 with the     
exception of very  few estates1 which we
 decline naming1 as we trust that on    
these also  they will resume their labor
 in a few days4 ,the same may be said   

generally of the properties in ,st4     
,george's parish2 and in the more       
extensive district of ,charlotte1 there 
is every prospect that the same  example
 will be followed next week particularly
 in the ,caraib country1  where a few   
laborers on some properties have been at
 work during the  present week1 and the 
explanation and advice given them by    
,mr4 ,special  ,justice ,ross has been  
attended with the best effect1 and we   
doubt not  will so continue4 ,in the    
,biabou quarter the laborers have       
resumed work  in greater numbers than in
 other parts of the parish1 and the     
exceptions  in this1 as in ether        
districts1 we hope will continue but a  
short time4    ,the ,barbadian of       
,november #ba1 speaks of a megass house 
set on fire in  this island which the   
peasantry refused to extinguish1 and    
adds that but  half work is performed by
 the laborer in that parish4 ,those of  
the  adjoining parish1 its says1 are    
said to be working satisfactorily4 ,in  

a subsequent paper we notice a report   
from the ,chief of ,police to the       
,lieutenant ,governor1 which speaks     
favorably of the general working of  the
 negroes1 as far as he had been able to 
ascertain by inquiry into a  district   
comprising one-third of the laborers4   
,the ,new ,york ,commercial ,advertiser 
of ,february #be1 has a communication   
from ,amos ,townsend1 ,esq41 ,cashier of
 the ,new ,haven ,bank2 dated ,new      
,haven1 ,february #ba1 #ahci1 from which
 we make the following extract4 ,he     
says he obtained his information from   
one of the most extensive shipping      
houses in that city connected with the  
,west ,india trade4        ,a ,mr4      
,jackson1 a planter from ,st4 ,vincents1
 has been in this city      within a few
 day1 and says that the emancipation of 
the slaves on      that island works    
extremely well2 and that his plantation 
produces      more and yields a larger  
profit than it has ever done before4    
,the      emancipated slaves now do in  

eight hours what was before considered  
a two-days' task1 and he pays the       
laborers a dollar a day4        ,mr4    
,jackson further states that he1 and    
,mr4 ,nelson1 of ,trinidad1      with   
another gentleman from the same islands1
 have been to      ,washington1 and     
conferred with ,mr4 ,calhoun and ,mr4   
,clay1 to      endeavour to concert some
 plan to get colored laborers from this 
country to emigrate to these islands1 as
 there is a great want of      hands4   
,they offer one dollar a day for able   
bodied hands4 ,the      gentlemen at    
,washington were pleased with the idea  
of thus disposing      of the free      
blacks at the ,south1 and would         
encourage their efforts      to induce  
that class of the colored people to     
emigrate4 ,mr4 ,calhoun      remarked   
that it was the most feasible plan of   
colonizing the free      blacks that had
 ever been suggested4        ,this is   
the amount of my information1 and comes 
in so direct a      channel as leaves no

 room to doubt its correctness4 ,what   
our      southern champions will now say
 to this direct testimony from their    
brother planters of the ,west ,indies1  
of the practicability and      safety of
 immediate emancipation1 remains to be  
seen4 ,truly yours4      ,,amos         
,,townsend1 ,,jun4    ,,st4 ,,lucia4    
,saint ,lucia4--,the ,palladium states  
that affairs are becoming worse every   
day with the planters4 ,their properties
 are left without labourers to  work    
them2 their buildings broken into1      
stores and produce stolen1  ground      
provisions destroyed1 stock robbed1 and 
they themselves insulted  and laughed   
at4    ,on ,saturday night1 the         
,commissary of ,police arrived in town  
from the  third and fourth districts1   
with some twenty or thirty prisoners1   
who  had been convicted before the      
,chief ,justice of having assaulted the 
police in the execution of their duty1  
and sent to gaol4    ,it has been deemed
 necessary to call for military aid with

 a view of  humbling the high and       
extravagant ideas entertained by the    
ex-apprentices upon the independence of 
their present condition2  thirty-six men
 of the first ,west ,india regiment1 and
 twelve of the  seventy-fourth have been
 accordingly despatched2 the detachment 
embarked  yesterday on board ,mr4       
,muter's schooner1 the ,louisa1 to land 
at  ,soufriere1 and march into the      
interior4    ,in both the above cases   
where the military was called out1 the  
provocation was given by the white4 ,and
 in both cases it was afterwards        
granted to be needless4 ,indeed1 in the 
quelling of one of these  factitious    
rebellions1 the prisoners taken were two
 white men1 and one  of them a manager4 
99       99       99       99       99  
,,the  ,,chattel ,,principle    ,,the   
,,abhorrence ,,of  ,,jesus ,,christ     
,,and ,,the ,,apostles2  ,,or  ,,no     
,,refuge ,,for ,,american ,,slavery     
,,in    ,,the ,,new ,,testament4        
,,new ,,york  ,,published ,,by ,,the    

,,american ,,anti-,,slavery ,,society4  
,,no4 #adc ,,nassau ,,street4  #ahci    
,please read and circulate4    ,the     
,,new ,,testament ,,against ,,slavery4  
99       99       99       99       99  
,,the ,,son ,,of ,,man ,,is ,,come ,,to 
,,seek ,,and ,,to ,,save ,,that ,,which 
,,was ,,lost4    ,is ,jesus ,christ in  
favor of ,american slavery8 ,in #aggf   
,,thomas ,,jefferson1  supported by a   
noble band of patriots and surrounded by
 the ,american  people1 opened his lips 
in the authoritative declaration3 ,we   
hold these  truths to be                
,,self-,,evident1 that all men are      
created equal2 that they  are endowed by
 their ,creator with certain inalienable
 rights2 that among  these are life1    
,,liberty and the pursuit of happiness4 
,and from the  inmost heart of the      
multitudes around1 and in a strong and  
clear voice1  broke forth the unanimous 
and decisive answer3 ,amen--such truths 
we do  indeed hold to be self-evident4  
,and animated and sustained by a        

declaration1 so inspiring and sublime1  
they rushed to arms1 and as the  result 
of agonizing efforts and dreadful       
sufferings1 achieved under ,god  the    
independence of their country4 ,the     
great truth1 whence they derived  light 
and strength to assert and defend their 
rights1 they made the  foundation of    
their republic4 ,and in the midst of    
this republic1 must  we prove1 that ,he1
 who was the ,truth1 did not contradict 
the truths  which ,he ,himself1 as their
 ,creator1 had made self-evident to     
mankind8    ,is ,jesus ,christ in favor 
of ,american slavery8 ,what1 according  
to those  laws which make it what it is1
 is ,american slavery8 ,in the          
,statute-,book  of ,south ,carolina thus
 it is written3,a ,slaves shall be      
deemed1 sold1  taken1 reputed and       
adjudged in law to be chattels personal 
in the  hands of their owners and       
possessors1 and their executors1        
administrators and assigns1 to all      
intents1 constructions and purposes     

whatever4 ,the very root of ,american   
slavery consists in the assumption1     
that law has reduced men to chattels4   
,but this assumption is1 and must  be1 a
 gross falsehood4 ,men and cattle are   
separated from each other by  the       
,creator1 immutably1 eternally1 and by  
an impassable gulf4 ,to  confound or    
identify men and cattle must be to lie  
most wantonly1  impudently1 and         
maliciously4 ,and must we prove1 that   
,jesus ,christ is not  in favor of      
palpable1 monstrous falsehood8          
,footnote ,a3 ,stroud's ,slave ,laws1 p4
 #bc4    ,is ,jesus ,christ in favor of 
,american slavery8 ,how can a system1   
built  upon a stout and impudent denial 
of self-evident truth--a system of      
treating men like cattle--operate8      
,thomas ,jefferson shall answer4 ,hear  
him4,b ,the whole commerce between      
master and slave is a perpetual         
exercise of the most boisterous         
passions2 the most unremitting despotism
  on the one part1 and degrading        

submission on the other4 ,the parent    
storms1 the child looks on1 catches the 
lineaments of wrath1 puts on the  same  
airs in the circle of smaller slaves1   
gives loose to his worst  passions1 and 
thus nursed1 educated1 and daily        
exercised in tyranny1 can  not but be   
stamped by it with odious peculiarities4
 ,the man must be a  prodigy1 who can   
retain his manners and morals undepraved
 by such  circumstances4 ,such is the   
practical operation of a system1 which  
puts  men and cattle into the same      
family and treats them alike4 ,and must 
we  prove1 that ,jesus ,christ is not in
 favor of a school where the worst      
vices in their most hateful forms are   
systematically and efficiently  taught  
and practiced8    ,footnote ,b3 ,notes  
on ,virginia4    ,is ,jesus ,christ in  
favor of ,american slavery8 ,what1 in   
#ahah1 did the  ,general ,assembly of   
the ,presbyterian church affirm         
respecting its nature  and operation8,c 
,slavery creates a paradox in the moral 

system--it  exhibits rational1          
accountable1 and immortal beings1 in    
such  circumstances as scarcely to leave
 them the power of moral action4 ,it    
exhibits them as dependent on the will  
of others1 whether they shall  receive  
religious instruction2 whether they     
shall know and worship the  true ,god2  
whether they shall enjoy the ordinances 
of the gospel2 whether  they shall      
perform the duties and cherish the      
endearments of husbands  and wives1     
parents and children1 neighbors and     
friends2 whether they  shall preserve   
their chastity and purity1 or regard the
 dictates of  justice and humanity4     
,such are some of the consequences of   
slavery2  consequences not imaginary1   
but which connect themselves with its   
very  existence4 ,the evils to which the
 slave is always exposed1 often take    
place in their very worst degree and    
form2 and where all of them do not  take
 place1 still the slave is deprived of  
his natural rights1 degraded  as a human

 being1 and exposed to the danger of    
passing into the hands of  a master who 
may inflict upon him all the hardships  
and injuries which  inhumanity and      
avarice may suggest4 ,must we prove1    
that ,jesus ,christ is  not in favor of 
such things8    ,footnote ,c3 ,minutes  
of the ,general ,assembly for #ahah1 p4 
#bi4    ,is ,jesus ,christ in favor of  
,american slavery8 ,it is already widely
 felt  and openly acknowledged at the   
,south1 that they can not support       
slavery  without sustaining the         
opposition of universal christendom4    
,and ,thomas  ,jefferson declared1 that 
he trembled for his country when he     
reflected1  that ,god is just2 that his 
justice can not sleep forever2 that     
considering numbers1 nature1 and natural
 means only1 a revolution of the  wheel 
of fortune1 an exchange of situation1 is
 among possible events2  that it may    
become practicable by supernatural      
influences6 ,the ,almighty  has no      
attribute which can take sides with us  

in such a contest4,a ,and  must we      
prove1 that ,jesus ,christ is not in    
favor of what universal  christendom is 
impelled to abhor1 denounce1 and        
oppose2--is not in favor  of what every 
attribute of ,almighty ,god is armed    
against8    ,footnote ,a3 ,notes on     
,virginia    ,,ye ,,have ,,despised     
,,the ,,poor4    ,it is no man of straw1
 with whom in making out such proof we  
are called  to contend4 ,would to ,god  
we had no other antagonist6 ,would to   
,god that  our labor of love could be   
regarded as a work of supererogation6   
,but we  may well be ashamed and        
grieved2 to find it necessary to stop   
the  mouths of grave and learned        
ecclesiastics1 who from the heights of  
,zion  have undertaken to defend the    
institution of slavery4 ,we speak not   
now  of those1 who amidst the monuments 
of oppression are engaged in the  sacred
 vocation2 who as ministers of the      
,gospel can prophesy smooth  things to  
such as pollute the altar of ,jehovah   

with human sacrifices2  nay1 who        
themselves bind the victim and kindle   
the sacrifice4 ,that  they should put   
their ,savior to the torture1 to wring  
from his lips  something in favor of    
slavery1 is not to be wondered at4 ,they
 consent to  the murder of the children2
 can they respect the rights of the     
,father8  ,but what shall we say of     
theological professors at the           
,north--professors  of sacred literature
 at our oldest divinity schools--who    
stand up to  defend1 both by argument   
and authority1 southern slavery6 ,and   
from the  ,bible6 ,who1 ,balaam-like1   
try a thousand expedients to force from 
the  mouth of ,jehovah a sentence which 
they know the heart of ,jehovah abhors6 
,surely we have here something more     
mischievous and formidable than a man   
of straw4 ,more than two years ago1 and 
just before the meeting of the  ,general
 ,assembly of the ,presbyterian church1 
appeared an article in the  ,biblical   
,repertory1,a understood to be from the 

pen of the ,professor of  ,sacred       
,literature at ,princeton1 in which an  
effort is made to show1 that  slavery1  
whatever may be said of any abuses of   
it1 is not a violation  of the precepts 
of the ,gospel4 ,this article1 we are   
informed1 was  industriously and        
extensively distributed among the       
members of the  ,general ,assembly--a   
body of men1 who by a frightful majority
 seemed  already too much disposed to   
wink at the horrors of slavery4 ,the    
effect  of the ,princeton ,apology on   
the southern mind1 we have high         
authority  for saying1 has been most    
decisive and injurious4 ,it has         
contributed  greatly to turn the public 
eye off from the sin--from the inherent 
and  necessary evils of slavery to      
incidental evils1 which the abuse of  it
 might be expected to occasion4 ,and how
 few can be brought to admit1  that     
whatever abuses may prevail nobody knows
 where or how1 any such  thing is       
chargeable upon them6 ,thus our         

,princeton prophet has done what  he    
could to lay the southern conscience    
asleep upon ingenious  perversions of   
the sacred volume6    ,footnote ,a3 ,for
 ,april1 #ahcf4 ,the ,general ,assembly 
of the ,presbyterian  ,church met in the
 following ,may1 at ,pittsburgh1 where1 
in pamphlet form1  this article was     
distributed4 ,the following appeared    
upon the  title page3                   
,,pittsburgh3                #ahcf4     
,for gratuitous distribution4           
,about a year after this1 an effort in  
the same direction was jointly  made by 
,dr4 ,fisk and ,prof4 ,stuart4 ,in a    
letter to a ,methodist clergyman1  ,mr4 
,merritt1 published in ,zion's ,herald1 
,dr4 ,fisk gives utterance to  such     
things as the following3--,but that you 
and the public may see and  feel1 that  
you have the ablest and those who are   
among the honestest  men of this age1   
arrayed against you1 be pleased to      
notice the following  letter from ,prof4
 ,stuart4 ,i wrote to him1 knowing as ,i

 did his integrity  of purpose1 his     
unflinching regard for truth1 as well as
 his deserved  reputation as a scholar  
and biblical critic1 proposing the      
following  questions3--    #a4 ,does the
 ,new ,testament directly or indirectly 
teach1 that slavery  existed in the     
primitive church8    #b4 ,in #a ,tim4   
vi4 #b1 ,and they that have believing   
masters1 c41 what is  the relation      
expressed or implied between they       
7servants7 and  believing masters8 ,and 
what are your reasons for the           
construction of  the passage8    #c4    
,what was the character of ancient and  
eastern slavery8--,especially  what     
7legal7 power did this relation give the
 master over the slave8    ,,professor  
,,stuart',s ,,reply4        ,,andover1  
#ajth ,april1 #ahcg4        ,,rev4 ,,and
 ,,dear ,,sir1--,yours is before me4 ,a 
sickness of three months'      standing 
7typhus fever17 in which ,i have just   
escaped death1 and      which still     
confines me to my house1 renders it     

impossible for me to      answer your   
letter at large4        #a4 ,the        
precepts of the ,new ,testament         
respecting the demeanor of      slaves  
and of their masters1 beyond all        
question1 recognize the      existence  
of slavery4 ,the masters are in part    
believing masters1      so that a       
precept to them1 how they are to behave 
as masters1      recognizes that the    
relation may still exist1 salva fide et 
salva      ecclesia1 7without violating 
the ,christian faith or the church47    
,otherwise1 ,paul had nothing to do but 
to cut the band asunder at      once4   
,he could not lawfully and properly     
temporize with a malum in      se1 7that
 which is in itself sin47        ,if any
 one doubts1 let him take the case of   
,paul's sending ,onesimus      back to  
,philemon1 with an apology for his      
running away1 and sending      him back 
to be his servant for life4 ,the        
relation did exist1 may      exist4 ,the
 abuse of it is the essential and       

fundamental wrong4 ,not      that the   
theory of slavery is in itself right4   
,no2 ,love thy      neighbor as thyself1
 ,do unto others that which ye would    
that      others should do unto you1    
decide against this4 ,but the relation  
once constituted and continued1 is not  
such a malum in se as calls      for    
immediate and violent disruption at all 
hazards4 ,so ,paul did      not counsel4
        #b4 #a ,tim4 vi4 #b1 expresses  
the sentiment1 that slaves1 who are     
,christians and have ,christian masters1
 are not1 on that account1 and          
because as ,christians they are         
brethren1 to forego the reverence       
due to them as masters4 ,that is1 the   
relation of master and slave is         
not1 as a matter of course1 abrogated   
between all ,christians4 ,nay1          
servants should in such a case1 a       
fortiori1 do their duty      cheerfully4
 ,this sentiment lies on the very face  
of the case4 ,what      the master's    
duty in such a case may be in respect to

 liberation1      is another question1  
and one which the apostle does not here 
treat of4        #c4 ,every one knows1  
who is acquainted with ,greek or ,latin 
antiquities1 that slavery among heathen 
nations has ever been more              
unqualified and at looser ends than     
among ,christian nations4 ,slaves       
were property in ,greece and ,rome4     
,that decides all questions about       
their relation4 ,their treatment        
depended1 as it does now1 on the        
temper of their masters4 ,the power of  
the master over the slave was1      for 
a long time1 that of life and death4    
,horrible cruelties at      length      
mitigated it4 ,in the apostle's day1 it 
was at least as great      as among us4 
,after all the spouting and vehemence on
 this subject1 which have      been     
exhibited1 the good old ,book remains   
the same4 ,paul's conduct      and      
advice are still safe guides4 ,paul knew
 well that ,christianity      would     
ultimately destroy slavery1 as it       

certainly will4 ,he knew too1      that 
it would destroy monarchy and           
aristocracy from the earth2 for      it 
is fundamentally a doctrine of true     
liberty and equality4 ,yet      ,paul   
did not expect slavery or anarchy to be 
ousted in a day2 and      gave precepts 
to ,christians respecting their demeanor
 ad interim4        ,with sincere and   
paternal regard1        ,your friend and
 brother1        ,m4 ,,stuart4          
99       99       99       99       99  
--,this1 sir1 is doctrine that will     
stand1 because it is ,bible             
doctrine4 ,the abolitionists1 then1 are 
on a wrong course4 ,they have           
traveled out of the record2 and if they 
would succeed1 they must      take a    
different position1 and approach the    
subject in a different      manner4     
,respectfully yours1        ,w4 ,,fisk  
,,so ,,they ,,wrap ,,snarl ,,it ,,up4   
,what are we taught here8 ,that in the  
ecclesiastical organizations which  grew
 up under the hands of the apostles1    

slavery was admitted as a  relation1    
that did not violate the ,christian     
faith2 that the relation  may now in    
like manner exist2 that the abuse of it 
is the essential and  fundamental wrong2
 and1 of course1 that ,american         
,christians may hold  their own brethren
 in slavery without incurring guilt or  
inflicting  injury4 ,thus according to  
,prof4 ,stuart1 ,jesus ,christ has not a
 word to  say against the peculiar      
institutions of the ,south4 ,if our     
brethren  there do not abuse the        
privilege of exacting unpaid labor1 they
 may  multiply their slaves to their    
hearts' content1 without exposing       
themselves to the frown of the ,savior  
or laying their ,christian  character   
open to the least suspicion4 ,could any 
trafficker in human  flesh ask for      
greater latitude8 ,and to such          
doctrines1 ,dr4 ,fisk eagerly  aid      
earnestly subscribes4 ,he goes further4 
,he urges it on the attention  of his   
brethren1 as containing important truth1

 which they ought to  embrace4          
,according to him1 it is ,bible         
doctrine1 showing1 that the             
abolitionists are on a wrong course1 and
 must1 if they would succeed1  take a   
different position4    ,we now refer to 
such distinguished names1 to show1 that 
in attempting to  prove that ,jeans     
,christ is not in favor of ,american    
slavery1 we contend  with something else
 than a man of straw4 ,the ungrateful   
task1 which a  particular examination of
 ,prof4 ,stuart's letter lays upon us1  
we hope  fairly to dispose of in due    
season4--,enough has now been said1 to  
make  it clear and certain1 that        
,american slavery has its apologists and
  advocates in the northern pulpit2     
advocates and apologists1 who fall      
behind few if any of their brethren in  
the reputation they have  acquired1 the 
stations they occupy1 and the general   
influence they are  supposed to exert4  
,is it so8 ,did slavery exist in ,judea1
 and among the ,jews1 in its worst      

form1 during the ,savior's incarnation8 
,if the ,jews held slaves1 they  must   
have done so in open and flagrant       
violation of the letter and the  spirit 
of the ,mosaic ,dispensation4 ,whoever  
has any doubts of this may  well resolve
 his doubts in the light of the         
,argument entitled ,the ,bible  against 
,slavery4 ,if1 after a careful and      
thorough examination of that  article1  
he can believe that slaveholding        
prevailed during the ministry  of ,jesus
 ,christ among the ,jews and in         
accordance with the authority of        
,moses1 he would do the reading public  
an important service to record the      
grounds of his belief--especially in a  
fair and full refutation of that        
,argument4 ,till that is done1 we hold  
ourselves excused from attempting  to   
prove what we now repeat1 that if the   
,jews during our ,savior's  incarnation 
held slaves1 they must have done so in  
open and flagrant  violation of the     
letter and the spirit of the ,mosaic    

,dispensation4 ,could  ,christ and the  
,apostles every where among their       
countrymen come in  contact with        
slaveholding1 being as it was a gross   
violation of that law  which their      
office and their profession required    
them to honor and  enforce1 without     
exposing and condemning it4    ,in its  
worst forms1 we are told1 slavery       
prevailed over the whole world1  not    
excepting ,judea4 ,as1 according to such
 ecclesiastics as ,stuart1  ,hodge1 and 
,fisk1 slavery in itself is not bad at  
all1 the term worst  could be applied   
only to abuses of this innocent         
relation4 ,slavery  accordingly existed 
among the ,jews1 disfigured and         
disgraced by the  worst abuses to which 
it is liable4 ,these abuses in the      
ancient world1  ,prof4 ,stuart describes
 as horrible cruelties4 ,and in our own 
country1  such abuses have grown so     
rank1 as to lead a distinguished        
eye-witness--no less a philosopher and  
statesman than ,thomas  ,jefferson--to  

say1 that they had armed against us     
every attribute of the  ,almighty4 ,with
 these things the ,savior every where   
came in contact1  among the people to   
whose improvement and salvation he      
devoted his  living powers1 and yet not 
a word1 not a syllable1 in exposure and 
condemnation of such horrible cruelties1
 escaped his lips6 ,he  saw--among the  
covenant people of ,jehovah he saw1 the 
babe plucked  from the bosom of its     
mother2 the wife torn from the embrace  
of her  husband2 the daughter driven to 
the market by the scourge of her own    
father2--he saw the word of ,god sealed 
up from those who1 of all men1  were    
especially entitled to its enlightening1
 quickening  influence2--nay1 he saw men
 beaten for kneeling before the throne  
of  heavenly mercy2--such things he saw 
without a word of admonition or         
reproof6 ,no sympathy with them who     
suffered wrong--no indignation at  them 
who inflicted wrong1 moved his heart6   
,from the alledged silence of the       

,savior1 when in contact with slavery   
among the ,jews1 our divines infer1 that
 it is quite consistent with            
,christianity4 ,and they affirm1 that he
 saw it in its worst forms2 that  is1 he
 witnessed what ,prof4 ,stuart ventures 
to call horrible  cruelties4 ,but what  
right have these interpreters of the    
sacred volume  to regard any form of    
slavery which the ,savior found1 as     
worst1 or  even bad8 ,according to their
 inference--which they would thrust     
gag-wise  into the mouths of            
abolitionists--his silence should seal  
up their lips4  ,they ought to hold     
their tongues4 ,they have no right to   
call any form of  slavery bad--an abuse2
 much less1 horribly cruel6 ,their      
inference is  broad enough to protect   
the most brutal driver amidst his       
deadliest  inflictions6    ,,think ,,not
 ,,that ,i ,,am ,,come ,,to ,,destroy   
,,the ,,law ,,or ,,the ,,prophets2 ,i   
,,am ,,not  ,,come ,,to ,,destroy1 ,,but
 ,,to ,,fulfill4    ,and did the ,head  

of the new dispensation1 then1 fall so  
far behind the  prophets of the old in a
 hearty and effective regard for        
suffering  humanity8 ,the forms of      
oppression which they witnessed1 excited
 their  compassion and aroused their    
indignation4 ,in terms the most pointed 
and  powerful1 they exposed1 denounced1 
threatened4 ,they could not endure the  
creatures1 who used their neighbors'    
service without wages1 and gave  him not
 for his work2,a who imposed heavy      
burdens,b upon their  fellows1 and      
loaded them with the bands of           
wickedness2 who1 hiding  themselves from
 their own flesh1 disowned their own    
mothers' children4  ,professions of     
piety1 joined with the oppression of the
 poor1 they held  up to universal scorn 
and execration1 as the dregs of         
hypocrisy4 ,they  warned the creature of
 such professions1 that he could escape 
the wrath  of ,jehovah only by heartfelt
 repentance4 ,and yet1 according to the 
ecclesiastics with whom we have to do1  

the ,lord of these prophets passed  by  
in silence just such enormities as he   
commanded them to expose and  denounce6 
,every where1 he came in contact with   
slavery in its worst  forms--horrible   
cruelties forced themselves upon his    
notice2 but not a  word of rebuke or    
warning did he utter4 ,he saw a boy     
given for a  harlot1 and a girl sold for
 wine1 that they might drink1,c without 
the  slightest feeling of displeasure1  
or any mark of disapprobation6 ,to such 
disgusting and horrible conclusions1 do 
the arguings which1 from the  haunts of 
sacred literature1 are inflictcd on our 
churches1 lead us6  ,according to them1 
,jesus ,christ1 instead of shining as   
the light of the  world1 extinguished   
the torches which his own prophets had  
kindled1 and  plunged mankind into the  
palpable darkness of a starless         
midnight6 ,o  ,savior1 in pity to thy   
suffering people1 let thy temple be no  
longer  used as a den of thieves6       
,footnote ,a3 ,jeremiah xxii4 #ac4      

,footnote ,b3 ,isaiah lviii4 #f1g4      
,footnote ,c3 ,joel iii4 #c4    ,,thou  
,,thoughtest ,,that ,i ,,was            
,,altogether ,,such ,,an ,,one ,,as     
,,thyself4    ,in passing by the worst  
forms of slavery1 with which he every   
where came  in contact among the ,jews1 
the ,savior must have been inconsistent 
with  himself4 ,he was commissioned to  
preach glad tidings to the poor2 to heal
  the broken-hearted2 to preach         
deliverance to the captives2 to set at  
liberty them that are bruised2 to preach
 the year of ,jubilee4 ,in  accordance  
with this commission1 he bound himself1 
from the earliest  date of his          
incarnation1 to the poor1 by the        
strongest ties2 himself  had not where  
to lay his head2 he exposed himself to  
misrepresentation  and abuse for his    
affectionate intercourse with the       
outcasts of society2  he stood up as the
 advocate of the widow1 denouncing and  
dooming the  heartless ecclesiastics1   
who had made her bereavement a source of

 gain2  and in describing the scenes of 
the final judgment1 he selected the very
  personification of poverty1 disease1  
and oppression1 as the test by  which   
our regard for him should be determined4
 ,to the poor and wretched2  to the     
degraded and despised1 his arms were    
ever open4 ,they had his  tenderest     
sympathies4 ,they had his warmest love4 
,his heart's blood he  poured out upon  
the ground for the human family1 reduced
 to the deepest  degradation1 and       
exposed to the heaviest inflictions1 as 
the slaves of  the grand usurper4 ,and  
yet1 according to our ecclesiastics1    
that class  of sufferers who had been   
reduced immeasurably below every other  
shape  and form of degradation and      
distress2 who had been most rudely      
thrust  out of the family of ,adam1 and 
forced to herd with swine2 who1 without 
the slightest offense1 had been made the
 foot-stool of the worst  criminals2    
whose tears were their meat night and   
day1 while1 under  nameless insults and 

killing injuries1 they were continually 
crying1 ,o  ,lord1 ,o ,lord3--this class
 of sufferers1 and this alone1 our      
biblical  expositors1 occupying the high
 places of sacred literature1 would make
  us believe the compassionate ,savior  
coldly overlooked4 ,not an emotion of   
pity2 not a look of sympathy2 not a word
 of consolation1 did his  gracious heart
 prompt him to bestow upon them6 ,he    
denounces damnation  upon the devourer  
of the widow's house4 ,but the monster1 
whose trade it  is to make widows and   
devour them and their babes1 he can     
calmly endure6  ,o ,savior1 when wilt   
thou stop the mouths of such            
blasphemers6    ,,it ,,is ,,the ,,spirit
 ,,that ,,quickeneth4    ,it seems1 that
 though1 according to our ,princeton    
professor1 the  subject of slavery is   
hardly alluded to by ,christ in any of  
his  personal instructions,a1 he had a  
way of treating it4 ,what was that8     
,why1 he taught the true nature1        
,,dignity1 ,,equality1 and destiny of   

men1  and inculcated the principles of  
justice and love4,b ,and according to   
,professor ,stuart1 the maxims which our
 ,savior furnished1 decide  against the 
theory of slavery4 ,all1 then1 that     
these ecclesiastical  apologists for    
slavery can make of the ,savior's       
alledged silence is1  that he did not1  
in his personal instructions1 apply his 
own principles  to this particular form 
of wickedness4 ,for wicked that must be1
 which  the maxims of the ,savior decide
 against1 and which our ,princeton      
professor assures us the principles of  
the gospel1 duly acted on1 would        
speedily extinguish,c4 ,how remarkable  
it is1 that a teacher should  hardly    
allude to a subject in any of his       
personal instructions1 and  yet         
inculcate principles which have a direct
 and vital bearing upon  it6--should so 
conduct1 as to justify the inference1   
that slaveholding  is not a crime,d1 and
 at the same time lend his authority for
 its  speedy extinction6    ,footnote   

,a3 ,pittsburgh pamphlet1 7already      
alluded to17p4#i4    ,footnote ,b3      
,pittsburgh pamphlet1 p4#i4    ,footnote
 ,c3 ,the same1 p4#cd4    ,footnote ,d3 
,the same1 p4#ac4    ,higher authority  
than sustains self-evident truths there 
can not be4  ,as forms of reason1 they  
are rays from the face of ,jehovah4 ,not
 only are  their presence and power     
self-manifested1 but they also shed a   
strong  and clear light around them4 ,in
 this light1 other truths are visible4  
,luminaries themselves1 it is their     
office to enlighten4 ,to their          
authority1 in every department of       
thought1 the sane mind bows promptly1   
gratefully1 fully4 ,and by their        
authority1 he explains1 proves1 and     
disposes of whatever engages his        
attention and engrosses his powers as a 
reasonable and reasoning creature4 ,for 
what1 when thus employed and when  most 
successful1 is the utmost he can        
accomplish8 ,why1 to make the           
conclusions which he would establish and

 commend1 clear in the light of         
reason2--in other words1 to evince that 
they are reasonable4 ,he  expects1 that 
those with whom he has to do1 will      
acknowledge the  authority of           
principle--will see whatever is         
exhibited in the light of  reason4 ,if  
they require him to go further1 and1 in 
order to convince  them1 to do something
 more that show that the doctrines he   
maintains1  and the methods he proposes1
 are accordant with reason--are         
illustrated  and supported by           
self-evident truths--they are plainly   
beside  themselves4 ,they have lost the 
use of reason4 ,they are not to be      
argued  with4 ,they belong to the       
mad-house4    ,,come ,,now1 ,,let ,,us  
,,reason ,,together1 ,,saith ,,the      
,,lord4    ,are we to honor the ,bible1 
which ,prof4 ,stuart quaintly calls the 
good  old book1 by turning away from    
self-evident truths to receive its      
instructions8 ,can these truths be      
contradicted or denied there8 ,do we    

search for something there to obscure   
their clearness1 or break their  force1 
or reduce their authority8 ,do we long  
to find something there1 in  the form of
 premises or conclusions1 of arguing or 
of inference1 in  broad statements or   
blind hints1 creed-wise or fact-wise1   
which may set  us free from the light   
and power of first principles8 ,and what
 if we  were to discover what we were   
thus in search of8--something directly  
or  indirectly1 expressly or impliedly  
prejudicial to the principles1 which    
reason1 placing us under the authority  
of1 makes self-evident8 ,in what        
estimation1 in that case1 should we be  
constrained to hold the ,bible8  ,could 
we longer honor it1 as the book of ,god8
 ,the book of ,god opposed  to the      
authority of ,,reason6 ,why1 before what
 tribunal do we dispose of  the claims  
of the sacred volume to divine          
authority8 ,the tribunal of  reason4    
,this every one acknowledges the moment 
he begins to reason on  the subject4    

,and what must reason do with a book1   
which reduced the  authority of its own 
principles--broke the force of          
self-evident truths8  ,is he not1 by way
 of eminence1 the apostle of infidelity1
 who1 as a  minister of the gospel or a 
professor of sacred literature1 exerts  
himself1 with whatever arts of ingenuity
 or show of piety1 to exalt the  ,bible 
at the expense of reason8 ,let such arts
 succeed and such piety  prevail1 and   
,jesus ,christ is crucified afresh and  
put to an  open shame4    ,what saith   
the ,princeton professor8 ,why1 in spite
 of general  principles1 and clear as we
 may think the arguments against        
,,despotism1  there have been thousands 
of ,,enlightened and good men1 who      
honestly  believe it to be of all forms 
of government the best and most         
acceptable  to ,god4,a ,now1 these good 
men must have been thus warmly in favor 
of  despotism1 in consequence of1 or in 
opposition to1 their being  enlightened4
 ,in other words1 the light1 which in   

such abundance they  enjoyed1 conducted 
them to the position in favor of        
despotism1 where the  ,princeton        
professor so heartily shook hands with  
them1 or they must have  forced their   
way there in despite of its hallowed    
influence4 ,either in  accordance with1 
or in resistance to the light1 they     
became what he  found them--the         
advocates of despotism4 ,if in          
resistance to the  light--and he says   
they were enlightened men--what1 so far 
as the  subject with which alone he and 
we are now concerned1 becomes of their  
honesty and goodness8 ,good and honest  
resisters of the light1 which  was      
freely poured around them6 ,of such1    
what says ,professor ,stuart's  good old
 ,book8 ,their authority1 where general 
principles command the  least respect1  
must be small indeed4 ,but if in        
accordance with the  light1 they have   
become the advocates of despotism1 then 
is despotism  the best form of          
government and most acceptable to ,god4 

,it is  sustained by the authority of   
reason1 by the word of ,jehovah1 by the 
will of ,heaven6 ,if this be the        
doctrine which prevails at certain      
theological seminaries1 it must be easy 
to account for the spirit which  they   
breathe1 and the general influence which
 they exert4 ,why did not  the          
,princeton professor place this general 
principle as a shield1  heaven-wrought  
and reason-approved1 over that cherished
 form of  despotism which prevails among
 the churches of the ,south1 and leave  
the  peculiar institutions he is so     
forward to defend1 under its            
protection8    ,footnote ,a3 ,pittsburgh
 pamphlet1 p4#ab4    ,what is the       
general principle to which1 whatever may
 become of  despotism with its honest   
admirers and enlightened supporters1    
human  governments should be universally
 and carefully adjusted8 ,clearly       
this--that as capable of1 man is        
entitled to1 self-government4 ,and  this
 is a specific form of a still more     

general principle1 which may  well be   
pronounced self-evident--that every     
thing should be treated  according to   
its nature4 ,the mind that can doubt of 
this1 must be  incapable of rational    
conviction4 ,man1 then1--it is the      
dictate of  reason1 it is the voice of  
,jehovah--must be treated as a man4     
,what is  he8 ,what are his distinctive 
attributes8 ,the ,creator impressed his 
own  image on him4 ,in this were found  
the grand peculiarities of his          
character4 ,here shone his glory4 ,here 
,,reason manifests its laws4 ,here  the 
,,will puts forth its volitions4 ,here  
is the crown of ,,immortality4 ,why     
such endowments8 ,thus furnished--the   
image of ,jehovah--is he not capable  of
 self-government8 ,and is he not to be  
so treated8 ,within the sphere  where   
the laws of reason place him1 may he not
 act according to his  choice--carry out
 his own volitions8--may he not enjoy   
life1 exult in  freedom and pursue as he
 will the path of blessedness8 ,if not1 

why was  he so created and endowed8 ,why
 the mysterious1 awful attribute of     
will8  ,to be a source1 profound as the 
depths of hell1 of exquisite misery1 of 
keen anguish1 of insufferable torment6  
,was man formed according to the  image 
of ,jehovah1 to be crossed1 thwarted1   
counteracted2 to be forced  in upon     
himself2 to be the sport of endless     
contradictions2 to be driven  back and  
forth forever between mutually repellant
 forces2 and all1 all  at the discretion
 of another6,a ,how can men be treated  
according to  his nature1 as endowed    
with reason or will1 if excluded from   
the powers  and privileges of self      
government8--if despotism be let loose  
upon  him1 to deprive him of personal   
liberty1 oblige him to serve at the     
discretion of another1 and with the     
power of transferring such  authority   
over him and such claim upon him1 to    
another master8 ,if  thousands of       
enlightened and good men can so easily  
be found1 who are  forward to support   

despotism as of all governments the best
 and most  acceptable to ,god1 we need  
not wonder at the testimony of universal
  history1 that the whole creation      
groaneth and travaileth in pain         
together until now4 ,groans and         
travail-pangs must continue to be the   
order of the day throughout the whole   
creation1 till the rod of  despotism be 
broken1 and man be treated as man--as   
capable of1 and  entitled to1           
self-government4    ,footnote ,a3       
,pittsburgh pamphlet1 p4#ab    ,but what
 is the despotism whose horrid features 
our smooth professor  tries to hide     
beneath an array of cunningly-selected  
words and  nicely-adjusted sentences8   
,it is the despotism of ,american       
slavery--which crushes the very life of 
humanity out of its victims1 and        
transforms them to cattle6 ,at its      
touch1 they sink from men to things6    
,slaves1 with ,prof4 ,stuart1 were      
property in ,greece and ,rome4 ,that    
decides all questions about their       

relation4 ,yes1 truly4 ,and slaves in   
republican ,america are property2 and as
 that easily1 clearly1 and  definitely  
settles all questions about their       
relation1 why should  the ,princeton    
professor have put himself to the       
trouble of weaving a  definition equally
 ingenious and inadequate--at once      
subtle and  deceitful8 ,ah1 why8 ,was he
 willing thus to conceal the wrongs of  
his  mother's children even from        
himself8 ,if among the figments of his  
brain1  he could fashion slaves1 and    
make them something else than property1 
he  knew full well that a very different
 pattern was in use among the  southern 
patriarchs4 ,why did he not1 in plain   
words1 and sober earnest1  and good     
faith1 describe the thing as it was1    
instead of employing  honied words and  
courtly phrases1 to set forth with all  
becoming  vagueness and ambiguity what  
might possibly be supposed to exist in  
the  regions of fancy4    ,,for ,,rulers
 ,,are ,,not ,a ,,terror ,,to ,,good    

,,works1 ,,but ,,to ,,the ,,evil4       
,but are we1 in maintaining the         
principle of self-government1 to        
overlook  the unripe1 or neglected1 or  
broken powers of any of our fellow-men  
with  whom we may be connected8--or the 
strong passions1 vicious propensities1  
or criminal pursuit of others8          
,certainly not4 ,but in providing for   
their  welfare1 we are to exert         
influences and impose restraints suited 
to  their character4 ,in wielding those 
prerogatives which the social of our    
nature authorizes us to employ for their
 benefit1 we are to regard them  as they
 are in truth1 not things1 not cattle1  
not articles of  merchandize1 but men1  
our fellow-men--reflecting1 from however
 battered  and broken a surface1        
reflecting with us the image of a common
 ,father4  ,and the great principle of  
self-government is to be the basis1 to  
which  the whole structure of discipline
 under which they may be placed1 should 
be adapted4 ,from the nursery and       

village school on to the work-house and 
state-prison1 this principle is over and
 in all things to be before the  eyes1  
present in the thoughts1 warm on the    
heart4 ,otherwise1 ,god is  insulted1   
while his image is despised and abused4 
,yes1 indeed1 we  remember that in      
carrying out the principle of           
self-government1  multiplied            
embarrassments and obstructions grow out
 of wickedness on the  one hand and     
passion on the other4 ,such difficulties
 and obstacles we  are far enough from  
overlooking4 ,but where are they to be  
found8 ,are  imbecility and wickedness1 
bad hearts and bad heads1 confined to   
the  bottom of society8 ,alas1 the      
weakest of the weak1 and the desperately
  wicked1 often occupy the high places  
of the earth1 reducing every thing      
within their reach to subserviency to   
the foulest purposes4 ,nay1 the  very   
power they have usurped1 has often been 
the chief instrument of  turning their  
heads1 inflaming their passions1        

corrupting their hearts4  ,all the world
 knows1 that the possession of arbitrary
 power has a strong  tendency to make   
men shamelessly wicked and insufferably 
mischievous4  ,and this1 whether the    
vassals over whom they domineer1 be few 
or many4  ,if you can not trust man with
 himself1 will you put his fellows under
  his control8--and flee from the       
inconveniences incident to              
self-government1 to the horrors of      
despotism8    ,,thou ,,that ,,preachest 
,a ,,man ,,should ,,not ,,steal1 ,,dost 
,,thou ,,steal4    ,is the slaveholder1 
the most absolute and shameless of all  
despots1 to  be intrusted with the      
discipline of the injured men whom he   
himself has  reduced to cattle8--with   
the discipline by which they are to be  
prepared  to wield the powers and enjoy 
the privileges of freemen8 ,alas1 of    
such  discipline as he can furnish1 in  
the relation of owner to property1 they 
have had enough4 ,from this sprang the  
vary ignorance and vice1 which in  the  

view of many lie in the way of their    
immediate enfranchisement4 ,he  it is1  
who has darkened their eyes and crippled
 their powers4 ,and are  they to look to
 him for illumination and renewed       
vigor6--and expect  grapes from thorns  
and figs from thistles6 ,heaven forbid6 
,when1  according to arrangements which 
had usurped the sacred name of law1 he  
consented to receive and use them as    
property1 he forfeited all claims  to   
the esteem and confidence1 not only of  
the helpless sufferers  themselves1 but 
also of every philanthropist4 ,in       
becoming a slaveholder1  he became the  
enemy of mankind4 ,the very act was a   
declaration of war  upon human man      
nature4 ,what less can be made of the   
process of turning  men to cattle8 ,it  
is rank absurdity--it is the height of  
madness1 to  propose to employ him to   
train1 for the places of freemen1 those 
whom  he has wantonly robbed of every   
right--whom he has stolen from          
themselves4 ,sooner place ,burke1 who   

used to murder for the sake of  selling 
bodies to the dissector1 at the head of 
a hospital4 ,why1 what  have our        
slaveholders been about these two       
hundred years8 ,have they not  been     
constantly and earnestly engaged in the 
work of education8  --training up their 
human cattle8 ,and how8 ,thomas         
,jefferson shall  answer4 ,the whole    
commerce between master and slave1 is a 
perpetual  exercise of the most         
boisterous passions2 the most           
unremitting despotism  on the one part1 
and degrading submission on the other4  
,is this the way  to fit the unprepared 
for the duties and privileges of        
,american  citizens8 ,will the evils of 
the dreadful process be diminished by   
adding  to it length8 ,what1 in #ahah1  
was the unanimous testimony of the      
,general  ,assembly of the ,presbyterian
 church8 ,why1 after describing a       
variety of  influences growing out of   
slavery1 most fatal to mental and moral 
improvement1 the ,general ,assembly     

assure us1 that such consequences are   
not imaginary1 but connect themselves   
,,with ,,the ,,very ,,existence of      
slavery4 ,the evils to which the slave  
is always exposed1 often take  place in 
fact1 and ,,in ,,their ,,very ,,worst   
,,degree ,,and ,,form,a2 and where all  
of them do not take place1 still the    
slave is deprived of his natural  right1
 degraded as a human being1 and exposed 
to the danger of passing  into the hands
 of a master who may inflict upon him   
all the hardships  and injuries1 which  
inhumanity and avarice may suggest4 ,is 
this the  condition in which our        
ecclesiastics would keep the slave1 at  
least a  little longer1 to fit him to be
 restored to himself8    ,footnote ,a3  
,the words here marked as emphasis were 
so distinguished by  ourselves4    ,,and
 ,,they ,,stopped ,,their ,,ears4       
,the methods of discipline under which1 
as slaveholders1 the ,southrons  now    
place their human cattle1 they with one 
consent and in great wrath1  forbid us  

to examine4 ,the statesman and the      
priest unite in the  assurance1 that    
these methods are none of our business4 
,nay1 they give  us distinctly to       
understand1 that if we come among them  
to take  observations1 and make         
inquiries1 and discuss questions1 they  
will  dispose of us as outlaws4 ,nothing
 will avail to protect us from speedy   
and deadly violence6 ,what inference    
does all this warrant8 ,surely1 not     
that the methods which they employ are  
happy and worthy of universal           
application4 ,if so1 why do they not    
take the praise1 and give us the        
benefit1 of their wisdom1 enterprise1   
and success8 ,who1 that has nothing  to 
hide1 practices concealment8--,he that  
doeth truth cometh to the  light1 that  
his deeds may be manifest1 that they are
 wrought in ,god4 ,is  this the way of  
slaveholders8 ,darkness they court--they
 will have  darkness4 ,doubtless because
 their deeds are evil4 ,can we confide  
in  methods for the benefit of our      

enslaved brethren1 which it is death for
  us to examine8 ,whet good ever came1  
what good can we expect1 from deeds  of 
darkness8    ,did the influence of the  
masters contribute any thing in the     
,west  ,indies2 to prepare the          
apprentices for enfranchisement8 ,nay1  
verily4 ,all  the world knows better4   
,they did what in them lay1 to turn back
 the tide  of blessings1 which through  
emancipation was pouring in upon the    
famishing around them4 ,are not the best
 minds and hearts in ,england now       
thoroughly convinced1 that slavery1     
under no modification1 can be a  school 
for freedom8    ,we say such things to  
the many who alledge1 that slaves can   
not at once  be entrusted with the      
powers and privileges of                
self-government4 ,however  this may be1 
they can not be better qualified under  
the influence of  slavery4 ,that must be
 broken up from which their ignorance1  
and  viciousness1 and wretchedness      
proceeded4 ,that which can only do what 

it  has always done1 pollute and        
degrade1 must not be employed to purify 
and  elevate4 ,the lower their character
 and condition1 the louder1 clearer1    
sterner1 the just demand for immediate  
emancipation4 ,the plague-smitten       
sufferer can derive no benefit from     
breathing a little longer an  infected  
atmosphere4    ,in thus referring to    
elemental principles--in thus availing  
ourselves of  the light of self-evident 
truths--we bow to the authority and     
tread in  the foot-prints of the great  
,teacher4 ,he chid those around him for 
refusing to make the same use of their  
reason in promoting their  spiritual1 as
 they made in promoting their temporal  
welfare4 ,he gives  them distinctly to  
understand1 that they need not go out of
 themselves  to form a just estimation  
of their position1 duties1 and          
prospects1 as  standing in the presence 
of the ,messiah4 ,why1 ,,even ,,of      
,,yourselves1 he  demands of them1 judge
 ye not what is right8,a ,how could     

they1  unless they had a clear light1   
and an infallible standard within them1 
whereby1 amidst the relations they      
sustained and the interests they had  to
 provide for1 they might discriminate   
between truth and falsehood1  right and 
wrong1 what they ought to attempt and   
what they ought to  eschew8 ,from this  
pointed1 significant appeal of the      
,savior1 it is clear  and certain1 that 
in human consciousness may be found     
self-evident  truths1 self-manifested   
principles2 that every man1 studying his
 own  consciousness1 is bound to        
recognize their presence and authority1 
and  in sober earnest and good faith to 
apply them to the highest practical     
concerns of life and godliness4 ,it is  
in obedience to the ,bible1 that  we    
apply self-evident truths1 and walk in  
the light of general  principles4 ,when 
our fathers proclaimed these truths1 and
 at the hazard  of their property1      
reputation1 and life1 stood up in their 
defense1 they  did homage to the sacred 

,scriptures--they honored the ,bible4   
,in that  volume1 not a syllable can be 
found to justify that form of           
infidelity1  which in the abused name of
 piety1 reproaches us for practicing the
  lessons which nature teacheth4,b      
,these lessons1 the ,bible requires us  
reverently to listen to1 earnestly to   
appropriate1 and most diligently  and   
faithfully to act upon in every         
direction and on all occasions4         
,footnote ,a3 ,luke xii4 #fg4           
,footnote ,b3 #a ,cor4 xi4 #ad4    ,why1
 our ,savior goes so far in doing honor 
to reason1 as to encourage  men         
universally to dispose of the           
characteristic peculiarities and        
distinctive features of the ,gospel in  
the light of its principles4 ,if  any   
man will do his will1 he shall know of  
the doctrine1 whether it be  of ,god1 or
 whether ,i speak of myself4,c ,natural 
religion--the  principles which nature  
reveals1 and the lessons which nature   
teaches--he thus makes a test of the    

truth and authority of revealed         
religion4 ,so far was he1 as a teacher1 
from shrinking from the clearest  and   
most piercing rays of reason--from      
calling off the attention of  those     
around him from the import1 bearings1   
and practical application of  general   
principle4 ,and those who would have us 
escape from the pressure  of            
self-evident truths1 by betaking        
ourselves to the doctrines and  precepts
 of ,christianity1 whatever airs of     
piety they may put on1 do  foul dishonor
 to the ,savior of mankind4    ,footnote
 ,c3 ,john vii4 #ag4    ,and what shall 
we say of the ,golden ,rule1 which1     
according to the  ,savior1 comprehends  
all the precepts of the ,bible8         
,whatsoever ye would  that men should do
 to you1 do ye even so to them2 for this
 is the law  and the prophets4          
,according to this maxim1 in human      
consciousness1 universally1 may be      
found1 #a4 ,the standard whereby1 in all
 the relations and circumstances  of    

life1 we may determine what ,heaven     
demands and expects of us4 #b4 ,the     
just application of this standard1 is   
practicable for1 and obligatory  upon1  
every child of ,adam4 #c4 ,the          
qualification requisite to a just       
application of this rule to all the     
cases in which we can be concerned1  is 
simply this--to regard all the members  
of the human family as our  brethren1   
our equals4    ,in other words1 the     
,savior here teaches us1 that in the    
principles and  laws of reason1 we have 
an infallible guide in all the relations
 and  circumstances of life2 that       
nothing can hinder our following this   
guide1  but the bias of selfishness2 and
 that the moment1 in deciding any  moral
 question1 we place ourselves in the    
room of our brother1 before  the bar of 
reason1 we shall see what decision ought
 to be pronounced4  ,does this1 in the  
,savior1 look like fleeing self-evident 
truths6--like  decrying the authority of
 general principles6--like exalting     

himself at  the expense of reason6--like
 opening a refuge in the ,gospel for    
those  whose practice is at variance    
with the dictates of humanity6    ,what 
then is the just application of the     
,golden ,rule--that fundamental  maxim  
of the ,gospel1 giving character to1 and
 shedding light upon1 all  its precepts 
and arrangements--to the subject of     
slavery8--that we must  do to slaves as 
we would be done by1 ,,as ,,slaves1 the 
,,relation  itself being justified and  
continued8 ,surely not4 ,a little       
reflection  will enable us to see1 that 
the ,golden ,rule reaches farther in its
  demands1 and strikes deeper in its    
influences and operations4 ,the  natural
 equality of mankind lies at the very   
basis of this great  precept4 ,it       
obviously requires every man to         
acknowledge another self in  every other
 man4 ,with my powers and resources1 and
 in my appropriate  circumstances1 ,i am
 to recognize in any child of ,adam who 
may address  me1 another self in his    

appropriate circumstances and with his  
powers  and resources4 ,this is the     
natural equality of mankind2 and this   
the  ,golden ,rule requires us to admit1
 defend1 and maintain4    ,,why ,,do    
,,ye ,,not ,,understand ,,my ,,speech2  
,,even ,,because ,,ye ,,can ,,not ,,hear
 ,,my  ,,word4    ,they strangely       
misunderstand and grossly misrepresent  
this doctrine1 who  charge upon it the  
absurdities and mischiefs which any     
levelling  system can not but produce4  
,in all its bearings1 tendencies1 and   
effects1 it is directly contrary and    
powerfully hostile to any such  system4 
,,equality ,,of ,,rights1 the doctrine  
asserts2 and this necessarily  opens the
 way for variety of condition4 ,in other
 words1 every child of  ,adam has1 from 
the ,creator1 the inalienable right of  
wielding1 within  reasonable limits1 his
 own powers1 and employing his own      
resources1  according to his own choice2
 while he respects his social relations1
 to  promote as he will his own welfare4

 ,but mark--,,his ,,own powers and      
resources1 and ,,not ,,another',s1 are  
thus inalienably put under his  control4
 ,the ,creator makes every man free1 in 
whatever he may do1 to  exert ,,himself1
 and not another4 ,here no man may      
lawfully cripple or  embarrass another4 
,the feeble may not hinder the strong1  
nor may the  strong crush the feeble4   
,every man may make the most of himself2
 in his  own proper sphere4 ,now1 as in 
the constitutional endowments1 and      
natural  opportunities1 and lawful      
acquisitions of mankind1 infinite       
variety  prevails1 so in exerting each  
,,himself1 in his own sphere1 according 
to  his own choice1 the variety of human
 condition can be little less than      
infinite4 ,thus equality of rights opens
 the way for variety of  condition4     
,but with all this variety of make1     
means1 and condition1 considered        
individually1 the children of ,adam are 
bound together by strong ties  which can
 never be dissolved4 ,they are mutually 

united by the social of  their nature4  
,hence mutual dependence and mutual     
claims4 ,while each is  inalienably     
entitled to assert and enjoy his own    
personality as a man1  each sustains to 
all and all to each1 various relations4 
,while each owns  and honors the        
individual1 all are to own and honor the
 social of their  nature4 ,now1 the     
,golden ,rule distinctly recognizes1    
lays its  requisitions upon1 and extends
 its obligations to1 the whole nature of
  man1 in his individual capacities and 
social relations4 ,what higher  honor   
could it do to man1 as an individual1   
than to constitute him the  judge1 by   
whose decision1 when fairly rendered1   
all the claims of his  fellows should be
 authoritatively and definitely disposed
 of8  ,whatsoever ,,ye ,,would have done
 to you1 so do ye to others4 ,every     
member  of the family of ,adam1 placing 
himself in the position here pointed    
out1  is competent and authorized to    
pass judgment on all the cases in social

  life in which he may be concerned4    
,could higher responsibilities or       
greater confidence be reposed in men    
individually8 ,and then1 how are  their 
claims upon each other herein magnified6
 ,what inherent worth and  solid dignity
 are ascribed to the social of their    
nature6 ,in every man  with whom ,i may 
have to do1 ,i am to recognize the      
presence of another  self1 whose case ,i
 am to make my own4 ,and thus ,i am to  
dispose of  whatever claims he may urge 
upon me4    ,thus1 in accordance with   
the ,golden ,rule1 mankind are naturally
 brought1  in the voluntary use of their
 powers and resources1 to promote each  
other's welfare4 ,as his contribution to
 this great object1 it is the           
inalienable birth-right of every child  
of ,adam1 to consecrate whatever  he may
 possess4 ,with exalted powers and large
 resources1 he has a  natural claim to a
 correspondent field of effort4 ,if his 
abilities are  small1 his task must be  
easy and his burden light4 ,thus the    

,golden ,rule  requires mankind mutually
 to serve each other4 ,in this service1 
each is  to exert himself--employ his   
own powers1 lay out his own resources1  
improve his own opportunities4 ,a       
division of labor is the natural        
result4 ,one is remarkable for his      
intellectual endowments and             
acquisitions2 another1 for his wealth2  
and a third1 for power and skill  in    
using his muscles4 ,such attributes1    
endlessly varied and diversified1       
proceed from the basis of a common      
character1 by virtue of which all  men  
and each--one as truly as another--are  
entitled1 as a birth-right1  to life1   
liberty1 and the pursuit of happiness4  
,each and all1 one as  well as another1 
may choose his own modes of contributing
 his share to  the general welfare1 in  
which his own is involved and           
identified4 ,under  one great law of    
mutual dependence and mutual            
responsibility1 all are  placed--the    
strong as well as the weak1 the rich as 

much as the poor1  the learned no less  
than the unlearned4 ,all bring their    
wares1 the  products of their           
enterprise1 skill and industry1 to the  
same market1  where mutual exchanges are
 freely effected4 ,the fruits of        
muscular  exertion procure the fruits of
 mental effort4 ,john serves ,thomas    
with  his hands1 and ,thomas serves     
,john with his money4 ,peter wields the 
axe  for ,james1 and ,james wields the  
pen for ,peter4 ,moses1 ,joshua1 and    
,caleb1  employ their wisdom1 courage1  
and experience1 in the service of the   
community1 and the community serve      
,moses1 ,joshua1 and ,caleb1 in         
furnishing them with food and raiment1  
and making them partakers of the        
general prosperity4 ,and all this by    
mutual understanding and voluntary      
arrangement4 ,and all this according to 
the ,golden ,rule4    ,what then becomes
 of slavery--a system of arrangements1  
in which one  man treats his fellow1 not
 as another self1 but as a thing--a     

chattel--an article of merchandize1     
which is not to be consulted in any     
disposition which may be made of it2--a 
system which is built on the            
annihilation of the attributes of our   
common nature--in which man doth  to    
others1 what he would sooner die than   
have done to himself8 ,the  ,golden     
,rule and slavery are mutually          
subversive of each other4 ,if one       
stands1 the other must fall4 ,the one   
strikes at the very root of the  other4 
,the ,golden ,rule aims at the abolition
 of ,,the ,,relation ,,itself1 in  which
 slavery consists4 ,it lays its demands 
upon every thing within the  scope of   
human action4 ,to whatever ,,men ,,do1  
it extends its authority4  ,and the     
relation itself1 in which slavery       
consists1 is the work of human  hands4  
,it is what men have done to each       
other--contrary to nature and  most     
injurious to the general welfare4 ,,this
 ,,relation1 therefore1 the  ,golden    
,rule condemns4 ,wherever its authority 

prevails1 this relation  must be        
annihilated4 ,mutual service and        
slavery--like light and  darkness1 life 
and death--are directly opposed to1 and 
subversive of1  each other4 ,the one the
 ,golden ,rule can not endure2 the other
 it  requires1 honors1 and blesses4     
,,love ,,worketh ,,no ,,ill ,,to ,,his  
,,neighbor4    ,like unto the ,golden   
,rule is the second great               
commandment--,thou shalt  love thy      
neighbor as thyself4 ,a certain lawyer1 
who seems to have  been fond of applying
 the doctrine of limitation of human    
obligations1  once demanded of the      
,savior1 within what limits the meshing 
of the word  neighbor ought to be       
confined4 ,and who is my neighbor8 ,the 
parable  of the good ,samaritan set that
 matter in the clearest light1 and made 
it  manifest and certain1 that every man
 whom we could reach with our  sympathy 
and assistance1 was our neighbor1       
entitled to the same regard  which we   
cherished for ourselves4 ,consistently  

with such obligations1  can slavery1 as 
a ,,relation1 be maintained8 ,is it then
 a labor of  love--such love as we      
cherish for ourselves--to strip a child 
of ,adam  of all the prerogatives and   
privileges which are his inalienable    
birth-right8--,to obscure his reason1   
crush his will1 and trample on his      
immortality8--,to strike home to the    
inmost of his being1 and break the      
heart of his heart8--,to thrust him out 
of the human family1 and dispose  of him
 as a chattel--as a thing in the hands  
of an owner1 a beast under  the lash of 
a driver8 ,all this1 apart from every   
thing incidental and  extraordinary1    
belongs to the ,,relation1 in which     
slavery1 as such1  consists4 ,all       
this--well fed or ill fed1 underwrought 
or overwrought1  clothed or naked1      
caressed or kicked1 whether idle songs  
break from his  thoughtless tongue or   
tears be his meat night and day1 fondly 
cherished or cruelly murdered2--all this
 ,,enters ,,vitally ,,into ,,the        

,,relation ,,itself1 by which every     
slave1 ,,as ,a ,,slave1 is set apart    
from  the rest of the human family4 ,is 
it an exercise of love1 to place our    
neighbor under the crushing weight1 the 
killing power1 of such a  relation8--to 
apply the murderous steel to the very   
vitals of  his humanity8    ,,ye        
,,therefore ,,applaud ,,and ,,delight   
,,in ,,the ,,deeds ,,of ,,your          
,,fathers2 ,,for ,,they  ,,killed       
,,them1 ,,and ,,ye ,,build ,,their      
,,sepulchres4,a    ,the slaveholder may 
eagerly and loudly deny1 that any such  
thing is  chargeable upon him4 ,he may  
confidently and earnestly alledge1 that 
he  is not responsible for the state of 
society in which he is placed4  ,slavery
 was established before he began to     
breathe4 ,it was his  inheritance4 ,his 
slaves are his property by birth or     
testament4 ,but why  will he thus       
deceive himself8 ,why will he permit the
 cunning and  rapacious spiders1 which  
in the very sanctuary of ethics and     

religion  are laboriously weaving webs  
from their own bowels1 to catch him with
  their wretched sophistries8--and      
devour him1 body1 soul1 and substance8  
,let him know1 as he must one day with  
shame and terror own1 that whoever      
holds slaves is himself responsible for 
the relation1 into which1  whether      
reluctantly or willingly1 he thus       
enters4 ,the relation can not  be forced
 upon him4 ,what though ,elizabeth      
countenanced ,john ,hawkins in  stealing
 the natives of ,africa8--what though   
,james1 and ,charles1 and  ,george1     
opened a market for them in the ,english
 colonies8--what though  modern ,dracos 
have framed mischief by law1 in         
legalizing man-stealing  and            
slaveholding8--what though your         
ancestors1 in preparing to go to  their 
own place1 constituted you the owner of 
the neighbors whom they  had used as    
cattle8--what of all this1 and as much  
more like this1 as  can be drawn from   
the history of that dreadful process by 

which men are  deemed1 sold1 taken1     
reputed1 and adjudged in law to be      
chattels  personal8 ,can all this force 
you to put the cap upon the climax--to  
clinch the nail by doing that1 without  
which nothing in the work of            
slave-making would be attempted8 ,the   
slaveholder is the soul of the  whole   
system4 ,without him1 the chattel       
principle is a lifeless  abstraction4   
,without him1 charters1 and markets1 and
 laws1 and  testaments1 are empty names4
 ,and does he think to escape           
responsibility8 ,why1 kidnappers1 and   
soul-drivers1 and law-makers1 are       
nothing but his agents4 ,he is the      
guilty principal4 ,let him look  to it4 
,footnote ,a3 ,you join with them in    
their bloody work4 ,they murder1 and    
you bury the victims4    ,but what can  
he do8 ,do8 ,keep his hands off his     
neighbor's throat4 ,let  him refuse to  
finish and ratify the process by which  
the chattel  principle is carried into  
effect4 ,let him refuse1 in the face of 

derision1 and reproach1 and opposition4 
,though poverty should fasten its  bony 
hand upon him1 and persecution shoot    
forth its forked tongue2  whatever may  
betide him--scorn1 flight1 flames--let  
him promptly and  steadfastly refuse4   
,better the spite and hate of men than  
the wrath of  ,heaven6 ,if thy right eye
 offend thee1 pluck it out and cast it  
from  thee2 for it is profitable for    
thee1 that one of thy members should    
perish1 and not that thy whole body     
should be cast into hell4    ,prof4     
,stuart admits1 that the ,golden ,rule  
and the second great  commandment decide
 against the theory of slavery as being 
in itself  right4 ,what1 then1 is their 
relation to the particular precepts1    
institutions1 and usages1 which are     
authorized and enjoined in the ,new     
,testament8 ,of all these1 they are the 
summary expression--the  comprehensive  
description4 ,no precept in the ,bible  
enforcing our mutual  obligations1 can  
be more or less than the application of 

these  injunctions to specific relations
 or particular occasions and            
conditions4 ,neither in the ,old        
,testament nor the ,new1 do prophets    
teach  or laws enjoin1 any thing which  
the ,golden ,rule and the second great  
command do not contain4 ,whatever they  
forbid1 no other precept can  require2  
and whatever they require1 no other     
precept can forbid4 ,what1  then1 does  
he attempt1 who turns over the sacred   
pages to find something  in the way of  
permission or command1 which may set him
 free from the  obligations of the      
,golden ,rule8 ,what must his objects1  
methods1 spirit  be1 to force him to    
enter upon such inquiries8--to compel   
him to search  the ,bible for such a    
purpose8 ,can he have good intentions1  
or be well  employed8 ,is his frame of  
mind adapted to the study of the        
,bible8--to  make its meaning plain and 
welcome8 ,what must he think of ,god1 to
 search  his word in quest of gross     
inconsistencies and grave               

contradictions6  ,inconsistent          
legislation in ,jehovah6 ,contradictory 
commands6 ,permissions  at war with     
prohibitions6 ,general requirements at  
variance with  particular arrangements6 
,what must be the moral character of any
 institution which the ,golden  ,rule   
decides against8--which the second great
 command condemns8 ,it can  not but be  
wicked1 whether newly established or    
long maintained4  ,however it may be    
shaped1 turned1 colored--under every    
modification and  at all                
times--wickedness must be its proper    
character4 ,it must be1  ,,in ,,itself1 
apart from its circumstances1 ,,in ,,its
 ,,essence1 apart from  its incidents1  
,,sinful4    ,,think ,,not ,,to ,,say   
,,within ,,yourselves1 ,,we ,,have      
,,abraham ,,for ,,our ,,father4    ,in  
disposing of those precepts and         
exhortations which have a specific      
bearing upon the subject of slavery1 it 
is greatly important1 nay1  absolutely  
essential1 that we look forth upon the  

objects around us1  from the right post 
of observation4 ,our stand we must take 
at some  central point1 amidst the      
general maxims and fundamental precepts1
 the  known circumstances and           
characteristic arrangements1 of         
primitive  ,christianity4 ,otherwise1   
wrong views and false conclusions will  
be the  result of our studies4 ,we can  
not1 therefore1 be too earnest in trying
  to catch the general features and     
prevalent spirit of the ,new ,testament 
institutions and arrangements4 ,for to  
what conclusions must we come1 if  we   
unwittingly pursue our inquires under   
the bias of the prejudice1 that  the    
general maxims of social life which now 
prevail in this country1  were current1 
on the authority of the ,savior1 among  
the primitive  ,christians6 ,that1 for  
instance1 wealth1 station1 talents1 are 
the  standard by which our claims upon1 
and our regard for1 others1 should be   
modified8--,that those who are pinched  
by poverty1 worn by disease1  tasked in 

menial labors1 or marked by features    
offensive to the taste of  the          
artificial and capricious1 are to be    
excluded from those refreshing  and     
elevating influences which intelligence 
and refinement may be  expected to      
exert2 that thus they are to constitute 
a class by  themselves1 and to be made  
to know and keep their place at the very
  bottom of society8 ,or1 what if we    
should think and speak of the  primitive
 ,christians1 as if they had the same   
pecuniary resources as  ,heaven has     
lavished upon the ,american             
churches8--as if they were as           
remarkable for affluence1 elegance1 and 
splendor8 ,or1 as if they had as  high a
 position and as extensive an influence 
in politics and  literature8--having    
directly or indirectly1 the control over
 the high  places of learning and of    
power8    ,if we should pursue our      
studies and arrange our arguments--if we
 should  explain words and interpret    
language--under such a bias1 what must  

inevitably be the results8 ,what would  
be the worth of our conclusions8  ,what 
confidence could be reposed in any      
instruction we might undertake  to      
furnish8 ,and is not this the way in    
which the advocates and  apologists of  
slavery dispose of the bearing which    
primitive  ,christianity has upon it8   
,they first ascribe1 unwittingly        
perhaps1 to  the primitive churches1 the
 character1 relations1 and condition1 of
  ,american ,christianity1 and amidst   
the deep darkness and strange  confusion
 thus produced1 set about interpreting  
the language and  explaining the usages 
of the ,new ,testament6    ,,so ,,that  
,,ye ,,are ,,without ,,excuse4    ,among
 the lessons of instruction which our   
,savior imparted1 having a  general     
bearing on the subject of slavery1 that 
in which he sets up the  true standard  
of greatness1 deserves particular       
attention4 ,in  repressing the ambition 
of his disciples1 he held up before them
 the  methods by which alone healthful  

aspirations for eminence could be       
gratified1 and thus set the elements of 
true greatness in the clearest  light4  
,ye know1 that they which are accounted 
to rule over the  ,gentiles1 exercise   
lordship over them2 and their great ones
 exercise  authority upon them4 ,but so 
shall it not be among you2 but whosoever
  will be great among you1 shall be your
 minister2 and whosoever of you  will be
 chiefest1 shall be servant of all4 ,in 
other words1 through the  selfishness   
and pride of mankind1 the maxim widely  
prevails in the  world1 that it is the  
privilege1 prerogative1 and mark of     
greatness1 ,,to  ,,exact ,,service2 that
 our superiority to others1 while it    
authorizes us to  relax the exertion of 
our own powers1 gives us a fair title to
 the use  of theirs2 that might1 while  
it exempts us from serving1 gives the   
right to be served4 ,the instructions of
 the ,savior open the way to  greatness 
for us in the opposite direction4       
,superiority to others1 in  whatever it 

may consist1 gives us a claim to a wider
 field of exertion1  and demands of us a
 larger amount of service4 ,we can be   
great only as we  are useful4 ,and might
 gives right to bless our fellow men1 by
  improving every opportunity and       
employing every faculty1 affectionately1
  earnestly1 and unweariedly1 in their  
service4 ,thus the greater the man1  the
 more active1 faithful1 and useful the  
servant4    ,the ,savior has himself    
taught us how this doctrine must be     
applied4 ,he  bids us improve every     
opportunity and employ every power1     
even1 through  the most menial services1
 in blessing the human family4 ,and to  
make this  lesson shine upon our        
understandings and move our hearts1 he  
embodied it  in a most instructive and  
attractive example4 ,on a memorable     
occasion1  and just before his          
crucifixion1 he discharged for his      
disciples the  most menial of all       
offices--taking1 in washing their feet1 
the place  of the lowest servant4 ,he   

took great pains to make them           
understand1 that  only by imitating this
 example could they honor their         
relations to him  as their ,master2 that
 thus only would they find themselves   
blessed4 ,by  what possibility could    
slavery exist under the influence of    
such a  lesson1 set home by such an     
example8 ,was it while washing the      
disciples' feet1 that our ,savior       
authorized one man to make a chattel  of
 another8    ,to refuse to provide for  
ourselves by useful labor1 the apostle  
,paul  teaches us to regard as a grave  
offence4 ,after reminding the           
,thessalonian ,christians1 that in      
addition to all his official exertions  
he had with his own muscles earned his  
own bread1 he calls their  attention to 
an arrangement which was supported by   
apostolical  authority1 that if any     
would not work1 neither should he eat4  
,in the  most earnest and solemn manner1
 and as a minister of the ,lord ,jesus  
,christ1 he commanded and exhorted those

 who neglected useful labor1  with      
quietness to work and eat their own     
bread4 ,what must be the  bearing of all
 this upon slavery8 ,could slavery be   
maintained where  every man eat the     
bread which himself had earned8--where  
idleness was  esteemed so great a crime1
 as to be reckoned worthy of starvation 
as a  punishment8 ,how could unrequited 
labor be exacted1 or used1 or needed8   
,must not every one in such a community 
contribute his share to the  general    
welfare8--and mutual service and mutual 
support be the  natural result8    ,the 
same apostle1 in writing to another     
church1 describes the true  source      
whence the means of liberality ought to 
be derived4 ,let him that  stole steal  
no more2 but rather let him labor1      
working with his hands  the thing which 
is good1 that he may have to give to him
 that needeth4  ,let this lesson1 as    
from the lips of ,jehovah1 be proclaimed
 throughout  the length and breadth of  
,south ,carolina4 ,let it be universally

 welcomed  and reduced to practice4 ,let
 thieves give up what they had stolen to
 the  lawful proprietors1 cease         
stealing1 and begin at once to labor1   
working  with their hands1 for necessary
 and charitable purposes4 ,could        
slavery1  in such a case1 continue to   
exist8 ,surely not6 ,instead of exacting
  unpaid services from others1 every man
 would be busy1 exerting himself  not   
only to provide for his own wants1 but  
also to accumulate funds1  that he might
 have to give to the needy4 ,slavery    
must disappear1 root  and branch1 at    
once and forever4    ,in describing the 
source whence his ministers should      
expect their  support1 the ,savior      
furnished a general principle1 which has
 an obvious  and powerful bearing on the
 subject of slavery4 ,he would have them
  remember1 while exerting themselves   
for the benefit of their fellow men1    
that the laborer is worthy of his hire4 
,he has thus united wages with  work4   
,whoever renders the one is entitled to 

the other4 ,and this  manifestly        
according to a mutual understanding and 
a voluntary  arrangement4 ,for the      
doctrine that ,i may force you to work  
for me for  whatever consideration ,i   
may please to fix upon1 fairly opens the
 way  for the doctrine1 that you1 in    
turn1 may force me to render you        
whatever  wages you may choose to exact 
for any services you may see fit to     
render4 ,thus slavery1 even as          
involuntary servitude1 is cut up by the 
root4 ,even the ,princeton professor    
seems to regard it as a violation of    
the principle which unites work with    
wages4    ,the apostle ,james applies   
this principle to the claims of manual  
laborers--of those who hold the plough  
and thrust in the sickle4 ,he  calls the
 rich lordlings who exacted sweat and   
withheld wages1 to  weeping and howling1
 assuring them that the complaints of   
the injured  laborer had entered into   
the ear of the ,lord of ,hosts1 and     
that1 as a  result of their oppression1 

their riches were corrupted1 and their  
garments moth-eaten2 their gold and     
silver were cankered2 that the rest  of 
them should be a witness against them1  
and should eat their flesh as  it were  
fire2 that1 in one word1 they had heaped
 treasure together for  the last days1  
when miseries were coming upon them1 the
 prospect of  which might well drench   
them in tears and fill them with terror4
 ,if  these admonition and warnings were
 heeded there1 would not the ,south     
break forth into weeping and wailing1   
and gnashing of teeth8 ,what else  are  
its rich men about1 but withholding by a
 system of fraud1 his wages  from the   
laborer1 who is wearing himself out     
under the impulse of fear1  in          
cultivating their fields and producing  
their luxuries8 ,encouragement  and     
support do they derive from ,james1 in  
maintaining the peculiar  institution   
whence they derived their wealth1 which 
they call  patriarchal1 and boast of as 
the corner-stone of the republic8    ,in

 the ,new ,testament1 we have1 moreover1
 the general injunction1 ,honor  all    
men4 ,under this broad precept1 every   
form of humanity may justly  claim      
protection and respect4 ,the invasion of
 any human right must do  dishonor to   
humanity1 and be a transgression of this
 command4 ,how then1  in the light of   
such obligations1 must slavery be       
regarded8 ,are those  men honored1 who  
are rudely excluded from a place in the 
human family1  and shut up to the deep  
degradation and nameless horrors of     
chattelship8  ,can they be held as      
slaves1 and at the same time be honored 
as men8    ,how far1 in obeying this    
command1 we are to go1 we may infer from
 the  admonitions and instructions which
 ,james applies to the arrangements and 
usages of religious assemblies4 ,into   
these he can not allow respect of       
persons to enter4 ,my brethren1 he      
exclaims1 have not the faith of  our    
,lord ,jesus ,christ1 the ,lord of      
glory1 with respect of persons4 ,for  if

 there come unto your assembly a man    
with a gold ring1 in goodly  apparel2   
and there come in also a poor man in    
vile raiment2 and ye have  respect to   
him that weareth the gay clothing1 and  
say unto him1 sit thou  here in a good  
place2 and say to the poor1 stand thou  
there1 or sit here  under my footstool2 
are ye not then partial in yourselves1  
and are  become judges of evil thoughts8
 ,if ye have respect to persons1 ye     
commit sin1 and are convinced of the law
 as transgressors4 ,on this  general    
principle1 then1 religious assemblies   
ought to be  regulated--that every man  
is to be estimated1 not according to his
  circumstances--not according to any   
thing incidental to his  condition2 but 
according to his moral worth--according 
to the  essential features and vital    
elements of his character4 ,gold rings  
and  gay clothing1 as they qualify no   
man for1 can entitle no man to1 a good  
place in the church4 ,nor can the vile  
raiment of the poor man1 fairly  exclude

 him from any sphere1 however exalted1  
which his heart and head  may fit him to
 fill4 ,to deny this1 in theory or      
practice1 is to degrade  a man below a  
thing2 for what are gold rings1 or gay  
clothing1 or vile  raiment1 but things1 
which perish with the using8 ,and this  
must be to  commit sin1 and be convinced
 of the law as transgressors4    ,in    
slavery1 we have respect of persons1    
strongly marked1 and reduced  to system4
 ,here men are despised not merely for  
the vile raiment1  which may cover their
 scarred bodies4 ,this is bad enough4   
,but the  deepest contempt for humanity 
here grows out of birth or complexion4  
,vile raiment may be1 often is1 the     
result of indolence1 or improvidence1   
or extravagance4 ,it may be1 often is1  
an index of character4 ,but how can  ,i 
be responsible for the incidents of my  
birth8--how for my complexion8  ,to     
despise or honor me for these1 is to be 
guilty of respect of  persons in its    
grossest form1 and with its worst       

effects4 ,it is to  reward or punish me 
for what ,i had nothing to do with2 for 
which1  therefore1 ,i can not1 without  
the greatest injustice1 be held         
responsible4 ,it is to poison the very  
fountains of justice1 by  confounding   
all moral distinctions4 ,it is with a   
worse temper1 and in  the way of        
inflicting infinitely greater injuries1 
to copy the kingly  folly of ,xerxes1 in
 chaining and scourging the ,hellespont4
 ,what1 then1  so far as the authority  
of the ,new ,testament is concerned1    
becomes of  slavery1 which can not be   
maintained under any form nor for a     
single  moment1 without respect of      
persons the most aggravated and         
unendurable8 ,and what would become of  
that most pitiful1 silly1 and  wicked   
arrangement in so many of our churches1 
in which worshipers of a  dark          
complexion are to be shut up to the     
negro pew8,a    ,footnote ,a3 ,in       
,carlyle's ,review of the ,memoirs of   
,mirabeau1 we have the  following       

anecdote1 illustrative of the character 
of a grandmother of  the ,count4 ,fancy 
the dame ,mirabeau sailing stately      
towards the church  font2 another dame  
striking in to take precedence of her2  
the dame  ,mirabeau despatching this    
latter with a box on the ear1 and these 
words1  ',here1 as in the army1 ,,the   
,,baggage goes last6' ,let those who    
justify the negro-pew-arrangement1 throw
 a stone at this proud woman--if  they  
dare4    ,nor are we permitted to       
confine this principle to religious     
assemblies4 ,it is to pervade social    
life every where4 ,even where plenty1   
intelligence1 and refinement1 diffuse   
their brightest rays1 the poor are  to  
be welcomed with especial favor4 ,then  
said he to him that bade him1  when thou
 makest a dinner or a supper1 call not  
thy friends1 nor thy  brethren1 neither 
thy kinsmen1 nor thy rich neighbors1    
lest they also  bid thee again1 and a   
recompense be made thee4 ,but when thou 
makest a  feast1 call the poor and the  

maimed1 the lame and the blind1 and thou
  shalt be blessed2 for they can not    
recompense thee1 but thou shalt be      
recompensed at the resurrection of the  
just4    ,in the high places of social  
life then--in the parlor1 the           
drawing-room1  the saloon--special      
reference should be had1 in every       
arrangement1 to  the comfort and        
improvement of those who are least able 
to provide for  the cheapest rites of   
hospitality4 ,for these1 ample          
accommodations must  be made1 whatever  
may become of our kinsmen and rich      
neighbors4 ,and for  this good reason1  
that while such occasions signify little
 to the  latter1 to the former they are 
pregnant with good--raising their       
drooping spirits1 cheering their        
desponding hearts1 inspiring them with  
life1 and hope1 and joy4 ,the rich and  
the poor thus meeting joyfully          
together1 can not but mutually          
contribute to each other's benefit2 the 
rich will be led to moderation1         

sobriety1 and circumspection1 and the   
poor to industry1 providence1 and       
contentment4 ,the recompense must be    
rich and sure4    ,a most beautiful and 
instructive commentary on the text in   
which these  things are taught1 the     
,savior furnished in his own conduct4   
,he freely  mingled with those who were 
reduced to the very bottom of society4  
,at  the tables of the outcasts of      
society1 he did not hesitate to be a    
cheerful guest1 surrounded by publicans 
and sinners4 ,and when flouted  and     
reproached by smooth and lofty          
ecclesiastics1 as an ultraist and       
leveler1 he explained and justified     
himself by observing1 that he had  only 
done what his office demanded4 ,it was  
his to seek the lost1 to heal  the sick1
 to pity the wretched2--in a word1 to   
bestow just such benefits  as the       
various necessities of mankind made     
appropriate and welcome4 ,in  his great 
heart1 there was room enough for those  
who had been excluded  from the sympathy

 of little souls4 ,in its spirit and    
design1 the gospel  overlooked          
none--least of all1 the outcasts of a   
selfish world4    ,can slavery1 however 
modified1 be consistent with such a     
gospel8--a  gospel which requires us1   
even amidst the highest forms of social 
life1  to exert ourselves to raise the  
depressed by giving our warmest         
sympathies to those who have the        
smallest share in the favor of  the     
world8    ,those who are in bonds are   
set before us as deserving an especial  
remembrance4 ,their claims upon us are  
described as a modification of the      
,golden ,rule--as one of the many forms 
to which its obligations are  reducible4
 ,to them we are to extend the same     
affectionate regard as we  would covet  
for ourselves1 if the chains upon their 
limbs were fastened  upon ours4 ,to the 
benefits of this precept1 the enslaved  
have a natural  claim of the greatest   
strength4 ,the wrongs they suffer1      
spring from a  persecution which can    

hardly be surpassed in malignancy4      
,their birth and  complexion are the    
occasion of the insults and injuries    
which they can  neither endure nor      
escape4 ,it is for the work of ,god1 and
 not them own  deserts1 that they are   
loaded with chains4 ,this is            
persecution4    ,can ,i regard the slave
 as another self--can ,i put myself in  
his  place--and be indifferent to his   
wrongs8 ,especially1 can ,i1 thus       
affected1 take sides with the oppressor8
 ,could ,i1 in such a state of  mind as 
the gospel requires me to cherish1      
reduce him to slavery or keep  him in   
bonds8 ,is not the precept under hand   
naturally subversive of  every system   
and every form of slavery8    ,the      
general descriptions of the church which
 are found here and there  in the ,new  
,testament1 are highly instructive in   
their bearing on the  subject of        
slavery4 ,in one connection1 the        
following words meet the eye3  ,there is
 neither ,jew nor ,greek1 there is      

neither bond nor free1 there  is neither
 male nor female2 for ye are all one in 
,christ ,jesus4,a ,here  we have--#a4 ,a
 clear and strong description of the    
doctrine of human  equality4 ,ye are all
 ,,one2--so much alike1 so truly placed 
on common  ground1 all wielding each his
 own powers with such freedom1 that one 
is  the same as another4    ,footnote   
,a3 ,gal4 iii4 #bc4    #b4 ,this        
doctrine1 self-evident in the light of  
reason1 is affirmed on  divine          
authority4 ,,in ,,christ ,,jesus1 ye are
 all one4 ,the natural  equality of the 
human family is a part of the gospel4   
,for--    #c4 ,all the human family are 
included in this description4 ,whether  
men or  women1 whether bond or free1    
whether ,jews or ,gentiles1 all are     
alike  entitled to the benefit of this  
doctrine4 ,wherever ,christianity       
prevails1 the artificial distinctions   
which grow out of birth1  condition1    
sex1 are done away4 ,natural            
distinctions are not destroyed4  ,they  

are recognized1 hallowed1 confirmed4    
,the gospel does not abolish  the sexes1
 forbid a division of labor1 or         
extinguish patriotism4 ,it  takes woman 
from beneath the feet1 and places her by
 the side of man2  delivers the manual  
laborer from the yoke1 and gives him    
wages for his  work2 and brings the ,jew
 and ,gentile to embrace each other with
  fraternal love and confidence4 ,thus  
it raises all to a common level1  gives 
to each the free use of his own powers  
and resources1 binds all  together in   
one dear and loving brotherhood4 ,such1 
according to the  description of the    
apostle1 was the influence1 and such the
 effect of  primitive ,christianity4    
,behold the picture6 ,is it like        
,american  slavery1 which1 in all its   
tendencies and effects1 is destructive  
of all  oneness among brethren8         
,where the spirit of the ,lord is1      
exclaims the same apostle1 with his  eye
 upon the condition and relations of the
 church1 where the spirit  of the ,lord 

is1 ,,there ,,is ,,liberty4 ,where1     
then1 may we reverently  recognize the  
presence1 and bow before the manifested 
power1 of this  spirit8 ,there1 where   
the laborer may not choose how he shall 
be  employed6--in what way his wants    
shall he supplied6--with whom he shall  
associate6--who shall have the fruit of 
his exertions6 ,there1 where he  is not 
free to enjoy his wife and children6    
,there1 where his body and  his soul1   
his very destiny1,a are placed          
altogether beyond his  control6 ,there1 
where every power is crippled1 every    
energy blasted1  every hope crushed6    
,there1 where in all the relations and  
concerns of  life1 he is legally treated
 as if he had nothing to do with the    
laws of  reason1 the light of           
immortality1 or the exercise of will6   
,is the spirit  of the ,lord there1     
where liberty is decried and denounced1 
mocked at  and spit upon1 betrayed and  
crucified6 ,in the midst of a church    
which  justified slavery1 which derived 

its support from slavery1 which carried 
on its enterprises by means of slavery1 
would the apostle have found the  fruits
 of the ,spirit of the ,lord6 ,let that 
,spirit exert his influences1  and      
assert his authority1 and wield his     
power1 and slavery must vanish  at once 
and forever4    ,footnote ,a3 ,the      
,legislature of ,south ,carolina from   
time to time1 has  passed many          
restricted and penal acts1 with a view  
to bring under direct  control and      
subjection the ,,destiny of the black   
population4 ,see the  ,remonstrance of  
,james ,s4 ,pope and #ceb others1       
against home missionary  efforts for the
 benefit of the enslaved--a most        
instructive paper4    ,in more than one 
connection1 the apostle ,james describes
 ,christianity as  the law of liberty4  
,it is in other words the law under     
which liberty  can not but live and     
flourish--the law in which liberty is   
clearly  defined1 strongly asserted1 and
 well protected4 ,as the law of liberty1

  how can it be consistent with the law 
of slavery8 ,the presence and the  power
 of this law are felt wherever the light
 of reason shines4 ,they are  felt in   
the uneasiness and conscious degradation
 of the slave1 and in  the shame and    
remorse which the master betrays in his 
reluctant and  desperate efforts to     
defend himself4 ,this law it is which   
has armed  human nature against the     
oppressor4 ,wherever it is obeyed1 every
 yoke  is broken4    ,in these          
references to the ,new ,testament we    
have a general description  of the      
primitive church1 and the principles on 
which it was founded  and fashioned4    
,these principles bear the same relation
 to ,christian  history as to ,christian
 character1 since the former is occupied
 with  the development of the latter4   
,what then is ,christian character but  
,christian principle realized1 acted    
out1 bodied forth1 and animated8        
,christian principle is the soul1 of    
which ,christian character is the       

expression--the manifestation4 ,it      
comprehends in itself1 as a living      
seed1 such ,christian character1 under  
every form1 modification1 and           
complexion4 ,the former is1 therefore1  
the test and interpreter of the  latter4
 ,in the light of ,christian principle1 
and in that light only1 we  can judge of
 and explain ,christian character4      
,christian history is  occupied with the
 forms1 modifications1 and various      
aspects of ,christian  character4 ,the  
facts which are there recorded serve to 
show1 how  ,christian principle has     
fared in this world--how it has         
appeared1 what  it has done1 how it has 
been treated4 ,in these facts we have   
the various  institutions1 usages1      
designs1 doings1 and sufferings of the  
church of  ,christ4 ,and all these have 
of necessity1 the closest relation to   
,christian principle4 ,they are the     
production of its power4 ,through them1 
it is revealed and manifested4 ,in its  
light1 they are to be studied1          

explained1 and understood4 ,without it  
they must be as unintelligible and      
insignificant as the letters of a book1 
scattered on the wind4    ,in the       
principles of ,christianity1 then1 we   
have a comprehensive and  faithful      
account of its objects1 institutions1   
and usages--of how it  must behave1 and 
act1 and suffer1 in a world of sin and  
misery4 ,for  between the principles    
which ,god reveals1 on the one hand1 and
 the  precepts he enjoins1 the          
institutions he establishes1 and the    
usages he  approves1 on the other1 there
 must be consistency and harmony4       
,otherwise  we impute to ,god what we   
must abhor in man--practice at war with 
principle4 ,does the ,savior1 then1 lay 
down the principle that our  standing in
 the church must depend upon the habits1
 formed within us1 of  readily and      
heartily subserving the welfare of      
others2 and permit us in  practice to   
invade the rights and trample on the    
happiness of our  fellows1 by reducing  

them to slavery4 ,does he1 in principle 
and by  example1 require us to go all   
lengths in rendering mutual service1    
comprehending offices the most menial1  
as well as the most honorable2  and     
permit us in practice to ,,exact service
 of our brethren1 as if they  were      
nothing better than articles of         
merchandize8 ,does he require us  in    
principle to work with quietness and eat
 our own bread2 and  permit us in       
practice to wrest from our brethren the 
fruits of their  unrequited toil8 ,does 
he in principle require us1 abstaining  
from every  form of theft1 to employ our
 powers in useful labor1 not only to    
provide  for ourselves but also to      
relieve the indigence of others2 and    
permit us  in practice1 abstaining from 
every form of labor1 to enrich and      
aggrandize ourselves with the fruits of 
man-stealing8 ,does he require us  in   
principle to regard the laborer as      
worthy of his hire2 and permit  us in   
practice to defraud him of his wages8   

,does he require us in  principle to    
honor ,,all men2 and permit us in       
practice to treat  multitudes like      
cattle8 ,does he in principle prohibit  
respect of  persons2 and permit us in   
practice to place the feet of the rich  
upon  the necks of the poor8 ,does he in
 principle require us to sympathize     
with the bondman as another self2 and   
permit us in practice to leave  him     
unpitied and unhelped in the hands of   
the oppressor8 ,in principle1  where the
 ,spirit of the ,lord is1 there is      
liberty2 in practice1 is  slavery the   
fruit of the ,spirit8 ,in principle1    
,christianity is the  law of liberty2 in
 practice1 is it the law of slavery8    
,bring practice  in these various       
respects into harmony with principle1   
and what becomes  of slavery8 ,and if1  
where the divine government is          
concerned1 practice  is the expression  
of principle1 and principle the standard
 and  interpreter of practice1 such     
harmony cannot but be maintained and    

must  be asserted4 ,in studying1        
therefore1 fragments of history and     
sketches  of biography--in disposing of 
references to institutions1 usages1 and 
facts in the ,new ,testament1 this      
necessary harmony between principle and 
practice in the government1 should be   
continually present to the  thoughts of 
the interpreter4 ,principles assert what
 practice must be4  ,whatever principle 
condemns1 ,god condemns4 ,it belongs to 
those weeds of  the dunghill which1     
planted by an enemy1 his hand will      
assuredly root  up4 ,it is most certain1
 then1 that if slavery prevailed in the 
first  ages of ,christianity1 it could  
nowhere have prevailed under its        
influence and with its sanction4    ,the
 condition in which1 in its efforts to  
bless mankind1 the primitive  church was
 placed1 must have greatly assisted the 
early ,christians in  understanding and 
applying the principles of the          
gospel4--,their ,master  was born in    
great obscurity1 lived in the deepest   

poverty1 and died the  most ignominious 
death4 ,the place of his residence1 his 
familiarity with  the outcasts of       
society1 his welcoming assistance and   
support from  female hands1 his casting 
his beloved mother1 when he hung upon   
the  cross1 upon the charity of a       
disciple--such things evince the depth  
of  his poverty1 and show to what       
derision and contempt he must have been 
exposed4 ,could such an one1 despised   
and rejected of men--a man of  sorrows  
and acquainted with grief1 play the     
oppressor1 or smile on  those who made  
merchandize of the poor6    ,and what   
was the history of the apostles1 but an 
illustration of the  doctrine1 that it  
is enough for the disciple1 that he be  
as his  ,master8 ,were they lordly      
ecclesiastics1 abounding with wealth1   
shining  with splendor1 bloated with    
luxury6 ,were they ambitious of         
distinction1  fleecing1 and trampling1  
and devouring the flocks1 that they     
themselves might have the pre-eminence6 

,were they slaveholding  bishops6 ,or   
did they derive their support from the  
wages of iniquity and  the price of     
blood6 ,can such inferences be drawn    
from the account of  their condition1   
which the most gifted and enterprising  
of their number  has put upon record8   
,even unto this present hour1 we both   
hunger1 and  thirst1 and are naked1 and 
are buffetted1 and have no certain      
dwelling place1 and labor working with  
our own hands4 ,being reviled1 we       
bless2 being persecuted1 we suffer it2  
being defamed1 we entreat2 we are  made 
as the filth of the world1 and are ,,the
 ,,offscouring ,,of ,,all ,,things  unto
 this day,a4 ,are these the men who     
practiced or countenanced  slavery8     
,with such a temper1 they ,,would ,,not2
 in such circumstances1  they ,,could   
,,not4 ,exposed to tribulation1         
distress1 and persecution2  subject to  
famine and nakedness1 to peril and the  
sword2 killed all the  day long2        
accounted as sheep for the slaughter,b1 

they would have made  but a sorry figure
 at the great-house or slave-market6    
,footnote ,a3 #a ,cor4 iv4 #aa-ac4      
,footnote ,b3 #a ,rom4 viii4 #ce1 #cf4  
,nor was the condition of the brethren1 
generally1 better than that of  the     
apostles4 ,the position of the apostles 
doubtless entitled them to  the         
strongest opposition1 the heaviest      
reproaches1 the fiercest  persecution4  
,but derision and contempt must have    
been the lot of  ,christians generally4 
,surely we cannot think so ill of       
primitive  ,christianity as to suppose  
that believers1 generally1 refused to   
share  in the trials and sufferings of  
their leaders2 as to suppose that while 
the leaders submitted to manual labor1  
to buffeting1 to be reckoned the  filth 
of the world1 to be accounted as sheep  
for the slaughter1 his  brethren lived  
in affluence1 ease1 and honor6 despising
 manual labor6  and living upon the     
sweat of unrequited toil6 ,but on this  
point we are  not left to mere inference

 and conjecture4 ,the apostle ,paul in  
the  plainest language explains the     
ordination of ,heaven4 ,but ,god hath   
,,chosen the foolish things of the world
 to confound the wise2 and ,god  hath   
,,chosen the weak things of the world to
 confound the things which  are mighty2 
and base things of the world1 and things
 which are despised  hath ,god ,,chosen1
 yea1 and ,,things ,,which ,,are ,,not1 
to bring to nought  things that are4,a  
,here we may well notice1    ,footnote  
,a3 #a ,cor4 i4 #bg1 #bh4    #a4 ,that  
it was not by accident1 that the        
primitive churches were made  up of such
 elements1 but the result of the        
,,divine ,,choice--an arrangement  of   
,his wise and gracious ,providence4 ,the
 inference is natural1 that this        
ordination was co-extensive with the    
triumphs of ,christianity4 ,it was      
nothing new or strange1 that ,jehovah   
had concealed his glory from the  wise  
and prudent1 and had revealed it unto   
babes1 or that the common  people heard 

him gladly1 while not many wise men     
after the flesh1 not  many mighty1 not  
many noble1 had been called4    #b4 ,the
 description of character which the     
apostle records1 could be  adapted only 
to what are reckoned the very dregs of  
humanity4 ,the  foolish and the weak1   
the base and the contemptible1 in the   
estimation  of worldly pride and        
wisdom--these were they whose broken    
hearts were  reached1 and moulded1 and  
refreshed by the gospel2 these were they
 whom  the apostle took to his bosom as 
his own brethren4    ,that slaves       
abounded at ,corinth1 may easily be     
admitted4 ,they have a  place in the    
enumeration of elements of which1       
according to the apostle1  the church   
there was composed4 ,the most remarkable
 class found there1  consisted of       
,,things ,,which ,,are ,,not--mere      
nobodies1 not admitted to the           
privileges of men1 but degraded to a    
level with goods and chattels2 of  whom 
no account was made in such arrangements

 of society as subserved  the           
improvement1 and dignity1 and happiness 
of ,,mankind4 ,how accurately  this     
description applies to those who are    
crushed under the chattel  principle6   
,the reference which the apostle makes  
to the deep poverty of the  churches of 
,macedonia1,b and this to stir up the   
sluggish liberality  of his ,corinthian 
brethren1 naturally leaves the          
impression1 that the  latter were by no 
means inferior to the former in the     
gifts of  ,providence4 ,but1 pressed    
with want and pinched by poverty as were
 the  believers in ,macedonia and       
,achaia1 it pleased them to make a      
certain  contribution for the poor      
saints which were at ,jerusalem4,c ,thus
 it  appears1 that ,christians every    
where were familiar with contempt and   
indigence1 so much so1 that the apostle 
would dissuade such as had no  families 
from assuming the responsibilities of   
the conjugal relation,d6    ,footnote   
,b3 #b ,cor4 viii4 #b4    ,footnote ,c3 

,rom4 xv4 #bf4    ,footnote ,d3 #a ,cor4
 vi #bf1bg    ,now1 how did these good  
people treat each other8 ,did the few   
among them1  who were esteemed wise1    
mighty1 or noble1 exert their influence 
and  employ their power in oppressing   
the weak1 in disposing of the things    
that are not1 as marketable             
commodities6--kneeling with them in     
prayer  in the evening1 and putting them
 up at auction the next morning6 ,did   
the  church sell any of the members to  
swell the certain contribution far  the 
poor saints at ,jerusalem6 ,far         
otherwise--as far as possible6 ,in      
those ,christian communities where the  
influence of the apostles was most      
powerful1 and where the arrangements    
drew forth their highest  commendations1
 believers treated each other as        
brethren1 in the  strongest sense of    
that sweet word4 ,so warm was their     
mutual love1 so  strong the public      
spirit1 so open-handed and abundant the 
general  liberality1 that they are set  

forth as having all things common4 ,e   
,slaves and their holders here8 ,neither
 the one nor the other could in  that   
relation to each other have breathed    
such an atmosphere4 ,the appeal  of the 
kneeling bondman1 ,am ,i not a man and a
 brother1 must here have  met with a    
prompt and powerful response4           
,footnote ,e3 ,acts iv4 #cb    ,the     
tests by which our ,savior tries the    
character of his professed  disciples1  
shed a strong light upon the genius of  
the gospel4 ,in one  connection,f1 an   
inquirer demands of the ,savior1 ,what  
good thing shall  ,i do that ,i may have
 eternal life8 ,after being reminded of 
the  obligations which his social nature
 imposed upon him1 he ventured1 while   
claiming to be free from guilt in his   
relations to mankind1 to demand1  what  
lack ,i yet8 ,the radical deficiency    
under which his character  labored1 the 
,savior was not long or obscure in      
pointing out4 ,if thou  wilt be perfect1
 go and sell that thou hast and give to 

the poor1 and  thou shalt have treasure 
in heaven2 and come and follow me4 ,on  
this  passage it is natural to suggest--
    ,footnote ,f3 ,luke xvii #ah-bd     
#a4 ,that we have here a test of        
universal application4 ,the rectitude   
and benevolence of our ,savior's        
character forbid us to suppose that he  
would subject this inquirer1 especially 
as he was highly amiable1 to a  trial1  
where eternal life was at stake1        
peculiarly severe4 ,indeed1 the  test   
seems to have been only a fair          
exposition of the second great  command1
 and of course it must be applicable to 
all who are placed under  the           
obligations of that precept4 ,those who 
can not stand this test1 as  their      
character is radically imperfect and    
unsound1 must1 with the  inquirer to    
whom our ,lord applied it1 be pronounced
 unfit for the  kingdom of heaven4      
#b4 ,the least that our ,savior can in  
that passage be understood to demand    
is1 that we disinterestedly and heartily

 devote ourselves to the welfare  of    
mankind1 the poor especially4 ,we are to
 put ourselves on a level  with them1 as
 we must do in selling that we have for 
their  benefit--in other words1 in      
employing our powers and resources to   
elevate their character1 condition1 and 
prospects4 ,this our ,savior did2  and  
if we refuse to enter into sympathy and 
cooperation with him1 how  can we be his
 followers8 ,apply this test to the     
slaveholder4 ,instead  of selling that  
he hath for the benefit of the poor1 he 
,,buys ,,the ,,poor1  and exacts their  
sweat with stripes1 to enable him to    
clothe himself in  purple and fine      
linen1 and fare sumptuously every day2  
or1 ,,he ,,sells ,,the  ,,poor to       
support the gospel and convert the      
heathen6    ,what1 in describing the    
scenes of the final judgment1 does our  
,savior  teach us8 ,by what standard    
must our character be estimated1 and the
  retributions of eternity be awarded8  
,a standard1 which both the  righteous  

and the wicked will be surprised to see 
erected4 ,from the  offscouring of all  
things1 the meanest specimen of humanity
 will be  selected--a stranger in the   
hands of the oppressor1 naked1 hungry1  
sickly2 and this stranger1 placed in the
 midst of the assembled  universe1 by   
the side of the sovereign ,judge1 will  
be openly  acknowledged as his          
representative4 ,glory1 honor1 and      
immortality1  will be the reward of     
those who had recognized and cheered    
their ,lord  through his outraged poor4 
,and tribulation1 anguish1 and despair1 
will  seize on every soul of man1 who   
had neglected or despised them4 ,but    
whom1 within the limits of our country1 
are we to regard especially as  the     
representatives of our final ,judge8    
,every feature of the ,savior's  picture
 finds its appropriate original in our  
enslaved countrymen4    #a4 ,they are   
the ,,least of his brethren4    #b4     
,they are subject to thirst and hunger1 
unable to command a cup of  water or a  

crumb of bread4    #c4 ,they are exposed
 to wasting sickness1 without the       
ability to procure  a nurse or employ a 
physician4    #d4 ,they are emphatically
 in prison1 restrained by chains1 goaded
 with  whips1 tasked1 and under keepers4
 ,not a wretch groans in any cell of the
  prisons of our country1 who is exposed
 to a confinement so rigorous and       
heart-breaking as the law allows theirs 
to be continually and  permanently4     
#e4 ,and then they are emphatically1 and
 peculiarly1 and exclusively1           
,,strangers--strangers in the land which
 gave them birth4 ,whom else do  we     
constrain to remain aliens in the midst 
of our free institutions8 ,the  ,welch1 
the ,swiss1 the ,irish8 ,the ,jews even8
 ,alas1 it is the negro  only1 who may  
not strike his roots into our soil4     
,every where we have  conspired to treat
 him as a stranger--every where he is   
forced to feel  himself a stranger4 ,in 
the stage and steamboat1 in the parlor  
and at our  tables1 in the scenes of    

business and in the scenes of           
amusement--even  in the church of ,god  
and at the communion table1 he is       
regarded as a  stranger4 ,the           
intelligent and religious are generally 
disgusted and  horror-struck at the     
thought of his becoming identified with 
the  citizens of our republic--so much  
so1 that thousands of them have  entered
 into a conspiracy to send him off out  
of sight1 to find a home  on a foreign  
shore6--,and justify themselves by      
openly alledging1 that a  single drop of
 his blood1 in the veins of any human   
creature1 must  make him hateful to his 
fellow citizens6--,that nothing but     
banishment  from our coasts1 can redeem 
him from the scorn and contempt to which
  his stranger blood has reduced him    
among his own mother's children6        
,who1 then1 in this land of milk and    
honey1 is hungry and athirst1  but the  
man from whom the law takes away the    
last crumb of bread and the  smallest   
drop of water8    ,who naked1 but the   

man whom the law strips of the last rag 
of  clothing8    ,who sick1 but the man 
whom the law deprives of the power of   
procuring  medicine or sending for a    
physician8    ,who in prison1 but the   
man who1 all his life is under the      
control of  merciless masters and cruel 
keepers8    ,who a stranger1 but the man
 who is scornfully denied the cheapest  
courtesies of life--who is treated as an
 alien in his native country8    ,there 
is one point in this awful description  
which deserves particular  attention4   
,those who are doomed to the left hand  
of the ,judge1 are not  charged with    
inflicting positive injuries on their   
helpless1 needy1  and oppressed brother4
 ,theirs was what is often called       
negative  character4 ,what they had done
 is not described in the indictment4    
,their neglect of duty1 what they had   
,,not done1 was the ground of  their    
everlasting punishment4 ,the            
representative of their ,judge1 they    
had seen a hungered and they gave him no

 meat1 thirsty and they have him  no    
drink1 a stranger and they took him not 
in1 naked and they clothed  him not1    
sick and in prison and they visited him 
not4 ,in as much as they  did ,,not     
yield to the claims of suffering        
humanity--did ,,not exert  themselves to
 bless the meanest of the human family1 
they were driven  away in their         
wickedness4 ,but what if the indictment 
had run thus3 ,i was  a hungered and ye 
snatched away the crust which might have
 saved me from  starvation2 ,i was      
thirsty and ye dashed to the ground the 
cup of cold  water1 which might have    
moistened my parched lips2 ,i was a     
stranger and  ye drove me from the hovel
 which might have sheltered me from the 
piercing wind2 ,i was sick and ye       
scourged me to my task2 in prison and   
you sold me for my jail-fees--to what   
depths of hell must not those who  were 
convicted under such charges be         
consigned6 ,and what is the history  of 
,american slavery but one long          

indictment1 describing under            
ever-varying forms and hues just such   
injuries6    ,nor should it be          
forgotten1 that those who incurred the  
displeasure of  their ,judge1 took far  
other views than he1 of their own past  
history4  ,the charges which he brought 
against them1 they heard with great     
surprise4 ,they were sure that they had 
never thus turned away from his         
necessities4 ,indeed1 when had they seen
 him thus subject to poverty1  insult1  
and oppression6 ,never4 ,and as to that 
poor friendless creature  whom they left
 unpitied and unhelped in the hands of  
the oppressor1 and  whom their ,judge   
now presented as his own representative1
 they never  once supposed1 that he had 
any claims on their compassion and      
assistance4 ,had they known1 that he was
 destined to so prominent a place  at   
the final judgment1 they would have     
treated him as a human being1 in        
despite of any social1 pecuniary1 or    
political considerations4 ,but  neither 

their negative virtue nor their         
voluntary ignorance could  shield them  
from the penal fire which their         
selfishness had kindled4    ,now amidst 
the general maxims1 the leading         
principles1 the great  commandments of  
the gospel2 amidst its comprehensive    
descriptions and  authorized tests of   
,christian character1 we should take our
 position in  disposing of any          
particular allusions to such forms and  
usages of the  primitive churches as are
 supposed by divine authority4 ,the     
latter must  be interpreted and         
understood in the light of the former4  
,but how do the  apologists and         
defenders of slavery proceed8 ,placing  
themselves amidst  the arrangements and 
usages which grew out of the corruptions
 of  ,christianity1 they make these the 
standard by which the gospel is to be   
explained and understood6 ,some         
,recorder or ,justice1 without the light
 of  inquiry or the aid of a jury1      
consigns the negro whom the kidnapper   

has  dragged into his presence to the   
horrors of slavery4 ,as the poor wretch 
shrieks and faints1 ,humanity shudders  
and demands why such atrocities  are    
endured8 ,some priest or ,levite1       
passing by on the other side1  quite    
self-possessed and all complacent reads 
in reply from his bread  phylactery1    
,paul sent back ,onesimus to ,philemon6 
,yes1 echoes the  negro-hating mob1 made
 up of gentlemen of property and        
standing  together with equally         
gentle-men reeking from the gutter2     
,yes--,paul  sent back ,onesimus to     
,philemon6 ,and ,humanity1 brow-beaten1 
stunned with  noise and tumult1 is      
pushed aside by the crowd6 ,a fair      
specimen this of  the manner in which   
modern usages are made to interpret the 
sacred  ,scriptures8    ,of the         
particular passages in the ,new         
,testament on which the apologists  for 
slavery especially rely1 the epistle to 
,philemon first demands our  attention4 
#a4 ,this letter was written by the     

apostle ,paul while a prisoner of       
,jesus ,christ at ,rome4    #b4         
,philemon was a benevolent and          
trustworthy member of the church at     
,colosse1 at whose house the disciples  
of ,christ held their assemblies1  and  
who owed his conversion1 under ,god1    
directly or indirectly to the  ministry 
of ,paul4    #c4 ,onesimus was the      
servant of ,philemon2 under a relation  
which it is  difficult with accuracy and
 certainty to define4 ,his condition1   
though  servile1 could not have been    
like that of an ,american slave2 as1 in 
that  case1 however he might have       
wronged ,philemon1 he could not also    
have  owed him ought4,a ,the ,american  
slave is1 according to law1 as much  the
 property of his master as any other    
chattel2 and can no more owe  his master
 than can a sheep or a horse4 ,the basis
 of all pecuniary  obligations lies in  
some value received4 ,how can an article
 of  merchandise stand on this basis and
 sustain commercial relations to its    

owner8 ,there is no person to offer or  
promise4 ,personality is  swallowed up  
in ,american slavery6    ,footnote ,a3  
,phil4 #ah4    #d4 ,how ,onesimus found 
his way to ,rome it is not easy to      
determine4 ,he  and ,philemon appear to 
have parted from each other on ill      
terms4 ,the  general character of       
,onesimus1 certainly1 in his relation to
 ,philemon1  had been far from          
attractive1 and he seems to have left   
him without  repairing the wrongs he had
 done him or paying the debts which he  
owed  him4 ,at ,rome1 by the blessing of
 ,god upon the exertions of the apostle1
  he was brought to reflection and      
repentance4    #e4 ,in reviewing his    
history in the light of ,christian      
truth1 he became  painfully aware of the
 injuries1 he had inflicted on          
,philemon4 ,he longed  for an           
opportunity for frank confession and    
full restitution4 ,having1  however1    
parted with ,philemon on ill terms1 he  
knew not how to appear in  his presence4

 ,under such embarrassments1 he         
naturally sought sympathy  and advice of
 ,paul4 ,his influence upon ,philemon1  
,onesimus knew must be  powerful1       
especially as an apostle4    #f4 ,a     
letter in behalf of ,onesimus was       
therefore written by the apostle  to    
,philemon4 ,after such salutations1     
benedictions1 and thanks giving as  the 
good character and useful life of       
,philemon naturally drew from the  heart
 of ,paul1 he proceeds to the object of 
the letter4 ,he admits that  ,onesimus  
had behaved ill in the service of       
,philemon2 not in running  away1 for how
 they had parted with each other is not 
explained1 but in  being unprofitable   
and in refusing to pay the debts,b which
 he had  contracted4 ,but his character 
had undergone a radical change4         
,thenceforward fidelity and usefulness  
would be his aim and mark his  course4  
,and as to any pecuniary obligations    
which he had violated1 the  apostle     
authorized ,philemon to put them on his 

account4,c ,thus a way  was fairly      
opened to the heart of ,philemon4 ,and  
now what does the  apostles ask8        
,footnote ,b3 ,verse #aa1ah4            
,footnote ,c3 ,verse #ah4    #g4 ,he    
asks that ,philemon would receive       
,onesimus4 ,how8 ,not as a  servant1 but
 above a servant4,a ,how much above8    
,philemon was to  receive him as a son  
of the apostle--as a brother            
beloved--nay1 if  he counted ,paul a    
partner1 an equal1 he was to receive    
,onesimus as he  would receive the      
apostle himself,b4 ,so much above a     
servant was he  to receive him6         
,footnote ,a3 ,verse #af4    ,footnote  
,b3 ,verse #aj1 #af1 #ag4    #h4 ,but   
was not this request to be so           
interpreted and complied with as to  put
 ,onesimus in the hands of ,philemon as 
an article of merchandise1  ,,carnally1 
while it raised him to the dignity of a 
brother beloved1  ,,spiritually8 ,in    
other words1 might not ,philemon        
consistently with the  request of ,paul1

 have reduced ,onesimus to a chattel1   
,,as ,a ,,man1 while he  admitted him   
fraternally to his bosom1 as a          
,,christian8 ,such gibberish in  an     
apostolic epistle6 ,never4 ,as if1      
however1 to guard against such  folly1  
the natural product of mist and         
moonshine1 the apostle would have       
,onesimus raised above a servant to the 
dignity of a brother beloved1  ,,both   
,,in ,,the ,,flesh ,,and ,,in ,,the     
,,lord2,c as a man and ,christian1 in   
all  the relations1 circumstances1 and  
responsibilities of life4    ,footnote  
,c3 ,verse #af4    ,it is easy now with 
definiteness and certainty to determine 
in what  sense the apostle in such      
connections uses the word brother4 ,it  
describes a relation inconsistent with  
and opposite to the servile4 ,it  is    
,,not the relation of a ,,servant4 ,it  
elevates its subject above  the servile 
condition4 ,it raises him to full       
equality with the master1  to the same  
equality1 on which ,paul and ,philemon  

stood side by side as  brothers2 and    
this1 not in some vague1 undefined1     
spiritual sense1  affecting the soul and
 leaving the body in bonds1 but in every
 way1  both in the ,,flesh and in the   
,lord4 ,this matter deserves particular 
and  earnest attention4 ,it sheds a     
strong light on other lessons of        
apostolic  instruction4    #i4 ,it is   
greatly to our purpose1 moreover1 to    
observe that the apostle  clearly       
defines the moral character of his      
request4 ,it was fit1  proper1 right1   
suited to the nature and relations of   
things--a thing  which ought to be      
done4,d ,on this account1 he might have 
urged it  upon ,philemon in the form of 
an injunction1 on apostolic authority   
and  with great boldness4,e ,the very   
nature of the request made it           
obligatory on ,philemon4 ,he was        
sacredly bound1 out of regard to the    
fitness of things1 to admit ,onesimus to
 full equality with himself--to  treat  
him as a brother both in the ,lord and  

as having flesh--as a fellow  man4 ,thus
 were the inalienable rights and        
birth-right privileges of  ,onesimus1 as
 a member of the human family1 defined  
and protected by  apostolic authority4  
,footnote ,d3 ,verse #h4 ,to ,greek3    
anaekon4 ,see ,robinson's ,new          
,testament  ,lexicon2 it is fit1 proper1
 becoming1 it ought4 ,in what sense     
,king  ,james' translators used the word
 convenient any one may see who will    
read ,rom4 i4 #bh and ,eph4 v4 #c1 #d4  
,footnote ,e3 ,verse #h4    #aj4 ,the   
apostle preferred a request instead of  
imposing a command1 on  the ground of   
,,charity4,a ,he would give ,philemon an
 opportunity of  discharging his        
obligations under the impulse of love4  
,to this impulse1  he was confident     
,philemon would promptly and fully      
yield4 ,how could he  do otherwise8 ,the
 thing itself was right4 ,the request   
respecting it came  from a benefactor1  
to whom1 under ,god1 he was under the   
highest  obligations4,b ,that           

benefactor1 now an old man and in the   
hands of  persecutors1 manifested a deep
 and tender interest in the matter1 and 
had the strongest persuasion that       
,philemon was more ready to grant than  
himself to entreat4 ,the result1 as he  
was soon to visit ,colosse1 and had     
commissioned ,philemon to prepare a     
lodging for him1 must come under the    
eye of the apostle4 ,the request was so 
manifestly reasonable and  obligatory1  
that the apostle1 after all1 described a
 compliance with it1  by the strong word
 obedience4,c    ,footnote ,a3 ,verse #i
 ,greek3 dia taen agapaen4    ,footnote 
,b3 ,verse #ai4    ,footnote ,c3 ,verse 
#ba4    ,now how must all this have been
 understood by the church at            
,colosse8--a  church1 doubtless1 made up
 of such materials as the church at     
,corinth1  that is1 of members chiefly  
from the humblest walks of life4 ,many  
of  them had probably felt the          
degradation and tasted the bitterness of
 the  servile condition4 ,would they    

have been likely to interpret the       
apostle's letter under the bias of      
feelings friendly to slavery6--,and  put
 the slaveholder's construction on its  
contents6 ,would their past  experience 
or present sufferings--for doubtless    
some of them were still  under the      
yoke--have suggested to their thoughts  
such glosses as some  of our theological
 professors venture to put upon the     
words of the  apostle6 ,far otherwise4  
,the ,spirit of the ,lord was there1 and
 the  epistle was read in the light of  
liberty4 ,it contained the  principles  
of holy freedom1 faithfully and         
affectionately applied4 ,this  must have
 made it precious in the eyes of such   
men of low degree as  were most of the  
believers1 and welcome to a place in the
 sacred canon4  ,there let it remain as 
a luminous and powerful defense of the  
cause of  emancipation6    ,but what    
with ,prof4 ,stuart8 ,if any one doubts1
 let him take the case of  ,paul's      
sending ,onesimus back to ,philemon1    

with an apology for his  running away1  
and sending him back to be his servant  
for life4,a    ,footnote ,a3 ,see his   
letter to ,dr4 ,fisk1 supra p4 #h4      
,paul sent back ,onesimus to ,philemon4 
,by what process8 ,did the apostle1  a  
prisoner at ,rome1 seize upon the       
fugitive1 and drag him before some      
heartless and perfidious ,judge1 for    
authority to send him back to  ,colosse8
 ,did he hurry his victim away from the 
presence of the fat and  supple         
magistrate1 to be driven under chains   
and the lash to the field  of unrequited
 toil1 whence he had escaped8 ,had the  
apostle been like  some teachers in the 
,american churches1 he might1 as a      
professor of  sacred literature in one  
of our seminaries1 or a preacher of the 
gospel  to the rich in some of our      
cities1 have consented thus to subserve 
the  peculiar interests of a dear       
slaveholding brother4 ,but the venerable
  champion of truth and freedom was     
himself under bonds in the imperial     

city1 waiting for the crown of          
martyrdom4 ,he wrote a letter to the    
church at ,colosse1 which was accustomed
 to meet at the house of  ,philemon1 and
 another letter to that magnanimous     
disciple1 and sent them  by the hand of 
,onesimus4 ,so much for the way in which
 ,onesimus was  sent back to his master4
    ,a slave escapes from a patriarch in
 ,georgia1 and seeks a refuge in the    
parish of the ,connecticut doctor1 who  
once gave public notice that he  saw no 
reason for caring for the servitude of  
his fellow men4,b ,under  his influence1
 ,caesar becomes a ,christian convert4  
,burning with love for  the son whom he 
hath begotten in the gospel1 our doctor 
resolves to send  him back to his       
master4 ,accordingly1 he writes a       
letter1 gives it to  ,caesar1 and bids  
him return1 staff in hand1 to the       
corner-stone of our  republican         
institutions4 ,now1 what would any      
,caesar do1 who had ever  felt a link of
 slavery's chain8 ,as he left his       

spiritual father1  should we be         
surprized to hear him say to himself1   
,what1 return of my  own accord to the  
man who1 with the hand of a robber1     
plucked me from my  mother's bosom6--for
 whom ,i have been so often drenched in 
the sweat of  unrequited toil6--whose   
violence so often cut my flesh and      
scarred my  limbs6--who shut out every  
ray of light from my mind6--who laid    
claim to  those honors to which my      
,creator and ,redeemer only are         
entitled6 ,and for  what am ,i to       
return8 ,to be cursed1 and smitten1 and 
sold6 ,to be tempted1  and torn1 and    
destroyed6 ,i can not thus throw myself 
away--thus rush  upon my own            
destruction4    ,footnote ,b3 ,why      
should ,i care8    ,who ever heard of   
the voluntary return of a fugitive from 
,american  oppression8 ,do you think    
that the doctor and his friends could   
persuade  one to carry a letter to the  
patriarch from whom he had escaped8 ,and
  must we believe this of ,onesimus6    

,paul sent back ,onesimus to ,philemon4 
,on what occasion8--,if1 writes  the    
apostle1 he hath wronged thee1 or oweth 
thee ought1 put that on my  account4    
,alive to the claims of duty1 ,onesimus 
would restore whatever  he had taken    
away4 ,he would honestly pay his debts4 
,this resolution1  the apostle warmly   
approved4 ,he was ready1 at whatever    
expense1 to help  his young disciple in 
carrying it into full effect4 ,of this  
he assured  ,philemon1 in language the  
most explicit and emphatic4 ,here we    
find one  reason for the conduct of     
,paul in sending ,onesimus to ,philemon4
    ,if a fugitive slave of the ,rev4   
,mr4 ,smylie1 of ,mississippi1 should   
return to him with a letter from a      
doctor of divinity in ,new ,york1       
containing such an assurance1 how would 
the reverend slaveholder dispose  of it8
 ,what1 he exclaims1 have we here8 ,if  
,cato has not been upright in  his      
pecuniary intercourse with you--if he   
owes you any thing--put that  on my     

account4 ,what ignorance of southern    
institutions6 ,what mockery1  to talk of
 pecuniary intercourse between a slave  
and his master6 ,the  slave himself1    
with all he is and has1 is an article of
 merchandise4  ,what can he owe his     
master8--,a rustic may lay a wager with 
his mule1  and give the creature the    
peck of oats which he had permitted it  
to win4  ,but who in sober earnest would
 call this a pecuniary transaction8     
,,to ,,be ,,his ,,servant ,,for ,,life6 
,from what part of the epistle could the
  expositor have evolved a thought so   
soothing to tyrants--so revolting to    
every man who loves his own nature8     
,from this8 ,for perhaps he therefore   
departed for a season1 that thou        
shouldest receive him for ever4         
,receive him how8 ,as a servant1        
exclaims our commentator4 ,but what     
wrote the apostle8 ,,not now as a       
servant1 but above a servant1 a  brother
 beloved1 especially to me1 but how much
 more unto thee1 both in  the flesh and 

in the ,lord4 ,who authorized the       
professor to bereave the  word 'not' of 
its negative influence8 ,according to   
,paul1 ,philemon was  to receive        
,onesimus 'not as a servant2'--according
 to ,stuart1 he was  to receive him as a
 servant6 ,if the professor will apply  
the same  rules of exposition to the    
writings of the abolitionists1 all      
difference  between him and them must in
 his view presently vanish away4 ,the   
harmonizing process would be equally    
simple and effectual4 ,he has only  to  
understand them as affirming what they  
deny1 and as denying what  they affirm4 
,suppose that ,prof4 ,stuart had a son  
residing at the ,south4 ,his slave1     
having stolen money of his master1      
effected his escape4 ,he fled to        
,andover1 to find a refuge among the    
sons of the prophets4 ,there he  finds  
his way to ,prof4 ,stuart's house1 and  
offers to render any service  which the 
professor1 dangerously ill of a typhus  
fever1 might require4  ,he is soon found

 to be a most active1 skillful1 faithful
 nurse4 ,he  spares no pains1 night and 
day1 to make himself useful to the      
venerable  sufferer4 ,he anticipates    
every want4 ,in the most delicate and   
tender  manner1 he tries to sooth every 
pain4 ,he fastens himself strongly on   
the  heart of the reverend object of his
 care4 ,touched with the heavenly       
spirit1 the meek demeanor1 the          
submissive frame1 which the sick bed    
exhibits1 ,archy becomes a ,christian4  
,a new bond now ties him and his        
convalescent teacher together4 ,as soon 
as he is able to write1 the  professor  
sends by ,archy the following letter to 
the ,south1 to ,isaac  ,stuart1 ,esq43--
    ,,my ,,dear ,,son1--,with a hand    
enfeebled by a distressing and dangerous
  illness1 from which ,i am slowly      
recovering1 ,i address you1 on a subject
  which lies very near my heart4 ,i have
 a request to urge1 which my            
acquaintance with you1 and your strong  
obligations to me1 will1 ,i can  not    

doubt1 make you eager fully to grant4 ,i
 say a request1 though the  thing ,i ask
 is1 in its very nature and on the      
principles of the gospel1  obligatory   
upon you4 ,i might1 therefore1 boldly   
demand1 what ,i earnestly  entreat4 ,but
 ,i know how generous1 magnanimous1 and 
,christ-like you are1  and how readily  
you will do even more than ,i say--,i1  
your own father1  an old man1 almost    
exhausted with multiplied exertions for 
the benefit  of my family and my        
country1 and now just rising1 emaciated 
and broken1  from the brink of the      
grave4 ,i write in behalf of ,archy1    
whom ,i regard  with the affection of a 
father1 and whom1 indeed1 ',i have      
begotten in my  sickness4' ,gladly would
 ,i have retained him1 to be an ,isaac  
to me2 for  how often did not his       
soothing voice1 and skillful hand1 and  
unwearied  attention to my wants1 remind
 me of you6 ,but ,i chose to give you an
  opportunity of manifesting1           
voluntarily1 the goodness of your heart2

 as1  if ,i had retained him with me1   
you might seem to have been forced to   
grant what you will gratefully bestow4  
,his temporary absence from you  may    
have opened the way for his permanent   
continuance with you4 ,not now  as a    
slave4 ,heaven forbid6 ,but superior to 
a slave4 ,superior1 did ,i say8  ,take  
him to your bosom1 as a beloved brother2
 for ,i own him as a son1  and regard   
him as such1 in all the relations of    
life1 both as a man and  a              
,christian4--',receive him as myself4'  
,and that nothing may hinder you  from  
complying with my request at once1 ,i   
hereby promise1 without  adverting to   
your many and great obligations to me1  
to pay you every  cent which he took    
from your drawer4 ,any preparation which
 my comfort  with you may require1 you  
will make without much delay1 when you  
learn1  that ,i intend1 as soon as ,i   
shall be able 'to perform the journey1' 
to  make you a visit4    ,and what if   
,dr4 ,baxter1 in giving an account of   

this letter should  publicly declare    
that ,prof4 ,stuart of ,andover regarded
 slaveholding as  lawful2 for that he   
had sent ,archy back to his son ,isaac1 
with an  apology for his running away to
 be held in perpetual slavery8 ,with    
what  propriety might not the professor 
exclaim3 ,false1 every syllable false4  
,i sent him back1 ,,not ,,to ,,be ,,held
 ,,as ,a ,,slave1 but recognized as a   
dear  brother1 in all respects1 under   
every relation1 civil and               
ecclesiastical4 ,i bade my son receive  
,archy as myself4 ,if this was  not     
equivalent to a requisition to set him  
fully and most honorably  free1 and     
that1 too1 on the ground of natural     
obligation and ,christian  principle1   
then ,i know not how to frame such a    
requisition4    ,i am well aware that my
 supposition is by no means strong      
enough fully  to illustrate the case to 
which it is applied4 ,prof4 ,stuart     
lacks  apostolical authority4 ,isaac    
,stuart is not a leading member of a    

church  consisting1 as the early        
churches chiefly consisted1 of what the 
world  regard as the dregs of           
society--the offscouring of all things4 
,nor was  slavery at ,colosse1 it seems1
 supported by such barbarous usages1    
such  horrid laws as disgrace the       
,south4    ,but it is time to turn to   
another passage which1 in its bearing on
 the  subject in hand1 is1 in our view1 
as well as in the view of ,dr4 ,fisk and
  ,prof4 ,stuart1 in the highest degree 
authoritative and instructive4 ,let  as 
many servants as are under the yoke     
count their own masters worthy of  all  
honor1 that the name of ,god and his    
doctrines be not blasphemed4 ,and  they 
that have believing masters1 let them   
not despise them because they  are      
brethren2 but rather do them service1   
because they are faithful and  beloved1 
partakers of the benefit4,a    ,footnote
 ,a3 #a ,tim4 vi4 #a1 #b4    #a4 ,the   
apostle addresses himself here to two   
classes of servants1 with  instructions 

to each respectively appropriate4 ,both 
the one class and  the other1 in ,prof4 
,stuart's eye1 were slaves4 ,this he    
assumes1 and  thus begs the very        
question in dispute4 ,the term servant  
is generic1  as used by the sacred      
writers4 ,it comprehends all the various
 offices  which men discharge for the   
benefit of each other1 however          
honorable1 or  however menial2 from that
 of an apostle,b opening the path to    
heaven1  to that of washing one         
another's feet4,c ,a general term it is1
  comprehending every office which      
belongs to human relations and          
,christian character4,d    ,footnote ,b3
 ,cor4 iv4 #e4    ,footnote ,c3 ,john   
xiii4 #ad4    ,footnote ,d3 ,mat4 xx4   
#bf-bh4    ,a leading signification     
gives us the manual laborer1 to whom1 in
 the  division of labor1 muscular       
exertion was allotted4 ,as in his       
exertions  the bodily powers are        
especially employed--such powers as     
belong to man  in common with mere      

animals--his sphere has generally been  
considered  low and humble4 ,and as     
intellectual power is superior to       
bodily1 the  manual laborer has always  
been exposed in very numerous ways and  
in  various degrees to oppression4      
,cunning1 intrigue1 the oily tongue1    
have1  through extended and powerful    
conspiracies1 brought the resources of  
society under the control of the few1   
who stood aloof from his homely  toil4  
,hence his dependence upon them4 ,hence 
the multiplied injuries  which have     
fallen so heavily upon him4 ,hence the  
reduction of his wages  from one degree 
to another1 till at length1 in the case 
of millions1  fraud and violence strip  
him of his all1 blot his name from the  
record  of mankind1 and1 putting a yoke 
upon his neck1 drive him away to toil   
among the cattle4 ,here you find the    
slave4 ,to reduce the servant to  his   
condition1 requires abuses altogether   
monstrous--injuries reaching  the very  
vitals of man--stabs upon the very heart

 of humanity4 ,now1 what  right has     
,prof4 ,stuart to make the word         
servants1 comprehending1  even as manual
 laborers1 so many and such various     
meanings1 signify  slaves1 especially   
where different classes are concerned8  
,such a  right he could never have      
derived from humanity1 or philosophy1 or
  hermeneutics4 ,is it his by sympathy  
with the oppressor8    ,yes1 different  
classes4 ,this is implied in the term as
 many1,a  which sets apart the class now
 to be addressed4 ,from these he        
proceeds  to others1 who are introduced 
by a particle1,b whose natural meaning  
indicates the presence of another and a 
different subject4    ,footnote ,a3     
,greek3 ,osoi4 ,see ,passow's           
,schneider4    ,footnote ,b3 ,greek3    
,de4 ,see ,passow4    #b4 ,the first    
class are described as under the yoke--a
 yoke from  which they were1 according  
to the apostle1 to make their escape if 
possible4,c ,if not1 they must in every 
way regard the master with              

respect--bowing to his authority1       
working his will1 subserving his        
interests so far as might be consistent 
with ,christian character4,d ,and  this1
 to prevent blasphemy--to prevent the   
pagan master from heaping  profane      
reproaches upon the name of ,god and the
 doctrines of the gospel4  ,they should 
beware of rousing his passions1 which1  
as his helpless  victims1 they might be 
unable to allay or withstand4           
,footnote ,c3 ,see #a ,cor4 vii4        
#ba--;,greek3 ,all ei kai d u n a s a i 
eleutheros genesthai4    ,footnote ,d3  
#a ,cor4 vii4 #bc--;,greek3 ,mae        
ginesthe douloi anthropon4    ,but all  
the servants whom the apostle addressed 
were not under the  yoke,e--an          
instrument appropriate to cattle and to 
slaves4 ,these he  distinguishes from   
another class1 who instead of a         
yoke--the badge of  a slave--had        
believing masters4 ,to have a believing 
master1 then1  was equivalent to freedom
 from the yoke4 ,these servants were    

exhorted  not to despise their masters4 
,what need of such an exhortation1 if   
their masters had been slaveholders1    
holding them as property1 wielding  them
 as mere instruments1 disposing of them 
as articles of  merchandise8 ,but this  
was not consistent with believing4      
,faith1  breaking every yoke1 united    
master and servants in the bonds of     
brotherhood4 ,brethren they were1 joined
 in a relation which1 excluding  the    
yoke1,f placed them side by side on the 
ground of equality1 where1  each in his 
appropriate sphere1 they might exert    
themselves freely and  usefully1 to the 
mutual benefit of each other4 ,here1    
servants might need  to be cautioned    
against getting above their appropriate 
business1  putting on airs1 despising   
their masters1 and thus declining or    
neglecting their service4,g ,instead of 
this1 they should be1 as  emancipated   
slaves often have been1,h models of     
enterprise1 fidelity1  activity1 and    
usefulness--especially as their masters 

were worthy of  their confidence and    
love1 their helpers in this             
well-doing4,i    ,footnote ,e3 ,see     
,lev4 xxvi4 #ac2 ,isa4 lviii4 #f1 #i4   
,footnote ,f3 ,supra p4 #dg4            
,footnote ,g3 ,see ,matt4 vi4 #bd4      
,footnote ,h3 ,those1 for instance1 set 
free by that believing master  ,james   
,g4 ,birney4    ,footnote ,i3 ,the      
following exposition is from the pen of 
,,elizur ,,wright1  ,,jr43--,this word  
,greek3 antilambanesthai1 in our humble 
opinion1 has  been so unfairly used by  
the commentators1 that we feel          
constrained to  take its part4 ,our     
excellent translators1 in rendering the 
clause  'partakers of the benefit1'     
evidently lost sight of the component   
preposition1 which expresses the        
opposition of reciprocity1 rather  than 
the connection of participation4 ,they  
have given it exactly the  sense of     
,greek3 metalambanein1 7#b ,tim4 ii4    
#f47 ,had the apostle  intended such a  
sense1 he would have used the latter    

verb1 or one of the  more common words1 
,greek3 metochoi1 koinonountes1 c4 7,see
 ,heb4 iii4  #a1 and #a ,tim4 v4 #bb1   
where the latter word is used in the    
clause1  'neither be partaker of other  
men's sins4' ,had the verb in our text  
been  used1 it might have been rendered1
 'neither be the part-taker of other    
men's sins4'7 ,the primary sense of     
,greek3 antilambano is to take in       
return--to take instead of1 c4 ,hence1  
in the middle with the genitive1  it    
signifies assist1 or do one's part      
towards the person or thing  expressed  
by that genitive4 ,in this sense only is
 the word used in the  ,new             
,testament4--7,see ,luke i4 #ed1 and    
,acts xx4 #ce47 ,if this be true1 the   
word ,greek3 euergesai can not signify  
the benefit conferred by the  gospel1 as
 our common version would make it1 but  
the well-doing of the  servants1 who    
should continue to serve their believing
 masters1 while  they were no longer    
under the yoke of compulsion4 ,this word

 is used  elsewhere in the ,new         
,testament but once1 7,acts iv4 #c47 in 
relation to  the 'good deed' done to the
 impotent man4 ,the plain import of the 
clause1 unmystified by the commentators1
 is1 that believing masters  would not  
fail to do their part towards1 or       
encourage by suitable  returns1 the free
 service of those who had once been     
under  the yoke4    ,such1 then1 is the 
relation between those who1 in the view 
of ,prof4  ,stuart1 were ,christian     
masters and ,christian slaves,a--the    
relation of  brethren1 which1 excluding 
the yoke1 and of course conferring      
freedom1 placed them side by side on the
 common ground of mutual  service1 both 
retaining1 for convenience's sake1 the  
one while giving  and the other while   
receiving employment1 the correlative   
name1 as is  usual in such cases1 under 
which they had been known4 ,such was the
  instruction which ,timothy was        
required1 as a ,christian minister1 to  
give4 ,was it friendly to slaveholding8 

,footnote ,a3 ,letter to ,dr4 ,fisk1    
supra1 p4 #g4    ,and on what ground1   
according to the ,princeton professor1  
did these  masters and these servants   
stand in their relation to each other8  
,on  that of a perfect religious        
equality4,a ,in all the relations1      
duties1 and privileges--in all the      
objects1 interests1 and prospects1      
which belong to the province of         
,christianity1 servants were as free as 
their master4 ,the powers of the one1   
were allowed as wide a range and as     
free an exercise1 with as warm          
encouragements1 as active aids1 and as  
high results1 as the other4 ,here1 the  
relation of a servant to his  master    
imposed no restrictions1 involved no    
embarrassments1 occasioned  no injury4  
,all this1 clearly and certainly1 is    
implied in perfect  religious equality1 
which the ,princeton professor accords  
to servants  in relation to their       
master4 ,might the master1 then1 in     
order more  fully to attain the great   

ends for which he was created and       
redeemed1  freely exert himself to      
increase his acquaintance with his own  
powers1  and relations1 and             
resources--with his prospects1          
opportunities1 and  advantages8 ,so     
might his servants4 ,was he at liberty  
to study to  approve himself to ,god1 to
 submit to his will and bow to his      
authority1  as the sole standard of     
affection and exertion8 ,so were they4  
,was he  at liberty to sanctify the     
,sabbath1 and frequent the solemn       
assembly8  ,so were they4 ,was he at    
liberty so to honor the filial1         
conjugal1  and paternal relations1 as to
 find in them that spring of activity   
and  that source of enjoyment1 which    
they are capable of yielding8 ,so were  
they4 ,in every department of interest  
and exertion1 they might use  their     
capacities1 and wield their powers1 and 
improve their  opportunities1 and employ
 their resources1 as freely as he1 in   
glorifying ,god1 in blessing mankind1   

and in laying up imperishable  treasures
 for themselves6 ,give perfect religious
 equality to the  ,american slave1 and  
the most eager abolitionist must be     
satisfied4 ,such  equality would1 like  
the breath of the ,almighty1 dissolve   
the last link  of the chain of          
servitude4 ,dare those who1 for the     
benefit of slavery1  have given so wide 
and active a circulation do the         
,pittsburgh pamphlet1  make the         
experiment8    ,footnote ,a3 ,pittsburgh
 ,pamphlet1 p4 #i4    ,in the epistle to
 the ,colossians1 the following passage 
deserves earnest  attention3--,servants1
 obey in all things your masters        
according to the  flesh2 not with       
eye-service1 as men-pleasers2 but in    
singleness of  heart1 fearing ,god3 and 
whatsoever ye do1 do it heartily1 as to 
the  ,lord1 and not unto men2 knowing1  
that of the ,lord ye shall receive the  
reward of the inheritance2 for ye serve 
the ,lord ,christ4 ,but he that  doeth  
wrong shall receive for the wrong which 

he hath done3 and there is  no respect  
of persons4--,masters1 give unto your   
servants that which is  just and equal2 
knowing that ye have a ,master in       
heaven4,a    ,footnote ,a3 ,col4 iii4   
#bb to iv4 #a4    ,here it is natural to
 remark--    #a4 ,that in maintaining   
the relation1 which mutually united     
them1 both  masters and servants were to
 act in conformity with the principles  
of  the divine government4 ,whatever    
they did1 servants were to do in  hearty
 obedience to the ,lord1 by whose       
authority they were to be  controlled   
and by whose hand they were to be       
rewarded4 ,to the same ,lord1  and      
according to the same law1 was the      
master to hold himself  responsible4    
,both the one and the other were of     
course equally at  liberty and alike    
required to study and apply the         
standard1 by which  they were to be     
governed and judged4    #b4 ,the basis  
of the government under which they thus 
were placed1 was  righteousness--strict1

 stern1 impartial4 ,nothing here of bias
 or  antipathy4 ,birth1 wealth1         
station1--the dust of the balance not so
  light6 ,both master and servants were 
hastening to a tribunal1 where  nothing 
of respect of persons could be feared or
 hoped for4 ,there the  wrong-doer1     
whoever he might be1 and whether from   
the top or bottom of  society1 must be  
dealt with according to his deservings4 
#c4 ,under this government1 servants    
were to be universally and heartily     
obedient2 and both in the presence and  
absence of the master1 faithfully  to   
discharge their obligations4 ,the master
 on his part1 in his relations  to the  
servants1 was to make ,,justice ,,and   
,,equality the standard of his  conduct4
 ,under the authority of such           
instructions1 slavery falls             
discountenanced1 condemned1 abhorred4   
,it is flagrantly at war with the       
government of ,god1 consists in respect 
of persons the most shameless  and      
outrageous1 treads justice and equality 

under foot1 and in its  natural tendency
 and practical effects is nothing else  
than a system of  wrong-doing4 ,what    
have they to do with the just and the   
equal who in  their respect of persons  
proceed to such a pitch as to treat one 
brother as a thing because he is a      
servant1 and place him1 without the     
least regard to his welfare here1 or his
 prospects hereafter1 absolutely  at the
 disposal of another brother1 under the 
name of master1 in the  relation of     
owner to property8 ,justice and equality
 on the one hand1 and  the chattel      
principle on the other1 are naturally   
subversive of each  other--proof clear  
and decisive that the correlates1       
masters and  servants1 cannot here be   
rendered slaves and owners1 without the 
grossest absurdity and the greatest     
violence4    ,the relation of slavery1  
according to ,prof4 ,stuart1 is         
recognized in  the precepts of the ,new 
,testament1 as one which may still exist
  without violating the ,christian faith

 or the church4,a ,slavery and the      
chattel principle6 ,so our professor    
thinks2 otherwise his reference has     
nothing to do with the subject--with the
 slavery which the abolitionist1  whom  
he derides1 stands opposed to4 ,how     
gross and hurtful is the mistake  into  
which he allows himself to fall4 ,the   
relation recognized in the  precepts of 
the ,new ,testament had its basis and   
support in justice and  equality2 the   
very opposite of the chattel principle2 
a relation which  may exist as long as  
justice and equality remain1 and thus   
escape the  destruction to which1 in the
 view of ,prof4 ,stuart1 slavery is     
doomed4  ,the description of ,paul      
obliterates every feature of ,american  
slavery1  raising the servant to        
equality with his master1 and placing   
his rights  under the protection of     
justice2 yet the eye of ,prof4 ,stuart  
can see  nothing in his master and      
servant but a slave and his owner4 ,with
 this  relation he is so thoroughly     

possessed1 that1 like an evil angel1 it 
haunts him even when he enters the      
temple of justice6    ,footnote ,a3     
,letter to ,dr4 ,fisk1 supra p4 #g4     
,it is remarkable1 with the ,princeton  
professor1 that there is not  even an   
exhortation in the writings of the      
apostles to masters to  liberate their  
slaves1 much less is it urged as an     
imperative and  immediate duty4,b ,it   
would be remarkable1 indeed1 if they    
were  chargeable with a defect so great 
and glaring4 ,and so they have nothing  
to say upon the subject8 ,that not even 
the ,princeton professor has the        
assurance to affirm4 ,he admits that    
,,kindness1 ,,mercy1 ,,and ,,justice1   
were  enjoined with a distinct reference
 to the government of ,god4,c  ,without 
respect of persons1 they were to be     
,god-like in doing justice4  ,they were 
to act the part of kind and merciful    
brethren4 ,and whither  would this lead 
them8 ,could they stop short of         
restoring to every man  his natural1    

inalienable rights8--of doing what they 
could to redress  the wrongs1 soothe the
 sorrows1 improve the character1 and    
raise the  condition of the degraded and
 oppressed8 ,especially1 if oppressed   
and  degraded by any agency of theirs4  
,could it be kind1 merciful1 or just to 
keep the chains of slavery on their     
helpless1 unoffending brother8 ,would   
this be to honor the ,golden ,rule1 or  
obey the second great command of  their 
,master in heaven8 ,could the apostles  
have subserved the cause of  freedom    
more directly1 intelligibly1 and        
effectually1 than to enjoin  the        
principles1 and sentiments1 and habits1 
in which freedom  consists--constituting
 its living root and fruitful germ8     
,footnote ,b3 ,pittsburgh pamphlet1 p4  
#i4    ,footnote ,c3 ,pittsburgh        
pamphlet1 p4 #aj4    ,the ,princeton    
professor himself1 in the very paper    
which the ,south has  so warmly welcomed
 and so loudly applauded as a scriptural
 defense of  the peculiar institution1  

maintains1 that the ,,general           
,,principles ,,of  ,,the ,,gospel have  
,,destroyed ,,slavery throughout out the
 greater part of  ,christendom,a--,,that
 ,,christianity ,,has ,,abolished ,,both
 ,,political ,,and  ,,domestic ,,bondage
 ,,wherever ,,it ,,has ,,had ,,free     
,,scope--that it ,,enjoins a  fair      
compensation for labor2 insists on the  
mental and intellectual  improvement of 
,,all classes of men2 condemns ,,all    
infractions of  marital or parental     
rights2 requires in short not only that 
,,free ,,scope  should be allowed to    
human improvement1 but that ,,all       
,,suitable ,,means  should be employed  
for the attainment of that end4,b ,it is
 indeed  remarkable1 that while neither 
,christ nor his apostles ever gave an   
exhortation to masters to liberate their
 slaves1 they enjoined such  general    
principles as have destroyed domestic   
slavery throughout the  greater part of 
,christendom2 that while ,christianity  
forbears to urge  emancipation as an    

imperative and immediate duty1 it throws
 a barrier1  heaven high1 around every  
domestic circle2 protects all the rights
 of  the husband and the fathers2 gives 
every laborer a fair compensation2  and 
makes the moral and intellectual        
improvement of all classes1 with  free  
scope and all suitable means1 the object
 of its tender solicitude  and high     
authority4 ,this is not only remarkable1
 but inexplicable4 ,yes  and no--hot and
 cold1 in one and the same breath6 ,and 
yet these things  stand prominent in    
what is reckoned an acute1 ingenious1   
effective  defense of slavery6          
,footnote ,a3 ,pittsburgh pamphlet p4   
#ah4 #ai4    ,footnote ,b3 ,the same1 p4
 #ca4    ,in his letter to the          
,corinthian church1 the apostle ,paul   
furnishes  another lesson of            
instruction1 expressive of his views and
 feelings on  the subject of slavery4   
,let every man abide in the same calling
 wherein  he was called4 ,art thou      
called being a servant8 care not for it3

 but if  thou mayest be made free1 use  
it rather4 ,for he that is called in the
  ,lord1 being a servant1 is the ,lord's
 freeman3 likewise also he that is      
called1 being free1 is ,christ's        
servant4 ,ye are bought with a price2 be
  not ye the servants of men4,a         
,footnote ,a3 #a ,cor4 vii4 #bj-bc4     
,in explaining and applying this        
passage1 it is proper to suggest1    #a4
 ,that it could not have been the object
 of the apostle to bind the  ,corinthian
 converts to the stations and           
employments in which the ,gospel  found 
them4 ,for he exhorts some of them to   
escape1 if possible1 from  their present
 condition4 ,in the servile state1 under
 the yoke1 they  ought not to remain    
unless impelled by stern necessity4 ,if 
thou canst  be free1 use it rather4 ,if 
they ought to prefer freedom to bondage 
and  to exert themselves to escape from 
the latter for the sake of the  former1 
could their master consistently with the
 claims and spirit of  the ,gospel have 

hindered or discouraged them in so      
doing8 ,their  brother could he be1 who 
kept the yoke upon their neck1 which the
  apostle would have them shake off if  
possible8 ,and had such masters been    
members of the ,corinthian church1 what 
inferences must they have drawn  from   
this exhortation to their servants8     
,that the apostle regarded  slavery as a
 ,christian institution8--or could look 
complacently on any  efforts to         
introduce or maintain it in the church8 
,could they have  expected less from him
 than a stern rebuke1 if they refused to
 exert  themselves in the cause of      
freedom8    #b4 ,but while they were to 
use their freedom1 if they could obtain 
it1  they should not1 even on such a    
subject1 give themselves up to ceaseless
  anxiety4 ,the ,lord was no respecter  
of persons4 ,they need not fear1  that  
the low estate1 to which they had been  
wickedly reduced1 would  prevent them   
from enjoying the gifts of his hand or  
the light of his  countenance4 ,he would

 respect their rights1 sooth their      
sorrows1 and  pour upon their hearts1   
and cherish there1 the spirit of        
liberty4 ,for  he that is called in the 
,lord1 being a servant1 is the ,lord's  
freeman4  ,in him1 therefore1 should    
they cheerfully confide4    #c4 ,the    
apostle1 however1 forbids them so to    
acquiesce in the servile  relation1 as  
to act inconsistently with their        
,christian obligations4 ,to  their      
,savior they belonged4 ,by his blood    
they had been purchased4 ,it  should be 
their great object1 therefore1 to render
 ,him a hearty and  effective service4  
,they should permit no man1 whoever he  
might be1 to  thrust in himself between 
them and their ,redeemer4 ,ye are bought
 with  a price2 ,,be ,,not ,,ye ,,the   
,,servants ,,of ,,men4    ,with his eye 
upon the passage just quoted and        
explained1 the ,princeton  professor    
asserts that ,paul represents this      
relation--the relation of  slavery--as  
of comparatively little account4,a ,and 

this he  applies--otherwise it is       
nothing to his purpose--to ,american    
slavery4  ,does he then regard it as a  
small matter1 a mere trifle1 to be      
thrown  under the slave-laws of this    
republic1 grimly and fiercely excluding 
their victim from almost every means of 
improvement1 and field of  usefulness1  
and source of comfort2 and making him1  
body and substance1  with his wife and  
babes1 the servant of men8 ,could such a
 relation be  acquiesced in consistently
 with the instructions of the apostle8  
,footnote ,a3 ,pittsburgh pamphlet p4   
#aj4    ,to the ,princeton professor the
 commend a practical trial of the       
bearing  of the passage in hand upon    
,american slavery4 ,his regard for the  
unity  and prosperity of the            
ecclesiastical organizations1 which in  
various  forms and under different names
 unite the southern with the northern   
churches1 will make the experiment      
grateful to his feelings4 ,let him1     
then1 as soon as his convenience will   

permit1 proceed to ,georgia4 ,no        
religious teacher,b from any free state1
 can be likely to receive so  general   
and so warm a welcome there4 ,to allay  
the heat1 which the  doctrines and      
movements of the abolitionists have     
occasioned in the  southern mind1 let   
him with as much despatch as possible   
collect1 as he  goes from place to      
place1 masters and their slaves4 ,now   
let all men1  whom it may concern1 see  
and own that slavery is a ,christian    
institution6 ,with his ,bible in his    
hand and his eye upon the passage in    
question1 he addresses himself to the   
task of instructing the slaves  around  
him4 ,let not your hearts1 my brethren1 
be overcharged with  sorrow1 or eaten up
 with anxiety4 ,your servile condition  
cannot deprive  you of the fatherly     
regards of ,him who is no respecter of  
persons4  ,freedom you ought1 indeed1 to
 prefer4 ,if you can escape from the    
yoke1  throw it off4 ,in the mean time  
rejoice that where the ,spirit of the   

,lord is1 there is liberty2 that the    
,gospel places slaves on a perfect      
religious equality with their master2 so
 that every ,christian is the  ,lord's  
freeman4 ,and1 for your encouragement1  
remember that  ,christianity has        
abolished both political and domestic   
servitude  whenever it has had free     
scope4 ,it enjoins a fair compensation  
for  labor2 it insists on the moral and 
intellectual improvement of all  classes
 of men2 it condemns all infractions of 
marital or parental  rights2 in short it
 requires not only that free scope be   
allowed to  human improvement1 but that 
all suitable means should be employed   
for  the attainment of that end4,c ,let 
your lives1 then1 be honorable to  your 
relations to your ,savior4 ,he bought   
you with his own blood2 and is  entitled
 to your warmest love and most effective
 service4 ,be not ye the  servants of   
men4 ,let no human arrangements prevent 
you1 as citizens of  the kingdom of     
heaven1 from making the most of your    

powers and  opportunities4 ,would such  
an effort1 generally and heartily made1 
allay  excitement at the ,south1 and    
quench the flames of discord1 every day 
rising higher and waxing hotter1 in     
almost every part of the republic1  and 
cement the ,union8    ,footnote ,b3     
,rev4 ,mr4 ,savage1 of ,utica1 ,new     
,york1 had1 not very long  ago1 a free  
conversation with a gentleman of high   
standing in the  literary and religious 
world from a slaveholding state1 where  
the  peculiar institution is cherished  
with great warmth and maintained  with  
iron rigor4 ,by him1 ,mr4 ,savage was   
assured1 that the ,princeton  professor 
had1 through the ,pittsburgh pamphlet1  
contributed most  powerfully and        
effectually to bring the whole ,south   
under the  persuasion1 that slaveholding
 is in itself right--a system to which  
the ,bible gives countenance and        
support4    ,in an extract from an      
article in the ,southern ,christian     
,sentinel1 a new  ,presbyterian paper   

established in ,charleston1 ,south      
,carolina1 and  inserted in the         
,christian ,journal for ,march #ba1     
#ahci1 we find the  following paragraphs
 from the pen of ,rev4 ,c4,w4 ,howard1  
and according to  ,mr4 ,chester1 ably   
and freely endorsed by the editor4      
,there is scarcely  any diversity of    
sentiment at the ,north upon this       
subject4 ,the great  mass of the people 
believing slavery to be sinful1 are     
clearly of the  opinion that as a       
system1 it should be abolished          
throughout this land  and throughout the
 world4 ,they differ as to the time and 
mode of  abolition4 ,the abolitionists  
consistently argue1 that whatever is    
sinful1 should be instantly abandoned4  
,the others1 by a strange sort of       
reasoning for ,christian men1 contend   
that though slavery is sinful1  yet it  
may be allowed to exist until it shall  
be expedient to abolish  it2 or if1 in  
many cases1 this reasoning might be     
translated into plain  ,english1 the    

sense would be1 both in church and      
,state1 slavery1 though  sinful1 may be 
allowed to exist until our interest will
 suffer us to say  that it must be      
abolished4 ,this is not slander2 it is  
simply a plain  way of stating a plain  
truth4 ,it does seem the evident duty of
 every man  to become an abolitionist1  
who believes slavery to be sinful1 for  
the  ,bible allows no tampering with    
sin4    ,to these remarks1 there are    
some noble exceptions to be found in    
both  parties in the church4 ,the ,south
 owes a debt of gratitude to the        
,biblical ,repertory1 for the fearless  
argument in behalf of the position1     
that slavery is not forbidden by the    
,bible4 ,the writer of that article  is 
said1 without contradiction1 to be      
,prof4 ,hodge of ,princeton--,,his      
,,name ,,ought ,,to ,,be ,,known ,,and  
,,revered ,,among ,,you1 my brethren1   
for in a land  of anti-slavery men1 he  
is the ,,only ,,one who has dared to    
vindicate your  character from the      

serious charge of living in the habitual
  transgression of ,god's holy law4     
,footnote ,c3 ,pittsburgh pamphlet p4   
#ca4    ,it is1 affirms the ,princeton  
professor1 on all hands acknowledged1   
that1 at the time of the advent of      
,jesus ,christ1 slavery in its worst    
forms prevailed over the whole world4   
,the ,savior found it around him  in    
,,judea4,a ,to say that he found it in  
,judea1 is to speak  ambiguously4 ,many 
things were to be found in ,judea1 which
 neither  belonged to1 nor were         
characteristic of the ,jews4 ,it is not 
denied  that the ,gentiles1 who resided 
among them1 might have had slaves2 but  
of the ,jews this is denied4 ,how could 
the professor take that as  granted1 the
 proof of which entered vitally into the
 argument and was  essential to the     
soundness of the conclusions to which he
 would conduct  us8 ,how could he take  
advantage of an ambiguous expression to 
conduct  his confiding readers on to a  
position which1 if his own eyes were    

open1  he must have known they could not
 hold in the light of open day8         
,footnote ,a3 ,pittsburgh pamphlet p4   
#i4    ,we do not charge the ,savior    
with any want of wisdom1 goodness1 or   
courage1,b for refusing to break down   
the wall of partition between  ,jews and
 ,gentiles before the time appointed4   
,while this barrier  stood1 he could    
not1 consistently with the plan of      
redemption1 impart  instruction freely  
to the ,gentiles4 ,to some extent1 and  
on extraordinary  occasions1 he might   
have done so4 ,but his business then was
 with the  lost sheep of the house of   
,israel4,c ,the propriety of this       
arrangement  is not the matter of       
dispute between the ,princeton professor
 and  ourselves4    ,footnote ,b3 ,the  
same1 p4 #aj4    ,footnote ,c3 ,matt4   
xv4 #bd4    ,in disposing of the        
question whether the ,jews held slaves  
during our  ,savior's incarnation among 
them1 the following points deserve      
earnest  attention3--    #a4            

,slaveholding is inconsistent with the  
,mosaic economy4 ,for the proof  of     
this1 we would refer our readers1 among 
other arguments more or less            
appropriate and powerful1 to the tract  
already alluded to4,a ,in all the       
external relations and visible          
arrangements of life1 the ,jews1 during 
our ,savior's ministry among them1 seem 
to have been scrupulously  observant of 
the institutions and usages of the ,old 
,dispensation4 ,they  stood far aloof   
from whatever was characteristic of     
,samaritans and  ,gentiles4 ,from       
idolatry and slaveholding--those        
twin-vices which had  always so greatly 
prevailed among the heathen--they seem  
at length1 as  the result of a most     
painful discipline1 to have been        
effectually  divorced4    ,footnote ,a3 
,the ,bible against ,slavery4    #b4    
,while1 therefore1 ,john the ,baptist1  
with marked fidelity and great  power1  
acted among the ,jews the part of a     
reprover1 he found no  occasion to      

repeat and apply the language of his    
predecessors1,b in  exposing and        
rebuking idolatry and slaveholding4     
,could he1 the greatest  of the         
prophets1 have been less effectually    
aroused by the presence of  the yoke1   
than was ,isaiah8--or less intrepid and 
decisive in exposing  and denouncing the
 sin of oppression under its most       
hateful and  injurious forms8           
,footnote ,b3 ,psalm lxxxii2 ,isa4      
lviii4 #a-ab2 ,jer4 xxii4 #ac-af4    #c4
 ,the ,savior was not backward in       
applying his own principles plainly  and
 pointedly to such forms of oppression  
as appeared among the ,jews4  ,these    
principles1 whenever they have been     
freely acted on1 the ,princeton         
professor admits1 have abolished        
domestic bondage4 ,had this prevailed   
within the sphere of our ,savior's      
ministry1 he could not1 consistently    
with his general character1 have failed 
to expose and condemn it4 ,the          
oppression of the people by lordly      

ecclesiastics1 of parents by their      
selfish children1 of widows by their    
ghostly counsellors1 drew from his  lips
 scorching rebukes and terrible         
denunciations4,c ,how1 then1 must he    
have felt and spoke in the presence of  
such tyranny1 if such tyranny  had been 
within his official sphere1 as should   
have made widows1 by  driving their     
husbands to some flesh-market1 and their
 children not  orphans1 but cattle8     
,footnote ,c3 ,matt4 xxiii2 ,mark vii4  
#a-ac4    #d4 ,domestic slavery was     
manifestly inconsistent with the        
industry1  which1 in the form of manual 
labor1 so generally prevailed among the 
,jews4 ,in one connection1 in the ,acts 
of the ,apostles1 we are informed1      
that1 coming from ,athens to ,corinth1  
,paul found a certain ,jew named        
,aquila1 born in ,pontus1 lately come   
from ,italy1 with his wife ,priscilla2  
7because that ,claudius had commanded   
all ,jews to depart from ,rome27 and    
came unto them4 ,and because he was of  

the same craft1 he abode with them  and 
wrought3 7for by their occupation they  
were tent-makers47,a ,this  passage has 
opened the way for different            
commentators to refer us to the  public 
sentiment and general practice of the   
,jews respecting useful  industry and   
manual labor4 ,according to ,lightfoot1 
it was their  custom to bring up their  
children to some trade1 yea1 though they
 gave  them learning or estates4        
,according to ,rabbi ,judah1 ,he that   
teaches  not his son a trade1 is as if  
he taught him to be a thief4,b ,it was1 
,kuinoel affirms1 customary even for    
,jewish teachers to unite labor         
7opificium7 with the study of the law4  
,this he confirms by the highest        
,rabbinical authority4,c ,heinrichs     
quotes a ,rabbi as teaching1 that no    
man should by any means neglect to train
 his son to honest industry4,d          
,accordingly1 the apostle ,paul1 though 
brought up at the feet of  ,gamaliel1   
the distinguished disciple of a most    

illustrious teacher1  practiced the art 
of tent-making4 ,his own hands          
ministered to his  necessities2 and his 
example in so doing1 he commends to his 
,gentile  brethren for their            
imitation4,e ,that ,zebedee1 the father 
of ,john the  ,evangelist1 had wealth1  
various hints in the ,new ,testament    
render  probable4,f ,yet how do we find 
him and his sons1 while prosecuting     
their appropriate business8 ,in the     
midst of the hired servants1 in the     
ship mending their nets4,g    ,footnote 
,a3 ,acts xviii4 #a-c4    ,footnote ,b3 
,henry on ,acts xviii1 #a-c4            
,footnote ,c3 ,kuinoel on ,acts4        
,footnote ,d3 ,heinrichs on ,acts4      
,footnote ,e3 ,acts xx4 #cd1 #ce2 #a    
,thess4 iv4 #aa    ,footnote ,f3 ,see   
,kuinoel's ,prolegom4 to the ,gospel of 
,john4    ,footnote ,g3 ,mark i4 #ai1   
#bj4    ,slavery among a people who1    
from the highest to the lowest1 were    
used to  manual labor6 ,what occasion   
for slavery there8 ,and how could it be 

maintained8 ,no place can be found for  
slavery among a people generally  inured
 to useful industry4 ,with such1        
especially if men of learning1  wealth1 
and station labor1 working with their   
hands1 such labor must  be honorable4   
,on this subject1 let ,jewish maxims and
 ,jewish habits be  adopted at the      
,south1 and the peculiar institution    
would vanish like a  ghost at daybreak4 
#e4 ,another hint1 here deserving       
particular attention1 is furnished in   
the allusions of the ,new ,testament to 
the lowest casts and most servile       
employments among the ,jews4 ,with      
profligates1 publicans were joined as   
depraved and contemptible4 ,the outcasts
 of society were described1 not  as fit 
to herd with slaves1 but as deserving a 
place among ,samaritans  and publicans4 
,they were hired servants1 whom ,zebedee
 employed4 ,in  the parable of the      
prodigal son we have a wealthy ,jewish  
family4 ,here  servants seem to have    
abounded4 ,the prodigal1 bitterly       

bewailing his  wretchedness and folly1  
described their condition as greatly    
superior to  his own4 ,how happy the    
change which should place him by their  
side6 ,his  remorse1 and shame1 and     
penitence made him willing to embrace   
the lot of  the lowest of them all4 ,but
 these--what was their condition8 ,they 
were  ,,hired ,,servants4 ,make me as   
one of thy hired servants4 ,such he     
refers  to as the lowest menials known  
in ,jewish life4    ,lay such hints as  
have now been suggested together2 let it
 be  remembered1 that slavery was       
inconsistent with the ,mosaic economy2  
that  ,john the ,baptist in preparing   
the way for the ,messiah makes no       
reference  to the yoke which1 had it    
been before him1 he would1 like ,isaiah1
 have  condemned2 that the ,savior1     
while he took the part of the poor and  
sympathized with the oppressed2 was     
evidently spared the pain of  witnessing
 within the sphere of his ministry1 the 
presence of the  chattel principle2 that

 it was the habit of the ,jews1 whoever 
they might  be1 high or low1 rich or    
poor1 learned or rude1 to labor1 working
 with  their hands2 and that where      
reference was had to the most menial    
employments1 in families1 they were     
described as carried on by hired        
servants2 and the question of slavery in
 ,judea1 so far as the seed of  ,abraham
 were concerned1 is very easily disposed
 of4 ,with every phase and  form of     
society among them slavery was          
inconsistent4    ,the position which1 in
 the article so often referred to in    
this paper1  the ,princeton professor   
takes1 is sufficiently remarkable4      
,northern  abolitionists he saw in an   
earnest struggle with southern          
slaveholders4  ,the present welfare and 
future happiness of myriads of the human
 family  were at stake in this contest4 
,in the heat of the battle1 he throws   
himself between the belligerent powers4 
,he gives the abolitionists to          
understand1 that they are quite mistaken

 in the character of the object  they   
have set themselves so openly and       
sternly against4 ,slaveholding is  not1 
as they suppose1 contrary to the law of 
,god4 ,it was witnessed by  the ,savior 
in its worst form1,a without extorting  
from his lips a  syllable of rebuke4    
,the sacred writers did not condemn     
it4,b ,and why  should they8 ,by a      
definition,c sufficiently ambiguous and 
slippery1 he  undertakes to set forth a 
form of slavery which he looks upon as  
consistent with the law of              
,righteousness4 ,from this definition he
 infers  that the abolitionists are     
greatly to blame for maintaining that   
,american slavery is inherently and     
essentially sinful1 and for insisting   
that it ought at once to be abolished4  
,for this labor of love the             
slaveholding ,south is warmly grateful  
and applauds its reverend ally1 as  if a
 very ,daniel had come as their advocate
 to judgment4,d    ,footnote ,a3        
,pittsburgh pamphlet p4 #i4    ,footnote

 ,b3 ,the same p4 #ac4    ,footnote ,c3 
,the same p4 #ab4    ,footnote ,d3      
,supra p4 #fa4    ,a few questions1     
briefly put1 may not here be            
inappropriate4    #a4 ,was the form of  
slavery which our professor pronounces  
innocent the  form witnessed by our     
,savior in ,judea8 ,that1 he will by no 
means  admit4 ,the slavery there was1 he
 affirms1 of the worst kind4 ,how then  
does he account for the alledged silence
 of the ,savior8--a silence  covering   
the essence and the form--the           
institution and its  worst abuses8      
#b4 ,is the slaveholding1 which1        
according to the ,princeton professor1  
,christianity justifies1 the same as    
that which the abolitionists so         
earnestly wish to see abolished8 ,let us
 see4    ,christianity in supporting    
,the ,american system for  ,slavery1    
according to ,prof4                     
supporting ,slavery1  ,hodge1           
,enjoins a fair compensation            
,makes compensation impossible  for     

labor4                             by   
reducing the laborer to a               
chattel4    ,it insists on the moral    
,it sternly forbids its victim  and     
intellectual improvement            to  
learn to read even the  of all classes  
of men4                 name of his     
,creator and                            
,redeemer4    ,it condemns all          
infractions            ,it outlaws the  
conjugal and  of marital or parental    
rights4         parental relations4     
,it requires that free scope            
,it forbids any effort1 on the  should  
be allowed to human              part of
 myriads of the human  improvement4     
family1 to improve their                
character1 condition1 and               
prospects4    ,it requires that all     
suitable          ,it inflicts heavy    
penalties  means should be employed to  
improve     for teaching letters to the 
mankind4                                
to the poorest of the poor4    ,wherever
 it has had free scope1 it     ,wherever

 it has free scope1  has abolished      
domestic bondage4        it perpetuates 
domestic                                
bondage4    ,now it is slavery according
 to the ,american system that the       
abolitionists are set against4 ,of the  
existence of any such form of  slavery  
as is consistent with ,prof4 ,hodge's   
account of the requisitions  of         
,christianity1 they know nothing4 ,it   
has never met their notice1 and  of     
course1 has never roused their feelings1
 or called forth their  exertions4      
,what1 then1 have they to do with the   
censures and  reproaches which the      
,princeton professor deals around8 ,let 
those who  have leisure and good nature 
protect the man of straw he is so hot   
against4 ,the abolitionists have other  
business4 ,it is not the figment of     
some sickly brain2 but that system of   
oppression which in theory is           
corrupting1 and in practice destroying  
both ,church and ,state2--it is  this   
that they feel pledged to do battle     

upon1 till by the just judgment  of     
,almighty ,god it is thrown1 dead and   
damned1 into the  bottomless abyss4     
#c4 ,how can the ,south feel itself     
protected by any shield which may be    
thrown over ,,such ,,slavery1 as may be 
consistent with what the ,princeton     
professor describes as the requisitions 
of ,christianity8 ,is this8  ,,the      
slavery which their laws describe1 and  
their hands maintain8 ,fair             
compensation for labor--marital and     
parental rights--free scope  and all    
suitable means for the improvement1     
moral and intellectual1  of all classes 
of men2--are these1 according to the    
statutes of the  ,south1 among the      
objects of slaveholding legislation8    
,every body knows  that any such        
requisition and ,american slavery are   
flatly opposed to and  directly         
subversive of each other4 ,what service1
 then1 has the ,princeton  professor1   
with all his ingenuity and all his zeal1
 rendered the  peculiar institution8    

,their gratitude must be of a stamp and 
complexion quite peculiar1 if they can  
thank him for throwing their  domestic  
system under the weight of such         
,christian requisitions as  must at once
 crush its snaky head and grind it to   
powder4    ,and what1 moreover1 is the  
bearing of the ,christian requisitions  
which  ,prof4 ,hodge quotes1 upon the   
definition of slavery which he has      
elaborated8 ,all the ideas which        
necessarily enter into the definition   
of slavery are1 deprivation of personal 
liberty1 obligation of service  at the  
discretion of another1 and the          
transferable character of the  authority
 and claim of service of the master,a4  
,footnote ,a3 ,pittsburgh pamphlet p4   
#ab      ,according to ,prof4 ,hodge's  
,according to ,prof4 ,hodge's  account  
of the requisitions of           account
 of ,slavery1  ,christianity1    ,the   
spring of effort in the labor       ,the
 laborer must serve at the  is a fair   
compensation4                 discretion

 of another4    ,free scope must be     
given for his moral  ,he is deprived of 
personal  and intellectual improvement4 
liberty--the necessary                  
condition1 and living soul              
of improvement1 without which           
he has no control of either             
intellect or morals4    ,his rights as a
 husband and a father    ,the authority 
and claims of  are to be protected4     
the master may throw an ocean           
between him and his family1             
and separate them from each             
other's presence at any moment          
and forever4    ,christianity1 then1    
requires such slavery as ,prof4 ,hodge  
so cunningly  defines1 to be abolished4 
,it was well provided1 for the peace of 
the  respective parties1 that he placed 
his definition so far from the          
requisitions of ,christianity4 ,had he  
brought them into each other's          
presence1 their natural and invincible  
antipathy to each other would  have     
broken out into open and exterminating  

warfare4 ,but why should we  delay      
longer upon an argument which is based  
on gross and monstrous  sophistry8 ,it  
can mislead only such as wish to be     
misled4 ,the lovers  of sunlight are in 
little danger of rushing into the       
professor's  dungeon4 ,those who1 having
 something to conceal1 covet darkness1  
can  find it there1 to their hearts'    
content4 ,the hour can not be far away1 
when upright and reflective minds at the
 ,south will be astonished at the       
blindness which could welcome such      
protection as the ,princeton argument   
offers to the slaveholder4    ,but      
,prof4 ,stuart must not be forgotten4   
,in his celebrated letter to  ,dr4      
,fisk1 he affirms that ,paul did not    
expect slavery to be ousted in  a day,a4
 ,did not ,,expect6 ,what then8 ,are the
 requisitions of  ,christianity adapted 
to any ,,expectations which in any      
quarter and on any  ground might have   
risen to human consciousness8 ,and are  
we to interpret  the precepts of the    

,gospel by the expectations of ,paul8   
,the ,savior  commanded all men every   
where to repent1 and this1 though ,paul 
did not  expect that human wickedness1  
in its ten thousand forms would in any  
community be ousted in a day4           
,expectations are one thing2            
requisitions  quite another4            
,footnote ,a3 ,supra1 p4#h4    ,in the  
mean time1 while expectation waited1    
,paul1 the professor adds1  gave        
precepts to ,christians respecting their
 demeanor4 ,that he did4  ,of what      
character were these precepts8 ,must    
they not have been in  harmony with the 
,golden ,rule8 ,but this1 according to  
,prof4 ,stuart1  decides against the    
righteousness of slavery even as a      
theory4  ,accordingly1 ,christians were 
required1 without respect of persons1   
to do each other justice--to maintain   
equality as common ground for all  to   
stand upon--to cherish and express in   
all their intercourse that  tender love 
and disinterested charity which one     

brother naturally  feels for another4   
,these were the ad interim precepts1,a  
which can  not fail1 if obeyed1 to cut  
up slavery1 root and branch1 at once    
and forever4    ,footnote ,a3 ,letter to
 ,dr4 ,fisk1 p4 #h4    ,prof4 ,stuart   
comforts us with the assurance that     
,christianity will  ultimately certainly
 destroy slavery4 ,of this we have not  
the  feeblest doubt4 ,but how could he  
admit a persuasion and utter a          
prediction so much at war with the      
doctrine he maintains1 that slavery  may
 exist without ,,violating ,,the        
,,christian ,,faith ,,or ,,the          
,,church8,b  ,what1 ,christianity bent  
on the destruction of an ancient and    
cherished  institution which hurts      
neither her character nor condition6,c  
,why not  correct its abuses and purify 
its spirit2 and shedding upon it her own
  beauty1 preserve it1 as a living      
trophy of her reformatory power8 ,whence
  the discovery that1 in her onward     
progress1 she would trample down and    

destroy what was no way hurtful to her8 
,this is to be aggressive with  a       
witness4 ,far be it from the ,judge of  
all the earth to whelm the  innocent and
 guilty in the same destruction6 ,in aid
 of ,professor ,stuart1  in the rude and
 scarcely covert attack which he makes  
upon himself1 we  maintain that         
,christianity will certainly destroy    
slavery on account of  its inherent     
wickedness--its malignant temper--its   
deadly effects--its  constitutional1    
insolent1 and unmitigable opposition to 
the authority of  ,god and the welfare  
of man4    ,footnote ,b3 ,the same1 p4  
#g4    ,footnote ,c3 ,prof4 ,stuart     
applies here the words1 salva fide et   
salva  ecclesia4    ,christianity will  
ultimately destroy slavery4             
,,ultimately6 ,what  meaneth that       
portentous word8 ,to what limit of      
remotest time1 concealed  in the        
darkness of futurity1 may it look8 ,tell
 us1 ,o watchman1 on the  hill of       
,andover4 ,almost nineteen centuries    

have rolled over this world  of wrong   
and outrage--and yet we tremble in the  
presence of a form of  slavery whose    
breath is poison1 whose fang is death6  
,if any one of the  incidents of slavery
 should fall1 but for a single day1 upon
 the head of  the prophet who dipped his
 pen1 in such cold blood1 to write that 
word  ultimately1 how1 under the        
sufferings of the first tedious hour1   
would  he break out in the lamentable   
cry1 ,how long1 ,o ,lord1 ,,how ,,long6 
,in  the agony of beholding a wife or   
daughter upon the table of the          
auctioneer1 while every bid fell upon   
his heart like the groan of  despair1   
small comfort would he find in the dull 
assurance of some  heartless prophet1   
quite at ease in ,zion1 that            
,,ultimately  ,christianity would       
destroy slavery4 ,as the hammer falls   
and the  beloved of his soul1 all       
helpless and most wretched1 is borne    
away to  the haunts of legalized        
debauchery1 his heart turns to stone1   

while  the cry dies upon his lips1 ,how 
,,long1 ,o ,lord1 ,,how ,,long8         
,ultimately6 ,in what circumstances does
 ,prof4 ,stuart assure himself  that    
,christianity will destroy slavery8 ,are
 we1 as ,american citizens1  under the  
sceptre of a ,nero8 ,when1 as integral  
parts of this  republic--as living      
members of this community1 did we       
forfeit the  prerogatives of freemen8   
,have we not the right to speak and act 
as  wielding the powers which the       
principle of self-government has put in 
our possession8 ,and without asking     
leave of priest or statesman1 of the    
,north or the ,south1 may we not make   
the most of the freedom which we  enjoy 
under the guaranty of the ordinances of 
,heaven and the  ,constitution of our   
country8 ,can we expect to see          
,christianity on higher  vantage-ground 
than in this country she stands upon8   
,in the midst of a  republic based on   
the principle of the equality of        
mankind1 where every  ,christian1 as    

vitally connected with the state1 freely
 wields the  highest political rights   
and enjoys the richest political        
privileges2  where the unanimous demand 
of one-half of the members of the       
churches  would be promptly met in the  
abolition of slavery1 what ultimately   
must ,christianity here wait for before 
she crushes the chattel principle       
beneath her heel8 ,her triumph over     
slavery is retarded by nothing but  the 
corruption and defection so widely      
spread through the sacramental  host    
beneath her banners6 ,let her voice be  
heard and her energies  exerted1 and the
 ultimately of the dark spirit of       
slavery would at  once give place to the
 immediately of the ,avenger of the     
,poor4           99       99       99   
99       99          ,,no #h4    ,,the  
,,anti-,,slavery ,,examiner4            
99       99       99       99       99  
,,correspondence1    ,,between ,,the    
,,hon4 ,f4,h4 ,,elmore1    ,,one ,,of   
,,the ,,south ,,carolina ,,delegation   

,,in ,,congress1    ,,and    ,,james ,g4
 ,,birney1    ,,one ,,of ,,the          
,,secretaries ,,of ,,the ,,american     
,,anti-,,slavery ,,society4           99
       99       99       99       99    
,,new-,,york3    ,,published ,,by ,,the 
,,american ,,anti-,,slavery ,,society1  
,no4 #adc ,,nassau ,,street4    #ahch4  
99       99       99       99       99  
,this periodical contains #e            
sheets4--,postage under #ajj miles1     
#g-a_/b cts42  over #ajj miles1 #ab-a_/b
 cts4    ,please read and circulate4    
,,remarks ,,in ,,explanation4           
99       99       99       99       99  
,,anti-,,slavery ,,office1 ,new ,york1  
,may #bd1 #ahch4    ,in ,january1 a     
tract entitled ,,why ,,work ,,for ,,the 
,,slave8 was issued from  this office by
 the agent for the ,cent-a-week         
,societies4 ,a copy of it  was          
transmitted to the ,hon4 ,john ,c4      
,calhoun2--to him1 because he has       
seemed1 from the first1 more solicitous 
than the generality of ,southern        

politicians1 to possess himself of      
accurate information about the          
,anti-,slavery movement4 ,a note written
 by me accompanied the tract1  informing
 ,mr4 ,calhoun1 why it was sent to him4 
,not long afterward1 the following      
letter was received from the ,hon4      
,f4,h4  ,elmore1 of the ,house of       
,representatives in ,congress4 ,from    
this and  another of his letters just   
now received1 it seems1 that the        
,slaveholding ,representatives in       
,congress1 after conferring together1   
appointed a committee1 of their own     
number1 to obtain authentic  information
 of the intentions and progress of the  
,anti-,slavery  associations1--and that 
,mr4 ,elmore was selected1 as the ,south
 ,carolina  member of the ,committee4   
,several other communications have      
passed between ,mr4 ,elmore and me4     
,they  relate1 chiefly1 however1 to the 
transmission and reception of           
,anti-slavery publications1 which he    
requested to be sent to him1--and to    

other matters not having any connection 
with the merits of the main  subject4   
,it is1 therefore1 thought unnecessary  
to publish them4 ,it may  be sufficient 
to remark of all the communications     
received from ,mr4  ,elmore--that they  
are characterized by exemplary courtesy 
and good  temper1 and that they bear the
 impress of an educated1 refined1 and   
liberal mind4    ,it is intended to     
circulate this correspondence throughout
 the whole  country4 ,if the information
 it communicates be important for       
southern  ,representatives in ,congress1
 it is not less so for their            
,constituents4  ,the ,anti-slavery      
movement has become so important in a   
,national point of  view1 that no       
statesman can innocently remain ignorant
 of its progress  and tendencies4 ,the  
facts stated in my answer may be relied 
on1 in  proportion to the degree of     
accuracy to which they lay claim2--the  
arguments will1 of course1 be estimated 
according to their worth4    ,,james ,g4

 ,,birney4        ,,correspondence4     
99       99       99       99       99  
,,washington ,,city1 ,,feb4 #af1 #ahch  
,to ,jas4 ,g4 ,birney1 ,esq41 ,cor4     
,sec4 ,a4,a4,s4 ,soc4    ,sir3--,a      
letter from you to the ,hon4 ,john ,c4  
,calhoun1 dated #bith ,january  last1   
has been given to me1 by him1 in which  
you say1 7in reference to  the          
abolitionists or ,anti-,slavery         
,societies17 we have nothing to         
conceal--and should you desire any      
information as to our procedure1 it     
will be cheerfully communicated on my   
being apprised of your wishes4  ,the    
frankness of this unsolicited offer     
indicates a fairness and honesty  of    
purpose1 which has caused the present   
communication1 and which  demands the   
same full and frank disclosure of the   
views with which the  subjoined         
inquiries are proposed4    ,your letter 
was handed to me1 in consequence of a   
duty assigned me by my  delegation1 and 
which requires me to procure all the    

authentic  information ,i can1 as to the
 nature and intentions of yours and     
similar  associations1 in order that we 
may1 if we deem it advisable1 lay the   
information before our people1 so that  
they may be prepared to decide          
understandingly1 as to the course it    
becomes them to pursue on this all      
important question4 ,if you have nothing
 to conceal1 and it is not  imposing too
 much on1 what may have been1 an        
unguarded proffer1 ,i will  esteem your 
compliance as a courtesy to an opponent1
 and be pleased to  have an opportunity 
to make a suitable return4 ,and if1 on  
the other  hand1 you have the least     
difficulty or objection1 ,i trust you   
will not  hesitate to withhold the      
information sought for1 as ,i would not 
have it1  unless as freely given1 as it 
will1 if deemed expedient1 be freely    
used4    ,i am1 ,sir1    ,your ob'd't   
serv't1    ,f4,h4 ,,elmore1 of ,s4,c4   
,,questions for ,j4,g4 ,birney1 ,esq41  
,cor4 ,sec4 ,a4,a4,s4 ,society4    #a4  

,how many societies1 affiliated with    
that of which you are the               
,corresponding ,secretary1 are there in 
the ,united ,states8 ,and how many      
members belong to them in the aggregate8
    #b4 ,are there any other societies  
similar to yours1 and not affiliated    
with it1 in the ,united ,states8 and how
 many1 and what is the aggregate  their 
members8    #c4 ,have you affiliation1  
intercourse or connection with any      
similar  societies out of the ,united   
,states1 and in what countries8    #d4  
,do your or similar societies exist in  
the ,colleges and other ,literary       
institutions of the non-slaveholding    
,states1 and to what extent8    #e4     
,what do you estimate the numbers of    
those who co-operate in this  matter at8
 ,what proportion do they bear in the   
population of the  ,northern states1 and
 what in the ,middle non-slaveholding   
states8 ,are  they increasing1 and at   
what rate8    #f4 ,what is the object   
your associations aim at8 does it extend

 to the  abolition of slavery only in   
the ,district of ,columbia1 or in the   
whole  slave country8    #g4 ,by what   
means1 and under what power1 do you     
propose to carry your  views into       
effect8    #h4 ,what has been for three 
years past1 the annual income of your   
societies8 and how is it raised8    #i4 
,in what way1 and to what purposes1 do  
you apply these funds8    #aj4 ,how many
 priming presses and periodical         
publications have you8    #aa4 ,to what 
classes of persons do you address your  
publications1 and are  they addressed to
 the judgment1 the imagination1 or the  
feelings8    #ab4 ,do you propagate your
 doctrines by any other means than oral 
and  written discussions1--for instance1
 by prints and pictures in              
manufactures--say pocket handkerchiefs1 
c4 ,pray1 state the  various modes8     
#ac4 ,are your hopes and expectations   
increased or lessened by the events  of 
the last year1 and1 especially1 by the  
action of this ,congress8 ,and  will    

your exertions be relaxed or increased8 
#ad4 ,have you any permanent fund1 and  
how much8    ,,anti-,,slavery ,,office1 
,new ,york1 ,march #h1 #ahch    ,hon4   
,f4,h4 ,,elmore1    ,member of ,congress
 from ,s4 ,carolina3    ,,sir1--,i take 
pleasure in furnishing the information  
you have so politely  asked for1 in your
 letter of the #afth ult41 in relation  
to the ,american  ,anti-,slavery        
,society2--and trust1 that this         
correspondence1 by  presenting in a     
sober light1 the objects and measures of
 the society1  may contribute to dispel1
 not only from your own mind1 but--if it
 be  diffused throughout the            
,south--from the minds of our           
fellow-citizens  there generally1 a     
great deal of undeserved prejudice and  
groundless  alarm4 ,i cannot hesitate to
 believe1 that such as enter on the     
examination of its claims to public     
favour1 without bias1 will find that  it
 aims intelligently1 not only at the    
promotion of the interests of the       

slave1 but of the master1--not only at  
the re-animation of the  ,republican    
principles of our ,constitution1 but at 
the establishment of  the ,union on an  
enduring basis4    ,i shall proceed to  
state the several questions submitted in
 your letter1  and answer them1 in the  
order in which they are proposed4 ,you  
ask1--    #a4 ,how many societies1      
affiliated with that of which you are   
corresponding secretary1 are there in   
the ,united ,states8 ,and how many      
members belong to them ,,in ,,the       
,,aggregate8    ,,answer4--,our         
anniversary is held on the ,tuesday     
immediately preceding  the second       
,thursday in ,may4 ,returns of societies
 are made only a short  time before4 ,in
 ,may1 #ahce1 there were #bbe           
auxiliaries reported4 ,in ,may1  #ahcf1 
#ebg4 ,in ,may1 #ahcg1 #ajjf4 ,returns  
for the anniversary in ,may next  have  
not come in yet4 ,it may1 however1 be   
safely said1 that the  increase1 since  
last ,may1 is not less than #djj4;,a ,of

 late1 the  multiplication of societies 
has not kept pace with the progress of  
our  principles4 ,where these are well  
received1 our agents are not so careful 
to organize societies as in former      
times1 when our numbers were few2       
societies1 now1 being not deemed so     
necessary for the advancement of  our   
cause4 ,the auxiliaries average not less
 than #hj members each2 making  an      
aggregate of #aab1dhj4 ,others estimate 
the auxiliaries at #aejj1 and  the      
average of members at #ajj4 ,i give you1
 what ,i believe to be the  lowest      
numbers4    ,footnote ,a3 ,the number   
reported for ,may was three hundred and 
forty1  making1 in the aggregate1       
#acdf4--,report for ,may1 #ahch4    #b4 
,are there any other societies similar  
to yours1 and not affiliated  with it in
 the ,united ,states8 ,and how many1 and
 what is the aggregate of  their        
members8    ,,answer4--,several         
societies have been formed in the       
,methodist connection  within the last  

two years1--although most of the        
,methodists who are  abolitionists1 are 
members of societies auxiliary to the   
,american4 ,these  societies have been  
originated by ,ministers1 and others of 
weight and  influence1 who think that   
their brethren can be more easily       
persuaded1  as a religious body1 to aid 
in the anti-slavery movement by this    
twofold  action4 ,none of the large     
religious denominations bid fairer soon 
to be  on the side of emancipation than 
the ,methodist4 ,of the number of the   
,methodist societies that are not       
auxiliary1 ,i am not informed4--,the    
,,illinois ,,society comes under the    
same class4 ,the ,,rev4 ,,elijah ,p4    
,,lovejoy1  the corresponding secretary1
 was slain by a mob1 a few days after   
its  organization4 ,it has not held a   
meeting since2 and ,i have no data for  
stating the number of its members4 ,it  
is supposed not to be  large4--,neither 
is the ,,delaware ,,society1 organized1 
a few weeks ago1 at  ,wilmington1       

auxiliary to the ,american4 ,i have no  
information as to its  numbers4--,the   
,,manumission ,,society in this city1   
formed in #aghe1 with  ,,john ,,jay its 
first1 and ,,alexander ,,hamilton its   
second president1 might1  from its name1
 be supposed to be affiliated with the  
,american4  ,originally1 its object1 so 
far as regarded the slaves1 and those   
illegally held in bondage in this state1
 was1 in a great measure1  similar4     
,slavery being extinguished in          
,new-,york in #ahbg1 as a state  system1
 the efforts of the ,manumission        
,society are limited now to the  rescue1
 from kidnappers and others1 of such    
persons as are really free  by the laws1
 but who have been reduced to slavery4  
,of the old ,abolition  societies1      
organized in the time1 and under the    
influence of ,franklin  and ,rush and   
,jay1 and the most active of their      
coadjutors1 but few  remain4 ,their     
declension may be ascribed to this      
defect1--they did not  inflexibly ask   

for immediate emancipation4--,the       
,,pennsylvania ,,abolition  ,,society1  
formed in #aghi1 with ,,dr4 ,,franklin1 
president1 and ,,dr4 ,,rush1  secretary1
 is still in existence--but unconnected 
with the ,american  ,society4 ,some of  
the most active and benevolent members  
of both the  associations last named1   
are members of the ,american ,society4  
,besides  the societies already         
mentioned1 there may be in the country a
 few  others of anti-slavery name2 but  
they are of small note and efficiency1  
and are unconnected with this4    #c4   
,have you affiliation1 intercourse1 or  
connection with any similar  societies  
out of the ,united ,states1 and in what 
countries8    ,,answer4--,a few         
societies have spontaneously sprung up  
in ,canada4 ,two  have declared         
themselves auxiliary to the ,american4  
,we have an agent--a  native of the     
,united ,states--in ,upper ,canada2 not 
with a view to the  organization of     
societies1 but to the moral and         

intellectual elevation  of the ,ten     
thousand colored people there2 most of  
whom have escaped from  slavery in this 
,republic1 to enjoy freedom under the   
protection of a  ,monarchy4 ,in ,great  
,britain there are numerous             
,anti-slavery ,societies1  whose        
particular object1 of late1 has been1 to
 bring about the abolition  of the      
,apprentice-system1 as established by   
the emancipation act in her             
slaveholding colonies4 ,in ,england1    
there is a society whose professed      
object is1 to abolish slavery throughout
 the world4 ,of the existence  of the   
,british societies1 you are1 doubtless1 
fully aware2 as also of  the fact1 that1
 in ,britain1 the great mass of the     
people are opposed to  slavery as it    
existed1 a little while ago1 in their   
own colonies1 and as  it exists now in  
the ,united ,states4--,in ,france1 the  
,,french ,,society ,,for  ,,the         
,,abolition ,,of ,,slavery was founded  
in #ahcd4 ,i shall have the pleasure  of

 transmitting to you two pamphlets1     
containing an account of some of  its   
proceedings2 from which you will learn1 
that1 the ,,duc ,,de ,,broglie is  its  
presiding officer1 and many of the most 
distinguished and  influential of the   
public men of that country are          
members4--,in ,hayti1  also1 ,the       
,,haytian ,,abolition ,,society was     
formed in ,may1 #ahcf4    ,these are all
 the foreign societies of which ,i have 
knowledge4 ,they are  connected with the
 ,american by no formal affiliation4    
,the only  intercourse between them and 
it1 is1 that which springs up           
spontaneously  among those of every land
 who sympathize with ,humanity in her   
conflicts  with ,slavery4    #d4 ,do    
your or similar societies exist in the  
,colleges and other  ,literary          
institutions of the non-slaveholding    
states1 and to  what extent8            
,,answer4--,strenuous efforts have been 
made1 and they are still being  made1 by
 those who have the direction of most of

 the literary and  theological          
institutions in the free states1 to bar 
out our principles  and doctrines1 and  
prevent the formation of societies among
 the  students4 ,to this course they    
have been prompted by various1 and      
possibly1 in their view1 good motives4  
,one of them1 ,i think it not           
uncharitable to say1 is1 to conciliate  
the wealthy of the south1 that  they may
 send their sons to the north1 to swell 
the college catalogues4  ,neither do ,i 
think it uncharitable to say1 that in   
this we have a  manifestation of that   
,aristocratic pride1 which1 feeling     
itself honored  by having entrusted to  
its charge the sons of distant1 opulent1
 and  distinguished planters1 fails not 
to dull everything like sympathy for    
those whose unpaid toil supplies the    
means so lavishly expended in  educating
 southern youth at northern colleges4   
,these efforts at  suppression or       
restraint1 on the part of ,faculties and
 ,boards of  ,trustees1 have heretofore 

succeeded to a considerable extent4     
,anti-,slavery ,societies1              
notwithstanding1 have been formed in a  
few of  our most distinguished colleges 
and theological seminaries4 ,public     
opinion is beginning to call for a      
relaxation of restraints and            
impositions2 they are yielding to its   
demands2 and now1 for the most  part1   
sympathy for the slave may be manifested
 by our generous college  youth1 in the 
institution of ,anti-,slavery           
,societies1 without any  downright      
prohibition by their more politic       
teachers4 ,college societies  will      
probably increase more rapidly          
hereafter2 as1 in addition to the       
removal or relaxation of former         
restraints1 just referred to1 the murder
  of ,mr4 ,lovejoy1 the assaults on the 
,freedom of speech and of the press1    
the prostration of the ,right of        
petition in ,congress1 c1 c1 all        
believed to have been perpetrated to    
secure slavery from the scrutiny  that  

the intelligent world is demanding1 have
 greatly augmented the  number of       
college abolitionists4 ,they are1 for   
the most part1 the  diligent1 the       
intellectual1 the religious of the      
students4 ,united in  societies1 their  
influence is generally extensively felt 
in the  surrounding region2 dispersed1  
it seems scarcely less effective4 ,an   
instance of the latter deserves         
particular notice4    ,the ,trustees and
 ,faculty of one of our theological and 
literary  institutions united for the   
suppression of anti-slavery action among
 the  students4 ,the latter refused to  
cease pleading for the slave1 as he     
could not plead for himself4 ,they left 
the institution2 were  providentially   
dispersed over various parts of the     
country1 and made  useful1 in a         
remarkable manner1 in advancing the     
cause of humanity and  liberty4 ,one of 
these dismissed students1 the son of a  
slaveholder1  brought up in the midst of
 slavery1 and well acquainted with its  

peculiarities1 succeeded in persuading a
 pious father to emancipate his         
fourteen slaves4 ,after lecturing a long
 time with signal success--having       
contracted a disease of the throat1     
which prevented him from further        
prosecuting his labors in this way--he  
visited the ,west ,indies1 eighteen     
months ago1 in company with another     
gentleman of the most ample             
qualifications1 to note the operation of
 the ,british emancipation act4         
,together1 they collected a mass of     
facts--now in a course of               
publication--that will astonish1 as it  
ought to delight1 the whole  south2 for 
it shows1 conclusively1 that ,,immediate
 emancipation is the  best1 the safest1 
the most profitable1 as it is the most  
just and  honorable1 of all             
emancipations4,a    ,footnote ,a3 ,see  
,appendix1 ,a4    ,another of these     
dismissed students is one of the        
secretaries of this  society4 ,he has1  
for a long time1 discharged its arduous 

and responsible  duties with singular   
ability4 ,to his qualifications as      
secretary1 he  adds those of an able and
 successful lecturer4 ,he was heard1    
several  times1 before the joint        
committee of the ,legislature of        
,massachusetts1 a  year ago1 prior to   
the report of that committee1 and to the
 adoption1 by  the ,senate and ,house of
 ,representatives1 of their memorable   
resolutions  in favor of the ,power of  
,congress to abolish slavery in the     
,district of  ,columbia1 and of the     
,right of petition4    #e4 ,what do you 
estimate the number of those who        
co-operate in the  matter at8 ,what     
proportion do they bear in the          
population of the  northern states1 and 
what in the middle non-slaveholding     
states8 ,are  they increasing1 and at   
what rate8    ,,answer4--,those who     
stand ready to join our societies on the
 first  suitable occasion1 may be set   
down as equal in number to those who are
  now actually members4 ,those who are  

ready fully to co-operate with  us in   
supporting the freedom of speech and the
 press1 the right of  petition1 c1 may  
be estimated at double1 if not treble1  
the joint  numbers of those who already 
are members1 and those who are ready to 
become members4 ,the ,recording         
secretary of the ,,massachusetts        
,,society  stated1 a few weeks ago1 that
 the abolitionists in the various minor 
societies in that state were one in     
thirty of the whole population4 ,the    
proportion of abolitionists to the whole
 population is greater in               
,massachusetts than in any other of the 
free states1 except  ,,vermont1--where  
the spirit of liberty has almost        
entirely escaped the  corruptions which 
slavery has infused into it in most of  
her sister  states1 by means of         
commercial and other intercourse with   
them4    ,in ,,maine1 not much of       
systematic effort has1 as yet1 been put 
forth to  enlighten her population as to
 our principles and proceedings4 ,i     

attended the anniversary of the ,state  
,society on the #cast of ,january1 at   
,augusta1 the seat of government4 ,the  
,ministers of the large religious       
denominations were beginning1 as ,i was 
told1 to unite with us--and             
,politicians1 to descry the ultimate    
prevalence of our principles4 ,the      
impression ,i received was1 that much   
could1 and that much would1  speedily be
 done4    ,in ,,new ,,hampshire1 more   
labor has been expended1 and a greater  
effect  produced4 ,public functionaries1
 who have been pleased to speak in      
contemptuous terms of the progress of   
abolitionism1 both in ,maine and  ,new  
,hampshire1 will1 it is thought1 soon be
 made to see1 through a  medium not at  
all deceptive1 the grossness of their   
error4    ,in ,,rhode ,,island1 our     
principles are fast pervading the great 
body of the  people4 ,this1 it is       
thought1 is the only one of the free    
states1 in  which the subject of        
abolition has been fully introduced1    

which has not  been disgraced by a mob1 
triumphant1 for the time being1 over the
 right  of the people to discuss any1   
and every1 matter in which they feel    
interested4 ,a short time previous to   
the last election of members of         
,congress1 questions1 embodying our     
views as to certain political  measures 
were propounded to the several          
candidates4 ,respectful answers  and1 in
 the main1 conformable with our views1  
were returned4 ,i shall  transmit you a 
newspaper containing both the questions 
and the  answers4,a    ,footnote ,a3    
,since the above was written1 at the    
last election in this  state for        
governor and lieutenant governor1 the   
abolitionists  interrogated the         
gentlemen who stood candidates for these
 offices4 ,two  of them answered        
respectfully1 and conformably to the    
views of the  abolitionists4 ,their     
opponents neglected to answer at all4   
,the first  were elected4--,see         
,appendix1 ,b4    ,in ,,connecticut1    

there has not been1 as yet1 a great     
expenditure of  abolition effort4       
,although the moral tone of this state1 
so far as  slavery is concerned1 has    
been a good deal weakened by the        
influence of  her multiform connexions  
with the south1 yet the energies that   
have been  put forth to reanimate her   
ancient and lofty feelings1 so far from 
proving fruitless1 have been followed by
 the most encouraging results4          
,evidence of this is found in the       
faithful administration of the laws by  
judges and juries4 ,in ,may last1 a     
slave1 who had been brought from        
,georgia to ,hartford1 successfully     
asserted her freedom under the laws of  
,connecticut4 ,the cause was elaborately
 argued before the ,supreme court4  ,the
 most eminent counsel were employed on  
both sides4 ,and it is but a  few days1 
since two anti-abolition rioters 7the   
only ones on trial7 were  convicted     
before the ,superior court in ,new      
,haven1 and sentenced to pay a  fine of 

twenty dollars each1 and to be          
imprisoned six months1 the  longest term
 authorized by the law4 ,a convention1  
for the organization  of a ,state       
,society1 was held in the city of       
,hartford on the last day of  ,february4
 ,it was continued three days4 ,the call
 for it 7which ,i send  you7 was signed 
by nearly ,,eighteen ,,hundred of the   
citizens of that  state4 ,,seventeen    
,,hundred1 as ,i was informed1 are legal
 voters4 ,the  proceedings of the       
convention were of the most harmonious  
and animating  character4,b    ,footnote
 ,b3 ,see ,appendix1 ,c4    ,in ,,new   
,,york1 our cause is evidently          
advancing4 ,the state is rapidly  coming
 up to the high ground of principle1 so 
far as universal liberty  is concerned1 
on which the abolitionists would place  
her4 ,several large  ,anti-,slavery     
conventions have lately been held in the
 western counties4  ,their reports are  
of the most encouraging character4 ,nor 
is the change  more remarkable in the   

state than in this city4 ,less than five
 years  ago1 a few of the citizens      
advertised a meeting1 to be held in     
,clinton  ,hall1 to form a ,city        
,anti-,slavery ,society4 ,a mob         
prevented their  assembling at the place
 appointed4 ,they repaired1 privately1  
to one of  the churches4 ,to this they  
were pursued by the mob1 and routed from
 it1  though not before they had        
completed1 in a hasty manner1 the form  
of  organization4 ,in the summer of     
#ahcd1 some of the leading political and
  commercial journals of the city were  
enabled to stir up the mob against  the 
persons and property of the             
abolitionists1 and several of the most  
prominent were compelled to leave the   
city for safety2 their houses were      
attacked1 broken into1 and1 in one      
instance1 the furniture publicly  burnt 
in the street4 ,now1 things are much    
changed4 ,many of the  merchants and    
mechanics are favorable to our cause2   
gentlemen of the  bar1 especially the   

younger and more growing ones1 are      
directing their  attention to it2       
twenty-one of our city ministers are    
professed  abolitionists2 the churches  
are beginning to be more accessible to  
us2  our meetings are held in them      
openly1 attract large numbers1 are      
unmolested2 and the abolitionists       
sometimes hear themselves commended in  
other assemblies1 not only for their    
honest intentions1 but for their        
respectability and intelligence4        
,,new ,,jersey has1 as yet1 no ,state   
,society1 and the number of avowed      
abolitionists is small4 ,in some of the 
most populous and influential  parts of 
the state1 great solicitude exists on   
the subject2 and the call  for lecturers
 is beginning to be earnest1 if not     
importunate4    ,,pennsylvania has      
advanced to our principles just in      
proportion to the  labor that has been  
bestowed1 by means of lectures and      
publications in  enlightening her       
population as to our objects1 and the   

evils and dangers  impending over the   
whole country1 from southern slavery4   
,the act of her  late ,convention1 in   
depriving a large number of their own   
constituents  7the colored people7 of   
the elective franchise1 heretofore      
possessed by  them without any          
allegation of its abuse on their part1  
would seem to  prove an unpropitious    
state of public sentiment4 ,we would    
neither deny1  nor elude1 the force of  
such evidence4 ,but when this measure of
 the  convention is brought out and     
unfolded in its true light--shown to be 
a  party measure to bring succor from   
the south--a mere following in the  wake
 of ,north ,carolina and ,tennessee1 who
 led the way1 in their new              
constitutions1 to this violation of the 
rights of their colored  citizens1 that 
they might the more firmly compact the  
wrongs of the  enslaved--a pernicious1 a
 profitless violation of great          
principles--a  vulgar defiance of the   
advancing spirit of humanity and        

justice--a  relapse into the by-gone    
darkness of a barbarous age--we         
apprehend from  it no serious detriment 
to our cause4    ,,ohio has been well   
advanced4 ,in a short time1 she will be 
found among  the most prominent of the  
states on the right side in the contest 
now  going on between the spirit of     
liberty embodied in the free            
institutions  of the north1 and the     
spirit of slavery pervading the south4  
,her  ,constitution publishes the most  
honorable reprobation of slavery of any 
other in the ,union4 ,in providing for  
its own revision or amendment1 it       
declares1 that no alteration of it shall
 ever take place1 so as to  introduce   
slavery or involuntary servitude into   
the state4 ,her ,supreme  court is      
intelligent and firm4 ,it has lately    
decided1 virtually1 against  the        
constitutionality of an act of the      
,legislature1 made1 in effect1 to  favor
 southern slavery by the persecution of 
the colored people within  her bounds4  

,she has1 already1 abolitionists enough 
to turn the scale in  her elections1 and
 an abundance of excellent material for 
augmenting  the number4    ,in ,,indiana
 but little has been done1 except by the
 diffusion of our  publications4 ,but   
even with these appliances1 several     
auxiliary  societies have been          
organized4,a    ,footnote ,a3 ,the first
 ,legislative movement against the      
annexation of  ,texas to the ,union1 was
 made1 it is believed1 in ,indiana4 ,so 
early as  ,december1 #ahcf1 a joint     
resolution passed its second reading in 
one or  both branches of the            
,legislature4 ,how it was ultimately    
disposed of1 is  not known4    ,in      
,,michigan1 the leaven of abolitionists 
pervades the whole population4  ,the    
cause is well sustained by a high order 
of talent2 and we trust soon  to see the
 influence of it in all her public acts4
    ,in ,,illinois1 the murder of ,mr4  
,lovejoy has multiplied and confirmed   
abolitionists1 and led to the formation 

of many societies1 which1 in all        
probability1 would not have been formed 
so soon1 had not that event  taken      
place4    ,i am not possessed of        
sufficient data for stating1 with       
precision1 what  proportion the         
abolitionists bear in the population of 
the ,northern and  ,middle              
non-slaveholding states respectively4   
,within the last ten months1  ,i have   
travelled extensively in both these     
geographical divisions4 ,i  have had    
whatever advantage this1 assisted by a  
strong interest in the  general cause1  
and abundant conversations with the best
 informed  abolitionists1 could give1   
for making a fair estimate of their     
numbers4  ,in the ,northern states ,i   
should say1 they are one in ten--in ,new
 ,york1  ,new ,jersey1 and              
,pennsylvania1 one in twenty--of the    
whole adult  population4 ,that the      
abolitionists have multiplied1 and that 
they are  still multiplying rapidly1 no 
one acquainted with the smallness of    

their  numbers at their first           
organization a few years ago1 and who   
has kept  his eyes about him since1 need
 ask4 ,that they have not1 thus far1    
been  more successful1 is owing to the  
vastness of the undertaking1 and the    
difficulties with which they have had to
 contend1 from comparatively  limited   
means1 for presenting their measures and
 objects1 with the  proper developments 
and explanations1 to the great mass of  
the popular  mind4 ,the progress of     
their principles1 under the same amount 
of  intelligence in presenting them1 and
 where no peculiar causes of  prejudice 
exist in the minds of the hearers1 is   
generally proportioned  to the degree of
 religious and intellectual worth       
prevailing in the  different sections of
 the country where the subject is       
introduced4 ,i  know no instance1 in    
which any one notoriously profane or    
intemperate1  or licentious1 or of      
openly irreligious practice1 has        
professed1  cordially to have received  

our principles4    #f4 ,what is the     
object your associations aim at8 ,does  
it extend to  abolition of slavery only 
in the ,district of ,columbia1 or in the
 whole  slave country8                  
,,answer4--,this question is fully      
answered in the second ,article of the  
,constitution of the ,american          
,anti-,slavery ,society1 which is in    
these words3--    ,the object of this   
society is the entire abolition of      
slavery in the  ,united ,states4 ,while 
it admits that each state1 in which     
slavery exists1  has1 by the            
,constitution of the ,united ,states1   
the exclusive right to  legislate in    
regard to its abolition in said state1  
it shall aim to  convince all our       
fellow-citizens1 by arguments addressed 
to their  understandings and            
consciences1 that slaveholding is a     
heinous crime in  the sight of ,god1 and
 that the duty1 safety1 and best        
interests of all  concerned require its 
immediate abandonment1 without          

expatriation4 ,the  society will also   
endeavor1 in a constitutional way1 to   
influence  ,congress to put an end to   
the domestic slave-trade1 and to abolish
  slavery in all those portions of our  
common country which come under its     
control1 especially in the ,district of 
,columbia2 and likewise to prevent  the 
extension of it to any state that may   
hereafter be admitted to  the ,union4   
,other objects1 accompanied by a pledge 
of peace1 are stated in the third       
article of the ,constitution1--    ,this
 ,society shall aim to elevate the      
character and condition of the  people  
of color1 by encouraging their          
intellectual1 moral1 and religious      
improvement1 and by removing public     
prejudice1--that thus they may1         
according to their intellectual and     
moral worth1 share an equality with  the
 whites of civil and religious          
privileges2 but this ,society will      
never in any way1 countenance the       
oppressed in vindicating their rights   

by resorting to physical force4    #g4  
,by what means and by what power do you 
propose to carry your views  into       
effect8    ,,answer4--,our means are the
 ,truth1--the ,power under whose        
guidance we  propose to carry our views 
into effect1 is1 the ,almighty4         
,confiding in  these means1 when        
directed by the spirit and wisdom of    
,him1 who has so  made them as to act on
 the hearts of men1 and so constituted  
the hearts  of then as to be affected by
 them1 we expect1 #a4 ,to bring the     
,,church of  this country to repentance 
for the sin of ,,oppression4 ,not only  
the  ,southern portion of it that has   
been the oppressor--but the ,northern1  
that has stood by1 consenting1 for half 
a century1 to the wrong4 #b4 ,to  bring 
our countrymen to see1 that for a nation
 to persist in injustice  is1 but to    
rush on its own ruin2 that to do justice
 is the highest  expediency--to love    
mercy its noblest ornament4 ,in other   
countries1  slavery has sometimes       

yielded to fortuitous circumstances1 or 
been  extinguished by physical force4   
,we strive to win for truth the victory 
over error1 and on the broken fragments 
of slavery to rear for her a  temple1   
that shall reach to the heavens1 and    
toward which all nations  shall worship4
 ,it has been said1 that the            
slaveholders of the ,south will  not    
yield1 nor hearken to the influence of  
the truth on this subject4 ,we  believe 
it not--nor give we entertainment to the
 slander that such an  unworthy defence 
of them implies4 ,we believe them       
men1--that they have  understandings    
that arguments will                     
convince--consciences to which the      
appeals of justice and mercy will not be
 made in vain4 ,if our principles  be   
true--our arguments right--if           
slaveholders be men--and ,god have not  
delivered over our guilty country to the
 retributions of the oppressor1  not    
only of the ,,stranger but of the       
,,native--our success is certain4    #h4

 ,what has been for three years past1   
the annual income of your  societies8   
,and how has it been raised8            
,,answer4--,the annual income of the    
societies at large1 it would be         
impossible to ascertain4 ,the total     
receipts of this society1 for the  year 
ending #ith of ,may1 #ahce--leaving out 
odd numbers--was #aj1jjj2 for  the year 
ending #ith of ,may1 #ahcg1 #be1jjj2 and
 for the year ending #aath  of ,may1    
#ahcf1 #ch1jjj4 ,from the last date1 up 
to this--not quite ten  months--there   
has been paid into the treasury the sum 
of #cf1jjj4;,a  ,these sums are         
independent of what is raised by state  
and auxiliary  societies1 for           
expenditure within their own particular 
bounds1 and for  their own particular   
exigencies4 ,also1 of the sums paid in  
subscriptions  for the support of       
newspapers1 and for the printing 7by    
auxiliaries17 of  periodicals1          
pamphlets1 and essays1 either for sale  
at low prices1 or  for gratuitous       

distribution4 ,the moneys contributed in
 these various  modes would make an     
aggregate greater1 perhaps1 than is paid
 into the  treasury of any one of the   
,benevolent societies of the country4   
,most of  the wealthy contributors of   
former years suffered so severely in the
  money-pressure of this1 that they have
 been unable to contribute much to  our 
funds4 ,this has made it necessary to   
call for aid on the great body  of      
abolitionists--persons1 generally1 in   
moderate circumstances4 ,they  have well
 responded to the call1 considering the 
hardness of the times4  ,to show you the
 extremes that meet at our              
treasury1--,general ,sewall1 of  ,maine1
 a revolutionary officer1 eighty-five   
years old--,william  ,philbrick1 a      
little boy near ,boston1 not four years 
old--and a colored  woman1 who makes her
 subsistence by selling apples in the   
streets in  this city1 lately sent in   
their respective sums to assist in      
promoting  the emancipation of the poor 

slave4    ,footnote ,a3 ,the report for 
,may states the sum received during the 
previous year at #dd1jjj4    ,all       
contributions of whatever kind are      
voluntary4    #i4 ,in what way1 and to  
what purposes do you apply these funds6 
,,answer4--,they are used in sustaining 
the society's office in this  city--in  
paying lecturers and agents of various  
kinds--in upholding the  press--in      
printing books1 pamphlets1 tracts1 c1   
containing expositions  of our          
principles--accounts of our             
progress--refutations of                
objections--and disquisitions on points1
 scriptural1 constitutional1  political1
 legal1 economical1 as they chance to   
arise and become  important4 ,in this   
office three secretaries are employed in
 different  departments of duty2 one    
editor2 one publishing agent1 with an   
assistant1 and two or three young men   
and boys1 for folding1 directing1  and  
despatching papers1 executing errands1  
c4 ,the business of the  society has    

increased so much of late1 as to make it
 necessary1 in order  to ensure the     
proper despatch of it1 to employ        
additional clerks for the  particular   
exigency4 ,last year1 the society had in
 its service about  sixty permanent     
agents4 ,this year1 the number is       
considerably  diminished4 ,the          
deficiency has been more than made up by
 creating a  large number of ,local     
agents--so called1 from the fact1 that  
being  generally ,professional men1     
lawyers or physicians in good practice1 
or  ,ministers with congregations1 they 
are confined1 for the most part1 to     
their respective neighborhoods4 ,some of
 the best minds in our country  are thus
 engaged4 ,their labors have not only   
been eminently successful1  but have    
been rendered at but small charge to the
 society2 they  receiving only their    
travelling expenses1 whilst employed in 
lecturing  and forming societies4 ,in   
the case of a minister1 there is the    
additional expense of supplying his     

pulpit while absent on the business  of 
his agency1 ,however1 in many instances1
 these agents1 being in easy            
circumstances1 make no charge1 even for 
their expenses4    ,in making           
appointments1 the executive committee   
have no regard to party  discrimination4
 ,this will be fully understood1 when it
 is stated1 that  on a late occasion1   
two of our local agents were the        
candidates of their  respective         
political parties for the office of     
,secretary of ,state for  the state of  
,vermont4    ,it ought to be stated     
here1 that two of the most effective    
advocates of  the anti-slavery cause are
 females--the ,misses ,grimk--natives of
 ,south  ,carolina--brought up in the   
midst of the usages of slavery--most    
intelligently acquainted with the merits
 of the system1 and qualified1  in an   
eminent degree1 to communicate their    
views to others in public  addresses4   
,they are not only the advocates of the 
slave at their own  charge1 but they    

actually contribute to the funds of the 
societies4 ,so  successfully have they  
recommended the cause of emancipation to
 the  crowds that attended their        
lectures during the last year1 that they
 were  permitted on three several       
occasions publicly to address the joint 
committee 7on slavery7 of the           
,massachusetts ,legislature1 now in     
session1  on the interesting matters    
that occupy their attention4    #aj4    
,how many printing presses and          
periodical publications have you8       
,,answer4--,we own no press4 ,our       
publications are all printed by         
contract4  ,the ,,emancipator and       
,,human ,,rights are the organs of the  
,executive  ,committee4 ,the first      
7which you have seen17 is a large sheet1
 is  published weekly1 and employs      
almost exclusively the time of the      
gentleman who edits it4 ,human ,rights  
is a monthly sheet of smaller size1  and
 is edited by one of the secretaries4   
,the increasing interest that is  fast  

manifesting itself in the cause of      
emancipation and its kindred  subjects  
will1 in all probability1 before long1  
call for the more  frequent publication 
of one or both of these papers4--,the   
,,anti-,,slavery  ,,magazine1 a         
quarterly1 was commenced in ,october1   
#ahce1 and continued  through two years4
 ,it has been intermitted1 only to make 
the necessary  arrangements for issuing 
it on a more extended scale4--,it is    
proposed to  give it size enough to     
admit the amplest discussions that we or
 our  opponents may desire1 and to give 
them a full share of its room--in  fine1
 to make it1 in form and merit1 what the
 importance of the subject  calls for4  
,i send you a copy of the ,prospectus   
for the new series4--,the               
,,anti-,,slavery ,,record1 published for
 three years as a monthly1 has been     
discontinued as such1 and it will be    
issued hereafter1 only as  occasion may 
require3--,,the ,,slave',s ,,friend1 a  
small monthly tract1 of  neat           

appearance1 intended principally for    
children and young persons1  has been   
issued for several years4 ,it is replete
 with facts relating to  slavery1 and   
with accounts of the hair-breadth       
escapes of slaves from  their masters   
and pursuers that rarely fail to impart 
the most thrilling  interest to its     
little readers4--,besides these1 there  
is the  ,,anti-,,slavery ,,examiner1 in 
which are published1 as the times call  
for  them1 our larger essays partaking  
of a controversial character1 such as   
,smith's reply to the ,rev4 ,mr4        
,smylie--,grimk's letter and ,wythe4 ,by
  turning to page #cb of our ,fourth    
,report 7included in your order for     
books1 c17 you will find1 that in the   
year ending #aath ,may1 the issues  from
 the press were--bound volumes1         
#g1hgg--,tracts and ,pamphlets1         
#dg1bej--;,circulars1 c1                
#d1ajj--,prints1                        
#aj1dij--;,anti-,slavery ,magazine1     
#ijjj--,slave's ,friend1                

#aca1jej--;,human ,rights1              
#ahi1djj--;,emancipator1  #bag1jjj4     
,these are the issues of the ,american  
,anti-,slavery ,society1 from  their    
office in this city4 ,other publications
 of similar character are  issued by    
,state ,societies or individuals--the   
,,liberator1 in ,boston2  ,,herald ,,of 
,,freedom1 in ,concord1 ,n4,h42         
,,zion',s ,,watchman and the ,,colored  
,,american in this city4 ,the latter is 
conducted in the editorial1 and  other  
departments1 by colored citizens4 ,you  
can judge of its character1  by a few   
numbers that ,i send to you4 ,then1     
there is the ,,friend of ,,man1  in     
,utica1 in this state4 ,the ,,national  
,,enquirer1 in ,philadelphia2,a the     
,,christian ,,witness1 in ,pittsburgh2  
the ,,philanthropist1 in                
,cincinnati4--,all these are sustained  
by the friends1 and devoted almost      
exclusively to the cause1 of            
emancipation4 ,many of the ,religious   
journals that do not make emancipation  

their main object have adopted  the     
sentiments of abolitionists1 and aid in 
promoting them4 ,the ,alton  ,observer1 
edited by the late ,mr4 ,lovejoy1 was   
one of these4    ,footnote ,a3 ,the     
,,national ,,enquirer1 edited by        
,benjamin ,lundy1 has been  converted   
into the ,,pennsylvania ,,freeman1      
edited by ,john ,g4 ,whittier4 ,mr4     
,lundy proposes to issue the ,,genius   
,,of ,,universal ,,emancipation1 in     
,illinois4    ,from the data ,i have1 ,i
 set down the newspapers1 as classed    
above1 at  upwards of one hundred4 ,here
 it may also be stated1 that the presses
  which print the abolition journals    
above named1 throw off besides1 a  great
 variety of other anti-slavery matter1  
in the form of books1  pamphlets1 single
 sheets1 c1 c1 and that1 at many of the 
principal  commercial points throughout 
the free states1 ,,depositories are     
established1 at which our publications  
of every sort are kept for sale4  ,a    
large and fast increasing number of the 

,political journals of the  country have
 become1 within the last two years1 if  
not the avowed  supporters of our cause1
 well inclined to it4 ,formerly1 it was 
a common  thing for most of the leading 
party-papers1 especially in the large   
cities1 to speak of the abolitionists in
 terms signally disrespectful  and      
offensive4 ,except in rare instances1   
and these1 it is thought1 only  where   
they are largely subsidized by southern 
patronage1 it is not so  now4 ,the      
desertions that are taking place from   
their ranks will1 in a  short time1     
render their position undesirable for   
any1 who aspire to  gain1 or influence1 
or reputation in the ,north4    #aa4 ,to
 what class of persons do you address   
your publications--and are  they        
addressed to the judgment1 the          
imagination1 or the feelings8           
,,answer4--,they are intended for the   
great mass of intelligent mind1 both  in
 the free and in the slave states4 ,they
 partake1 of course1 of the             

intellectual peculiarities of the       
different authors4 ,jay's ,,inquiry and 
,mrs4 ,child's ,,appeal abound in       
facts--are dispassionate1 ingenious1    
argumentative4 ,the ,,bible ,,against   
,,slavery1 by the most careful and      
laborious research1 has struck from     
slavery the prop1 which careless        
,annotators1 7writing1 unconscious of   
the influence1 the prevailing  system of
 slavery throughout the ,christian world
 exercised on their own  minds17 have   
admitted was furnished for it in the    
,scriptures4 ,wythe by  a pains-taking  
and lucid adjustment of facts in the    
history of the  ,government1 both before
 and after the adoption of the          
,constitution1 and  with a rigor of     
logic1 that cannot1 it is thought1 be   
successfully  encountered1 has put to   
flight forever with unbiased minds1     
every doubt  as to the ,power of        
,congress over the ,district of         
,columbia4    ,there are among the      
abolitionists1 ,poets1 and by the       

acknowledgment of  their opponents1     
poets of no mean name too--who1 as the  
use of poets is1  do address themselves 
often--as ,john ,g4 ,whittier does      
always  --powerfully to the imagination 
and feelings of their readers4    ,our  
publications cannot be classed according
 to any particular style or  quality of 
composition4 ,they may characterized    
generally1 as well suited  to affect the
 public mind--to rouse into healthful   
activity the  conscience of this nation1
 stupified1 torpid1 almost dead1 in     
relation  to ,,human ,,rights1 the high 
theme of which they treat6    ,it has   
often been alleged1 that our writings   
appeal to the worst  passions of the    
slaves1 and that they are placed in     
their hands with a  view to stir them to
 revolt4 ,neither charge has any        
foundation in truth  to rest upon4 ,the 
first finds no support in the tenor of  
the writings  themselves2 the last ought
 forever to be abandoned1 in the absence
 of  any single well authenticated      

instance of their having been conveyed  
by  abolitionists to slaves1 or of their
 having been even found in their        
possession4 ,to instigate the slaves to 
revolt1 as the means of obtaining  their
 liberty1 would prove a lack of wisdom  
and honesty that none would  impute to  
abolitionists1 except such as are       
unacquainted with their  character4     
,revolt would be followed by the sure   
destruction1 not only of  all the slaves
 who might be concerned in it1 but of   
multitudes of the  innocent4 ,moreover1 
the abolitionists1 as a class1 are      
religious--they  favor peace1 and stand 
pledged in their constitution1 before   
the country  and heaven1 to abide in    
peace1 so far as a forcible vindication 
of the  right of the slaves to their    
freedom is concerned4 ,further still1 no
  small number of them deny the right of
 defence1 either to individuals or      
nations1 even when forcibly and         
wrongfully attacked4 ,this disagreement 
among ourselves on this single point--of

 which our adversaries are by no  means 
ignorant1 as they often throw it        
reproachfully in our teeth--would       
forever prevent concert in any scheme   
that looked to instigating servile      
revolt4 ,if there be1 in all our ranks1 
one1 who--personal danger out of  the   
question--would excite the slaves to    
insurrection and massacre1 or  who would
 not be swift to repeat the earliest    
attempt to concoct such an  iniquity--,i
 say1 on my obligations as a man1 he is 
unknown to me4    ,yet it ought not to  
be matter of surprise to abolitionists1 
that the  ,south should consider them   
fanatics1 incendiaries1 cut-throats1    
and call them so too4 ,the ,south has   
had their character reported to them  by
 the ,north1 by those who are their     
neighbors1 who1 it was supposed1  knew1 
and would speak the truth1 and the truth
 only1 concerning them4 ,it  would1 ,i  
apprehend1 be unavailing for            
abolitionists now to enter on any       
formal vindication of their character   

from charges that can be so easily      
repeated after every refutation4 ,false 
and fraudulent as they knew them  to be1
 they must be content to live under them
 till the consummation of  the work of  
,freedom shall prove to the master that 
they have been his  friends1 as well as 
the friends of the slave4 ,the mischief 
of these  charges has fallen on the     
,south--the malice is to be placed to   
the  credit of the ,north4    #ab4 ,do  
you propagate your doctrines by any     
other means than oral and  written      
discussions--for instance1 by prints and
 pictures in  manufactures--say of      
pocket-handkerchiefs1 calicoes1 c8      
,pray1 state the  various modes8        
,,answer4--,two or three years ago1 an  
abolitionist of this city procured  to  
be manufactured1 at his own charge1 a   
small lot of children's                 
pocket-handkerchiefs1 impressed with    
anti-slavery pictures and mottoes4  ,i  
have no recollection of having seen any 
of them but once4 ,none such1 ,i        

believe1 are now to be found1 or ,i     
would send you a sample4 ,if any        
manufactures of the kinds mentioned1 or 
others similar to theta1 are in         
existence1 they have been produced      
independently of the agency of this     
society4 ,it is thought that none such  
exist1 unless the following should  be  
supposed to fall within the terms of the
 inquiry4 ,female  abolitionists often  
unite in sewing societies4 ,they meet   
together1  usually once a week or       
fortnight1 and labor through the        
afternoon1 with  their own hands1 to    
furnish means for advancing the cause of
 the slave4  ,one of the company reads  
passages from the ,bible1 or some       
religious  book1 whilst the others are  
engaged at their work4 ,the articles    
they  prepare1 especially if they be of 
the fancy kind1 are often ornamented    
with handsomely executed emblems1       
underwritten with appropriate mottoes4  
,the picture of a slave kneeling 7such  
as you will see impressed on one  of the

 sheets of this letter7 and supplicating
 in the words1 ,,am ,i ,,not ,a  ,,man  
,,and ,a ,,brother1 is an example4 ,the 
mottoes or sentences are1  however1 most
 generally selected from the            
,scriptures2 either appealing  to human 
sympathy in behalf of human suffering1  
or breathing forth ,god's  tender       
compassion for the oppressed1 or        
proclaiming1 in thunder tones1  his     
avenging justice on the oppressor4 ,a   
few quotations will show their  general 
character3--    ,blessed is he that     
considereth the poor4    ,defend the    
poor and fatherless2 do justice to the  
afflicted and needy4  ,deliver the poor 
and the needy2 rid him out of the hand  
of the wicked4    ,open thy mouth for   
the dumb1 plead the cause of the poor   
and needy4    ,blessed are the merciful1
 for they shall obtain mercy4    ,first1
 be reconciled to thy brother1 and then 
come and offer thy gift4    ,thou shalt 
love thy neighbor as thyself4    ,all   
things whatsoever ye would that men     

should do to you1 do ye even so  to     
them4    ,again3--    ,for he shall     
deliver the needy when he crieth2 the   
poor also1 and him  that hath no helper4
    ,the ,lord looseth the prisoners2   
the ,lord raiseth them that are bowed   
down2 the ,lord preserveth the          
strangers4    ,he hath sent me to heal  
the broken-hearted1 to preach           
deliverance to  the captives1 to set at 
liberty them that are bruised4'    ,for 
the oppression of the poor1 for the     
sighing of the needy1 now will  ,i      
arise1 saith the ,lord2 ,i will set him 
in safety from him that  puffeth at him4
    ,again3--    ,the ,lord executeth   
righteousness and judgment for all that 
are  oppressed4    ,rob not the poor    
because he is poor1 neither oppress the 
afflicted in  the gate2 for the ,lord   
will plead their cause1 and spoil the   
soul of  those that spoiled them4       
,and ,i will come near to you to        
judgment1 and ,i will be a swift witness
  against those that oppress the        

hireling in his wages1 the widow and the
  fatherless1 and that turn aside the   
stranger from his right1 and fear  not  
me1 saith the ,lord of hosts4    ,wo    
unto him that buildeth his house by     
unrighteousness1 and his  chambers by   
wrong2 that useth his neighbor's service
 without wages1 and  giveth him not for 
his work4    ,fairs1 for the sale of    
articles fabricated by the hands of     
female  abolitionists1 and recommended  
by such pictures and sentences as those 
quoted above1 are held in many of our   
cities and large towns4 ,crowds         
frequent them to purchase2 hundreds of  
dollars are thus realized1 to be        
appropriated to the anti-slavery cause2 
and1 from the cheap rate at  which the  
articles are sold1 vast numbers of them 
are scattered far and  wide over the    
country4 ,besides these1 if we except   
various drawings or  pictures on paper1 
7samples of which were put up in the    
packages you  ordered a few days ago17  
such as the ,slave-market in the        

,district of  ,columbia1 with ,members  
of congress attending it--views of      
slavery in the  ,south--a ,lynch court  
in the slave-states--the scourging of   
,mr4 ,dresser  by a vigilance committee 
in the public square of ,nashville--the 
plundering of the post-office in        
,charleston1 ,s4,c41 and the            
conflagration  of part of its contents1 
c1 c1 ,i am apprised of no other means  
of  propagating our doctrines than by   
oral and written discussions4    #ac4   
,are your hopes and expectations of     
success increased or lessened  by the   
events of the last year1 and especially 
by the action of this  ,congress8 ,and  
will your exertions be relaxed or       
increased8    ,,answer4--,the events of 
the last year1 including the action of  
the  present ,congress1 are of the same 
character with the events of the        
eighteen months which immediately       
preceded it4 ,in the question before    
us1 they may be regarded as one series4 
,i would say1 answering your            

interrogatory generally1 that none of   
them1 however unpropitious to the  cause
 of the abolitionists they may appear1  
to those who look at the  subject from  
an opposite point to the one they       
occupy1 seem1 thus far1  in any degree  
to have lessened their hopes and        
expectations4 ,the events  alluded to   
have not come altogether unexpected4    
,they are regarded as the  legitimate   
manifestations of slavery--necessary1   
perhaps1 in the present  dull and       
unapprehensive state of the public mind 
as to human rights1 to  be brought out  
and spread before the people1 before    
they will  sufficiently revolt against  
slavery itself4    #a4 ,they are seen in
 the ,,church1 and in the practice of   
its individual  members4 ,the southern  
portion of the ,american church may now 
be regarded  as having admitted the     
dogma1 that slavery is a ,divine        
institution4  ,she has been forced by   
the anti-slavery discussion into this   
position--either to cease from          

slaveholding1 or formally to adopt the  
only alternative1 that slaveholding is  
right4 ,she has chosen the              
alternative--reluctantly1 to be sure1   
but substantially1 and1 within the  last
 year1 almost unequivocally4 ,in        
defending what was dear to her1 she  has
 been forced to cast away her garments1 
and thus to reveal a  deformity1 of     
which she herself1 before1 was scarcely 
aware1 and the  existence of which      
others did not credit4 ,so much for the 
action of the  southern church as a     
body4--,on the part of her ,,members1   
the revelation  of a time-serving       
spirit1 that not only yielded to the    
ferocity of the  multitude1 but fell in 
with it1 may be reckoned among the      
events of the  last three years4        
,instances of this may be found in the  
attendance of  the clergy of all        
denominations1 at a tumultuous meeting  
of the  citizens of ,charleston1 ,s4,c41
 held in ,august1 #ahce1 for the purpose
 of  reducing to system their unlawful  

surveillance and control of the         
post-office and mail2 and in the        
alacrity with which they obeyed the     
popular call to dissolve the            
,sunday-schools for the instruction of  
the  colored people4 ,also in the fact1 
that1 throughout the whole ,south1      
church members are not only found on the
 ,vigilance ,committees1  7tribunals    
organized in opposition to the laws of  
the states where they  exist17 but      
uniting with the merciless and the      
profligate in passing  sentence         
consigning to infamous and excruciating1
 if not extreme  punishment1 persons1 by
 their own acknowledgment1 innocent of  
any  unlawful act4 ,out of sixty persons
 that composed the vigilance committee  
which condemned ,mr4 ,dresser to be     
scourged in the public square of        
,nashville1 ,,twenty-,,seven were       
members of churches1 and one of them a  
professed ,teachers of ,christianity4 ,a
 member of the committee stated         
afterward1 in a newspaper of which he   

was the editor1 that ,mr4 ,d4 had  not  
laid himself liable to any punishment   
known to the laws4 ,another  instance is
 to be found in the conduct of the ,rev4
 ,wm4 ,s4 ,plumer1 of  ,virginia4       
,having been absent from ,richmond1 when
 the ministers of the  gospel assembled 
together formally to testify their      
abhorrence of the  abolitionists1 he    
addressed the chairman of the committee 
of  correspondence a note1 in which he  
uses this language3--,if  abolitionists 
will set the country in a blaze1 it is  
but fair that they  should have the     
first warming at the fire4--,let them   
understand1 that  they will be caught1  
if they come among us1 and they will    
take good heed  to keep out of our way4 
,mr4 ,p4 has no doubtful standing in the
  ,presbyterian church with which he is 
connected4 ,he has been regarded as  one
 of its brightest ornaments4,a ,to drive
 the slaveholding church and  its       
members from the equivocal1 the neutral 
position1 from which they  had so long  

successfully defended slavery--to compel
 them to elevate  their practice to an  
even height with their avowed           
principles1 or to  degrade their        
principles to the level of their known  
practice1 was a  preliminary1 necessary 
in the view of abolitionists1 either for
 bringing  that part of the church into 
the common action against slavery1 or as
 a  ground for treating it as           
confederate with oppressors4 ,so far1   
then1 as  the action of the church1 or  
of its individual members1 is to be     
reckoned among the events of the last   
two or three years1 the  abolitionists  
find in it nothing to lessen their hopes
 or expectations4    ,footnote ,a3 ,in  
the division of the ,general ,assembly  
of the ,presbyterian  church1 that has  
just taken place1 ,mr4 ,plumer has been 
elected ,moderator  of the ,old ,school 
portion4    #b4 ,the abolitionists      
believed1 from the beginning1 that the  
slaves of  the ,south were 7as slaves   
are everywhere7 unhappy1 because of     

their  condition4 ,their adversaries    
denied it1 averring that1 as a class1   
they  were contented and happy4 ,the    
abolitionists thought that the argument 
against slavery could be made good1 so  
far as this point was concerned1  by    
either admitting or denying the         
assertion4    ,admitting it1 they       
insisted1 that1 nothing could           
demonstrate the  turpitude of any system
 more surely than the fact1 that        
,,man--made in the  image of ,god--but a
 little lower than the angels--crowned  
with glory and  honor1 and set over the 
works of ,god's hands--his mind sweeping
 in an  instant from planet to planet1  
from the sun of one system to the sun of
  another1 even to the great centre sun 
of them all--contemplating the          
machinery of the universe wheeling      
unshaken in the awful and  mysterious   
grandeur of its movements through the   
void immense--with a  spirit delighting 
in upward aspiration--bounding from     
earth to  heaven--that seats itself fast

 by the throne of ,god1 to drink in the 
instructions of ,infinite ,wisdom1 or   
flies to execute the commands of        
,infinite ,goodness2--that such a being 
could be made contented and  happy with 
enough to eat1 and drink1 and wear1 and 
shelter from the  weather--with the base
 provision that satisfies the brutes1 is
 7say the  abolitionists7 enough to     
render superfluous all other arguments  
for the  instant abandonment of a system
 whose appropriate work is such         
infinite wrong4    ,denying that the    
slaves are contented and happy1 the     
abolitionists  have argued1 that1 from  
the structure of his moral nature--the  
laws of  his mind--man cannot be happy  
in the fact1 that he is enslaved4 ,true1
  he may be happy in slavery1 but it is 
not slavery that makes him so--it  is   
virtue and faith1 elevating him above   
the afflictions of his lot4 ,the  slave 
has a will1 leading him to seek those   
things which the ,author of  his nature 
has made conducive to its happiness4 ,in

 these things1 the  will of the master  
comes in collision with his will4 ,the  
slave desires  to receive the rewards of
 his own labor2 the power of the master 
wrests  them from him4 ,the slave       
desires to possess his wife1 to whom    
,god has  joined him1 in affection1 to  
have the superintendence1 and enjoy the 
services1 of the children whom ,god has 
confided to him as a parent to  train   
them1 by the habits of the filial       
relation1 for the yet higher  relation  
that they may sustain to him as their   
heavenly ,father4 ,but here  he is met  
by the opposing will of the master1     
pressing his claims with  irresistible  
power4 ,the ties that heaven has        
sanctioned and blessed--of  husband and 
wife1 of parent and child--are all      
sundered in a moment by  the master1 at 
the prompting of avarice or luxury or   
lust2 and there is  none that can stay  
his ruthless hand1 or say unto him1     
,what doest  thou8 ,the slave thirsts   
for the pleasures of refined and        

elevated  intellect--the master denies  
to him the humblest literary            
acquisition4  ,the slave pants to know  
something of that still higher nature   
that he  feels burning within him--of   
his present state1 his future destiny1  
of  the ,being who made him1 to whose   
judgment-seat he is going4 ,the master's
  interests cry1 ,no6 ,such knowledge is
 too wonderful for you2 it is  high1 you
 cannot attain unto it4 ,to predicate   
happiness of a class of  beings1 placed 
in circumstances where their will is    
everlastingly  defeated by an           
irresistible power--the abolitionists   
say1 is to prove  them destitute of the 
sympathies of our nature--not human4 ,it
 is to  declare with the ,atheist1 that 
man is independent of the goodness of   
his  ,creator for his enjoyments--that  
human happiness calls not for any of    
the appliances of his bounty--that      
,god's throne is a nullity1 himself a   
superfluity4    ,but1 independently of  
any abstract reasoning drawn from the   

nature of  moral and intelligent beings1
 ,,facts have been elicited in the      
discussion  of the point before us1     
proving slavery everywhere 7especially  
,southern  slavery1 maintained by       
enlightened ,protestants of the         
nineteenth  century7 replete with       
torments and horrors--the direst form of
  oppression that upheaves itself before
 the sun4 ,these facts have been so     
successfully impressed on a large       
portion of the intelligent mind of the  
country1 that the slaves of the ,south  
are beginning to be considered as  those
 whom ,god emphatically regards as the  
poor1 the needy1 the  afflicted1 the    
oppressed1 the bowed down2 and for whose
  consolation he has said1 ,now will ,i 
arise--,i will set him in safety  from  
him that puffeth at him4    ,this state 
of the public mind has been brought     
about within the last two  or three     
years2 and it is an event which1 so far 
from lessening1 greatly  animates1 the  
hopes and expectations of abolitionists4

    #c4 ,the abolitionists believed from
 the first1 that the tendency of        
slavery is to produce1 on the part of   
the whites1 looseness of morals1        
disdain of the wholesome restraints of  
law1 and a ferocity of temper1  found1  
only in solitary instances1 in those    
countries where slavery is  unknown4    
,they were not ignorant of the fact1    
that this was disputed2 nor  that the   
,,chivalry ,,of ,,the ,,south had become
 a cant phrase1 including1  all that is 
high-minded and honorable among men2    
nor1 that it had been  formally asserted
 in our ,national legislature1 that     
slavery1 as it  exists in the ,south1   
produces the highest toned1 the purest1 
best  organization of society that has  
ever existed on the face of the earth4  
,nor were the abolitionists unaware1    
that these pretensions1 proving         
anything else but their own solidity1   
had been echoed and re-echoed so  long  
by the unthinking and the interested of 
the ,north1 that the  character of the  

,south had been injuriously affected by 
them--till she  began boldly to         
attribute her peculiar superiority to   
her peculiar  institution1 and thus to  
strengthen it4 ,all this the            
abolitionists saw  and knew4 ,but few   
others saw and understood it as they    
did4 ,the  revelations of the last three
 years are fast dissipating the old     
notion1  and bringing multitudes in the 
,north to see the subject as the        
abolitionists see it4 ,when ,southern   
,chivalry and the purity of  southern   
society are spoken of now1 it is at once
 replied1 that a large  number of the   
slaves show1 by their color1 their      
indisputable claim to  white paternity2 
and that1 notwithstanding their near    
consanguineous  relation to the whites1 
they are still held and treated1 in all 
respects1 as slaves4 ,nor is it         
forgotten now1 when the claims of the   
,south to hospitality are pressed1 to   
object1 because they are grounded  on   
the unpaid wages of the laborer--on the 

robbery of the poor4 ,when  ,southern   
generosity is mentioned1 the old adage1 
be just before you  are generous1       
furnishes the reply4 ,it is no proof of 
generosity 7say  the objectors7 to take 
the bread of the laborer1 to lavish it  
in  banquetings on the rich4 ,when      
,southern ,chivalry is the theme of its 
admirers1 the hard-handed1 but          
intelligent1 working man of the ,north  
asks1 if the espionage of southern      
hotels1 and of ships and steamboats  on 
their arrival at southern ports2 if the 
prowl1 by day and by night1  for the    
solitary stranger suspected of          
sympathizing with the enslaved1  that he
 may be delivered over to the mercies of
 a vigilance committee1  furnishes the  
proof of its existence2 if the unlawful 
importation of  slaves from ,africa,a   
furnishes the proof2 if the abuse1 the  
scourging1  the hanging on suspicion1   
without law1 of friendless strangers1   
furnish  the proof2 if the summary      
execution of slaves and of colored      

freemen1  almost by the score1 without  
legal trial1 furnishes the proof2 if the
  cruelties and tortures to which       
citizens have been exposed1 and the     
burning to death of slaves by slow      
fires1,b furnish the proof4 ,all  these 
things1 says he1 furnish any thing but  
proof of true  hospitality1 or          
generosity1 or gallantry1 or purity1 or 
chivalry4    ,footnote ,a3 ,mr4 ,mercer1
 of ,virginia1 some years ago1 asserted 
in  ,congress1 that ,,cargoes of        
,african slaves were smuggled into the  
southern states to a deplorable extent4 
,mr4 ,middleton1 of ,south  ,carolina1  
declared it to be his belief1 that      
,,thirteen ,,thousand ,africans  were   
annually smuggled into the southern     
states4 ,mr4 ,wright1 of  ,maryland1    
estimated the number at ,,fifteen       
,,thousand4 ,miss ,martineau was  told  
in #ahce1 by a wealthy slaveholder of   
,louisiana1 7who probably spoke  of that
 state alone17 that the annual          
importation of native ,africans was     

from ,,thirteen ,,thousand to ,,fifteen 
,,thousand4 ,the ,president of the      
,united  ,states1 in his last ,annual   
,message1 speaking of the ,navy1 says1  
,the  large force under ,commodore      
,dallas on the ,west ,india station has 
been  most actively and efficiently     
employed in protecting our commerce1    
,,in  ,,preventing ,,the ,,importation  
,,of ,,slaves1 c4    ,footnote ,b3      
,within the last few years1 four slaves1
 and one citizen of  color1 have been   
put to death in this manner1 in         
,alabama1 ,mississippi1  ,missouri1 and 
,arkansas4    ,certain it is1 that the  
time when southern slavery derived      
countenance  at the ,north1 from its    
supposed connection with chivalry1 is   
rapidly  passing away4 ,southern        
,chivalry will soon be regarded as one  
of the  by-gone fooleries of a less     
intelligent and less virtuous age4 ,it  
will  soon be cast out--giving place to 
the more reasonable idea1 that the      
denial of wages to the laborer1 the     

selling of men and women1 the  whipping 
of husbands and wives in each others    
presence1 to compel them  to unrequited 
toil1 the deliberate attempt to         
extinguish mind1 and1  consequently1 to 
destroy the soul--is among the highest  
offences against  ,god and              
man--unspeakably mean and ungentlemanly4
    ,the impression made on the minds of
 the people as to this matter1 is one   
of the events of the last two or three  
years that does not contribute to       
lessen the hopes or expectations of     
abolitionists4    #d4 ,the ascendency   
that ,slavery has acquired1 and         
exercises1 in the  administration of the
 government1 and the apprehension now   
prevailing  among the sober and         
intelligent1 irrespective of party1 that
 it will  soon overmaster the           
,constitution itself1 may be ranked     
among the events  of the last two or    
three years that affect the course of   
abolitionists4  ,the abolitionists      
regard the ,constitution with unabated  

affection4 ,they  hold in no common     
veneration the memory of those who made 
it4 ,they would  be the last to brand   
,franklin and ,king and ,morris and     
,wilson and ,sherman  and ,hamilton with
 the ineffaceable infamy of attempting  
to ingraft on  the ,constitution1 and   
therefore to perpetuate1 a system of    
oppression  in absolute antagonism to   
its high and professed objects1 one     
which  their own practice               
condemned1--and this1 too1 when they had
 scarcely  wiped away the dust and sweat
 of the ,revolution from their brows6   
,whilst  abolitionists feel and speak   
thus of our ,constitutional fathers1    
they do  not justify the dereliction of 
principle into which they were betrayed1
  when they imparted to the work of     
their hands any power to contribute  to 
the continuance of such a system4 ,they 
can only palliate it1 by  supposing1    
that they thought1 slavery was already a
 waning institution1  destined soon to  
pass away4 ,in their time1 7#aghg7      

slaves were  comparatively of little    
value--there being then no great        
slave-labor  staple 7as cotton is now7  
to make them profitable to their        
holders4,a  ,had the circumstances of   
the country remained as they then were1 
slave-labor1 always and every where the 
most expensive--would have  disappeared 
before the competition of free labour4  
,they had seen1 too1  the principle of  
universal liberty1 on which the         
,revolution was  justified1 recognised  
and embodied in most of the ,state      
,constitutions2  they had seen slavery  
utterly forbidden in that of ,vermont   
--instantaneously abolished in that of  
,massachusetts--and laws  enacted in the
 ,new-,england ,states and in           
,pennsylvania1 for its gradual          
abolition4 ,well might they have        
anticipated1 that ,justice and          
,humanity1  now starting forth with     
fresh vigor1 would1 in their march1     
sweep away  the whole system2 more      
especially1 as freedom of speech and of 

the  press--the legitimate abolisher not
 only of the acknowledged vice of       
slavery1 but of every other that time   
should reveal in our institutions  or   
practices--had been fully secured to the
 people4 ,again2 power was  conferred on
 ,congress to put a stop to the ,african
 slave-trade1 without  which it was     
thought1 at that time1 to be impossible 
to maintain  slavery1 as a system1 on   
this continent1--so great was the havoc 
it  committed on human life4 ,authority 
was also granted to ,congress to        
prevent the transfer of slaves1 as      
articles of commerce1 from one ,state   
to another2 and the introduction of     
slavery into the territories4 ,all  this
 was crowned by the power of refusing   
admission into the ,union1 to  any new  
state1 whose form of government was     
repugnant to the principles  of liberty 
set forth in that of the ,united        
,states4 ,the faithful  execution1 by   
,congress1 of these powers1 it was      
reasonably enough  supposed1 would1 at  

least1 prevent the growth of slavery1 if
 it did not  entirely remove it4        
,congress did1 at the set time1 execute 
one of  them--deemed1 then1 the most    
effectual of the whole2 but1 as it has  
turned out1 the least so4    ,footnote  
,a3 ,the cultivation of cotton was      
almost unknown in the ,united  ,states  
before #aghg4 ,it was not till two years
 afterward that it began to  be raised  
or exported4 7,see ,report of the       
,secretary of the ,treasury1  ,feb4 #bi1
 #ahcf47--,see ,appendix1 ,d4    ,the   
effect of the interdiction of the       
,african slave-trade was1 not to        
diminish the trade itself1 or greatly to
 mitigate its horrors2 it only  changed 
its name from ,african to               
,american--transferred the seat of      
commerce from ,africa to ,america--its  
profits from ,african princes to        
,american farmers4 ,indeed1 it is almost
 certain1 if the ,african  slave-trade  
had been left unrestrained1 that slavery
 would not have  covered so large a     

portion of our country as it does now4  
,the cheap rate  at which slaves might  
have been imported by the planters of   
the south1  would have prevented the    
rearing of them for sale1 by the farmers
 of  ,maryland1 ,virginia1 and the other
 slave-selling states4 ,if these states 
could be restrained from the commerce in
 slaves1 slavery could not be  supported
 by them for any length of time1 or to  
any considerable extent4  ,they could   
not maintain it1 as an economical       
system1 under the  competition of free  
labor4 ,it is owing to the non-user by  
,congress1 or  rather to their          
unfaithful application of their power to
 the other  points1 on which it was     
expected to act for the limitation or   
extermination of slavery1 that the hopes
 of our fathers have not been  realized2
 and that slavery has1 at length1 become
 so audacious1 as  openly to challenge  
the principles of #aggf--to trample on  
the most  precious rights secured to the
 citizen--to menace the integrity of the

  ,union and the very existence of the  
government itself4    ,slavery has      
advanced to its present position by     
steps that were1 at  first1 gradual1    
and1 for a long time1 almost unnoticed2 
afterward1 it  made its way by          
intimidating or corrupting those who    
ought to have been  forward to resist   
its pretensions4 ,up to the time of the 
,missouri  ,compromise1 by which the    
nation was wheedled out of its honor1   
slavery  was looked on as an evil that  
was finally to yield to the expanding   
and  ripening influences of our         
,constitutional principles and          
regulations4  ,why it has not yielded1  
we may easily see1 by even a slight     
glance at  some of the incidents in our 
history4    ,it has already been said1  
that we have been brought into our      
present  condition by the unfaithfulness
 of ,congress1 in not exerting the power
  vested in it1 to stop the domestic    
slave-trade1 and in the abuse of  the   
power of admitting new states into the  

,union4 ,kentucky made  application in  
#agib1 with a slave-holding             
,constitution in her  hand4--,with what 
a mere technicality ,congress suffered  
itself to be  drugged into torpor3--,she
 was part of one of the ,original       
,states--and  therefore entitled to all 
their privileges4    ,one precedent     
established1 it was easy to make        
another4 ,tennessee was  admitted in    
#agif1 without scruple1 on the same     
ground4    ,the next triumph of slavery 
was in #ahjc1 in the purchase of        
,louisiana1  acknowledged afterward1    
even by ,mr4 ,jefferson who made it1 to 
be  unauthorized by the                 
,constitution--and in the establishment 
of slavery  throughout its vast limits1 
actually and substantially under the    
auspices of that instrument which       
declares its only objects to be--to     
form a more perfect union1 establish    
,,justice1 insure ,,domestic            
,,tranquility1 provide for the common   
defence1 promote the general  welfare1  

and secure the blessings of ,,liberty to
 ourselves and our  posterity4,a        
,footnote ,a3 ,it may be replied1 ,the  
colored people were held as  property by
 the laws of ,louisiana previously to   
the cession1 and that  ,congress had no 
right to divest the newly acquired      
citizens of their  property4 ,this      
statement is evasive4 ,it does not      
include1 nor touch the  question1 which 
is this3--,had ,congress1 or the        
treaty-making power1 a  right to        
recognise1 and1 by recognising1 to      
establish1 in a territory  that had no  
claim of privilege1 on the ground of    
being part of one of  the ,original     
,states1 a condition of things that it  
could not establish  directly1 because  
there was no grant in the constitution  
of power1  direct or incidental1 to do  
so--and because1 to do so1 was in       
downright oppugnancy to the principles  
of the ,constitution itself8 ,the       
question may be easily answered by      
stating the following case3--,suppose  a

 law had existed in ,louisiana1 previous
 to the cession1 by which the           
children--male and female--of all such  
parents as were not owners of  real     
estate of the yearly value of #ejj1 had 
been--no matter how  long--held in      
slavery by their more wealthy           
land-holding  neighbors3--would         
,congress1 under the ,constitution1 have
 a right 7by  recognising7 to establish1
 for ever1 such a relation as one white 
person1 under such a law1 might hold to 
another8 ,surely not4 ,and yet no       
substantial difference between the two  
cases can be pointed out4    ,in this   
case1 the violation of the ,constitution
 was suffered to pass  with but little  
opposition1 except from ,massachusetts1 
because we were  content to receive in  
exchange1 multiplied commercial benefits
 and  enlarged territorial limits4      
,the next stride that slavery made over 
the ,constitution was in the  admission 
of the ,state of ,louisiana into the    
,union4 ,she could claim no  favor as   

part of an ,original ,state4 ,at this   
point1 it might have been  supposed1 the
 friends of ,freedom and of the         
,constitution according to  its original
 intent1 would have made a stand4 ,but  
no3 with the exception  of              
,massachusetts1 they hesitated and were 
persuaded to acquiesce1  because the    
country was just about entering into a  
war with ,england1 and  the crisis was  
unpropitious for discussing questions   
that would create  divisions between    
different sections of the ,union4 ,we   
must wait till the  country was at      
peace4 ,thus it was that ,louisiana was 
admitted without a  controversy4        
,next followed1 in #ahag and #ahbj1     
,mississippi and ,alabama--admitted     
after  the example of ,kentucky and     
,tennessee1 without any contest4        
,meantime1 ,florida had given some      
uneasiness to the slaveholders of the   
neighboring states2 and for their       
accommodation chiefly1 a negociation    
was set on foot by the government to    

purchase it4    ,missouri was next in   
order in #ahba4 ,she could plead no     
privilege1 on the  score of being part  
of one of the original states2 the      
country too1 was  relieved from the     
pressure of her late conflict with      
,england2 it was  prosperous and quiet2 
every thing seemed propitious to a calm 
and  dispassionate consideration of the 
claims of slaveholders to add props  to 
their system1 by admitting indefinitely1
 new slave states to the  ,union4 ,up to
 this time1 the ,,evil of slavery had   
been almost  universally acknowledged   
and deplored by the ,south1 and its     
termination  7apparently7 sincerely     
hoped for4,a ,by this management its    
friends  succeeded in blinding the      
confiding people of the ,north4 ,they   
thought  for the most part1 that the    
slaveholders were acting in good faith4 
,it  is not intended by this remark1 to 
make the impression1 that the ,south    
had all along pressed the admission of  
new slave states1 simply with a  view to

 the increase of its own relative power4
 ,by no means3 slavery had  insinuated  
itself into favor because of its being  
mixed up with 7other7  supposed         
benefits--and because its ultimate      
influence on the government  was neither
 suspected nor dreaded4 ,but1 on the    
,missouri question1 there  was a fair   
trial of strength between the friends of
 ,slavery and the  friends of the       
,constitution4 ,the former triumphed1   
and by the prime  agency of one whose   
raiment1 the remainder of his days1     
ought to be  sackcloth and              
ashes1--because of the disgrace he has  
continued on the  name of his country1  
and the consequent injury that he has   
inflicted on  the cause of ,freedom     
throughout the world4 ,although all the 
different  ,administrations1 from the   
first organization of the government1   
had1 in  the indirect manner already    
mentioned1 favored slavery1--there had  
not  been on any previous occasion1 a   
direct struggle between its pretensions 

and the principles of liberty ingrafted 
on the ,constitution4 ,the friends  of  
the latter were induced to believe1     
whenever they should be arrayed  against
 each other1 that theirs would be the   
triumph4 ,tremendous  error6 ,mistake   
almost fatal6 ,the battle was fought4   
,slavery emerged from  it unhurt--her   
hands made gory--her bloody plume still 
floating in the  air--exultingly        
brandishing her dripping sword over her 
prostrate and  vanquished enemy4 ,she   
had won all for which she fought4 ,her  
victory was  complete--,,the ,,sanction 
,,of ,,the ,,nation ,,was ,,given ,,to  
,,slavery6,b    ,footnote ,a3 ,mr4      
,clay1 in conducting the ,missouri      
compromise1 found it  necessary to      
argue1 that the admission of ,missouri1 
as a slaveholding  state1 would aid in  
bringing about the termination of       
slavery4 ,his  argument is thus stated  
by ,mr4 ,sergeant1 who replied to       
him3--,in this  long view of remote and 
distant consequences1 the gentleman from

  ,kentucky 7,mr4 ,clay7 thinks he sees 
how slavery1 when thus spread1 is at    
last to find its end4 ,it is to be      
brought about by the combined  operation
 of the laws which regulate the price of
 labor1 and the laws  which govern      
population4 ,when the country shall be  
filled with  inhabitants1 and the price 
of labor shall have reached a minimum1  
7a  comparative minimum ,i suppose is   
meant17 free labor will be found        
cheaper than slave labor4 ,slaves will  
then be without employment1 and1  of    
course1 without the means of comfortable
 subsistence1 which will  reduce their  
numbers1 and finally extirpate them4    
,this is the argument  as ,i understand 
it1 says ,mr4 ,sergeant2 and1 certainly1
 one more  chimerical or more inhuman   
could not have been urged4    ,footnote 
,b3 ,see ,appendix1 ,e4    ,immediately 
after this achievement1 the slaveholding
 interest was still  more strongly      
fortified by the acquisition of         
,florida1 and the  establishment of     

slavery there1 as it had already been in
 the territory  of ,louisiana4 ,the     
,missouri triumph1 however1 seems to    
have extinguished  every thing like a   
systematic or spirited opposition1 on   
the part of the  free states1 to the    
pretensions of the slaveholding ,south4 
,arkansas was admitted but the other    
day1 with nothing that deserves to  be  
called an effort to prevent it--although
 her ,constitution attempts to          
perpetuate slavery1 by forbidding the   
master to emancipate his bondmen        
without the consent of the ,legislature1
 and the ,legislature without the       
consent of the master4 ,emboldened1 but 
not satisfied1 with their success  in   
every political contest with the people 
of the free states1 the  slaveholders   
are beginning now to throw off their    
disguise--to brand  their former notions
 about the evil1 political and moral of 
slavery1  as folly and delusion1,a--and 
as if to make assurance double sure1    
and defend themselves forever1 by       

territorial power1 against the  progress
 of ,free principles and the renovation 
of the ,constitution1 they  now demand  
openly--scorning to conceal that their  
object is1 to advance  and establish    
their political power in the            
country1--that ,texas1 a  foreign state1
 five or six times as large as all ,new 
,england1 with a  ,constitution dyed as 
deep in slavery1 as that of ,arkansas1  
shall be  added to the ,union4          
,footnote ,a3 ,mr4 ,calhoun is reported1
 in the ,national ,intelligencer1 as    
having used these words in a speech     
delivered in the ,senate1 the #ajth  day
 of ,january3--    ,many in the ,south  
once believed that it slavery was a     
moral and  political evil2 that folly   
and delusion are gone4 ,we see it now in
 its  true light1 and regard it as the  
most safe and stable basis for free     
institutions in the world4    ,mr4      
,hammond1 formerly a ,representative in 
,congress from ,south ,carolina1        
delivered a speech 7,feb4 #a1 #ahcf7 on 

the question of receiving petitions  for
 the abolition of slavery in the        
,district of ,columbia4 ,in answering   
those who objected to a slaveholding    
country1 that it was assimilated  to an 
aristocracy1 he says--,in this they are 
right4 ,i accept the  terms4 ,it is a   
government of the best4 ,combining all  
the advantages1  and possessing but few 
of the disadvantages1 of the aristocracy
 of the  old world--without fostering1  
to an unwarrantable extent1 the pride1  
the  exclusiveness1 the selfishness1 the
 thirst for sway1 the contempt for  the 
rights of others1 which distinguish the 
nobility of ,europe--it gives  us their 
education1 their polish1 their          
munificence1 their high honor1  their   
undaunted spirit4 ,slavery does indeed  
create an aristocracy--an  aristocracy  
of talents1 of virtue1 of generosity1 of
 courage4 ,in a slave  country1 every   
freeman is an aristocrat4 ,be he rich or
 poor1 if he does  not possess a single 
slave1 he has been born to all the      

natural  advantages of the society in   
which he is placed2 and all its honors  
lie  open before him1 inviting his      
genius and industry4 ,sir1 ,i do firmly 
believe1 that domestic slavery1         
regulated as ours is1 produces the      
highest toned1 the purest1 best         
organization of society1 that has ever  
existed on the face of the earth4       
,that this retraxit of former follies   
and delusions is not confined  to the   
mere politician1 we have the following  
proofs3--    ,the ,,charleston 7,s4,c47 
,,union ,,presbytery--,resolved4 ,that  
in the opinion  of this ,presbytery1 the
 holding of slaves1 so far from being a 
sin in  the sight of ,god1 is nowhere   
condemned in his holy word2 that it is  
in  accordance with the example1 or     
consistent with the precepts1 of        
patriarchs1 prophets1 and apostles2 and 
that it is compatible with the  most    
fraternal regard to the good of the     
servants whom ,god has committed  to our
 charge4--,within the last few months1  

as we learn from a late ,no4  of the    
,charleston ,courier1 the late ,synod of
 the ,presbyterian ,church1 in          
,augusta1 7,ga47 passed resolutions     
declaring ,that slavery is a ,,civil    
,,institution1 with which the ,general  
,assembly the highest ecclesiastical    
tribunal has ,,nothing ,,to ,,do4       
,again3--,the ,,charleston ,,baptist    
,,association1 in a memorial to the     
,legislature of ,south ,carolina1       
say--,the undersigned would further     
represent1 that the said ,association   
does not consider that the ,holy        
,scriptures have made the ,,fact of     
slavery a question of morals at all4    
,and further1--,the right of masters to 
dispose of the time of their  slaves1   
has been distinctly recognised by the   
,creator of all things4    ,again3--,the
 ,,edgefield 7,s4,c47                   
,,association--,resolved1 ,that the     
practical  question of slavery1 in a    
country where the system has obtained as
 a  part of its stated policy1 is       

settled in the ,scriptures by ,jesus    
,christ  and his apostles4 ,resolved1   
,that these uniformly recognised the    
relation of master and slave1 and       
enjoined on both their respective       
duties1 under a system of servitude more
 degrading and absolute than  that which
 obtains in our country4    ,again we   
find1 in a late ,no4 of the ,charleston 
,courier1 the following3--    ,,the     
,,southern ,,church4--,the ,georgia     
,conference of the ,methodist ,episcopal
  ,church1 at a recent meeting in       
,athens1 passed resolutions1 declaring  
that slavery1 as it exists in the       
,united ,states1 is not a moral evil1   
and is a civil and domestic institution1
 with which ,christian ministers  have  
nothing to do1 further than to meliorate
 the condition of the  slave1 by        
endeavoring to impart to him and his    
master the benign  influence of the     
religion of ,christ1 and aiding both on 
their way  to heaven4    ,the           
abolitionists feel a deep regard for the

 integrity and union of the  government1
 on the principles of the ,constitution4
 ,therefore it is1  that they look with 
earnest concern on the attempt now      
making by the  ,south1 to do1 what1 in  
the view of multitudes of our citizens1 
would  amount to good cause for the     
separation of the free from the slave   
states4 ,their concern is not mingled   
with any feelings of despair4 ,the      
alarm they sounded on the annexation    
question has penetrated the free        
states2 it will1 in all probability1 be 
favorably responded to by every  one of 
them2 thus giving encouragement to our  
faith1 that the admission  of ,texas    
will be successfully resisted1--that    
this additional stain will  not be      
impressed on our national escutcheon1   
nor this additional peril  brought upon 
the ,south4,a    ,footnote ,a3 ,see     
,appendix1 ,f4    ,this1 the present    
condition of the country1 induced by a  
long train of  usurpations on the part  
of the ,south1 and by unworthy          

concessions to it  by the ,north1 may   
justly be regarded as one of the events 
of the last  few years affecting in some
 way1 the measures of the abolitionists4
 ,it  has certainly done so4 ,and whilst
 it is not to be denied1 that many      
abolitionists feel painful apprehensions
 for the result1 it has only  roused    
them up to make more strenuous efforts  
for the preservation of  the country4   
,it may be replied--if the abolitionists
 are such firm friends of the  ,union1  
why do they persist in what must end in 
its rupture and  dissolution8 ,the      
abolitionists1 let it be repeated are   
friends of  the ,union that was intended
 by the ,constitution2 but not of a     
,union  from which is eviscerated1 to be
 trodden under foot1 the right to       
,,speak1--to ,,print--to                
,,petition1--the rights of ,,conscience2
 not of a ,union  whose ligaments are   
whips1 where the interest of the        
oppressor is the  great interest1 the   
right to oppress the paramount right4   

,it is  against the distortion of the   
glorious ,union our fathers left us into
  one bound with despotic bands that the
 abolitionists are contending4 ,in  the 
political aspect of the question1 they  
have nothing to ask1 except  what the   
,constitution authorizes--no change to  
desire1 but that the  ,constitution may 
be restored to its pristine republican  
purity4    ,but they have well          
considered the dissolution of the       
,union4 ,there is  no just ground for   
apprehending that such a measure will   
ever be  resorted to by the ,south4 ,it 
is by no means intended by this1 to     
affirm1 that the ,south1 like a spoiled 
child1 for the first time denied  some  
favourite object1 may not fall into     
sudden frenzy and do herself  some great
 harm4 ,but knowing as ,i do1 the       
intelligence and forecast of  the       
leading men of the ,south--and believing
 that they will1 if ever such  a crisis 
should come1 be judiciously influenced  
by the existing state  of the case1 and 

by the consequences that would          
inevitably flow from  an act of         
dissolution--they would not1 ,i am sure1
 deem it desirable or  politic4 ,they   
would be brought1 in their calmer       
moments1 to coincide  with one who has  
facetiously1 but not the less truly     
remarked1 that it  would be as          
indiscreet in the slave ,south to       
separate from the free  ,north1 as for  
the poor1 to separate from the parish   
that supported them4  ,in support of    
this opinion1 ,i would say3             
,first--,a dissolution of the ,union by 
the ,south would1 in no manner1  secure 
to her the object she has in view4--,the
 leaders at the ,south1  both in the    
church and in the state1 must1 by this  
time1 be too well  informed as to the   
nature of the anti-slavery movement1 and
 the  character of those engaged in it1 
to entertain fears that1 violence of    
any kind will be resorted to1 directly  
or indirectly4,a ,the whole  complaint  
of the ,south is neither more nor less  

than this--,,the ,,north  ,,talks       
,,about ,,slavery4 ,now1 of all the     
means or appliances that could be       
devised1 to give greater life and       
publicity to the discussion of  slavery1
 none could be half so effectual as the 
dissolution of the ,union  because of   
the discussion4 ,it would astonish the  
civilized world--they  would inquire    
into the cause of such a remarkable     
event in its  history2--the result would
 be not only enlarged discussion of the 
whole subject1 but it would bring such a
 measure of contempt on the  guilty     
movers of the deed1 that even with all  
the advantages of their  education1     
their polish1 their munificence1 their  
high honor1 their  undaunted spirit1 so 
eloquently set forth by the ,hon4 ,mr4  
,hammond1 they  would find it hard to   
withstand its influence4 ,it is         
difficult for men  in a good cause1 to  
maintain their steadfastness in         
opposition to an  extensively corrupt   
public sentiment2 in a bad one1 against 

public  sentiment purified and          
enlightened1 next to impossible1 if not 
quite so4    ,footnote ,a3 ,it is not1  
says ,mr4 ,calhoun1 that we expect the  
abolitionists will resort to arms--will 
commence a crusade to deliver  our      
slaves by force4--,let me tell our      
friends of the ,south1 who differ  from 
us1 that the war which the abolitionists
 wage against us is of a  very different
 character1 and far more effective4 ,it 
is waged1 not  against our lives1 but   
our character4 ,more correctly1 ,mr4 ,c4
 might have  said against a system1 with
 which the slaveholders have chosen to  
involve their characters1 and which they
 have determined to defend1 at  the     
hazard of losing them4    ,another      
result would follow the                 
dissolution3--,now1 the abolitionists   
find it difficult1 by reason of the     
odium which the principal  slaveholders 
and their friends have succeeded in     
attaching to their  name1 to introduce a
 knowledge of their principles and      

measures into  the great mass of        
southern mind4 ,there are multitudes at 
the ,south who  would co-operate with   
us1 if they could be informed of our    
aim4,a ,now1  we cannot reach           
them--then1 it would be otherwise4 ,the 
united power of  the large slaveholders 
would not be able longer to keep them in
  ignorance4 ,if the ,union were        
dissolved1 they would know the cause1   
and  discuss it1 and condemn it4        
,footnote ,a3 ,there is abundant        
evidence of this4 ,our limits confine us
  to the following1 from the first ,no4 
of the ,southern ,literary ,journal1    
7,charleston1 ,s4,c473--,there are many 
good men even among us1 who have  begun 
to grow timid4 ,they think1 that what   
the virtuous and  high-minded men of the
 ,north look upon as a crime and a      
plague-spot1  cannot be perfectly       
innocent or quite harmless in a         
slaveholding  community4    ,this1 also1
 from the ,north ,carolina ,watchman3-- 
,it 7the abolition party7 is the growing

 party at the ,north4 ,we are  inclined 
to believe that there is even more of it
 at the ,south than  prudence will      
permit to be openly avowed4    ,it is   
well known1 ,mr4 ,speaker1 that there is
 a ,,large1 ,,respectable and           
,,intelligent ,,party in ,kentucky1 who 
will exert every nerve and spare no     
efforts to dislodge the subsisting      
rights to our ,slave population1 or     
alter in some manner1 and to some       
extent1 at least1 the tenure by which   
that species of property is             
held4--,speech of the ,hon4 ,james ,t4  
,morehead in the ,kentucky ,legislature1
 last winter4    ,a second reason why   
the ,south will not dissolve the ,union 
is1 that she  would be exposed to the   
visitation of real incendiaries1        
exciting her  slaves to revolt4 ,now1 it
 would cover any one with infamy1 who   
would  stir them up to vindicate their  
rights by the massacre of their masters4
  ,dissolve the ,union1 and the         
candidates for ,,glory would find in the

  plains of ,carolina and ,louisiana as 
inviting a theatre for their            
enterprise1 as their prototypes1 the    
,houstons1 the ,van ,rennsselaers1 and  
the ,sutherlands did1 in the prairies of
 ,texas or the forests of ,canada4    ,a
 third reason why the ,south will not   
dissolve is1 that the slaves would      
leave their masters and take refuge in  
the free states4 ,the ,south would  not 
be able to establish a cordon along her 
wide frontier sufficiently  strong to   
prevent it4 ,then1 the slaves could not 
be reclaimed1 as they  now are1 under   
the ,constitution4 ,some may say1 the   
free states would not  permit them to   
come in and dwell among them4--,believe 
it not4 ,the fact  of separation on the 
ground supposed1 would abolitionize the 
whole  ,north4 ,beside this1 in an      
economical point of view1 the demand for
  labor in the ,western ,states would   
make their presence welcome4 ,at all    
events1 a passage through the ,northern 
,states to ,canada would not be  denied 

them4    ,a fourth reason why the ,south
 will not dissolve is1 that a large     
number  of her most steady and effective
 population would emigrate to the free  
states4 ,in the slave-selling states    
especially1 there has always been  a    
class who have consented to remain there
 with their families1 only in  the hope 
that slavery would1 in some way or      
other1 be terminated4 ,i do  not say    
they are abolitionists1 for many of them
 are slaveholders4 ,it  may be1 too1    
that such would expect compensation for 
their slaves1  should they be           
emancipated1 and also that they should  
be sent out of the  country4 ,the       
particular mode of emancipation1 however
 crude it may be1  that has occupied    
their minds1 has nothing to do with the 
point before  us4 ,they look for        
emancipation--in this hope they have    
remained1 and  now remain1 where they   
are4 ,take away this hope1 by making    
slavery the  distinctive bond of union  
of a new government1 and you drive them 

to  the ,north4 ,these persons are not  
among the rich1 the voluptuous1 the     
effeminate2 nor are they the despised1  
the indigent1 the  thriftless--they are 
men of moderate property1 of            
intelligence1 of  conscience--in every  
way the bone and sinew of the ,south4   
,a fifth reason why the ,south will not 
dissolve1 is her weakness4 ,it is  a    
remarkable fact1 that in modern times1  
and in the ,christian world1 all        
slaveholding countries have been united 
with countries that are free4  ,thus1   
the ,west ,indian and ,mexican and      
,south ,american slaveholding  colonies 
were united to ,england1 ,france1       
,spain1 ,portugal1 and other  states of 
,europe4 ,if ,england 7before her       
,emancipation ,act7 and the  others had 
at any time withdrawn the protection of 
their power from  their colonies1       
slavery would have been extinguished    
almost  simultaneously with the         
knowledge of the fact4 ,in the ,west    
,indies there  could have been no doubt 

of this1 from the disparity in numbers  
between  the whites and the slaves1 from
 the multiplied attempts made from time 
to time by the latter to vindicate their
 rights by insurrection1 and  from the  
fact1 that all their insurrections had  
to be suppressed by the  force of the   
mother country4 ,as soon as ,mexico and 
the ,south ,american  colonies dissolved
 their connexion with ,spain1 slavery   
was abolished in  every one of them4    
,this may1 ,i know1 be attributed to the
 necessity  imposed on these states1 by 
the wars in which they engaged to       
establish  their independence4 ,however 
this may be--the fact still remains4    
,the  free states of this ,union are to 
the slave1 so far as the maintenance of 
slavery is concerned1 substantially1 in 
the relation of the ,european  states to
 their slaveholding colonies4 ,slavery1 
in all probability1  could not be       
maintained by the ,south disjoined from 
the ,north1 a single  year4 ,so far from
 there existing any reason for making   

the ,south an  exception1 in this       
particular1 to other slave countries1   
there are  circumstances in her         
condition that seem to make her         
dependence more  complete4 ,two of them 
are1 the superior intelligence of her   
slaves on  the subject of human rights1 
and the geographical connexion of the   
slave  region in the ,united ,states4   
,in the ,west ,indies1 in ,mexico and   
,south  ,america the great body of the  
slaves were far below the slaves of this
  country in their intellectual and     
moral condition--and1 in the former1    
their power to act in concert was       
weakened by the insular fragments into  
which they were divided4    ,again1 the 
depopulation of the ,south of large     
numbers of its white  inhabitants1 from 
the cause mentioned under the fourth    
head1 would1 it  is apprehended1 bring  
the two classes to something like a     
numerical  equality4 ,now1 consider the 
present state of the moral sentiment of 
the  ,christianized and commercial world

 in relation to slavery2 add to it the  
impulse that this sentiment1            
acknowledged by the ,south already to be
  wholly opposed to her1 would naturally
 acquire by an act of separation  on her
 part1 with a single view to the        
perpetuation of slavery2 bring  this    
sentiment in all its accumulation and   
intensity to act upon a  nation where   
one half are enslavers1 the other the   
enslaved--and what  must be the effect8 
,from the nature of mind2 from the laws 
of moral  influence1 7which are as sure 
in their operation1 if not so well      
understood1 as the laws of physical     
influence17 the party whose  conscience 
with injustice is oppressed1 must become
 dispirited1  weakened in courage1 and  
in the end unnerved and contemptible4   
,on the  other hand1 the sympathy that  
would be felt for the oppressed--the    
comfort they would receive--the         
encouragement that would be given them  
to assert their rights1 would make it an
 impossibility1 to keep them in  slavish

 peace and submission4    ,this state of
 things would be greatly aggravated by  
the peculiarly  morbid sensitiveness of 
the ,south to every thing that is       
supposed to  touch her character4 ,her  
highest distinction would then become   
her  most troublesome one4 ,how1 for    
instance1 could her chivalrous sons bear
  to be taunted1 wherever they went1 on 
business or for pleasure1 out of  their 
own limits1 with the cry the knights of 
the lash6 ,go home and  pay your        
laborers6 ,cease from the scourging of  
husbands and wives in  each others      
presence--from attending the shambles1  
to sell or buy as  slaves those whom    
,god has made of the same blood with    
yourselves--your  brethren--your        
sisters6 ,cease1 high minded sons of the
 ',,ancient  ,,dominion1' from          
estimating your revenue by the number of
 children you  rear1 to sell in the     
flesh market6 ,go home and pay your     
laborers6 ,go  home and pay your        
laborers6 ,this would be a trial to     

which southern  chivalry could not      
patiently submit4 ,their high honor1    
their  undaunted spirit would impel them
 to the field--only to prove that the   
last resort requires something more     
substantial than mere honor and  spirit 
to maintain it4 ,suppose there should be
 a disagreement--as in  all likelihood  
there soon would1 leading to war between
 the ,north and  the ,south8 ,the ,north
 would scarcely have occasion to march a
 squadron to  the field4 ,she would have
 an army that could be raised up by the 
million1 at the fireside of her enemy4  
,it has been said1 that during the  late
 war with ,england1 it was proposed to  
her cabinet1 by some  enterprising      
officers1 to land five thousand men on  
the coast of ,south  ,carolina and      
proclaim liberty to the slates4 ,the    
success of the scheme  was well thought 
of4 ,but then the example6 ,england     
herself held nearly a  million of slaves
 at no greater distance from the scene  
of action than  the ,west ,indies4 ,now1

 a restraint of this kind on such a     
scheme does  not exist4    ,it seems    
plain beyond the power of argument to   
make it plainer1 that a  slaveholding   
nation--one under the circumstances in  
which the ,south  separated from the    
,north would be placed--must be at the  
mercy of every  free people having      
neither power to vindicate a right nor  
avenge  a wrong4,a    ,footnote ,a3     
,governor ,hayne1 of ,south ,carolina1  
spoke in high terms1 a  few years ago1  
of the ability that the ,south would    
possess1 in a  military point of view1  
because her great wealth would enable   
her1 at  all times1 to command the      
services of mercenary troops4 ,without  
stopping  to dispute with him1 as to her
 comparative wealth1 ,i would remark1   
that  he seemed entirely to have        
overlooked this truth--that whenever a  
government is under the necessity of    
calling in foreign troops1 to keep  in  
subjection one half of the people1 the  
power of the government has  already    

passed into the hands of the            
,protectors4 ,they can and will1 of     
course1 act with whichever party will   
best subserve their purpose4    ,a sixth
 reason why the ,south will not dissolve
 the ,union1 is found in  the difficulty
 of bringing about an actual separation4
 ,preparatory to  such a movement1 it   
would seem indispensable1 that ,union   
among the  seceding states themselves   
should be secured4 ,a ,general          
,convention would  be necessary to      
adjust its terms4 ,this would1 of       
course1 be preceded by  particular      
conventions in the several states4 ,to  
this procedure the  same objection      
applies1 that has been made1 for the    
last two or three  years1 to holding an 
anti-abolition convention in the        
,south3--,it would  give to the question
 such notoriety1 that the object of     
holding the  convention could not be    
concealed from the slaves4 ,the more    
sagacious in  the ,south have been      
opposed to a convention2 nor have they  

been  influenced solely by the          
consideration just mentioned--which1 in 
my  view1 is but of little moment--but  
by the apprehension1 that the  diversity
 of sentiment which exists among the    
slave states1 themselves1  in relation  
to the system1 would be disclosed to the
 country2 and that  the slaveholding    
interest would be found deficient in    
that harmony  which1 from its           
perfectness heretofore1 has made the    
slaveholders so  successful in their    
action on the ,north4    ,the           
slaveholding region may be divided into 
the farming and the  planting--or the   
slave-selling and the slave-buying      
districts4  ,maryland1 ,virginia1       
,kentucky1 ,missouri and ,east          
,tennessee constitute the  first4 ,west 
,tennessee is somewhat equivocal4 ,all  
the states south of  ,tennessee belong  
to the slave-buying district4 ,the      
first1 with but few  exceptions1 have   
from the earliest times1 felt slavery a 
reproach to  their good name--an        

encumbrance on their advancement--at    
some period1 to  be cast off4 ,this     
sentiment1 had it been at all encouraged
 by the action  of the ,general         
,government1 in accordance with the     
views of the  convention that formed the
 ,constitution1 would1 in all           
probability1 by  this time1 have brought
 slavery in ,maryland and ,virginia to  
an end4  ,notwithstanding the easy      
admission of slave states into the      
,union1 and  the yielding of the free   
states whenever they were brought in    
collision with the ,south1 have had a   
strong tendency to persuade the  farming
 slave states to continue their system1 
yet the sentiment in  favor of          
emancipation in some form1 still exists 
among them4 ,proof1  encouraging proof  
of this1 is found in the present        
attitude of ,kentucky4  ,her legislature
 has just passed a law1 proposing to the
 people1 to hold  a convention to alter 
the constitution4 ,in the discussion of 
the bill1  slavery as connected with    

some form of emancipation1 seems to have
  constituted the most important        
element4 ,the public journals too1 that 
are opposed to touching the subject at  
all1 declare that the main  object for  
recommending a convention was1 to act on
 slavery in  some way4    ,now1 it would
 be in vain for the planting ,south to  
expect1 that  ,kentucky or any other of 
the farming slave states would unite    
with  her1 in making slavery the        
perpetual bond of a new political       
organization4 ,if they feel the         
inconveniences of slavery in their      
present condition1 they could not be    
expected to enter on another1  where    
these inconveniences would be           
inconceivably multiplied and            
aggravated1 and1 by the very terms of   
their new contract1 perpetuated4        
,this letter is already so protracted1  
that ,i cannot stop here to develop     
more at large this part of the subject4 
,to one acquainted with the state  of   
public sentiment1 in what ,i have       

called1 the farming district1 it  needs 
no further development4 ,there is not   
one of these states embraced  in it1    
that would not1 when brought to the     
test1 prefer the privileges  of the     
,union to the privilege of perpetual    
slaveholding4 ,and if there  should turn
 out to be a single desertion in this   
matter1 the whole  project of secession 
must come to nought4    ,but laying     
aside all the obstacles to union among  
the seceding states1  how is it possible
 to take the first step to actual       
separation6 ,the  separation1 at the    
worst1 can only be political4 ,there    
will be no  chasm--no rent made in the  
earth between the two sections4 ,the    
natural  and ideal boundaries will      
remain unaltered4 ,mason and ,dixon's   
line will  not become a wall of adamant 
that can neither be undermined nor      
surmounted4 ,the ,ohio river will not be
 converted into flame1 or into  another 
,styx1 denying a passage to every living
 thing4    ,besides this stability of   

natural things1 the multiform interests 
of the  two sections would1 in the main1
 continue as they are4 ,the complicate  
ties of commerce could not be suddenly  
unloosed4 ,the breadstuffs1 the  beef1  
the pork1 the turkies1 the chickens1 the
 woollen and cotton  fabrics1 the hats1 
the shoes1 the socks1 the horn flints   
and bark  nutmegs1,a the machinery1 the 
sugar-kettles1 the cotton-gins1 the     
axes1 the hoes1 the drawing-chains of   
the ,north1 would be as much needed  by 
the ,south1 the day after the separation
 as the day before4 ,the  newspapers of 
the ,north--its ,magazines1 its         
,quarterlies1 its ,monthlies1  would be 
more sought after by the readers of the 
,south than they now  are2 and the      
,southern journals would become doubly  
interesting to us4  ,there would be the 
same lust for our northern summers and  
your southern  winters1 with all their  
health-giving influences2 and last1     
though not  least1 the same desire of   
marrying and of being given in marriage 

that  now exists between the ,north and 
,south4 ,really it is difficult to say  
where this long threatened separation is
 to begin2 and if the place  of         
beginning could be found1 it would seem 
like a poor exchange for the  ,south1 to
 give up all these pleasant and         
profitable relations and  connections   
for the privilege of enslaving an equal 
number of their  fellow-creatures4      
,footnote ,a3 ,senator ,preston's       
,railroad ,speech1 delivered at         
,colombia1  ,s4,c41 in #ahcf4    ,thus  
much for the menace1 that the ,,union   
,,will ,,be ,,dissolved unless the      
discussion of the slavery question be   
stopped4    ,but you may reply1 ,do you 
think the ,south is not in earnest in   
her  threat of dissolving the ,union8 ,i
 rejoin1 by no means2--yet she pursues  
a perfectly reasonable course 7leaving  
out of view the justice or  morality of 
it7--just such a course as ,i should    
expect she would pursue1  emboldened as 
she must be by her multiplied triumphs  

over the ,north by  the use of the same 
weapon4 ,we'll dissolve the ,union6 was 
the cry1  unless ,missouri be admitted66
 ,the ,north were frightened1 and       
,missouri  was admitted with ,,slavery  
engraved on her forehead4 ,we'll        
dissolve the  ,union6 unless the        
,indians be driven out of the ,south66  
,the ,north forgot  her treaties1 parted
 with humanity1 and it is done--the     
defenceless  ,indians are forced to     
consent to be driven out1 or they are   
left1  undefended1 to the mercies of    
southern land-jobbers and gold-hunters4 
,we'll dissolve the ,union6 ,if the     
,tariff established at her own          
suggestion be not repealed or modified  
so that our slave-labor may  compete    
with your free-labor4 ,the ,tariff is   
accordingly modified to  suit the       
,south4 ,we'll dissolve the ,union6     
unless the freedom of speech  and the   
press be put down in the ,north66--,with
 the promptness of                      
commission-merchants1 the alternative is

 adopted4 ,public assemblies met  for   
deliberation are assailed and broken up 
at the ,north2 her citizens  are stoned 
and beaten and dragged through the      
streets of her cities2 her  presses are 
attacked by mobs1 instigated and led on 
by men of influence  and character2     
whilst those concerned in conducting    
them are compelled  to fly from their   
homes1 pursued as if they were noxious  
wild beasts2  or1 if they remain to     
defend1 they are sacrificed to appease  
the  southern divinity4 ,we'll dissolve 
the ,union if slavery be abolished in   
the ,district of ,columbia6 ,the ,north1
 frightened from her propriety1         
declares that slavery ought not to be   
abolished there ,,now4--,we'll  dissolve
 the ,union6 if you read petitions from 
your constituents for  its abolition1 or
 for stopping the slave-trade at the    
,capital1 or  between the states4       
,,fifty ,,northern ,,representatives    
respond to the cry1  down1 then1 with   
the ,,right ,,of ,,petition66 ,all these

 assaults have  succeeded because the   
,north has been frightened by the       
war-cry1 ,,we',,ll  ,,dissolve ,,the    
,,union6    ,after achieving so much by 
a process so simple1 why should not the 
,south  persist in it when striving for 
further conquests8 ,no other course     
ought  to be expected from her1 till    
this has failed4 ,and it is not at all  
improbable1 that she will persist1 till 
she almost persuades herself  that she  
is serious in her menace to dissolve the
 ,union4 ,she may in her  eagerness1    
even approach so near the verge of      
dissolution1 that the  earth may give   
way under her feet and she be dashed in 
ruins in the  gulf below4    ,nothing   
will more surely arrest her fury1 than  
the firm array of the  ,north1 setting  
up anew the almost forgotten principles 
of our fathers1  and saying to the dark 
spirit of slavery1--thus far shalt thou 
go1  and no farther4 ,this is the       
best--the only--means of saving the     
,south  from the fruits of her own      

folly--folly that has been so long1 and 
so  strangely encouraged by the ,north1 
that it has grown into intolerable      
arrogance--down right presumption4      
,there are many other events of the last
 two or three years which have1         
doubtless1 had their influence on the   
course of the abolitionists--and  which 
might properly be dwelt upon at         
considerable length1 were it not  that  
this communication is already greatly   
protracted beyond its  intended limits4 
,i shall1 therefore1 in mentioning the  
remaining topics1  do little more than  
enumerate them4    ,the ,legislature of 
,vermont has taken a decided stand in   
favor of  anti-slavery principles and   
action4 ,in the ,autumn of #ahcf1 the   
following  resolutions were passed by an
 almost unanimous vote in both houses3--
    ,resolved1 ,by the ,general         
,assembly of the ,state of ,vermont1    
,that neither  ,congress nor the ,state 
,governments have any constitutional    
right to  abridge the free expressions  

of opinions1 or the transmission of them
  through the medium of the public      
mails4    ,resolved1 ,that ,congress do 
possess the power to abolish slavery in 
the  ,district of ,columbia4            
,resolved1 ,that ,his ,excellency1 the  
,governor1 be requested to transmit a   
copy of the foregoing resolutions to the
 ,executive of each of the  ,states1 and
 to each of our ,senators and           
,representatives in ,congress4    ,at   
the session held in ,november last1 the 
following joint resolutions1  preceded  
by a decisive memorial against the      
admission of ,texas1 were  passed by    
both branches--with the exception of the
 fifth which was  passed only by the    
,house of ,representatives3--    #a4    
,resolved1 ,by the ,senate and ,house of
 ,representatives1 ,that our  ,senators 
in ,congress be instructed1 and our     
,representatives requested1  to use     
their influence in that body to prevent 
the annexation of ,texas  to the ,union4
    #b4 ,resolved1 ,that1 representing1 

as we do1 the people of ,vermont1 we do 
hereby1 in their name1 ,,solemnly       
,,protest against such annexation in    
any form4    #c4 ,resolved1 ,that1 as   
the ,representatives of the people of   
,vermont1 we  do solemnly protest       
against the admission1 into this ,union1
 of any state  whose constitution       
tolerates domestic slavery4    #d4      
,resolved1 ,that ,congress have full    
power1 by the ,constitution1 to  abolish
 slavery and the slave-trade in the     
,district of ,columbia and in  the      
territories of the ,united ,states4     
#e4 ,resolved1 ,that ,congress has the  
constitutional power to prohibit the    
slave-trade between the several states  
of this ,union1 and to make such  laws  
as shall effectually prohibit such      
trade4    #f4 ,resolved1 ,that our      
,senators in ,congress be instructed1   
and our  ,representatives requested1 to 
present the foregoing ,report and       
,resolutions to their respective ,houses
 in ,congress1 and use their  influence 

to carry the same speedily into effect4 
#g4 ,resolved1 ,that the ,governor of   
this ,state be requested to transmit a  
copy of the foregoing ,report and       
,resolutions to the ,president of the   
,united ,states1 and to each of our     
,senators and ,representatives  in      
,congress4    ,the influence of         
anti-slavery principles in              
,massachusetts has become  decisive1 if 
we are to judge from the change of      
sentiment in the  legislative body4 ,the
 governor of that commonwealth saw fit  
to introduce  into his inaugural speech1
 delivered in ,january1 #ahcf1 a severe 
censure  of the abolitionists1 and to   
intimate that they were guilty of an    
offence punishable at common law4 ,this 
part of the speech was referred  to a   
joint committee of five1 of which a     
member of the senate was  chairman4 ,to 
the same committee were also referred   
communications which  had been received 
by the governor from several of the     
legislatures of  the slaveholding       

states1 requesting the ,legislature of  
,massachusetts to  enact laws1 making it
 ,,penal for citizens of that state to  
form societies  for the abolition of    
slavery1 or to speak or publish         
sentiments such as  had been uttered in 
anti-slavery meetings and published in  
anti-slavery  tracts and papers4 ,the   
managers of the ,massachusetts          
,anti-,slavery  ,society1 in a note     
addressed to the chairman of the        
committee1 requested  permission1 as a  
party whose rights were drawn in        
question1 to appear  before it4 ,this   
was granted4 ,the gentlemen selected by 
them to appear on  their behalf were of 
unimpeachable character1 and            
distinguished for  professional merit   
and general literary and scientific     
intelligence4  ,such was then the       
unpopularity of abolitionism1 that      
notwithstanding  the personal influence 
of these gentlemen1 they were ill--not  
to say  rudely--treated1 especially by  
the chairman of the committee2 so much  

so1 that respect for themselves1 and the
 cause they were deputed to  defend1    
persuaded them to desist before they had
 completed their  remarks4 ,a ,report1  
including ,resolutions unfavorable to   
the  abolitionists was made1 of which   
the following is a copy3--    ,the      
,joint ,special ,committee1 to whom was 
referred so much of the  governor's     
message as related to the abolition of  
slavery1 together with  certain         
documents upon the same subject1        
communicated to the ,executive  by the  
several ,legislatures of ,virginia1     
,north ,carolina1 ,south ,carolina1     
,georgia1 and ,alabama1 transmitted by  
his ,excellency to the ,legislature1    
and hereunto annexed1 have considered   
the same1 and ask leave1  respectfully1 
to submit the following3--    ,resolved1
 ,that this ,legislature distinctly     
disavow any right whatever in  itself1  
or in the citizens of this commonwealth1
 to interfere in the  institution of    
domestic slavery in the southern states3

 it having  existed therein before the  
establishment of the ,constitution2 it  
having  been recognised by that         
instrument2 and it being strictly within
 their  own keeping4    ,resolved1 ,that
 this ,legislature1 regarding the       
agitation of the question  of domestic  
slavery as having already interrupted   
the friendly relations  which ought to  
exist between the several states of this
 ,union1 and as  tending permanently to 
injure1 if not altogether to subvert1   
the  principles of the ,union itself2   
and believing that the good effected by 
those who excite its discussion in the  
non-slaveholding states is1 under  the  
circumstances of the case1 altogether   
visionary1 while the immediate  and     
future evil is great and certain2 does  
hereby express its entire               
disapprobation of the doctrine upon this
 subject avowed1 and the general        
measures pursued by such as agitate the 
question2 and does earnestly  recommend 
to them carefully to abstain from all   

such discussion1 and all  such measures1
 as may tend to disturb and irritate the
 public mind4    ,the report was laid on
 the table1 whence it was not taken up  
during the  session--its friends being  
afraid of a lean majority on its        
passage2 for  the alarm had already been
 taken by many of the members who       
otherwise  would have favored it4 ,from 
this time till the election in the      
succeeding autumn1 the subject was much 
agitated in ,massachusetts4 ,the        
abolitionists again petitioned the      
,legislature at its session begun in    
,january1 #ahcg2 especially1 that it    
should remonstrate against the          
resolution of ,mr4 ,hawes1 adopted by   
the ,house of ,representatives in       
,congress1 by which all memorials1 c1 in
 relation to slavery were laid1  and to 
be laid1 on the table1 without further  
action on them4 ,the  abolitionists were
 again heard1 in behalf of their        
petitions1 before the  proper           
committee4,a ,the result was1 the       

passage of the following  resolutions   
with only #af dissenting voices to #cgh1
 in the ,house of  ,representatives1 and
 in the ,senate with not more than one  
or two  dissentients on any one of      
them3--    ,footnote ,a3 ,the gentleman 
who had been chairman of the committee  
the  preceding year1 was supposed1 in   
consequence of the change in public     
opinion in relation to abolitionists1 to
 have injured his political  standing   
too much1 even to be nominated as a     
candidate for re-election4              
,whereas1 ,the ,house of                
,representatives of the ,united ,states1
 in the      month of ,january1 in the  
year of our ,lord one thousand eight    
hundred      and thirty-seven1 did adopt
 a resolution1 whereby it was ordered   
that all petitions1 memorials1          
resolutions1 propositions1 or papers1   
relating in any way1 or to any extent   
whatever1 to the subject of             
slavery1 or the abolition of slavery1   
without being either printed      or    

referred1 should be laid upon the table1
 and that no further      action        
whatever should be had thereon2 and     
whereas such a      disposition of      
petitions1 then or thereafter to be     
received1 is a      virtual denial of   
the right itself2 and whereas1 by the   
resolution      aforesaid1 which is     
adopted as a standing rule in the       
present ,house      of ,representatives1
 the petitions of a large number of the 
people of      this commonwealth1       
praying for the removal of a great      
social1 moral1      and political evil1 
have been slighted and contemned3       
therefore1--        ,resolved1 ,that the
 resolution above named is an assumption
 of power      and authority at variance
 with the spirit and intent of the      
,constitution of the ,united ,states1   
and injurious to the cause of           
freedom and free institutions2 that it  
does violence to the      inherent1     
absolute1 and inalienable rights of man2
 and that it      tends1 essentially1 to

 impair those fundamental principles of 
natural justice and natural law which   
are antecedent to any written           
constitutions of government1 independent
 of them all1 and essential      to the 
security of freedom in a state4         
,resolved1 ,that our ,senators and      
,representatives in ,congress1 in       
maintaining and advocating the right of 
petition1 have entitled      themselves 
to the cordial approbation of the people
 of this      commonwealth4             
,resolved1 ,that ,congress1 having      
exclusive legislation in the            
,district of ,columbia1 possess the     
right to abolish slavery in said        
district1 and that its exercise should  
only be restrained by a      regard to  
the public good4    ,that you may       
yourself1 judge what influence the      
abolition question  exercised in the    
elections in ,massachusetts last autumn1
 ,i send you  three numbers of the      
,liberator containing copies of letters 
addressed to  many of the candidates1   

and their respective answers4    ,the   
,legislature have passed1 unanimously1  
at its present session1  resolutions    
7preceded by a report of great ability7 
protesting  earnestly and solemnly      
against the annexation of ,texas to this
  ,union2 and declaring that1 no act    
done1 or compact made1 for such         
purpose1 by the government of the       
,united ,states1 will be binding on the 
states or the people4    ,two years ago1
 ,governor ,marcy1 of this state1 showed
 himself willing1 at  the dictation of  
the ,south1 to aid in passing laws for  
restraining and  punishing the          
abolitionists1 whenever the extremity of
 the case might  call for it4 ,two weeks
 ago1 at the request of the ,young      
,men's  ,anti-,slavery ,society of      
,albany1 the ,assembly-chamber1 by a    
vote of the  ,house 7only two           
dissentient7 was granted to ,alvan      
,stewart1 ,esq41 a  distinguished       
lawyer1 to lecture on the subject of    
abolition4    ,kentucky is assuming an  

attitude of great interest to the       
friends of  ,liberty and the            
,constitution4 ,the blessings of them   
that are ready to  perish throughout the
 land1 the applause of the good         
throughout the  world will be hers1 if  
she should show moral energy enough to  
break  every yoke that she has hitherto 
imposed on the poor1 and by which her   
own prosperity and true power have been 
hindered4    ,in view of the late action
 in the ,senate and ,house of           
,representatives in  ,congress--adverse 
as they may seem1 to those who think    
more highly of  the branches of the     
,legislature than of the ,,source of    
their power--the  abolitionists see     
nothing that is cause for               
discouragement4 ,they find  the ,,people
 sound2 they know that they still       
cherish1 as their fathers  did1 the     
right of petition--the freedom of the   
press--the freedom of  speech--the      
rights of conscience2 that they love the
 liberty of the  ,north more than they  

love the slavery of the ,south4 ,what   
care they for  ,resolutions in the      
,house1 or ,resolutions in the ,senate1 
when the ,house  and the ,senate are but
 their ministers1 their servants1 and   
they know  that they can discharge them 
at their pleasure8 ,it may be1 that     
,congress  has yet to learn1 that the   
people have but slight regard for their 
restraining resolutions4 ,they ought to 
have known this from the history  of    
such resolutions for the last two years4
 ,,thirty-,,seven ,,thousand            
petitioners for the abolition of slavery
 in the ,district of ,columbia had      
their petitions laid on the table by the
 resolution of the ,house of            
,representatives in ,may1 #ahcf4 ,at the
 succeeding session1 they had  increased
 to ,,one ,,hundred ,,and ,,ten         
,,thousand4--,the resolution of ,jan4   
#ah1  #ahcg1 laid all their petitions in
 the same way on the table4 ,at the     
called1 and at the present session1     
these #aaj1jjj had multiplied to  ,,five

 ,,hundred ,,thousand,a4 ,soon1         
,senators and ,representatives will be  
sent from the free states who will need 
no petitions--they will know  the prayer
 of their constituents before they leave
 their homes4    ,footnote ,a3 ,see     
,appendix1 ,g4    ,in concluding this1  
my answer to your #acth interrogatory1  
,i will say  that ,i know of no event1  
that has transpired1 either in or out of
  ,congress1 for the last two or three  
years1 that has had any other  influence
 on the efforts of abolitionists than to
 increase and stimulate  them4 ,indeed1 
every thing that has taken place within 
that period1 ought  to excite to their  
utmost efforts all who are not          
despairing dastards4  ,the ,demon of    
oppression in this land is tenfold more 
fierce and rampant  and relentless than 
he was supposed to be before roused from
 the quiet  of his lair4 ,to every thing
 that is precious the abolitionists have
 seen  him lay claim4 ,the religion of  
the ,bible must be adulterated--the     

claims  of ,humanity must be            
smothered--the demands of justice must  
be  nullified--a part of our ,race must 
be shut out from the common sympathy  of
 a common nature4 ,nor is this all3 they
 see their own rights and  those of the 
people2 the right to ,,speak--to        
,,write--to ,,print--to  ,,publish--to  
,,assemble ,,together--to ,,petition    
,,their ,,own ,,servants--all  brought  
in peril4 ,they feel that the final     
conflict between ,popular  liberty and  
,aristocratic slavery has come2 that one
 or the other must  fall2 and they have 
made up their minds1 with the blessing  
of ,god on  their efforts1 that their   
adversary shall die4    #ad4 ,have you  
any permanent fund1 and how much8       
,,answer4--,we have none4 ,the          
contributions are anticipated4 ,we are  
always  in debt1 and always getting out 
of debt4    ,i have now1 ,sir1 completed
 my answers to the questions proposed in
 your  letter of the #afth ult4 ,it     
gives me pleasure to have had such an   

auspicious opportunity of doing so4 ,i  
cannot but hope for good to both  the   
parties concerned1 where candor and     
civility have characterized  their      
representatives4    ,part of the answer 
to your #acth question may seem to      
wander from the  strict terms of the    
question proposed4 ,let it be set down  
to a desire1  on my part1 to give you   
all the information ,i can1 at all      
germain to the  inquiry4 ,the proffer1  
made in my note to ,mr4 ,calhoun1 was   
not  unguarded2--nor was it singular4   
,the information ,i have furnished  has 
been always accessible to our           
adversaries--even though the            
application for it might not have been  
clothed in the polite and  gentlemanly  
terms which have so strongly recommended
 yours to the most  respectful          
consideration of    ,your very obedient 
servant1    ,,james ,g4 ,,birney4       
99       99       99       99       99  
,in the ,explanatory ,remarks placed at 
the beginning of this  ,correspondence1 

reasons were given1 that were deemed    
sufficient1 for not  publishing more of 
the letters that passed between ,mr4    
,elmore and myself  than the two above4 
,since they were in type1 ,i have       
received from ,mr4  ,elmore a           
communication1 in reply to one from me1 
informing him that ,i  proposed limiting
 the publication to the two letters just
 mentioned4 ,it  is dated ,may #ai4 ,the
 following extract shows that he        
entertains a  different opinion from    
mine1 and thinks that justice to him    
requires  that another of his letters   
should be included in the               
,correspondence3--    ,the order you    
propose in the publication is proper    
enough2 the omission  of business and   
immaterial letters being perfectly      
proper1 as they can  interest nobody4 ,i
 had supposed my last letter would have 
formed an  exception to the rule1 which 
excluded immaterial papers4 ,it         
explained1  more fully than my first1 my
 reasons for this correspondence1       

defined  the limits to which ,i had     
prescribed myself1 and was a proper     
accompaniment to a publication of what  
,i had not written for  publication4    
,allow me1 ,sir1 to say1 that it will be
 but bare justice to  me that it should 
be printed with the other papers4 ,i    
only suggest this  for your own         
consideration1 for--adhering to my      
former opinions and  decision--,i ask   
nothing and complain of nothing4    ,it 
is still thought that the publication of
 the letter alluded to is  unnecessary  
to the purpose of enlightening the      
public1 as to the state1  prospects1 c1 
of the anti-slavery cause4 ,it contains 
no denial of the  facts1 nor impeachment
 of the statements1 nor answer to the   
arguments1  presented in my             
communication4 ,but as ,mr4 ,elmore is  
personally  interested in this matter1  
and as it is intended to maintain the   
consistent liberality which has         
characterized the ,executive ,committee 
in  all their intercourse with their    

opponents1 the suggestion made by ,mr4  
,elmore is cheerfully complied with4    
,the following is a copy of the  letter 
alluded to4--,j4,g4,b4                  
,,washington1 ,may #e1 #ahch4        ,to
 ,,james ,g4 ,,birney1 ,esq41 ,cor4     
,sec4 ,a4,a4,s4,s4        ,,sir1--,i    
have to acknowledge the receipt of your 
letter of the #ast      instant1 in     
which you again refer to the publication
 of the      ,correspondence between us1
 in relation to the measures and designs
      of the abolitionists4 ,i would    
have certainly answered yours of the    
#b;d ult41 on the same subject1 more    
fully before this1 had it not           
escaped my recollection1 in consequence 
of having been more      engaged than   
usual in the business before the ,house4
 ,i hope the      delay has been        
productive of no inconvenience4         
,if ,i correctly understand your letters
 above referred to1 the      control of 
these papers1 and the decision as to    
their publication1      have passed into

 the ',executive ,committee of the      
,american      ,anti-,slavery ,society2'
 and1 from their tenor1 ,i infer that   
their      determination is so far made1
 that nothing ,i could object would     
prevent it1 if ,i desired to do so4 ,i  
was certainly not apprised1      when ,i
 entered into this ,correspondence1 that
 its disposition was to      depend on  
any other will than yours and mine1--but
 that matters      nothing now1--you had
 the power1 and ,i am not disposed to   
question      the right or propriety of 
its exercise4 ,i heard of you as a man  
of      intelligence1 sincerity1 and    
truth1--who1 although laboring in a bad 
cause1 did it with ability1 and from a  
mistaken conviction of its      justice4
 ,as one of the ,representatives of a   
slave-holding      constituency1 and one
 of a committee raised by the           
,representatives      of the            
slave-holding ,states1 to ascertain the 
intentions and      progress of your    
associations1 ,i availed myself of the  

opportunity      offered by your        
character and situation1 to propose to  
you inquiries      as to facts1 which   
would make those developments so        
important to      be known by our       
people4 ,my inquiries were framed to    
draw out full      and authentic details
 of the organization1 numbers1          
resources1 and      designs of the      
abolitionists1 of the means they        
resorted to for the      accomplishment 
of their ends1 and the progress made1   
and making1 in      their dangerous     
work1 that all such information might be
 laid before      the four millions and 
a half of white inhabitants in the slave
      ,states1 whose lives and property 
are menaced and endangered by this      
ill-considered1 misnamed1 and           
disorganizing philanthropy4 ,they       
should be informed of the full length   
and breadth and depth of this      storm
 which is gathering over their heads1   
before it breaks in its      desolating 
fury4 ,christians and civilized1 they   

are now      industrious1 prosperous1   
and happy2 but should your schemes of   
abolition prevail1 it will bring upon   
them overwhelming ruin1 and      misery 
unutterable4 ,the two races cannot exist
 together upon terms      of            
equality--the extirpation of one and the
 ruin of the other would      be        
inevitable4 ,this humanity1 conceived in
 wrong and born in civil      strife1   
would be baptized in a people's blood4  
,it was1 that our      people might     
know1 in time to guard against the mad  
onset1 the full      extent of this     
gigantic conspiracy and crusade against 
their      institutions2 and of         
necessity upon their lives with which   
they must      sustain them2 and their  
fortunes and prosperity1 which exist    
only      while these institutions      
exist1 that ,i was induced to enter into
 a      correspondence with you1 who by 
your official station and               
intelligence were known to be well      
informed on these points1 and      from 

your well established character for     
candor and fairness1 would      make no 
statements of facts which were not known
 or believed by you      to be true4 ,to
 a great extent1 my end has been        
accomplished by your      replies to my 
inquiries4 ,how far1 or whether at all1 
your answers      have run1 beyond the  
facts inquired for1 into theories1      
arguments1      and dissertations1 as   
erroneous as mischievous1 is not a      
matter of      present consideration4   
,we differed no wider than ,i expected1 
but      that difference has been       
exhibited courteously1 and has nothing  
to      do with the question of         
publication4 ,your object1 or rather the
      object of your ,committee1 is to  
publish2 and ,i1 having no reason to    
desire it1 as you have put me in        
possession of the facts ,i wished1      
and no reason not to desire it1 as there
 is nothing to conceal1 will      leave 
yourself and the ,committee to take your
 own course1 neither      assenting nor 

dissenting1 in what you may finally     
decide to do4        ,very respectfully1
        ,your obedient servant1         
,f4,h4 ,elmore4    ,this letter of ,mr4 
,elmore contains but little more than a 
reiteration  of alarming cries on the   
part of the slaveholder2--cries that are
 as old  as the earliest attempts of    
philanthropy to break the fetters of the
  enslaved1 and that have been repeated 
up to the present day1 with a  boldness 
that seems to increase1 as instances of 
emancipation multiply  to prove them    
groundless4 ,those who utter them seem1 
in their panic1 not  only to overlook   
the most obvious laws of the human mind1
 and the lights  of experience1 but to  
be almost unconscious of the great      
events  connected with slavery1 that are
 now passing around them in the world1  
and conspiring to bring about its early 
abrogation among all civilized  and     
commercial nations4    ,however         
,christian1 and civilized1 industrious1 
prosperous and happy1  the              

,,slaveholders of the ,south may be1    
this cannot be said of the ,,slaves4  ,a
 large religious denomination of the    
state in which ,mr4 ,elmore resides1    
has deliberately pronounced them to be  
,,heathen4 ,their industry is  seen at  
the end of the lash--of prosperity they 
have none1 for they  cannot possess any 
thing that is an element of             
prosperity--their  happiness they prove1
 by running away from their masters1    
whenever  they think they can effect    
their escape4 ,this is the condition of 
a  large majority of the people in      
,south ,carolina1 ,mississippi and      
,louisiana4    ,the two races exist in  
peace in ,mexico1--in all the former    
,south  ,american dependencies of       
,spain1 in ,antigua1 in the ,bermudas1  
in ,canada1  in ,massachusetts1 in      
,vermont1 in fine1 in every country     
where they enjoy  legal equality4 ,it is
 the denial of this that produces       
discontent4  ,,men will never be        
satisfied without it4 ,let the          

slaveholders consult the  irreversible  
laws of the human mind--make a full     
concession of right to  those from whom 
they have withheld it1 and they will be 
blessed with a  peace1 political1       
social1 moral1 beyond their present     
conceptions2  without such concessions  
they never can possess it4    ,a system 
that cannot withstand the assaults of   
truth--that replies to  arguments with  
threats--that cannot be talked          
about--that flourishes  in secrecy and  
darkness1 and dies when brought forth   
into the light and  examined1 must in   
this time of inexorable scrutiny and    
relentless  agitation1 be a dangerous   
one4 ,if justice be done1 all necessity 
for  the extirpation of any part of the 
people will at once be removed4         
,baptisms of blood are seen only when   
humanity has failed in her  offices1 and
 the suffering discern hope only in the 
brute efforts  of despair4    ,mr4      
,elmore is doubtless well versed in     
general history4 ,to his vigorous       

declamation1 ,i reply by asking1 if he  
can produce from the history of  our    
race a single instance1 where           
emancipation1 full and immediate1 has   
been followed1 as a legitimate          
consequence1 by insurrection or         
bloodshed4 ,i may go further1 and ask   
him for a well authenticated  instance1 
where an emancipated slave1 singly has  
imbrued his hands in  his master's      
blood4 ,the first record of such an act 
in modern times1 is  yet to be made4    
,mr4 ,elmore says the white inhabitants 
in the slave states should be  informed 
of the full length and breadth and depth
 of this storm which is  gathering over 
their heads1 before it breaks in its    
desolating fury4 ,in  this sentiment    
there is not a reasonable man in the    
country1 be he  abolitionist or not1 who
 will not coincide with him4 ,we rejoice
 at the  evidence we here have1 in a    
gentleman of the influence and          
intelligence  of ,mr4 ,elmore1 of the   
returning sanity of the ,south4 ,how    

wildly and  mischievously has she been  
heretofore misled6 ,whilst the          
,governors of  ,virginia1 ,alabama1     
,tennessee and ,arkansas1 have been     
repelling offers1  made in respectful   
terms1 of the fullest and most authentic
 accounts of  our movements2 and whilst 
,governor ,butler of ,south ,carolina1  
has not  only followed the example of   
his gubernatorial brethren just named1  
but  is found corresponding with an     
obscure culprit in                      
,massachusetts--bribing  him with a few 
dollars1 the sum he demanded for his    
fraudulent promise  to aid in thwarting 
the abolitionists,a2 whilst too1 ,mr4   
,calhoun has  been willing to pass laws 
to shut out from his constituents and   
the  ,south generally information that  
concerned them more nearly than all     
others--we now have it from the highest 
source1 from one selected by a  state   
delegation as its representative in a   
general committee of the  whole         
slaveholding delegations1 that the      

,south ought to be informed of  the full
 length and breadth and depth of the    
measures1 intentions1 c1  of the        
abolitionists4 ,at this there is not an 
abolitionist who will not  rejoice4 ,we 
ask for nothing but access to the       
popular mind of the ,south4  ,we feel   
full confidence in the eternal rectitude
 of our principles1 and  of their       
reception at the ,south1 when once they 
are understood4 ,let the  conflict come1
 let the truth of liberty fairly enter  
the lists with the  error of slavery1   
and we have not a doubt of a glorious   
triumph4    ,footnote ,a3 ,appendix ,h4 
,may we not1 after this1 expect the aid 
of ,mr4 ,elmore and others of equal     
distinction in the ,south1 in giving to 
their fellow-citizens the  information  
that we have always believed1 and that  
they now acknowledge1  to be so1        
important to them8    ,may #bd1 #ahch4  
,,james ,g4 ,,birney4    ,,appendix4    
99       99       99       99       99  
,,appendix ,a4    ,extract from an      

article addressed to the editor of the  
,christian  ,register and ,observer1    
signed ,w4,e4,c4--attributed to the     
,rev4  ,dr4 ,channing4        ,speaking 
of slavery1 ,i wish to recommend to your
 readers a book      just from the      
press1 entitled ',emancipation in the   
,west ,indies1' and      written by ,j4 
,a4 ,thome and ,j4,h4 ,kimball1 who had 
visited those      islands to inquire   
into the great experiment now going on  
there4 ,i      regard it as the most    
important work which has appeared among 
us for      years4 ,no man1 without     
reading it1 should undertake to pass    
judgment      on ,emancipation4 ,it is  
something more than a report of the     
observation and opinions of the writers4
 ,it consists1 chiefly1 of      the     
opinions1 conversations1 letters1 and   
other documents of the      very        
inhabitants of the islands whose        
judgments are most      trust-worthy2 of
 the governors1 special magistrates1    
police      officers1 managers1         

attorneys1 physicians1 c2 and1 in most  
cases1      the names of these          
individuals are given1 so that we have  
the      strongest evidence of the      
correctness of the work4        ,the    
results of this great experiment surpass
 what the most sanguine      could have 
hoped4 ,it is hardly possible that the  
trial could have      been made under   
more unfavorable circumstances4 ,the    
planters on all      the islands were   
opposed to the ,act of ,emancipation1   
and1 in most1      exceedingly and      
fiercely hostile to it1 and utterly     
indisposed to      give it the best     
chance of success4 ,the disproportion of
 the colored      race to the whites was
 fearfully great1 being that of seven or
 eight      to one2 whilst1 in our      
slaveholding states1 the whites         
outnumber the      colored people4 ,the 
slaves of the ,west ,indies were less   
civilized      than ours1 and less fit  
to be trusted with their own support4   
,another great evil was1 that the       

proprietors1 to a considerable          
extent1 were absentees2 residing in     
,england1 and leaving the care of       
their estates and slaves to managers and
 owners2 the last people for      such a
 trust1 and utterly unfit to carry the  
wretched victims of      their tyranny  
through the solemn transition from      
slavery to freedom4      ,to complete   
the unhappy circumstances under which   
the experiment      began1 the ,act of  
,emancipation was passed by a distant   
government1      having no intimate     
knowledge of the subject2 and the       
consequence      was1 that a system of  
',apprenticeship1' as it was called1 was
      adopted1 so absurd1 and betraying 
such ignorance of the principles      of
 human nature1 that1 did we not know    
otherwise1 we might suspect      its    
author of intending to produce a        
failure4 ,it was to witness the         
results of an experiment promising so   
little good1 that our authors           
visited three islands1 particularly     

worthy of examination--,antigua1        
,barbadoes1 and ,jamaica4        ,our   
authors went first to ,antigua1 an      
island which had been wise      enough  
to foresee the mischiefs of the proposed
 apprenticeship1 and      had           
substituted for it immediate and        
unqualified emancipation4 ,the          
report given of this island is most     
cheering4 ,it is1 indeed1 one of        
the brightest records in history4 ,the  
account1 beginning page #adc1      of   
the transition from slavery to freedom1 
can hardly be read by a      man of     
ordinary sensibility without a thrill of
 tender and holy joy4      ,why is it   
not published in all our newspapers as  
among the most      interesting events  
of our age8 ,from the accounts of       
,antigua1 it      appears that immediate
 emancipation has produced only good4   
,its      fruits are1 greater security1 
the removal of the fears which          
accompany slavery1 better and cheaper   
cultivation of the soil1      increased 

value of real estate1 improved morals1  
more frequent      marriages1 and fewer 
crimes4 ,the people proclaim1 with one  
voice1      that emancipation is a      
blessing1 and that nothing would tempt  
than      to revert to slavery4         
,our authors proceeded next to          
,barbadoes1 where the apprenticeship    
system is in operation2 and if any proof
 were needed of the docility      and   
good dispositions of the negroes1 it    
would be found in their                 
acquiescence to so wonderful a degree in
 this unhappy arrangement4      ,the    
planters on this island have been more  
disposed1 than could have      been     
anticipated1 to make the best of this   
system1 and here1      accordingly1 the 
same fruits of the ,act of ,emancipation
 are found as      in ,antigua1 though  
less abundant2 and a very general and   
strong      conviction prevails of the  
happiness of the change4        ,in     
,jamaica1 apprenticeship manifests its  
worst tendencies4 ,the      planters of 

this island were1 from first to last1   
furious in their      hostility to the  
act of emancipation2 and the effort     
seems to have      been1 to make the    
apprenticeship bear as heavily as       
possible on the      colored people2 so 
that1 instead of preparing them for     
complete      emancipation1 it has      
rather unfitted them for this boon4     
,still1      under all these            
disadvantages1 there is strong reason   
for expecting1      that emancipation1  
when it shall come1 will prove a great  
good4 ,at      any rate1 it is hardly   
possible for the slaves to fall into a  
more      deplorable condition1 than    
that in which this interposition of     
parliament found them4        ,the      
degree of success which has attended    
this experiment in the      ,west       
,indies1 under such unfavorable         
auspices1 makes us sure1 that           
emancipation in this country1 accorded  
by the good will of the      masters1   
would be attended with the happiest     

effects4 ,one thing is      plain1 that 
it would be perfectly safe4 ,never were 
the ,west ,indies      so peaceful and  
secure as since emancipation4 ,so far   
from general      massacre and          
insurrection1 not an instance is        
recorded or intimated      of violence  
of any kind being offered to a white    
man4 ,our authors      were continually 
met by assurances of security on the    
part of the      planters1 so that1 in  
this respect at least1 emancipation has 
been      unspeakable gain4 ,the only   
obstacle to emancipation is1 therefore1 
removed2 for nothing but well grounded  
fears of violence and crime      can    
authorize a man to encroach one moment  
on another's freedom4        ,the       
subject of this book is of great        
interest at the present      moment4    
,slavery1 in the abstract1 has been     
thoroughly discussed      among us4 ,we 
all agree that it is a great wrong4 ,not
 a voice is here      lifted up in      
defence of the system1 when viewed in a 

general light4      ,we only differ when
 we come to apply our principles to a   
particular      case4 ,the only question
 is1 whether the ,southern states can   
abolish      slavery consistently with  
the public safety1 order1 and peace8    
,many1      very many well disposed     
people1 both at the ,north and ,south1  
are      possessed with vague fears of  
massacre and universal misrule1 as the  
consequences of emancipation4 ,such     
ought to inquire into the ground      of
 their alarm4 ,they are bound to listen 
to the voice of facts1      and such are
 given in this book4 ,none of us have a 
right to make up      our minds without 
inquiry1 or to rest in opinions adopted 
indolently      and without thought4 ,it
 is a great crime to doom millions of   
our      race to brutal degradation1 on 
the ground of unreasonable fears4 ,the  
power of public opinion is here         
irresistible1 and to this power         
every man contributes something2 so that
 every man1 by his spirit      and      

language1 helps to loosen or rivet the  
chains of the slave4           99       
99       99       99       99    ,the   
following sentiments are expressed by   
,,governor ,,everett1 of                
,massachusetts1 in a letter to ,,edmund 
,,quincy1 ,esq41 dated        ,boston1  
,april #bi1 #ahch4        ,,dear        
,,sir1--,i have your favor of the #bast1
 accompanied with the      volume       
containing the account of the tour of   
,messrs4 ,thome and      ,kimball in the
 ,west ,indies1 for which you will be   
pleased to accept      my thanks4 ,i    
have perused this highly interesting    
narrative with the      greatest        
satisfaction4 ,from the moment of the   
passage of the law1      making         
provision for the immediate or          
prospective abolition of      slavery in
 the ,british colonial possessions1 ,i  
have looked with the      deepest       
solicitude for tidings of its operation4
 ,the success of the      measure1 as it
 seemed to me1 would afford a better    

hope than had      before existed1 that 
a like blessing might be enjoyed by     
those      portions of the ,united      
,states where slavery prevails4 ,the    
only      ground on which ,i had been   
accustomed to hear the continuance of   
slavery defended at the ,south1 was that
 of necessity1 and the                  
impossibility of abolishing it without  
producing consequences of the      most 
disastrous character to both parties4   
,the passage of a law      providing for
 the emancipation of nearly a million of
 slaves in the      ,british colonies1  
seemed to afford full opportunity of    
bringing this      momentous question to
 the decisive test of experience4 ,if   
the      result proved satisfactory1 ,i 
have never doubted that it would seal   
the fate of slavery throughout the      
civilised world4 ,as far as the         
observations of ,messrs4 ,thome and     
,kimball extended1 the result is of     
the most gratifying character4 ,it      
appears to place beyond a doubt1        

that the experiment of immediate        
emancipation1 adopted by the            
colonial ,legislature of ,antigua1 has  
fully succeeded in that island2      and
 the plan of apprenticeship in other    
portions of the ,west ,indies1      as  
well as could have been expected from   
the obvious inherent vices      of that 
measure4 ,it has given me new views of  
the practicability of      emancipation4
 ,it has been effected in ,antigua1 as  
appears from      unquestionable        
authorities contained in the work of    
,messrs4 ,thome      and ,kimball1 not  
merely without danger to the master1 but
 without      any sacrifice of his      
interest4 ,i cannot but think that the  
information collected in the volume will
 have a powerful effect on      public  
opinion1 not only in the northern       
states1 but in the      slaveholding    
states4    ,,governor ,,ellsworth1 of   
,connecticut1 writes thus to ,a4,f4     
,,williams1 ,esq41  of this city3--     
,,new ,,haven1 ,may #ai1 #ahch4         

,,my ,,dear ,,sir1--,just before ,i left
 home1 ,i received from you the         
,journal of ,thome and ,kimball1 for    
which token of friendship ,i            
intended to have made you my            
acknowledgments before this2 but ,i     
wished first to read the book4 ,as far  
as time would permit1 ,i have      gone 
over most of its pages2 and let me      
assure you1 it is justly      calculated
 to produce great effects1 provided you 
can once get it      into the hands of  
the planters4 ,convince them that their 
interests1 as well as their security1   
will be advanced by employing      free 
blacks1 and emancipation will be        
accomplished without      difficulty or 
delay4        ,i have looked with great 
interest at the startling measure of    
emancipation in ,antigua2 but if this   
book is correct1 the question      is   
settled as to that island beyond a      
doubt1 since there is such              
accumulated testimony from all classes1 
that the business and real      estate  

of the island have advanced1 by reason  
of the emancipation1      one fourth1 at
 least1 in value2 while personal        
security1 without      military force1  
is felt by the former masters1 and      
contentment1      industry1 and         
gratitude1 are seen in those who were   
slaves4        ,the great moral example 
of ,england1 in abolishing slavery in   
the      ,west ,indies1 will produce a  
revolution on this subject throughout   
the world1 and put down slavery in every
 ,christian country4        ,with       
sentiments of high esteem1 c1        ,w4
 ,w4 ,,ellsworth4             99        
99       99       99       99           
,,appendix ,b4    ,a short time previous
 to the late election in ,rhode ,island 
for governor  and lieutenant-governor1 a
 letter was addressed to each of the    
candidates for those offices by ,mr4    
,johnson1 ,corresponding ,secretary of  
the ,rhode ,island ,anti-,slavery       
,society1 embodying the views of the    
abolitionists on the several subjects it

 embraced1 in a series of  queries4     
,their purport will appear from the     
answer of ,mr4 ,sprague1 7who  was      
elected governor17 given below4 ,the    
answer of ,mr4 ,childs 7elected         
lieutenant-governor7 is fully as direct 
as that of governor ,sprague4           
,,warwick1 ,march #bh1 #ahch4           
,,dear ,,sir1--,your favor of the #aith 
inst4 requesting of me1 in              
conformity to a resolution of the       
,executive ,committee of the ,rhode     
,island ,anti-,slavery ,society1 an     
expression of my opinions on certain    
topics1 was duly received4 ,i have no   
motive whatever for withholding      my 
opinions on any subject which is        
interesting to any portion of my        
fellow-citizens4 ,i will1 therefore1    
cheerfully proceed to reply to      the 
interrogatories proposed1 and in the    
order in which they are      submitted4 
#a4 ,among the powers vested by the     
,constitution in ,congress1 is the      
power to exercise exclusive legislation1

 'in all cases whatsoever1'      over   
the ,district of ,columbia8 ',all cases'
 must1 of course1 include      the case 
of slavery and the slave-trade4 ,i am1  
therefore1 clearly      of opinion1 that
 the ,constitution does confer upon     
,congress the      power to abolish     
slavery and the slave-trade in that     
,district2 and1      as they are great  
moral and political evils1 the          
principles of      justice and humanity 
demand the exercise of that power4      
#b4 ,the traffic in slaves1 whether     
foreign or domestic1 is equally         
obnoxious to every principle of justice 
and humanity2 and1 as      ,congress has
 exercised its powers to suppress the   
slave-trade      between this country   
and foreign nations1 it ought1 as a     
matter of      consistency and justice1 
to exercise the same powers to suppress 
the      slave-trade between the states 
of this ,union4 ,the slave-trade within 
the states is1 undoubtedly1 beyond the  
control of ,congress2 as the            

'sovereignty of each state1 to legislate
 exclusively on the subject      of     
slavery1 which is tolerated within its  
limits1' is1 ,i believe1                
universally conceded4 ,the ,constitution
 unquestionably recognises the          
sovereign power of each state to        
legislate on the subject within its     
limits2 but it imposes on us no         
obligation to add to the evils of       
the system by countenancing the traffic 
between the states4 ,that      which our
 laws have solemnly pronounced to be    
piracy in our foreign      intercourse1 
no sophistry can make honorable or      
justifiable in a      domestic form4    
,for a proof of the feelings which this 
traffic      naturally inspires1 we need
 but refer to the universal execration  
in      which the slave-dealer is held  
in those portions of the country        
where the institution of slavery is     
guarded with the most jealous           
vigilance4        #c4 ,congress has no  
power to abridge the right of petition4 

,the      right of the people of the    
non-slaveholding states to petition     
,congress for the abolition of slavery  
and the slave-trade in the              
,district of ,columbia1 and the traffic 
of human beings among the      states1  
is as undoubted as any right guarantied 
by the ,constitution2      and ,i regard
 the ,resolution which was adopted by   
the ,house of      ,representatives on  
the #bast of ,december last as a virtual
 denial of      that right1 inasmuch as 
it disposed of all such petitions1 as   
might      be presented thereafter1 in  
advance of presentation and reception4  
,if it was right thus to dispose of     
petitions on one subject1 it      would 
be equally right to dispose of them in  
the same manner on      all subjects1   
and thus cut of all communication1 by   
petition      between the people and    
their representatives4 ,nothing can be  
more      clearly a violation of the    
spirit of the ,constitution1 as it      
rendered utterly nugatory a right which 

was considered of such vast             
importance as to be specially guarantied
 in that sacred instrument4      ,a     
similar ,resolution passed the ,house of
 ,representatives at the      first     
session of the last ,congress1 and as ,i
 then entertained the      same views   
which ,i have now expressed1 ,i recorded
 my vote      against it4        #d4 ,i 
fully concur in the sentiment1 that     
'every principle of      justice and    
humanity requires1 that every human     
being1 when personal      freedom is at 
stake1 should have the benefit of a jury
 trial2' and ,i      have no hesitation 
in saying1 that the laws of this state  
ought to      secure that benefit1 so   
far as they can1 to persons claimed as  
fugitives from 'service or labor1'      
without interfering with the laws       
of the ,united ,states4 ,the course     
pursued in relation to this subject     
by the ,legislature of ,massachusetts   
meets my approbation4        #e4 ,i am  
opposed to all attempts to abridge or   

restrain the freedom      of speech and 
the press1 or to forbid any portion of  
the people      peaceably to assemble to
 discuss any subject--moral1 political1 
or      religious4        #f4 ,i am     
opposed to the annexation of ,texas to  
the ,united ,states4        #g4 ,it is  
undoubtedly inconsistent with the       
principles of a free      state1        
professing to be governed in its        
legislation by the      principles of   
freedom1 to sanction slavery1 in any    
form1 within its      jurisdiction4 ,if 
we have laws in this state which bear   
this      construction1 they ought to be
 repealed4 ,we should extend to our     
southern brethren1 whenever they may    
have occasion to come among us1      all
 the privileges and immunities enjoyed  
by our own citizens1 and      all the   
rights and privileges guarantied to them
 by the ,constitution      of the       
,united ,states2 but they cannot expect 
of us to depart from      the           
fundamental principles of civil liberty 

for the purpose of      obviating any   
temporal inconvenience which they may   
experience4        ,these are my views  
upon the topics proposed for my         
consideration4      ,they are the views 
which ,i have always entertained1 7at   
least ever      since ,i have been      
awakened to their vast importance17 and 
which ,i      have always supported1 so 
far as ,i could1 by my vote in          
,congress2      and if1 in any respect1 
my answers have not been sufficiently   
explicit1 it will afford me pleasure to 
reply to any other questions      which 
you may think proper to propose4        
,i am1 ,sir1 very respectfully1         
,your friend and fellow citizen1        
,,william ,,sprague4    ,oliver         
,johnson1 ,esq41 ,cor4 ,sec4            
,r4,i4,a4,s4 ,society4    ,,appendix ,c4
    ,the abolitionists in ,connecticut  
petitioned the ,legislature of that     
state at its late session on several    
subjects deemed by them proper for      
legislative action4 ,in answer to these 

petitions--    #a4 ,the law known as the
 ,black ,act or the ,canterbury         
law--under which  ,miss ,crandall was   
indicted and tried--was repealed1 except
 a single  provision1 which is not      
considered objectionable4    #b4 ,the   
right to trial by jury was secured to   
persons who are claimed  as slaves4     
#c4 ,resolutions were passed asserting  
the power of ,congress to abolish       
slavery in the ,district of ,columbia1  
and recommending that it be done as     
soon as it can be1 consistently with the
 best good of the whole  country4767    
#d4 ,resolutions were passed protesting 
against the annexation of ,texas to  the
 ,union4    #e4 ,resolutions were passed
 asserting the right of petition as     
inalienable--condemning ,mr4 ,patton's  
resolution of ,dec4 #ba1 #ahcg as an    
invasion of the rights of the people1   
and calling on the ,connecticut         
delegation in ,congress to use their    
efforts to have the same rescinded4     
99       99       99       99       99  

,,appendix ,d4    ,in the year #agic    
there were but #e1jjj1jjj pounds of     
cotton produced in  the ,united ,states1
 and but #ejj1jjj exported4 ,cotton     
never could have  become an article of  
much commercial importance under the old
 method of  preparing it for market4 ,by
 hand-picking1 or by a process strictly 
manual1 a cultivator could not prepare  
for market1 during the year1  more than 
from #bjj to #cjj pounds2 being only    
about one-tenth of what he  could       
cultivate to maturity in the field4 ,in 
'#ic ,mr4 ,whitney invented  the        
,cotton-gin now in use1 by which the    
labor of at least one thousand  hands   
under the old system1 is performed by   
one1 in preparing the crop  for market4 
,seven years after the invention 7#ahjj7
 #ce1jjj1jjj pounds  were raised1 and   
#ag1hjj1jjj exported4 ,in #ahcd1        
#dfj1jjj1jjj were  raised--#chd1gej1jjj 
exported4 ,such was the effect of ,mr4  
,whitney's  invention4 ,it gave1 at     
once1 extraordinary value to the land in

 that  part of the country where alone  
cotton could be raised2 and to slaves1  
because it was the general1 the almost  
universal1 impression that the          
cultivation of the ,south could be      
carried on only by slaves4 ,there being 
no free state in the ,south1 competition
 between free and slave labor  never    
could exist on a scale sufficiently     
extensive to prove the  superiority of  
the former in the production of cotton1 
and in the  preparation of it for       
market4    ,thus1 it has happened that  
,mr4 ,whitney has been the innocent     
occasion of  giving to slavery in this  
country its present importance--of      
magnifying  it into the great interest  
to which all others must yield4 ,how he 
was  rewarded by the ,south--especially 
by the planters of ,georgia--the reader 
may see by consulting ,silliman's       
,journal for ,january1 #ahcb1 and the   
,encyclopedia ,americana1 article1      
,,whitney4           99       99        
99       99       99    ,,appendix ,e4  

,it is impossible1 of course1 to        
pronounce with precision1 how great     
would have been the effect in favor of  
emancipation1 if the effort to  resist  
the admission of ,missouri as a         
slaveholding state had been  successful4
 ,we can only conjecture what it would  
have been1 by the  effect its admission 
has had in fostering slavery up to its  
present huge  growth and pretensions4   
,if the ,american people had shown1     
through their  ,national legislature1 a 
sincere opposition to slavery by the    
rejection  of ,missouri1 it is probable 
at least--late as it was--that the early
  expiration of the 'system' would1 by  
this time1 have been discerned  by all  
men4    ,when the ,constitution was     
formed1 the state of public sentiment   
even in  the ,south--with the exception 
of ,south ,carolina and ,georgia1 was   
favorable to emancipation4 ,under the   
influence of this public sentiment  was 
the ,constitution formed4 ,no person at 
all versed in constitutional  or legal  

interpretation--with his judgment       
unaffected by interest or any  of the   
prejudices to which the existing        
controversy has given  birth--could1 it 
is thought1 construe the ,constitution1 
in its letter1  as intending to         
perpetuate slavery4 ,to come to such a  
conclusion with a  full knowledge of    
what was the mind of this nation in     
regard to slavery1  when that instrument
 was made1 demonstrates a moral or      
intellectual flaw  that makes all       
reasoning useless4    ,although it is a 
fact beyond controversy in our history1 
that the power  conferred by the        
,constitution on ,congress to regulate  
commerce with  foreign nations was known
 to include the power of abolishing the 
,african slave-trade--and that it was   
expected that ,congress1 at the end  of 
the period for which the exercise of    
that power on this particular  subject  
was restrained1 would use it 7as it did7
 with a view to the  influence that the 
cutting off of that traffic would have  

on the  system in this country--yet1    
such has been the influence of the      
action  of ,congress on all matters with
 which slavery has been mingled--more   
especially on the ,missouri question1 in
 which slavery was the sole             
interest--that an impression has been   
produced on the popular mind1 that  the 
,constitution of the ,united ,states    
guaranties1 and consequently            
perpetuates1 slavery to the ,south4     
,most artfully1 incessantly1 and        
powerfully1 has this lamentable error   
been harped on by the  slaveholders1 and
 by their advocates in the free states4 
,the impression  of constitutional favor
 to the slaveholders would1 of itself1  
naturally create for them an undue and  
disproportionate influence in the       
control of the government2 but when to  
this is added the arrogance that  the   
possession of irresponsible power almost
 invariably engenders in its            
possessors--their overreaching          
assumptions--the contempt that the      

slaveholders entertain for the great    
body of the people of the ,north1  it   
has almost delivered over the           
government1 bound neck and heels1 into  
the hands of slaveholding               
politicians--to be bound still more     
rigorously1 or unloosed1 as may seem    
well in their discretion4    ,who can   
doubt that1 as a nation1 we should have 
been more honorable and  influential    
abroad--more prosperous and united at   
home--if ,kentucky1 at  the very outset 
of this matter1 had been refused        
admission to the ,union  until she had  
expunged from her ,constitution the     
covenant with  oppression8 ,she would   
not have remained out of the ,union a   
single year  on that account4 ,if the   
worship of ,liberty had not been        
exchanged for  that of ,power--if her   
principles had been successfully        
maintained in  this first assault1 their
 triumph in every other would have been 
easy4  ,we should not have had a state  
less in the confederacy1 and slavery    

would have been seen1 at this time1     
shrunk up to the most contemptible      
dimensions1 if it had not vanished      
entirely away4 ,but we have furnished   
another instance to be added to the long
 and melancholy list already  existing1 
to prove that1--                        
facilis descensus ,averni1         ,sed 
revocare gradum         ,hoc opus hic   
labor est1    if poetry is not fiction4 
,success in the ,missouri struggle--late
 as it was--would have placed the  cause
 of freedom in our country out of the   
reach of danger from its  inexorable    
foe4 ,the principles of liberty would   
have struck deeper root  in the free    
states1 and have derived fresh vigor    
from such a triumph4 ,if  these         
principles had been honored by the      
government from that period to  the     
present1 7as they would have been1 had  
the free states1 even then1  assumed    
their just preponderance in its         
administration17 we should now  have1 in
 ,missouri herself1 a healthful and     

vigorous ally in the cause of  freedom2 
and1 in ,arkansas1 a free people--twice 
her present  numbers--pressing on the   
confines of slavery1 and summoning the  
keepers  of the southern charnel-house  
to open its doors1 that its inmates     
might  walk forth1 in a glorious        
resurrection to liberty and life4       
,although  young1 as a people1 we should
 be1 among the nations1 venerable for   
our  virtue2 and we should exercise an  
influence on the civilized and          
commercial world that we most despair of
 possessing1 as long as we  remain      
vulnerable to every shaft that malice1  
or satire1 or philanthropy  may find it 
convenient to hurl against us4,a        
,footnote ,a3 ,a comic piece--the       
production of one of the most popular of
  the ,french writers in his way--had   
possession of the ,paris stage last     
winter4 ,when one of the personages     
,,separates ,,husband ,,and ,,wife1 he  
cries  out1 ,,bravo6 ,,this ,,is ,,the  
,,declaration ,,of ,,independence ,,of  

,,the ,,united  ,,states6 ,bravo6 ,c'est
 la ,declaration d',independence des    
,etats ,unis4    ,one of our            
distinguished ,college-professors1      
lately on a tour in ,europe1  had his   
attention called1 while passing along   
the street of a ,german  city1 to the   
pictorial representation of a ,,white   
,,man ,,scourging ,a  ,,supplicating    
,,colored ,,female1 with this allusion  
underwritten3--,a  ,,specimen ,,of      
,,equality--,,from ,,republican         
,,america4    ,truly might our          
countryman have exclaimed in the        
language1 if not with  the generous     
emotions of the ,trojan hero1 when he   
beheld the noble deeds  of his          
countrymen pencilled in a strange land--
    --,quis jam locus--  ,quae regio in 
terris nostri non plena laboris8        
,instead of being thus seated on a      
heaven-kissing hill1 and seen of all  in
 its pure radiance2 instead of enjoying 
its delightful airs1 and  imparting to  
them the healthful savor of justice1    

truth1 mercy1  magnanimity1 see what a  
picture we present2--our cannibal       
burnings of  human beings--our ,lynch   
courts--our lawless scourgings and      
capital  executions1 not only of slaves1
 but of freemen--our demoniac mobs      
raging  through the streets of our      
cities and large towns at midday as well
 as  at midnight1 shedding innocent     
blood1 devastating property1 and        
applying  the incendiaries' torch to    
edifices erected and dedicated to ,,free
  ,,discussion--the known friends of    
order1 of law1 of liberty1 of the       
,constitution--citizens1 distinguished  
for their worth at home1 and  reflecting
 honor on their country abroad1 shut out
 from more than half  our territory1 or 
visiting it at the hazard of their      
lives1 or of the  most degrading and    
painful personal inflictions--freedom of
 speech and  of the press overthrown and
 hooted at--the right of petition struck
 down  in ,congress1 where1 above all   
places1 it ought to have been maintained

  to the last--the people mocked at1 and
 attempted to be gagged by their  own   
servants--the time the office-honored   
veteran1 who fearlessly  contended for  
the right1 publicly menaced for words   
spoken in his  place as a representative
 of the people1 with an indictment by a 
slaveholding grand jury--in fine1 the   
great principles of government  asserted
 by our fathers in the ,declaration of  
,independence1 and embodied  in our     
,constitution1 with which they won for  
us the sympathy1 the  admiration of the 
world--all forgotten1 dishonoured1      
despised1 trodden  under foot6 ,and this
 for slavery66    ,horrible             
catalogue6--yet by no means a complete  
one--for so young a  nation1 boasting   
itself1 too1 to be the freest on earth6 
,it is the ripe  fruit of that chef     
d'oeuvre of political skill and         
patriotic  achievement--the ,,missouri  
,,compromise4    ,another such          
compromise--or any compromise now with  
slavery--and the  nation is undone4     

,,appendix ,f4    ,the following is     
believed to be a correct exhibit of the 
legislative  resolutions against the    
annexation of ,texas--of the times at   
which they  were passed1 and of the     
votes by which they were passed3--      
#a4 ,,vermont4        #a4 ,resolved1 ,by
 the ,senate and ,house of              
,representatives1 ,that our             
,senators in ,congress be instructed1   
and our ,representatives      requested1
 to use their influence in that body to 
prevent the      annexation of ,texas to
 the ,union4        #b4 ,resolved1 ,that
 representing1 as we do1 the people of  
,vermont1      we do hereby1 in their   
name1 ,,solemnly ,,protest against such 
annexation in any form4    ,passed      
unanimously1 ,nov4 #a1 #ahcg4    #b4    
,,rhode ,,island4    7,in ,general      
,assembly1 ,october ,session1 ,a4 ,d4   
#ahcg47        ,whereas the compact of  
the ,union between these states was     
entered      into by the people thereof 
in their respective states1 'in order to

      form a more perfect ,union1       
establish justice1 ensure domestic      
tranquillity1 provide for the common    
defence1 promote the general            
welfare1 and secure the blessings of    
liberty to themselves and their         
posterity2' and1 therefore1 a           
,representative ,government was         
instituted by them1 with certain limited
 powers1 clearly specified      and     
defined in the ,constitution--all other 
powers1 not therein      expressly      
relinquished1 being 'reserved to the    
states respectively1      or to the     
people4'        ,and whereas this       
limited government possesses no power to
 extend      its jurisdiction over any  
foreign nation1 and no foreign nation1  
country1 or people1 can be admitted into
 this ,union but by the      sovereign  
will and act of the free people of all  
and each of these      ,united ,states1 
nor without the formation of a new      
compact of      ,union--and another     
frame of government radically different1

 in      objects1 principles1 and       
powers1 from that which was framed for  
our      own self-government1 and deemed
 to be adequate to all the exigencies   
of our own free republic3--             
,therefore1 ,resolved1 ,that we have    
witnessed1 with deep concern1 the       
indications of a disposition to bring   
into this ,union1 as a      constituent 
member thereof1 the foreign province or 
territory      of ,texas4               
,resolved1 ,that1 although we are fully 
aware of the consequences      which    
must follow the accomplishment of such a
 project1 could it be                   
accomplished--aware that it would lead  
speedily to the conquest and            
annexation of ,mexico itself1 and its   
fourteen remaining provinces or         
intendencies--which1 together with the  
revolted province of ,texas1      would 
furnish foreign territories and foreign 
people for at least      twenty members 
of the new ,union2 that the government  
of a nation so      extended and so     

constructed would soon become radically 
changed in      character1 if not in    
form--would unavoidably become a        
military      government2 and1 under the
 plea of necessity1 would free itself   
from      the restraints of the         
,constitution and from its              
accountability to      the people4 ,that
 the ties of kindred1 common origin and 
common      interests1 which have so    
long bound this people together1 and    
would      still continue to bind them3 
these ties1 which ought to be held      
sacred by all true ,americans1 would be 
angrily dissolved1 and      sectional   
political combinations would be formed  
with the newly      admitted foreign    
states1 unnatural and adverse to the    
peace and      prosperity of the        
country4 ,the civil government1 with all
 the      arbitrary powers it might     
assume1 would be unable to control the  
storm4 ,the usurper would find himself  
in his proper element2 and1      after  
acting the patriot and the hero for a   

due season1 as the only      means of   
rescuing the country from the ruin which
 he had chiefly      contributed to     
bring upon it1 would reluctantly and    
modestly allow      himself to be       
declared ',protector of the             
,commonwealth4'        ,we are now fully
 aware of the deep degradation into     
which the      republic would sink      
itself in the eyes of the whole world1  
should it      annex to its own vast    
territories other and foreign           
territories of      immense though      
unknown extent1 for the purpose of      
encouraging the      propagation of     
slavery1 and giving aid to the raising  
of slaves      within its own bosom1 the
 very bosom of freedom1 to be esported  
and      sold in those unhallowed       
regions4 ,although we are fully aware of
      these fearful evils1 and          
numberless others which would come in   
their      train1 yet we do not here    
dwell upon them2 because we are here    
firmly convinced that the free people of

 most1 and we trust of all      these   
states1 will never suffer the admission 
of the foreign      territory of ,texas 
into this ,union as a constituent member
      thereof--will never suffer the    
integrity of this ,republic to be       
violated1 either by the introduction and
 addition to it of foreign      nations 
or territories1 one or many1 or by      
dismemberment of it by      the transfer
 of any one or more of its members to a 
foreign nation4      ,the people will be
 aware1 that should one foreign state or
 country      be introduced1 another and
 another may be1 without end1 whether   
situated in ,south ,america1 in the     
,west ,india islands1 or in any         
other part of the world2 and that a     
single foreign state1 thus              
admitted1 might have in its power1 by   
holding the balance between             
contending parties1 to wrest their own  
government from the hands and           
control of the people1 by whom it was   
established for their own      benefit  

and self-government4 ,we are firmly     
convinced1 that the free      people of 
these states will look upon any attempt 
to introduce the      foreign territory 
of ,texas1 or any other foreign         
territory or nation      into this      
,union1 as a constituent member or      
members thereof1 as      manifesting a  
willingness to prostrate the            
,constitution and dissolve      the     
,union4        ,resolved1 ,that ,his    
,excellency1 the ,governor1 be requested
 to      forward a copy of the foregoing
 resolutions to each of our ,senators   
and ,representatives in ,congress1 and  
to each of the ,executives of      the  
several states1 with a request that the 
same may be laid before      the        
respective ,legislatures of said states4
    ,the ,preamble and ,resolutions were
 unanimously adopted1 ,nov4 #c1 #ahcg4  
#c4 ,,ohio4        ,resolved1 by the    
,general ,assembly of the ,state of     
,ohio1 ,that in      the name1 and on   
behalf of the people of the ,state of   

,ohio1 we do      hereby ,,solemnly     
,,protest against the annexation of     
,texas to the ,union      of these      
,united ,states4        ,and be it      
further resolved1 ,that the ,governor be
 requested to      transmit to each of  
our ,senators and ,representatives in   
,congress1      and to the ,governors of
 each of the ,states1 a copy of the     
foregoing      resolution1 with a       
statement of the votes by which it was  
passed in      each branch of the       
,legislature4    ,passed by #fd out of  
#gb1 the whole number in the ,house of  
,representatives--unanomously in the    
,senate4 ,feb4 #bd1 #ahch4    #d4       
,,massachusetts4        ,resolves       
against the annexation of ,texas to the 
,united ,states4        ,whereas a      
proposition to admit into the ,united   
,states as a      constituent member    
thereof1 the foreign nation of ,texas1  
has been      recommended by the        
legislative resolutions of several      
,states1 and      brought before        

,congress for its approval and sanction2
 and whereas      such a measure would  
involve great wrong to ,mexico1 and     
otherwise be      of evil precedent1    
injurious to the interests and          
dishonorable to      the character of   
this country2 and whereas its avowed    
objects are      doubly fraught with    
peril to the prosperity and permanence  
of this      ,union1 as tending to      
disturb and destroy the conditions of   
those      compromises and concessions1 
entered into at the formation of the    
,constitution1 by which the relative    
weights of different sections      and  
interests were adjusted1 and to         
strengthen and extend the evils      of 
a system which is unjust in itself1 in  
striking contrast with the      theory  
of our institutions1 and condemned by   
the moral sentiment of      mankind2 and
 whereas the people of these ,united    
,states have not      granted to any or 
all of the departments of their         
,government1 but      have retained in  

themselves1 the only power adequate to  
the      admission of a foreign nation  
into this confederacy2 therefore1       
,resolved1 ,that we1 the ,senate and    
,house of ,representatives1 in          
,general ,court assembled1 do in the    
name of the people of                   
,massachusetts1 earnestly and solemnly  
protest against the      incorporation  
of ,texas into this ,union1 and declare1
 that no act      done or compact made1 
for such purpose by the government of   
the      ,united ,states1 will be       
binding on the ,states or the ,people4  
,resolved1 ,that his ,excellency the    
,governor be requested to      forward a
 copy of these resolutions and the      
accompanying report to      the         
,executive of the ,united ,states1 and  
the ,executive of each ,state      and  
also to each of our ,senators and       
,representatives in ,congress1      with
 a request that they present the        
resolves to both ,houses of             
,congress4    ,passed ,,march #af1      

#ahch1 ,,unanimously1 in both ,houses4  
99       99       99       99       99  
#e4 ,,michigan4    ,whereas1            
propositions have been made for the     
annexation of ,texas to the  ,united    
,states1 with a view to its ultimate    
incorporation into the ,union3          
,and whereas1 the extension of this     
,general ,government over so large      
a country on the south-west1 between    
which and that of the original          
states1 there is little affinity1 and   
less identity of interest1      would   
tend1 in the opinion of this            
,legislature1 greatly to disturb        
the safe and harmonious operations of   
the ,government of the ,united          
,states1 and put in imminent danger the 
continuance of this happy      ,union3  
,therefore1        ,be it resolved1 by  
the ,senate and ,house of               
,representatives of the      ,state of  
,michigan1 ,that in behalf1 and in the  
name of the ,state of      ,michigan1   
this ,legislature doth hereby dissent   

from1 and solemnly      protest against 
the annexation1 for any purpose1 to this
 ,union1 of      ,texas1 or of any other
 territory or district of country1      
heretofore      constituting a part of  
the dominions of ,spain in ,america1    
lying west      or south-west of        
,louisiana4        ,and be it further   
,resolved1 by the ,authority aforesaid1 
,that the      ,governor of this ,state 
be requested to transmit a copy of the  
foregoing preamble and resolve1 under   
the great seal of this state1      to   
the ,president of the ,united ,states2  
also1 that he transmit one      copy    
thereof1 authenticated in manner        
aforesaid1 to the ,president of      the
 ,senate of the ,united ,states1 with   
the respectful request of this          
,legislature1 that the same may be laid 
before the ,senate2 also1 that      he  
transmit one copy thereof to the        
,speaker of the ,house of               
,representatives of the ,united ,states1
 authenticated in like manner1      with

 the respectful request of this         
,legislature1 that the same may      be 
laid before the ,house of               
,representatives2 and also1 that he     
transmit to each of our ,senators and   
,representatives in ,congress1      one 
copy thereof1 together with the ,report 
adopted by this      ,legislature1 and  
which accompanies said preamble and     
resolves4    ,passed nearly if not quite
 unanimously1 ,april #b1 #ahch4         
99       99       99       99       99  
#f4 ,,connecticut4        ,resolved1    
,that we1 the ,senate and ,house of     
,representatives in      ,general       
,assembly convened1 do1 in the name of  
the people of this      ,state1 solemnly
 protest against the annexation of      
,texas to      this ,union4    ,passed1 
it is believed1 unanimously in both     
houses4           99       99       99  
99       99    7,those which follow were
 passed by but one branch of the        
respective  ,legislatures in which they 
were introduced47    #g4 ,,pennsylvania4

        ,resolutions relative to the    
admission of ,texas into the ,union4    
,whereas the annexation of ,texas to the
 ,united ,states has been      advocated
 and strongly urged by many of our      
fellow-citizens1      particularly in   
the southern part of our country1 and   
the president      of ,texas has        
received authority to open a            
correspondence with1 and      appoint1 a
 commissioner to our government to      
accomplish the      object2--,and       
whereas such a measure would bring to us
 a dangerous      extension of          
territory1 with a population generally  
not desirable1      and would probably  
involve us in war2--,and whereas the    
subject is      now pressed upon and    
agitated in ,congress2 therefore1       
,resolved1 c1 ,that our ,senators in    
,congress be instructed1 and      our   
,representatives requested1 to use their
 influence and vote      against the    
annexation of ,texas to the territory of
 the      united ,states4               

,resolved1 ,that the ,governor transmit 
to each of our ,senators and            
,representatives a copy of the foregoing
 preamble and resolutions4    ,passed   
the ,senate ,march #i1 #ahce1 by #bb to 
#f4 ,postponed indefinitely in  the     
,house of ,representatives1 ,april #ac1 
by #da to #ci4           99       99    
99       99       99    #h4 ,,maine4    
,resolved1 ,that the ,legislature of the
 ,state of ,maine1 on behalf      of the
 people of said state1 do earnestly and 
solemnly protest      against the       
annexation of the ,republic of ,texas to
 these ,united      ,states2 and that   
our ,senators and ,representatives in   
,congress be1      and they hereby are1 
requested to exert their utmost         
influence to      prevent the adoption  
of a measure at once so clearly         
unconstitutional1 and so directly       
calculated to disturb our foreign       
relations1 to destroy our domestic      
peace1 and to dismember our      blessed
 ,union4    ,passed in the ,house of    

,representatives1 ,march #bb1 #ahch1 by 
#he to #cj4  ,senate 7same day7 refused 
to concur by #aa to #aj4           99   
99       99       99       99    #i4    
,,new-,,york4        ,resolved1 7if the 
,senate concur17 ,that the admission of 
the      ,republic of ,texas into this  
,union would be entirely repugnant to   
the      will of the people of this     
state1 and would endanger the union of  
these ,united ,states4        ,resolved1
 7if the ,senate concur17 ,that this    
,legislature do1 in      the name of the
 people of the ,state of ,new ,york1    
solemnly protest      against the       
admission of the ,republic of ,texas    
into this ,union4        ,resolved1 7if 
the ,senate concur47 ,that his          
,excellency the ,governor      be       
requested to transmit a copy of the     
foregoing resolutions to each      of   
our ,senators and ,representatives in   
,congress1 and also to the              
governors of each of the ,united        
,states1 with a request that the same   

be laid before their respective         
,legislatures4    ,these resolutions    
passed the ,house of ,representatives in
 ,april1 by a  large majority--the      
newspapers say1 #hc to #ac4 ,they were  
indefinitely  postponed in the ,senate1 
by a vote of #ba to #i4           99    
99       99       99       99           
,,appendix ,g4    ,the number of        
petitioners for abolition in the        
,district of ,columbia1 and  on other   
subjects allied to it1 have been        
ascertained 7in the ,house of           
,representatives7 to be as follows3--   
,men4     ,women4     ,total4  ,for     
abolition in the ,district1             
#ea1cff    #gh1hhb    #acj1bdh  ,against
 the annexation of ,texas1      #ajd1igc
    #gg1dai    #ahb1cib  ,rescinding the
 gag resolution1         #ba1jae        
#aj1hba     #ca1hcf  ,against admitting 
any new slave state1 #aa1ggj    #aj1cia 
#bb1afa  ,for abolition of the          
slave-trade    between the states1      
#aa1hfd    #aa1eda     #bc1dje  ,for    

abolition of slavery in the             
territories1                            
#i1abi    #ab1jhc     #ba1bab  ,at the  
extra session for rescinding  the gag   
resolution of ,jan4 #ba1 #ahcg1         
#c1cgg                #c1cgg            
----------------------------  ,total1   
#bac1did   #bja1acg    #dad1fca    ,the 
number in the ,senate1 where some       
difficulty was interposed that          
prevented its being taken1 is estimated 
to have been about two-thirds as  great 
as that in the ,house4           99     
99       99       99       99           
,,appendix ,h4    ,on the #ast of       
,december1 one of the secretaries of the
 ,american  ,anti-,slavery ,society     
addressed a note to each of the         
,governors of the  slave states1 in     
which he informed them1 in courteous and
 respectful  terms1 that he had directed
 the ,publishing ,agent of this society1
  thereafter regularly to transmit to   
them1 free of charge1 the periodical    
publications issued from the office of  

the society4 ,to this offer the         
following replies were received3--      
,,governor ,,campbell',s ,,letter4      
,,james ,g4 ,,birney1 ,esq41 ,new ,york 
,,richmond1 ,dec4 #d1 #ahcg4            
,,sir1--,i received1 by yesterday's     
mail1 your letter of the #ast           
instant1 in which you state that you had
 directed the publishing      agent of  
the ,american ,anti-,slavery ,society1  
hereafter1 regularly to      transmit1  
free of charge1 by mail1 to all the     
governors of the slave      states1 the 
periodical publications issued from that
 office4        ,regarding your society 
as highly mischievous1 ,i decline       
receiving      any communications from  
it1 and must request that no            
publications      from your office be   
transmitted to me4        ,i am1 c1     
,,david ,,campbell4           99        
99       99       99       99           
,,governor ,,bagby',s ,,letter4         
,,tuscaloosa1 ,jan4 #f1 #ahch           
,,sir1--,i received1 by due course of   

mail1 your favor of the #ast of         
,december1 informing me that you had    
directed the publishing agent of        
the ,american ,anti-,slavery ,society to
 forward to the governors of the        
slaveholding states the periodicals     
issued from that office4 ,taking      it
 for granted1 that the only object which
 the society or yourself      could have
 in view1 in adopting this course1 is1  
the dissemination      of the opinions  
and principles of the society--having   
made up my own      opinion1            
unalterably1 in relation to the whole   
question of slavery1      as it exists  
in a portion of the ,united ,states1 and
 feeling      confident that1 in the    
correctness of this opinion1 ,i am      
sustained      by the entire free white 
population of ,alabama1 as well as the  
great      body of the people of this   
,union1 ,i must1 with the greatest      
respect      for yourself1 personally   
but not for the opinions or principles  
advocated by the society--positively    

decline receiving said                  
publications1 or any others of a similar
 character1 either      personally or   
officially4 ,indeed1 it is presuming a  
little too much1      to expect that the
 chief magistrate of a free people1     
elected by      themselves1 would hold  
correspondence or give currency to the  
publications of an organized society1   
openly engaged in a scheme      fraught 
with more mischievous consequences to   
their interest and      repose1 than any
 that the wit or folly of mankind has   
heretofore devised4        ,i am1 very  
respectfully1        ,your ob't servant1
        ,a4,p4 ,,bagby    ,,james ,g4   
,,birney1 ,esq41 ,new ,york4            
99       99       99       99       99  
,,governor ,,cannon',s ,,letter4        
,this letter required so many           
alterations to bring it up to the       
ordinary  standard of epistolary1       
grammatical1 and orthographical         
accuracy1 that  it is thought best to   
give it in word and letter1 precisely as

 it  was received at the office4        
,,executive ,,dept4--                   
,,nashville4 ,dec4 #abth1 #ahcg4        
,sir        ,i have rec'd yours of the  
#ast ,inst notifying me1 that you had   
directed1 your periodical publications1 
on the subject of ,slavery to      be   
sent to me free of charge c--and you are
 correct1 if sincere1 in      your      
views1 in supposing that we widely      
differ1 on this subject1 we      do     
indeed widely differ1 on it1 if the     
publications said to have      emanated 
from you1 are honest and sincere1 which1
 ,i admit1      is possible4        ,my 
opinions are fix'd and settled1 and ,i  
seldom ,look into or      examine1 the1 
different vague notions of others who   
write and      theorise on that subject4
 ,hence ,i trust you will not expect me 
to      examine1 what you have printed  
on this subject1 or cause to have       
printed4 ,if you or any other man are   
influenced by feelings of      humanity1
 and are laboring to relieve the        

sufferings1 of the human      race1 you 
may find objects enough immediately     
around you1 where you      are1 in any  
nonslaveholding ,state1 to engage your1 
attention1 and      all your exertions1 
in that good cause4        ,but if your 
aim is to make a flourish on the        
subject1 before the      world1 and to  
gain yourself some notoriety1 or        
distinction1 without1      doing good to
 any1 and evil to many1 of the human    
race1 you are1      pursuing the course 
calculated to effect4 ,such an object1  
in which      no honest man need envy4  
,your honours1 thus gaind1 ,i know there
 are      many such in our country1 but 
would fain hope1 you are not one of     
them4 ,if you have ,lived1 as you state 
forty years in a ,slave holding         
,state1 you know that1 that class of its
 population1 are not the      most1     
miserable1 degraded1 or unhappy1 either 
in their feelings or      habits1 ,you  
know they are generally governd1 and    
provided for by men      of information 

and understanding sufficient to guard   
them against      the most1 odious      
vices1 and hibets of the country1 from  
which1 you      know the slaves are in a
 far greater degree1 exempt than1 are   
other      portions of the population4  
,that the slaves are the most happy1    
moral and contented generally1 and free 
from suffering of any kind1      having1
 each full confidence1 in his masters1  
skill means and      disposition to     
provide well for him1 knowing also at   
the same time      that it is his       
interest to do it4 ,hence in this ,state
 of ,society      more than any other1  
,superior intelligence has the          
ascendency1 in      governing and       
provideing1 for the wants of those      
inferior1 also in      giveing direction
 to their ,labour1 and industry1 as     
should be the      case1 superior       
intelligence ,should govern1 when united
 with ,virtue1      and interest1 that  
great predominating principle in all    
human      affairs4 ,it is my rule of   

,life1 when ,i see any man labouring to 
produce effects1 at a distance from him1
 while neglecting the      objects      
immediately around him1 7in doing good7 
to suspect his      sincerity1 to       
suspect him for some selfish1 or        
sinister motive1 all      is not gold   
that glitters1 and every man is not what
 he1 endeavours      to appear to be1 is
 too well known4 ,it is the duty of     
masters to      take care of there      
slaves and provide for them1 and this   
duty ,i      believe is as generally and
 as fully complyd with as any other duty
      enjoind on the human family1 for  
next to their children their own        
offspring1 their slaves stand next      
foremost in their care and              
attention1 there are indeed very few    
instances of a contrary      character4 
,you can find around you1 ,i doubt not a
 large number of persons      intemix'd1
 in your society1 who are entirely      
destitute of that care1      and        
attention1 towards them that is enjoyed 

by our slaves1 and who      are         
destitute of that deep feeling of       
interest1 in guarding their      morals 
and habits1 and directing them through  
,life in all things1      which is here 
enjoyd by our slaves1 to those let your 
efforts be      directed immediately    
around you and do not trouble with your 
vague      speculations those who are   
contented and happy1 at a distance      
from you4        ,very respectfully     
yours1        ,n4 ,,cannon4    ,mr4     
,,jas4 ,g4 ,,birney1 ,cor4 ,sec4 c4     
99       99       99       99       99  
,the letter of the ,secretary to the    
governor of ,south ,carolina was not    
answered1 but was so inverted and folded
 as to present the  subscribed name of  
the secretary1 as the superscription of 
the same  letter to be returned4 ,the   
addition of ,new ,york to the address   
brought  it back to this office4        
,whilst governor ,butler was thus       
refusing the information that was       
proffered to him in the most respectful 

terms from this office1 he was  engaged 
in another affair1 having connection    
with the anti-slavery  movement1 as     
indiscreet1 as it was unbecoming the    
dignity of the office  he holds4 ,the   
following account of it is from one of  
the ,boston  papers3--        ,hoaxing a
 ,governor4--,the ,national ,aegis says1
 that ,hollis ,parker1      who was     
sentenced to the state prison at the    
late term of the      criminal court for
 ,worcester county1 for endeavoring to  
extort money      from governor         
,everett1 had opened an extensive       
correspondence1      previous to his    
arrest1 with similar intent1 with other 
distinguished men of the country4       
,besides several individuals in ,new    
,york1 governor ,butler1 of ,south      
,carolina1 was honored with his         
notice4 ,a letter from that gentleman1  
directed to ,parker1 was lately         
received at the post office in a town   
near ,worcester1 enclosing a      check 
for fifty dollars4 ,so far as the       

character of ,parker's letter      can  
be inferred from the reply of governor  
,butler1 it would appear1      that     
,parker informed the governor1 that the 
design was entertained      by some of  
our citizens1 of transmitting to ,south 
,carolina a      quantity of 'incendiary
 publications1' and that with the aid of
 a      little money1 he 7,parker7 would
 be able to unravel the plot1 and       
furnish full information concerning it  
to his excellency4 ,the bait      took1 
and the money was forwarded1 with       
earnest appeals to ,parker to      be   
vigilant and active in thoroughly       
investigating the supposed              
conspiracy against the peace and        
happiness of the ,south4        ,the    
,aegis has the following very just      
remarks touching this                   
case3--',governor ,butler belongs to a  
state loud in its professions      of   
regard for state rights and state       
sovereignty4 ,we1 also1 are      sincere
 advocates of that good old republican  

doctrine4 ,it strikes      us1 that it  
would have comported better with the    
spirit of that      doctrine1 the       
dignity1 of his own station and         
character1 the respect      and courtesy
 due to a sovereign and independent     
state1 if governor      ,butler had made
 the proper representation1 if the      
subject was      deserving of such      
notice1 to the acknowledged head and    
constituted      authorities of that    
state1 instead of holding official      
correspondence with a citizen of a      
foreign jurisdiction1 and      employing
 a secret agent and informer1 whose very
 offer of such      service was proof of
 the base and irresponsible character of
 him who      made it4'           99    
99       99       99       99           
,,governor ,,conway',s ,,letter4        
,,executive ,,department1 ,,little      
,,rock1 ,,arkansas1 ,march #a1 #ahch4   
,sir--,a newspaper1 headed ',the        
,emancipator1' in which you are         
announced the 'publishing agent1' has1  

for some weeks past1 arrived      at the
 post office in this city1 to my        
address4 ,not having      subscribed1 or
 authorized any individual to give my   
name as a      subscriber1 for that or  
any such paper1 it is entirely          
gratuitous      on the part of its      
publishers to send me a copy2 and not   
having a      favorable opinion of the  
intentions of the authors and founders  
of the ',american ,anti-,slavery        
,society2' ,i have to request a         
discontinuance of ',the ,emancipator4'  
,your ob't servant1 ,j4,s4 ,,conway4    
,r4 ,g4 ,,williams1 ,esq41 ,new ,york4  
99       99       99       99       99  
,,note4--,the following extract of a    
letter1 from the late ,chief ,justice   
,jay to the late venerable ,elias       
,boudinot1 dated ,nov4 #ag1 #ahai1 might
  well have formed part of ,appendix ,e4
 ,its existence1 however1 was not  known
 till it was too late to insert it in   
its most appropriate place4  ,it shows  
the view taken of some of the           

constitutional questions by a           
distinguished jurist1--one of the purest
 patriots too1 by whom our early        
history was illustrated4        ,little 
can be added to what has been said and  
written on the      subject of slavery4 
,i concur in the opinion1 that it ought 
not to be      introduced1 nor permitted
 in any of the new states2 and that it  
ought to be gradually diminished1 and   
finally1 abolished1 in all      of them4
        ,to me1 the constitutional      
authority of the ,congress to prohibit  
the migration and importation of slaves 
into any of the states1      does not   
appear questionable4        ,the first  
article of the ,constitution specifics  
the legislative      powers committed to
 ,congress4 ,the ninth section of that  
article has      these words3--',the    
migration or importation of such persons
 as      any of the now existing states 
shall think proper to admit1 shall      
not be prohibited by the ,congress prior
 to the year #ahjh--;but a tax      or  

duty may be imposed on such importation 
not exceeding ten      dollars for each 
person4'        ,i understand the sense 
and meaning of this clause to be1 ,that 
the      power of the ,congress1        
although competent to prohibit such     
migration and importation1 was not to be
 exercised with respect to      the     
,,then existing states1 and them only1  
until the year #ahjh2 but      that     
,congress were at liberty to make such  
prohibition as to any      new state    
which might in the meantime be          
established4 ,and      further1 that    
from and after that period1 they were   
authorized to      make such prohibition
 as to all the states1 whether new or   
old4        ,slaves were the persons    
intended4 ,the word slaves was avoided1 
on      account of the existing         
toleration of slavery1 and its          
discordancy      with the principles of 
the ,revolution2 and from a             
consciousness of      its being         
repugnant to those propositions to the  

,declaration of                         
,independence3--',we hold these truths  
to be self-evident--that all      men   
are created equal--that they are endowed
 by their ,creator with      certain    
inalienable rights--and that1 among     
these1 are life1      liberty1 and the  
pursuit of happiness4'           99     
99       99       99       99           
,,no4 #i4    ,,the ,,anti-,,slavery     
,,examiner4           99       99       
99       99       99    ,,letter    ,,of
    ,,gerrit ,,smith1    ,,to    ,,hon4 
,,henry ,,clay4           99       99   
99       99       99    ,,new ,,york3   
,,published ,,by ,,the ,,american       
,,anti-,,slavery ,,society1 ,,no4 #adc  
,,nassau ,,street4  ----- #ahci4        
99       99       99       99       99  
,this ,no4 contains #c-a_/b             
sheets4--,postage1 under #ajj miles1 #f 
cts4 over  #ajj1 #aj cts4    ,please    
,read and circulate4        ,,letter4   
99       99       99       99       99  
,,peterboro1 ,,march #ba1 #ahci4        

,,hon4 ,,henry ,,clay3    ,,dear ,,sir1 
,in the ,annual ,meeting of the         
,american ,colonization ,society1 held  
in the  ,capitol in the city of         
,washington1 ,december1 #ahce1 you      
commented on a  speech made by myself1  
the previous autumn4 ,your objections to
 that  speech formed the principal      
subject matter of your remarks4 ,does   
not  this fact somewhat mitigate the    
great presumption of which ,i feel      
myself  guilty1 in undertaking1 all     
unhonored and humble as ,i am1 to review
 the  production of one of the most     
distinguished statesmen of the age8     
,until the appearance of your celebrated
 speech on the subject of  slavery1 ,i  
had supposed that you cherished a sacred
 regard for the right  of petition4 ,i  
now find1 that you value it no more     
highly than they do1  who make open war 
upon it4 ,indeed1 you admit1 that1 in   
relation to this  right1 there is no    
substantial difference between them and 
yourself4  ,instead of rebuking1 you    

compliment them2 and1 in saying that the
  majority of the ,senate would not     
violate the right of petition in any    
case1 in which1 according to its        
judgment1 the object of the petition    
could be safely or properly granted1 you
 show to what destructive  conditions   
you subject this absolute right4 ,your  
doctrine is1 that in  those cases1 where
 the object of the petition is such1 as 
the  supplicated party can approve1     
previously to any discussion of its     
merits--there1 and there only1 exists   
the right of petition4 ,for aught ,i    
see1 you are no more to be regarded as  
the friend of this right1 than is  the  
conspicuous gentleman,a who framed the  
,report on that subject1  which was     
presented to the ,senate of my state the
 last month4 ,that  gentleman admits the
 sacredness of the right to petition on 
any  subject2 and yet1 in the same      
breath1 he insists on the equal         
sacredness of the right to refuse to    
attend to a petition4 ,he manifestly    

failed to bear in mind1 that a right to 
petition implies the correlative  right 
to be heard4 ,how different are the     
statesmen1 who insist on the  right to  
refuse to attend to a petition1 from    
,him1 who says1 ,whoso  stoppeth his    
ears at the cry of the poor1 he also    
shall cry himself1 but  shall not be    
heard4 ,and who are poor1 if it be not  
those for whom the  abolitionists cry8  
,they must even cry by proxy4 ,for1 in  
the language of  ,john ,quincy ,adams1  
the champion of the right of petition1  
,the slave is  not permitted to cry for 
mercy--to plead for pardon--to utter the
 shriek  of perishing nature for relief4
 ,it may be well to remark1 that the    
error1 which ,i have pointed out in the 
,report in question1 lies in the        
premises of the principal argument of   
that paper2 and that the  correction of 
this error is necessarily attended with 
the destruction of  the premises1 and   
with the overthrow of the argument1     
which is built  upon them4    ,footnote 

,a3 ,colonel ,young4    ,i surely need  
not stop to vindicate the right of      
petition4 ,it is a  natural right--one  
that human laws can guarantee1 but can  
neither create  nor destroy4 ,it is an  
interesting fact1 that the ,amendment to
 the  ,federal ,constitution1 which     
guarantees the right of petition1 was   
opposed in the ,congress of #aghi as    
superfluous4 ,it was argued1 that this  
is a self-evident1 inalienable right1   
which the people possess1 and  that it  
would never be called in question4 ,what
 a change in  fifty years6    ,you deny 
the power of ,congress to abolish the   
inter-state traffic in  human beings2   
and1 inasmuch as you say1 that the right
 to regulate  commerce with foreign     
nations1 and among the several states1  
does not  include the right to prohibit 
and destroy commerce2 and1 inasmuch as  
it  is understood1 that it was in virtue
 of the right to regulate commerce1     
that ,congress enacted laws to restrain 
our participation in the ,african  slave

 trade1 you perhaps also deny1 that     
,congress had the power to  enact such  
laws4 ,the history of the times in which
 the ,federal  ,constitution was framed 
and adopted1 justifies the belief1 that 
the  clause of that instrument under    
consideration conveys the power1 which  
,congress exercised4 ,for instance1     
,governor ,randolph1 when speaking in   
the ,virginia ,convention of #aghh1 of  
the clause which declares1 that the     
migration or importation of such persons
 as any of the states now  existing     
shall think proper to admit1 shall not  
be prohibited by  ,congress prior to the
 year #ahjh1 said1 ,this is an exception
 from the  power of regulating commerce1
 and the restriction is to continue only
  till #ahjh4 ,then ,congress can1 by   
the exercise of that power1 prevent     
future importations4    ,were ,i1       
however1 to admit that the right to     
regulate commerce1 does  not include the
 right to prohibit and destroy commerce1
 it nevertheless  would not follow1 that

 ,congress might not prohibit or destroy
 certain  branches of commerce4 ,it     
might need to do so1 in order to        
preserve our  general commerce with a   
state or nation4 ,so large a proportion 
of the  cloths of ,turkey might be      
fraught with the contagion of the       
plague1 as  to make it necessary for our
 ,government to forbid the importation  
of all  cloths from that country1 and   
thus totally destroy one branch of our  
commerce with it1 to the end that the   
other branches might be preserved4  ,no 
inconsiderable evidence that ,congress  
has the right to prohibit or  destroy a 
branch of commerce1 is to be found in   
the fact1 that it has  done so4 ,from   
,march1 #agid1 to ,may1 #ahbj1 it       
enacted several laws1 which  went to    
prohibit or destroy1 and1 in the end1   
did prohibit or destroy  the trade of   
this country with ,africa in human      
beings4 ,and1 if ,congress  has the     
power to pass embargo laws1 has it not  
the power to prohibit or  destroy       

commerce altogether8    ,it is1 however1
 wholly immaterial1 whether ,congress   
could prohibit our  participation in the
 ,african slave trade1 in virtue of the 
clause  which empowers it to regulate   
commerce4 ,that the ,constitution does1 
in  some one or more of its passages1   
convey the power1 is manifest from the  
testimony of the ,constitution itself4  
,the first clause of the ninth  section 
says3 ,the migration or importation of  
such persons1 as any of  the states now 
existing shall think proper to admit1   
shall not be  prohibited by the         
,congress prior to they year #ahjh4 ,now
 the implication  in this clause of the 
existence of the power in question1 is  
as  conclusive1 as would be the express 
and positive grant of it4 ,you will     
observe1 too1 that the power of         
,congress over migration or             
importation1 which this clause implies1 
is a power not merely to  regulate1 as  
you define the word1 but to prohibit4   
,it is clear1 then1 that ,congress had  

the power to interdict our trade in     
human beings with ,africa4 ,but1 in view
 of what has been said on that          
point--in view of the language of the   
,federal ,constitution--of the          
proceedings of the ,convention1 which   
framed it--and of the cotemporary       
public sentiment--is it any less clear1 
that ,congress has the power to         
interdict the inter-state traffic in    
human beings8    ,there are some1 who   
assert that the words migration and     
importation1  instead of referring1 as  
,i maintain they do--the former to the  
removal  of slaves from state to state1 
and the latter to their introduction    
from  ,africa--are used in the          
,constitution as synonyms1 and refer    
exclusively  to the ,african slave      
trade4 ,but there is surely no ground   
for the  imputation of such utter       
tautology1 if we recollect that the     
,constitution was written by scholars1  
and that remarkable pains were  taken to
 clear it of all superfluous words--a   

,committee having been  appointed for   
that special purpose4 ,but1 it may be   
asked1 ,why1 in  reference to the taking
 of slaves from one state to another1   
use the  word migration1 which denotes  
voluntary removal8 ,one answer is--that 
it can be used with as much propriety in
 that case1 as in the removal of  slaves
 from ,africa--the removal in the one   
case being no less  involuntary than in 
the other4 ,another answer is--that the 
framers of  the ,constitution selected  
the word migration1 because of its      
congruity  with that of persons1 under  
which their virtuous shame sought to    
conceal from posterity the existence of 
seven hundred thousand slaves  amongst a
 people1 who had but recently entered   
upon their national  career1 with the   
solemn declaration1 that all men are    
created equal4    ,john ,jay1 whose     
great celebrity is partly owing to his  
very able  expositions of the           
,constitution1 says3 ,to me1 the        
constitutional  authority of the        

,congress to prohibit the migration and 
importation of  slaves into any of the  
states1 does not appear questionable4   
,if the  disjunctive between migration  
and importation in the ,constitution1   
argues their reference to the same      
thing1 ,mr4 ,jay's copulative argues    
more strongly1 that1 in his judgment1   
they refer to different things4    ,the 
law of ,congress constituting the       
,territory of ,orleans1 was enacted  in 
#ahjd4 ,it fully recognizes the power of
 that body to prohibit the  trade in    
slaves between a territory and the      
states4 ,but1 if ,congress had  this    
power1 why had it not as clear a power  
to prohibit1 at that time1  the trade in
 slaves between any two of the states8  
,it might have  prohibited it1 but for  
the constitutional suspension of the    
exercise of  the power4 ,the term of    
that suspension closed1 however1 in     
#ahjh2 and1  since that year1 ,congress 
has had as full power to abolish the    
whole  slave trade between the states1  

as it had in #ahjd to abolish the like  
trade between the ,territory of ,orleans
 and the states4    ,but1               
notwithstanding the conclusive evidence1
 that the ,constitution  empowers       
,congress to abolish the inter-state    
slave trade1 it is  incomprehensible to 
many1 that such states as ,virginia and 
,maryland  should have consented to     
deprive themselves of the benefit of    
selling  their slaves into other states4
 ,it is incomprehensible1 only because  
they look upon such states in the light 
of their present character and  present 
interests4 ,it will no longer be so1 if 
they will bear in mind1  that slave     
labor was then1 as it is now1           
unprofitable for ordinary  agriculture1 
and that ,whitney's cotton-gin1 which   
gave great value to  such labor1 was not
 yet invented1 and that the purchase of 
,louisiana1  which has had so great an  
effect to extend and perpetuate the     
dominion  of slavery1 was not yet made4 
,it will no longer be incomprehensible  

to  them1 if they will recollect1 that1 
at the period in question1 ,american    
slavery was regarded as a rapidly       
decaying1 if not already expiring       
institution4 ,it will no longer be so1  
if they will recollect1 how small  was  
the price of slaves then1 compared with 
their present value2 and  that1 during  
the ten years1 which followed the       
passage of the ,act of  ,virginia in    
#aghb1 legalizing manumissions1 her     
citizens emancipated  slaves to the     
number of nearly one-twentieth of the   
whole amount of her  slaves in that     
year4 ,to learn whether your native     
,virginia clung in the  year #aghg to   
the inter-state traffic in human flesh1 
we must take our  post of observation1  
not amongst her degenerate sons1 who1 in
 #ahcf1 sold  men1 women1 and children1 
to the amount of twenty-four millions of
  dollars--not amongst her ,president   
,dews1 who write books in favor of      
breeding human stock for                
exportation--but amongst her            

,washingtons1 and  ,jeffersons1 and     
,henrys1 and ,masons1 who1 at the period
 when the  ,constitution was framed1    
freely expressed their abhorrence of    
slavery4    ,but1 however confident you 
may be1 that ,congress has not the      
lawful  power to abolish the branch of  
commerce in question2 nevertheless1     
would  the abolition of it be so clearly
 and grossly unconstitutional1 as to    
justify the contempt with which the     
numerous petitions for the measure  are 
treated1 and the impeachment of their   
fidelity to the ,constitution1  and of  
their patriotism and purity1 which the  
petitioners are made  to endure8    ,i  
was about to take it for granted1 that1 
although you deny the power of          
,congress to abolish the inter-state    
traffic in human beings1 you do not     
justify the traffic--when ,i recollected
 the intimation in your speech1  that   
there is no such traffic4 ,for1 when you
 speak of the slave trade  between the  
states1 and add--or1 as it is described 

in abolition  petitions1 the traffic in 
human beings between the states--do you 
not  intimate there is no such traffic8 
,whence this language8 ,do you not      
believe slaves are human beings8 ,and do
 you not believe that they suffer  under
 the disruption of the dearest earthly  
ties1 as human beings  suffer8 ,i will  
not detain you to hear what we of the   
,north think of this  internal slave    
trade4 ,but ,i will call your attention 
to what is thought  of it in your own   
,kentucky and in your native ,virginia4 
,says the  ,address of the ,presbyterian
 ,synod of ,kentucky to the ,churches in
  #ahce3--;,brothers and sisters1       
parents and children1 husbands and      
wives1  are torn asunder1 and permitted 
to see each other no more4 ,those acts  
are daily occurring in the midst of us4 
,the shrieks and the agony often        
witnessed on such occasions1 proclaim   
with a trumpet tongue the iniquity  and 
cruelty of the system4 ,there is not a  
neighborhood where these  heart-rending 

scenes are not displayed4 ,there is not 
a village or road  that does not behold 
the sad procession of manacled outcasts1
 whose  chains and mournful countenances
 tell that they are exiled by force from
  all that their hearts hold dear4 ,says
 ,thomas ,jefferson ,randolph1 in the   
,virginia ,legislature in #ahcb1 when   
speaking of this trade3 ,it is a        
practice1 and an increasing practice1 in
 parts of ,virginia1 to rear  slaves for
 market4 ,how can an honourable mind1 a 
patriot1 and a lover of  his country1   
bear to see this ancient dominion1      
rendered illustrious by  the noble      
devotion and patriotism of her sons in  
the cause of liberty1  converted into   
one grand menagerie1 where men are to be
 reared for the  market like oxen for   
the shambles4 ,is it better--is it not  
worse than  the 7foreign7 slave         
trade--that trade which enlisted the    
labor of the  good and wise of every    
creed and every clime to abolish8 ,the  
7foreign7  trader receives the slave1 a 

stranger in language1 aspect1 and       
manner1  from the merchant who has      
brought him from the interior4 ,the ties
 of  father1 mother1 husband1 and child1
 have already been rent in twain2       
before he receives him1 his soul has    
become callous4 ,but here1 sir1         
individuals whom the master has known   
from infancy1 whom he has seen  sporting
 in the innocent gambols of             
childhood--who have been accustomed  to 
look to him for protection1 he tears    
from the mother's arms1 and  sells into 
a strange country--among strange people1
 subject to cruel  taskmasters4    ,you 
are in favor of increasing the number of
 slave states4 ,the terms of  the       
celebrated ,missouri compromise warrant1
 in your judgment1 the  increase4 ,but1 
notwithstanding you admit1 that this    
unholy compromise1  in which            
tranquillity was purchased at the       
expense of humanity and  righteousness1 
does not in terms embrace the case1 and 
is not  absolutely binding and          

obligatory2 you1 nevertheless1 make no  
attempt  whatever to do away any one of 
the conclusive objections1 which are    
urged against such increase4 ,you do not
 attempt to show how the  multiplication
 of slave states can consist with the   
constitutional duty  of the ,united     
,states to guarantee to every state in  
the ,union a  republican form of        
government1 any more than if it were    
perfectly  clear1 that a government is  
republican under which one half of the  
people are lawfully engaged in buying   
and selling the other half2 or  than if 
the doctrine that all men are created   
equal were not the  fundamental and     
distinctive doctrine of a republican    
government4 ,you no  more vindicate the 
proposition to enlarge the realm of     
slavery1 than if  the proposition were  
as obviously in harmony with1 as it is  
opposed to  the anti-slavery tenor and  
policy of the ,constitution--the rights 
of  man--and the laws of ,god4    ,you  
are perhaps of the number of those1 who1

 believing1 that a state can  change its
 ,constitution as it pleases1 deem it   
futile in ,congress to  require1 that   
,states1 on entering the ,union1 shall  
have anti-slavery  ,constitutions4 ,the 
,framers of the ,federal ,constitution  
doubtless foresaw  the possibility of   
treachery1 on the part of the new       
,states1 in the  matter of slavery3 and 
the restriction in that instrument to   
the old  ,states--the ,states now       
existing--of the right to participate in
 the  internal and ,african slave trade 
may be ascribed to the motive of        
diminishing1 if not indeed of entirely  
preventing1 temptation to such          
treachery4 ,the ,ordinance concerning   
the ,north-west ,territory1 passed by   
the ,congress of #aghg1 and ratified by 
the ,congress of #agij1 shows1 so  far  
as those bodies can be regarded as      
correct interpreters of the             
,constitution which was framed in #aghg1
 and adopted in #aghi1 that slavery  was
 not to have a constitutional existence 

in the new ,states4 ,the  ,ordinance    
continues the privilege of recapturing  
fugitive slaves in the  ,north-west     
,territory to the existing ,states4     
,slaves in that territory1  to be the   
subjects of lawful recapture1 must in   
the language of the  ,ordinance1 owe    
labour or service in one of the original
 ,states4    ,i close what ,i have to   
say on this topic1 with the remark1 that
 were it  admitted1 that the reasons for
 the increase of the number of slave    
,states are sound and satisfactory1 it  
nevertheless would not follow1  that the
 moral and constitutional wrong of      
preventing that increase is  so         
palpable1 as to justify the scorn and   
insult1 which are heaped by  ,congress  
upon this hundred thousand petitioners  
for this measure4    ,it has hitherto   
been supposed1 that you distinctly and  
fully admitted  the ,constitutional     
power of ,congress to abolish slavery in
 the ,district  of ,columbia4 ,but1 on  
this point1 as on that of the right of  

petition1  you have for reasons known to
 yourself1 suddenly and greatly changed 
your tone4 ,whilst your speech argues1  
at no small length1 that ,congress  has 
not the right to abolish slavery in the 
,district1 all that it says  in favor of
 the ,constitutional power to abolish   
it1 is that the  language 7of the       
,constitution7 may possibly be          
sufficiently  comprehensive to include a
 power of abolition4 ,faint praise dams2
 and  your very reluctant and qualified 
concession of the ,constitutional power 
under consideration1 is to be construed1
 rather as a denial than a  concession4 
,until ,i acquire the skill of making   
white whiter1 and black blacker1 ,i     
shall have nothing to say in proof of   
the ,constitutional power of  ,congress 
over slavery in the ,district of        
,columbia1 beyond referring to  the     
terms1 in which the ,constitution so    
plainly conveys this power4 ,that       
instrument authorises ,congress to      
exercise exclusive legislation in all   

cases whatsoever over such ,district4   
,if these words do not confer the       
power1 it is manifest that no words     
could confer it4 ,i will add that1      
never1 until the last few years1 had    
doubts been expressed1 that these  words
 do fully confer that power4    ,you    
will1 perhaps1 say1 that ,virginia and  
,maryland made their cessions  of the   
territory1 which constitutes the        
,district of ,columbia1 with            
reservations on the subject of slavery4 
,we answer1 that none were  expressed2,a
 and that if there had been1 ,congress  
would not1 and in  view of the language 
of the ,constitution1 could not1 have   
accepted the  cessions4 ,you may then   
say1 that they would not have ceded the 
territory1 had it occurred to them1 that
 ,congress would have cleared it  of    
slavery2 and that1 this being the fact1 
,congress could not thus clear  it1     
without being guilty of bad faith1 and  
of an ungenerous and  unjustifiable     
surprise on those ,states4 ,there are   

several reasons for  believing1 that    
those ,states1 not only did not1 at the 
period in  question1 cherish a dread of 
the abolition of slavery2 but that the  
public sentiment within them was        
decidedly in favor of its speedy        
abolition4 ,at that period1 their most  
distinguished statesmen were            
trumpet-tongued against slavery4 ,at    
that period1 there was both a  ,virginia
 and a ,maryland society for promoting  
the abolition of  slavery2 and1 it was  
then1 that1 with the entire consent of  
,virginia  and ,maryland1 effectual     
measures were adopted to preclude       
slavery from  that large territory1     
which has since given ,ohio and several 
other  ,states to the ,union4 ,on this  
subject1 as on that of the inter-state  
slave trade1 we misinterpret ,virginia  
and ,maryland1 by not considering1  how 
unlike was their temper in relation to  
slavery1 amidst the decays  and dying   
throes of that institution half a       
century ago1 to what it is  now1 when   

slavery is not only revivified1 but has 
become the predominant  interest and    
giant power of the nation4 ,we forget1  
that our whole  country was1 at that    
time1 smitten with love for the holy    
cause of  impartial and universal       
liberty4 ,to judge correctly of the     
view1 which  our ,revolutionary fathers 
took of oppression1 we must go back and 
stand  by their side1 in their struggles
 against it1--we must survey them       
through the medium of the anti-slavery  
sentiment of their own times1 and  not  
impute to them the pro-slavery spirit so
 rampant in ours4    ,footnote ,a3      
,there is a proviso in the ,act of      
,virginia4 ,it was on this1  that three 
years ago1 in the ,senate of the ,united
 ,states1 ,benjamin  ,watkins ,leigh    
built his argument against the          
constitutional power of  ,congress to   
abolish slavery in the ,district of     
,columbia4 ,i well remember  that you   
then denied the soundness of his        
argument4 ,this superfluous  proviso    

virtually forbids ,congress to pass     
laws1 which shall affect the  rights of 
individuals in the ceded territory4     
,amongst the inviolable  rights was that
 of holding slaves1 as ,mr4 ,leigh      
contended4 ,i regret1  that1 in replying
 to him1 you did not make use of the    
fact1 that all the  members of ,congress
 from ,virginia voted in favor of the   
,ordinance1 which  abolished slavery in 
the ,north-,west ,territory2 and this   
too1  notwithstanding1 that1 in the ,act
 of #aghd1 by which she ceded the       
,north-,west ,territory to the          
,confederacy1 she provided1 that the    
citizens of ,virginia in the said       
,territory1 many of whom held slaves1   
should be protected in the enjoyment of 
their rights4 ,this fact  furnishes     
striking evidence that at1 or about1 the
 time of the cession  by ,virginia of   
her portion of the ,district of         
,columbia1 her statesmen  believed1 that
 the right to hold slaves in those      
portions of our country  under the      

exclusive jurisdiction of ,congress1 was
 not beyond the reach  of the           
controlling power of ,congress4    ,i   
will1 however1 suppose it true1 that    
,virginia and ,maryland would not  have 
made the cessions in question1 had they 
foreseen1 that ,congress  would abolish 
slavery in the ,district of             
,columbia3--and yet1 ,i affirm1  that it
 would be the duty of ,congress to      
abolish it4 ,had there been  ,state     
,prisons in the territory1 at the time  
,congress acquired  jurisdiction over   
it1 and had ,congress immediately opened
 their doors1  and turned loose hundreds
 of depraved and bloody criminals1 there
 would  indeed have been abundant       
occasion for complaint4 ,but1 had the   
exercise  of its power in the premises  
extended no farther than to the         
liberation  of such convicts1 as1 on a  
re-examination of their cases1 were     
found to  be clearly guiltless of the   
crimes charged upon them2 the sternest  
justice could not have objected to such 

an occasion for the rejoicing of  mercy4
 ,and are not the thousands in the      
,district1 for whose liberation         
,congress is besought1 unjustly deprived
 of their liberty8 ,not only are  they  
guiltless1 but they are even unaccused  
of such crimes1 as in the  judgment of  
any1 justly work a forfeiture of        
liberty4 ,and what do  ,virginia and    
,maryland ask8 ,is it1 that ,congress   
shall resubject to their  control those 
thousands of deeply wronged men8        
,no--for this ,congress  cannot do4     
,they ask1 that ,congress shall fulfil  
the tyrant wishes of  these ,states4    
,they ask1 that the whole people of the 
,united  ,states--those who hate1 as    
well as those who love slavery1 shall1  
by  their representatives1 assume the   
guilty and awful responsibility of      
perpetuating the enslavement of their   
innocent fellow men3--of chaining  the  
bodies and crushing the wills1 and      
blotting out the minds of such1  as have
 neither transgressed1 nor even been    

accused of having  transgressed1 a      
single human law4 ,and the crime1 which 
,virginia and  ,maryland1 and they1 who 
sympathise with them1 would have the    
nation  perpetrate1 is1 not simply that 
of prolonging the captivity of those1   
who were slaves before the cession--for 
but a handful of them are now  remaining
 in the ,district4 ,most of the present 
number became slaves  under the         
authority of this guilty nation4 ,their 
wrongs originated with  ,congress3 and  
,congress is asked1 not only to         
perpetuate their  oppression1 but to    
fasten the yoke of slavery on           
generations yet unborn4    ,there are   
those1 who advocate the recession of the
 ,district of ,columbia4  ,if the nation
 were to consent to this1 without having
 previously  exercised her power to     
break every yoke of slavery in the      
,district1  the blood of those so       
cruelly left there in the house of      
bondage1  would remain indelible and    
damning upon her skirts3--and this too1 

whether ,virginia and ,maryland did or  
did not intend to vest ,congress  with  
any power over slavery4 ,it is enough1  
that the nation has the power  to       
deliver them that are drawn unto death1 
and those that are ready to  be slain1  
to make her fearfully guilty before     
,god1 if she forbear to  exercise it4   
,suppose1 ,i were to obtain a lease of  
my neighbor's barn for the single  and  
express purpose of securing my crops2   
and that ,i should find1  chained up in 
one of its dark corners1 an innocent    
fellow man1 whom that  neighbor was     
subjecting to the process of a lingering
 death2 ought ,i to  pause and recall   
,president ,wayland's1 ,limitations of  
,human  ,responsibility1 and finally let
 the poor sufferer remain in his chains2
  or ought ,i not rather1 promptly to   
respond to the laws of my nature and  my
 nature's ,god1 and let him go free8    
,but1 to make this case analogous  to   
that we have been considering--to that1 
which imposes its claims on             

,congress--we must strike out entirely  
the condition of the lease1 and  with it
 all possible doubts of my right to     
release the victim of my  neighbor's    
murderous hate4    ,i am entirely       
willing to yield1 for the sake of       
argument1 that ,virginia  and ,maryland1
 when ceding the territory which        
constitutes the ,district  of ,columbia1
 did not anticipate1 and did not choose 
the abolition of  slavery in it4 ,to    
make the admission stronger1 ,i will    
allow1 that these  ,states were1 at the 
time of the cession1 as warmly opposed  
to the  abolition of slavery in the     
,district as they are said to be now3   
and to  make it stronger still1 ,i will 
allow1 that the abolition of slavery in 
the ,district would prove deeply        
injurious1 not only to ,virginia and    
,maryland but to the nation at large4   
,and1 after all these admissions1 ,i    
must still insist1 that ,congress is    
under perfectly plain moral  obligation 
to abolish slavery in the ,district of  

,columbia4    ,they1 who are deterred   
from favoring the abolition of slavery  
in the  ,district by the apprehension1  
that ,virginia and ,maryland1 if not1   
indeed1 the nation at large1 might      
suffer injurious consequences from  the 
measure1 overlook the fact1 that there  
is a third party in the case4  ,it is   
common to regard the nation as          
constituting one of the                 
parties--,virginia and ,maryland        
another1 and the only other4 ,but in    
point  of fact1 there is a third party4 
,of what does it consist8 ,of horses1   
oxen1 and other brutes8 ,then we need   
not be greatly concerned about          
it--since its rights in that case1 would
 be obviously subordinate to  those of  
the other parties4 ,again1 if such be   
the composition of this  third party1 we
 are not to be greatly troubled1 that   
,president ,wayland  and thousands of   
others entirely overlook its rights and 
interests2  though they ought to be     
somewhat mindful even of brutes4 ,but1  

this third  party is composed1 not of   
brutes--but of men--of the seven        
thousand men  in the ,district1 who have
 fallen under the iron hoofs of         
slavery--and  who1 because they are men1
 have rights equal to1 and as sacred as 
the  rights of any other men--rights1   
moreover1 which cannot be innocently    
encroached on1 even to the breadth of   
one hair1 whether under the plea  of    
state necessity--of the perils of       
emancipation--or under any other  plea1 
which conscience-smitten and cowardly   
tyranny can suggest4    ,if these lines 
shall ever be so favored1 as to fall    
under the eye of the  venerable and     
beloved ,john ,quincy ,adams1 ,i beg1   
that1 when he shall have  read them1 he 
will solemnly inquire of his heart1     
whether1 if he should  ever be left to  
vote against the abolition of slavery in
 the ,district of  ,columbia1 and thus  
stab deeply the cause of civil liberty1 
of humanity1  and of ,god2 the guilty   
act would not result from overlooking   

the rights  and interests1 and even the 
existence itself1 of a third party in   
the  case--and from considering the     
claims of the nation and those of       
,virginia and ,maryland1 as the only    
claims on which he was called to  pass1 
because they were the claims of the only
 parties1 of which he  was aware4       
,you admit that the first duty of       
,congress in relation to the ,district1 
of ,columbia1 is to render it available1
 comfortable1 and convenient as a  seat 
of the government of the whole ,union4  
,i thank you for an  admission1 which   
can be used1 with great effect1 against 
the many1 who  maintain1 that ,congress 
is as much bound to consult the         
interests and  wishes of the inhabitants
 of the ,district1 and be governed by   
them1 as a  ,state ,legislature is to   
study and serve the interests and wishes
 of its  constituents4 ,the inhabitants 
of the ,district have taken up their    
residence in it1 aware1 that the        
paramount object of ,congressional      

legislation is not their1 but the       
nation's advantage4 ,they judge1 that   
their disfranchisement and the other    
disadvantages attending their  residence
 are more than balanced by their        
favorable position for  participating in
 ,governmental patronage and other      
benefits4 ,they know1  that they have no
 better right to complain1 that the     
legislation of  ,congress is not        
dictated by a primary regard to their   
interests1 than  has the ,colonization  
,society1 of which you are ,president1  
to complain1  that the ,capitol1 in     
which it holds its annual meetings1 is  
not  constructed and fitted up in the   
best possible manner for such           
occasions4 ,they know1 that to sacrifice
 the design and main object of  that    
building to its occasional and          
incidental uses1 would be an  absurdity 
no greater than would ,congress be      
guilty of in shaping its  legislation to
 the views of the thirty thousand white 
inhabitants of the  ,district of        

,columbia1 at the expense of neglecting 
the will and  interests of the nation4  
,you feel1 that there is no hazard in   
your admission1 that the paramount      
object in relation to the ,district of  
,columbia1 is its suitableness for  a   
seat of ,government1 since you accompany
 that admission with the  denial1 that  
the presence of slavery interferes with 
such suitableness4  ,but is it not a    
matter of deep regret1 that the place1  
in which our  national laws are         
made--that the place from which the     
sentiment and  fashion of the whole     
country derive so much of their tone and
  direction--should cherish a system1   
which you have often admitted1 is at    
war with the first principles of our    
religion and civil polity2,a and  the   
influences of which are no less         
pervading and controlling than          
corrupting8 ,is it not a matter of deep 
regret1 that they1 whom other           
governments send to our own1 and to     
whom1 on account of their superior      

intellect and influence1 it is our      
desire1 as it is our duty1 to commend   
our free institutions1 should be obliged
 to learn their lessons of  practical   
republicanism amidst the monuments and  
abominations of  slavery8 ,is it no     
objection to the ,district of ,columbia1
 as the seat of  our ,government1 that  
slavery1 which concerns the political   
and moral  interests of the nation1 more
 than any other subject coming within   
the  range of legislation1 is not       
allowed to be discussed there--either   
within or without the ,halls of         
,congress8 ,it is one of the doctrines  
of  slavery1 that slavery shall not be  
discussed4 ,some of its advocates are   
frank enough to avow1 as the reason for 
this prohibition1 that slavery  cannot  
bear to be discussed4 ,in your speech   
before the ,american  ,colonization     
,society in #ahce1 to which ,i have     
referred1 you distinctly  take the      
ground1 that slavery is a subject not   
open to general  discussion4 ,very far  

am ,i from believing1 that you would    
employ1 or  intentionally countenance   
violence1 to prevent such discussion4   
,nevertheless1 it is to this doctrine of
 non-discussion1 which you and  others  
put forth1 that the ,north is indebted  
for her pro-slavery mobs1  and the      
,south for her pro-slavery ,lynchings4  
,the declarations of such  men as ,henry
 ,clay and ,john ,c4 ,calhoun1 that     
slavery is a question not to  be        
discussed1 are a license to mobs to burn
 up halls and break up  abolition       
meetings1 and destroy abolition presses1
 and murder abolition  editors4 ,had    
such men held the opposite doctrine1 and
 admitted1 yea1 and  insisted1 as it was
 their duty to do1 that every question  
in morals and  politics is a legitimate 
subject of free discussion--the         
,district of  ,columbia would be far    
less objectionable1 as the seat of our  
,government4  ,in that case the lamented
 ,dr4 ,crandall would not have been     
seized in the  city of ,washington on   

the suspicion of being an abolitionist1 
and thrown  into prison1 and subjected  
to distresses of mind and body1 which   
resulted in his premature death4 ,had   
there been no slavery in the  ,district1
 this outrage would not have been       
committed2 and the murders1  chargeable 
on the bloodiest of all bloody          
institutions1 would have been  one less 
than they now are4 ,talk of the         
slaveholding ,district of  ,columbia    
being a suitable locality for the seat  
of our ,government6 ,why1  ,sir1 a      
distinguished member of ,congress was   
threatened there with an  indictment for
 the crime of presenting1 or rather of  
proposing to  present1 a petition to the
 body with which he was connected6      
,indeed the  occasion of the speech1 on 
which ,i am now commenting1 was the     
impudent  protest of inhabitants of that
 ,district against the right of the     
,american people to petition their own  
,congress1 in relation to matters  of   
vital importance to the seat of their   

own ,government6 ,i take occasion  here 
to admit1 that ,i have seen but         
references to this protest--not the     
protest itself4 ,i presume1 that it is  
not dissimilar1 in its spirit1 to  the  
petition presented about the same time  
by ,mr4 ,moore in the other  ,house of  
,congress--his speech on which1 he      
complains was ungenerously  anticipated 
by yours on the petition presented by   
yourself4 ,as the  petition presented by
 ,mr4 ,moore is short1 ,i will copy it1 
that ,i may say  to you with the more   
effect--how unfit is the spirit of a    
slaveholding  people1 as illustrated in 
this petition1 to be the spirit of the  
people  at the seat of a free           
,government6    ,footnote ,a3 ,it       
7slavery7 is a sin and a curse both to  
the master and  the slave3--,henry      
,clay4    ,to the ,senate and ,house of 
,representatives of the ,united ,states3
    ,the petition of the undersigned1   
citizens of the ,district of ,columbia  
represents--,that they have witnessed   

with deep regret the attempts which  are
 making to disturb the integrity of the 
,union by a ,,band ,,of  ,,fanatics1    
embracing men1 women1 and children1 who 
cease not day and  night to crowd the   
tables of your halls with ,,seditious   
,,memorials--and  solicit your honorable
 bodies that you will1 in your wisdom1  
henceforth  give neither support nor    
countenance to such ,,unhallowed        
,,attempts1 but  that you will1 in the  
most emphatic manner1 set the seal of   
your  disapprobation upon all such      
,,foul ,,and ,,unnatural ,,efforts1 by  
refusing not  only to ,,read and        
,,refer1 but also to ,,receive any      
papers which either  directly or        
indirectly1 or by implication1 aim at   
any interference with  the rights of    
your petitioners1 or of those of any    
citizen of any of the  ,states or       
,territories of the ,united ,states1 or 
of this ,district of which  we are      
inhabitants4    ,a ,legislature should  
be imbued with a free1 independent1     

fearless  spirit4 ,but it cannot be1    
where discussion is overawed and        
interdicted1  or its boundaries at all  
contracted4 ,wherever slavery reigns1   
the  freedom of discussion is not       
tolerated3 and whenever slavery exists1 
there slavery reigns2--reigns too with  
that exclusive spirit of ,turkish       
despotism1 that1 bears no brother near  
the throne4    ,you agree with          
,president ,wayland1 that it is as      
improper for ,congress to  abolish      
slavery in the ,district of ,columbia1  
as to create it in some  place in the   
free ,states1 over which it has         
jurisdiction4 ,as improper1  in the     
judgment of an eminent statesman1 and of
 a no less eminent  divine1 to destroy  
what they both admit to be a system of  
unrighteousness1 as to establish it6 ,as
 improper to restrain as to  practice1 a
 violation of ,god's law6 ,what will    
other countries and coming  ages think  
of the politics of our statesmen and the
 ethics of  our divines8    ,but1       

besides its immorality1 ,congress has no
 ,constitutional right to  create       
slavery4 ,you have not yet presumed to  
deny positively1 that  ,congress has the
 right to abolish slavery in the        
,district of ,columbia2  and1           
notwithstanding the intimation in your  
speech1 you will not presume  to affirm1
 that ,congress has the ,constitutional 
right to enact laws  reducing to1 or    
holding in slavery1 the inhabitants of  
,west ,point1 or  any other locality in 
the free ,states1 over which it has     
exclusive  jurisdiction4 ,i would here  
remark1 that the law of ,congress1 which
  revived the operation of the laws of  
,virginia and ,maryland in the          
,district of ,columbia1 being1 so far as
 it respects the slave laws of  those   
,states1 a violation of the ,federal    
,constitution1 should be held of  no    
avail towards legalizing slavery in the 
,district--and the subjects of  that    
slavery1 should1 consequently1 be       
declared by our ,courts  unconditionally

 free4    ,you will admit that slavery  
is a system of surpassing               
injustice3--but  an avowed object of the
 ,constitution is to establish justice4 
,you will  admit that it utterly        
annihilates the liberty of its          
victims3--but  another of the avowed    
objects of the ,constitution is to      
secure the  blessings of liberty4 ,you  
will admit1 that slavery does1 and      
necessarily must1 regard its victims as 
chattels4 ,the ,constitution1 on  the   
contrary1 speaks of them as nothing     
short of persons4 ,roger  ,sherman1 a   
signer of the ,declaration of           
,independence1 a framer of the  ,federal
 ,constitution1 and a member of the     
first ,congress under it1  denied that  
this instrument considers slaves as a   
species of property4  ,mr4 ,madison1 in 
the #edth ,no4 of the ,federalist       
admits1 that the  ,constitution regards 
them as inhabitants4 ,many cases might  
be cited1  in which ,congress has1 in   
consonance with the ,constitution1      

refused to  recognize slaves as         
property4 ,it was the expectation1 as   
well as the  desire of the framers of   
the ,constitution1 that slavery should  
soon  cease to exist is our country2    
and1 but for the laws1 which both       
,congress and the slave ,states1 have1  
in flagrant violation of the letter  and
 spirit and obvious policy of the       
,constitution1 enacted in behalf of     
slavery1 that vice would1 ere this1 have
 disappeared from our land4  ,look1 for 
instance1 at the laws enacted in the    
fact of the clause3 ,the  citizens of   
each ,state shall be entitled to all the
 privileges and  immunities of citizens 
in the several ,states--laws too1 which 
the  ,states that enacted them1 will not
 consent to repeal1 until they consent  
to abandon slavery4 ,it is by these     
laws1 that they shut out the colored    
people of the ,north1 the presence of a 
single individual of whom so  alarms    
them with the prospect of a servile     
insurrection1 that they  immediately    

imprison him4 ,such was the view of the 
,federal ,constitution  taken by ,james 
,wilson one of its framers1 that1       
without1 as ,i presume1  claiming for   
,congress any direct power over slavery 
in the slave ,states1  he declared that 
it possessed power to exterminate       
slavery from within  our borders4 ,it   
was probably under a like view1 that    
,benjamin ,franklin1  another of its    
framers1 and ,benjamin ,rush1 a signer  
of the ,declaration  of ,independence1  
and other men of glorious and blessed   
memory1  petitioned the first ,congress 
under the ,constitution to countenance  
the  restoration to liberty of those    
unhappy men1 7the slaves of our         
country74 ,and in what light that same  
,congress viewed the ,constitution  may 
be inferred from the fact1 that1 by a   
special act1 it ratified the  celebrated
 ,ordinance1 by the terms of which      
slavery was forbidden for  ever in the  
,north ,west ,territory4 ,it is worthy  
of note1 that the avowed  object of the 

,ordinance harmonizes with that of the  
,constitution3 and  that the ,ordinance 
was passed the same year that the       
,constitution was  drafted1 is a fact1  
on which we can strongly rely to justify
 a reference  to the spirit of the one  
instrument for illustrating the spirit  
of the  other4 ,what the spirit of the  
,ordinance is1 and in what light they   
who  passed it1 regarded republics1     
their laws and constitutions1 may be    
inferred from the following declaration 
in the ,ordinance of its grand  object3 
,for extending the fundamental          
principles of civil and religious       
liberty1 which form the basis wherever  
these ,republics1 their laws and        
constitutions are erected2 to fix and   
establish those principles as the  basis
 of all laws1 constitutions1 and        
governments1 which forever  hereafter   
shall be formed in the said territory1  
c42 it is hereby  ordained and declared 
that the following articles1 c4 ,one of 
these  articles is that1 which has been 

referred to1 and which declares that    
there shall be neither slavery nor      
involuntary servitude in the said       
,territory4    ,you will perhaps make   
light of my reference to ,james ,wilson 
and ,benjamin  ,franklin1 for ,i        
recollect you say1 that1 ,when the      
,constitution was  about going into     
operation1 its powers were not well     
understood by the  community at large1  
and remained to be accurately           
interpreted and  defined4 ,nevertheless1
 ,i think it wise to repose more        
confidence in the  views1 which the     
framers of the ,constitution took of the
 spirit and  principles of that         
instrument1 than in the definitions and 
interpretations of the pro-slavery      
generation1 which has succeeded them4   
,it should be regarded as no            
inconsiderable evidence of the          
anti-slavery  genius and policy of the  
,constitution1 that ,congress promptly  
interdicted slavery in the first portion
 of territory1 and that1 too1 a         

territory of vast extent1 over which it 
acquired jurisdiction4 ,and is it  not a
 perfectly reasonable supposition1 that 
the seat of our ,government  would not  
have been polluted by the presence of   
slavery1 had ,congress  acted on that   
subject by itself1 instead of losing    
sight of it in the  wholesale           
legislation1 by which the laws of       
,virginia and ,maryland were  revived in
 the ,district8    ,if the ,federal     
,constitution be not anti-slavery in its
 general scope and  character2 if it be 
not impregnated with the principles of  
universal  liberty2 why was it          
necessary1 in order to restrain         
,congress1 for a  limited period1 from  
acting against the slave trade1 which is
 but a  branch or incident of slavery1  
to have a clause to that end in the     
,constitution8 ,the fact that the       
framers of the ,constitution refused to 
blot its pages with the word slave or   
slavery2 and that1 by  periphrase and   
the substitution of persons for slaves1 

they sought  to conceal from posterity  
and the world the mortifying fact1 that 
slavery existed under a government based
 on the principle1 that  governments    
derive their just powers from the       
consent of the governed1  contains      
volumes of proof1 that they looked upon 
,american slavery as a  decaying        
institution2 and that they would        
naturally shape the  ,constitution to   
the abridgment and the extinction1      
rather than the  extension and          
perpetuity of the giant vice of the     
country4    ,it is not to be denied1    
that the ,constitution tolerates a      
limited  measure of slavery3 but it     
tolerates this measure only as the      
exception  to its rule of impartial and 
universal liberty4 ,were it otherwise1  
the  principles of that instrument could
 be pleaded to justify the holding of   
men as property1 in cases1 other than   
those specifically provided for in  it4 
,were it otherwise1 these principles    
might be appealed to1 as well to        

sanction the enslavement of men1 as the 
capture of wild beasts4 ,were it        
otherwise1 the ,american people might be
 ,constitutionally realizing the        
prophet's declaration3 they all lie in  
wait for blood3 they hunt every  man his
 brother with a net4 ,but mere          
principles1 whether in or out of  the   
,constitution1 do not avail to justify  
and uphold slavery4 ,says ,lord         
,mansfield in the famous ,somerset case3
 ,the state of slavery is of such  a    
nature1 that it is incapable of being   
now introduced by courts of  justice    
upon mere reasoning or inferences from  
any principles1 natural  or political2  
it must take its rise from positive law2
 the origin of  it can in no country or 
age be traced back to any other source4 
,a case  so odious as the condition of  
slaves1 must be taken strictly4 ,grotius
  says1 that slavery places man in an   
unnatural relation to man--a  relation  
which nothing but positive law can      
sustain4 ,all are aware1  that1 by the  

common law1 man cannot have property in 
man2 and that  wherever that law is not 
counteracted on this point by positive  
law1  slaves cannot breathe1 and their  
shackles fall4 ,i scarcely need add1    
that the ,federal ,constitution does1 in
 the main1 accord with the common  law4 
,in the words of a very able writer3    
,the common law is the grand  element of
 the ,united ,states ,constitution4 ,all
 its fundamental  provisions are        
instinct with its spirit2 and its       
existence1 principles1  and paramount   
authority1 are presupposed and assumed  
throughout  the whole4    ,to argue the 
anti-slavery character of the ,federal  
,constitution1 it is  not necessary to  
take the high ground of some1 that      
whatever in the  ,constitution favors   
slavery is void1 because opposed to the 
principles  and general tenor of that   
instrument4 ,much less is it necessary  
to take  the still higher ground1 that  
every law in favor of slavery1 in       
whatever  code or connection it may be  

found1 is utterly invalid because of its
  plain contravention of the law of     
nature4 ,to maintain my position1 that  
the ,constitution is anti-slavery in its
 general character1 and that            
constitutional slavery is1 at the most1 
but an exception to that general        
character1 it was not necessary to take 
either of these grounds2 though1  had ,i
 been disposed to take even the higher  
of them1 ,i should not have  lacked the 
countenance of the most weighty         
authorities4 ,the law of  nature1 says  
,blackstone1 being coeval with mankind1 
and dictated by  ,god himself1 is of    
course superior in obligation to any    
other4 ,it is  binding over all the     
globe1 in all countries1 and at all     
times3 no human  laws are of any        
validity if contrary to this4 ,the same 
writer says1  that ,the law of nature   
requires1 that man should pursue his own
 true  and substantial happiness4 ,but  
that slavery allows this pursuit to its 
victims1 no one will pretend4 ,there is 

a law1 says ,henry ,brougham1  above all
 the enactments of human codes4 ,it is  
the law written by the  finger of ,god  
on the heart of man2 and by that law1   
unchangeable and  eternal1 while men    
despise fraud1 and loathe rapine1 and   
abhor blood1  they shall reject with    
indignation the wild and guilty         
phantasy1 that  man can hold property in
 man4    ,i add no more to what ,i have 
said on the subject of slavery in the   
,district of ,columbia1 than to ask1 as 
,i have done in relation to the         
inter-state slave trade and the         
annexation of slave states1 whether     
petitions for its abolition argue so    
great a contempt of the  ,constitution1 
and so entire a recklessness of         
propriety1 as to merit the  treatment   
which they receive at the hands of      
,congress4 ,admitting that  ,congress   
has not the constitutional power to     
abolish slavery in the                  
,district--admitting that it has not the
 constitutional power to destroy  what  

itself has established--admitting1 too1 
that if it has the power1  it ought not 
to exercise it2--nevertheless1 is the   
case so perfectly  clear1 that the      
petitioners for the measure deserve all 
the abuse and  odium which their        
representatives in ,congress heap upon  
them8 ,in a word1  do not the three     
classes of petitions to which you refer1
 merit1 at the  hands of those          
representatives1 the candid and patient 
consideration  which1 until ,i read your
 acknowledgment1 that1 in relation to   
these  petitions1 there is no           
substantial difference between yourself 
and  those1 who are in favor of         
thrusting them aside undebated1         
unconsidered1  and even unread1 ,i      
always supposed you were willing to have
 bestowed  on them8    ,i pass to the   
examination of your charges against the 
abolitionists4    ,they contemn the     
rights of property4    ,this charge you 
prefer against the abolitionists1 not   
because they  believe that a            

,legislature has the right to abolish   
slavery1 nor because  they deny that    
slaves are legally property2 for this   
obvious truth they  do not deny4 ,but   
you prefer it1 because they believe that
 man cannot  rightfully be a subject of 
property4    ,abolitionists believe1 to 
use words1 which ,i have already quoted1
 that  it is a wild and guilty phantasy1
 that man can hold property in man4     
,they believe1 that to claim property in
 the exalted being1 whom ,god has  made 
in ,his own image1 and but a little     
lower than the angels1 is  scarcely less
 absurd than to claim it in the ,creator
 himself4 ,you take  the position1 that 
human laws can rightfully reduce a race 
of men to  property2 and that the       
outrage1 to use your own language1 is   
sanctioned  and sanctified by two       
hundred years continuance of it4        
,abolitionists1  on the contrary1 trace 
back man's inalienable self-ownership to
  enactments of the ,divine ,legislator1
 and to the bright morning of time1     

when he came forth from the hand of his 
,maker1 crowned with glory and  honor1  
invested with self-control1 and with    
dominion over the brute and  inanimate  
creation4 ,you soothe the conscience of 
the slaveholder1 by  reminding him1 that
 the relation1 which he has assumed     
towards his  down-trodden fellow-man1 is
 lawful4 ,the abolitionist protests1    
that the  wickedness of the relation is 
none the less1 because it is legalized4 
,in  charging abolitionists with        
condemning the rights of property1 you  
mistake the innocent for the guilty     
party4 ,were you to be so unhappy as  to
 fall into the hands of a kidnapper1 and
 be reduced to a slave1 and  were ,i to 
remonstrate1 though in vain1 with your  
oppressor1 who would  you think was the 
despiser of the rights of               
property--myself1 or the  oppressor8 ,as
 you would judge in that case1 so judges
 every slave in his  similar case4      
,the man-stealer's complaint1 that his  
rights of property in his stolen  fellow

 men are not adequately respected by the
 abolitionist1 recalls to  my mind a    
very similar1 and but little more       
ludicrous case of  conscientious regard 
for the rights of property4 ,a traveler 
was  plundered of the whole of his large
 sum of money4 ,he pleaded  successfully
 with the robber for a little of it to  
enable him to reach  his home4 ,but1    
putting his hand rather deeper into the 
bag of stolen  coins than comported with
 the views of the robber1 he was        
arrested with  the cry1 ,why1 man1 have 
you no conscience8 ,you will perhaps    
inquire1  whether abolitionists regard  
all the slaves of the ,south as         
stolen--as  well those born at the      
,south1 as those1 who were confessedly  
stolen from  ,africa8 ,i answer1 that we
 do--that every helpless new-born       
infant1 on  which the chivalry of the   
,south pounces1 is1 in our judgment1 the
 owner  of itself--that we consider1    
that the crime of man-stealing which is 
so  terribly denounced in the ,bible1   

does not consist1 as is alleged1 in     
stealing a slave from a third person1   
but in stealing him from  himself--in   
depriving him of self control1 and      
subjecting him1 as  property1 to the    
absolute control of another4 ,joseph's  
declaration1 that  he was stolen1 favors
 this definition of man-stealing4       
,jewish  ,commentators authorise it4    
,money1 as it does not own itself1      
cannot be  stolen from itself ,but when 
we reflect1 that man is the owner of    
himself1 it does not surprise us1 that  
wresting away his inalienable           
rights--his very manhood--should have   
been called man-stealing4    ,whilst on 
this subject of the rights of property1 
,i am reminded of  your third impediment
 to abolition4 ,this impediment consists
 in the  fact of the great value of the 
southern slaves--which1 according to    
your  estimation1 is not less than      
twelve hundred millions of dollars4 ,i  
will adopt your estimate1 and thus spare
 myself from going into the  abhorrent  

calculation of the worth in dollars and 
cents of immortal  man--of the worth of 
the image of ,god4 ,i thank you for your
 virtual  admission1 that this wealth is
 grasped with a tenacity proportioned to
  its vast amount4 ,many of the wisest  
and best men of the ,north have been    
led into the belief that the            
slaveholders of the ,south are too      
humane  and generous to hold their      
slaves fur the sake of gain4 ,even ,dr4 
,channing was a subject of this         
delusion2 and it is well remembered1    
that  his too favorable opinions of his 
fellow men1 made it difficult to        
disabuse him of it4 ,northern           
,christians have been ready to believe1 
that  the ,south would give up her      
slaves1 because of her conscious lack of
  title to them4 ,but in what age of the
 world have impenitent men failed  to   
cling as closely to that1 which they had
 obtained by fraud1 as to  their honest 
acquisitions8 ,indeed1 it is            
demonstrable on philosophical           

principles1 that the more stupendous the
 fraud1 the more tenacious is  the hold 
upon that1 which is gotten by it4 ,i    
trust1 that your admission  to which ,i 
have just referred1 will have no small  
effect to prevent the  ,northern        
apologist for slavery from repeating the
 remark that the ,south  would gladly   
liberate her slaves1 if she saw any     
prospect of bettering  the condition of 
the objects of her tender and solicitous
 benevolence4 ,i  trust1 too1 that this 
admission will go far to prove the      
emptiness of  your declaration1 that the
 abolitionists have thrown back for half
 a  century the prospect of any species 
of emancipation of the ,african race1   
gradual or immediate1 in any of the     
states1 and the emptiness of your       
declaration1 that1 prior to the         
agitation of this subject of abolition1 
there was a progressive melioration in  
the condition of slaves  throughout all 
the slave states1 and that in some of   
them1 schools of  instruction were      

opened1 c42 and ,i further trust1 that  
this admission  will render harmless    
your intimation1 that this melioration  
and these  schools were intended to     
prepare the slaves for freedom4 ,after  
what  you have said of the great value  
of the slaves1 and of the obstacle it   
presents to emancipation1 you will meet 
with little success in your  endeavors  
to convince the world1 that the ,south  
was preparing to give up  the twelve    
hundred millions of dollars1 and that   
the naughty  abolitionists have         
postponed her gratification for half a  
century4 ,if  your views of the immense 
value of the slaves1 and of the         
consequent  opposition to their freedom1
 be correct1 then the hatred of the     
,south  towards the abolitionists must  
be1 not because their movements tend to 
lengthen1 but because they tend to      
shorten the period of her possession  of
 the twelve hundred millions of dollars4
 ,may ,i ask you1 whether1  whilst the  
,south clings to these twelve hundred   

millions of dollars1  it is not somewhat
 hypocritical in her to be complaining1 
that the  abolitionists are fastening   
the twelve hundred millions of dollars  
to  her8 ,and may ,i ask you1 whether   
there is not a little inconsistency     
between your own lamentations over this 
work of the abolitionists1 and  your    
intimation that the ,south will never   
consent to give up her slaves1  until   
the impossibility1 of paying her twelve 
hundred millions of  dollars for them1  
shall have been accomplished8 ,puerile  
and insulting  as is your proposition to
 the abolitionists to raise twelve      
hundred  millions of dollars for the    
purchase of the slaves1 it is           
nevertheless  instructive2 inasmuch as  
it shows1 that1 in your judgment1 the   
,south is  as little willing to give up 
her slaves1 as the abolitionists are    
able  to pay twelve hundred millions of 
dollars for them2 and how unable the    
abolitionists are to pay a sum of money 
far greater than the whole  amount of   

money in the world1 ,i need not explain4
    ,but if the ,south must have twelve 
hundred millions of dollars to  induce  
her to liberate her present number of   
slaves1 how can you expect  success fur 
your scheme of ridding her of several   
times the present  number1 in the       
progress of some one hundred and fifty1 
or two hundred  years8 ,do you reply1   
that1 although she must have four       
hundred  dollars a-piece for them1 if   
she sell them to the abolitionists1 she 
is1 nevertheless1 willing to let the    
,colonization ,society have them        
without charge8 ,there is abundant      
proof1 that she is not4 ,during the     
twenty-two years of the existence of    
that ,society1 not so many slaves  have 
been emancipated and given to it for    
expatriation1 as are born in a  single  
week4 ,as a proof that the sympathies of
 the ,south are all with  the           
slaveholding and real character of this 
two-faced institution1 and  not at all  
with the abolition purposes and         

tendencies1 which it  professes at the  
,north1 none of its ,presidents1 7and   
slave-holders only  are deemed worthy to
 preside over it17 has ever contributed 
from his  stock of slaves to swell those
 bands of emigrants1 who1 leaving our   
shores in the character of nuisances1   
are instantly transformed1 to  use your 
own language1 into missionaries1        
carrying with them  credentials in the  
holy cause of ,christianity1            
civilization1 and free  institutions4   
,but you were not in earnest1 when you  
held up the idea in  your recent speech1
 that the rapidly multiplying millions  
of our colored  countrymen would be     
expatriated4 ,what you said on that     
point was but to  indulge in            
declamation1 and to round off a         
paragraph4 ,it is in that part  of your 
speech where you say that no practical  
scheme for their removal  or separation 
from us has yet been devised or         
proposed1 that you  exhibit your real   
sentiments on this subject1 and         

impliedly admit the  deceitfulness of   
the pretensions of the ,american        
,colonization ,society4    ,before      
closing my remarks on the topic of the  
rights of property1 ,i  will admit the  
truth of your charge1 that              
,abolitionists deny1 that the           
slaveholder is entitled to compensation 
for his slaves4    ,abolitionists do not
 know1 why he1 who steals men is1 any   
more than he1  who steals horses1       
entitled to compensation for releasing  
his plunder4  ,they do not know1 why he1
 who has exacted thirty years'          
unrequited toil  from the sinews of his 
poor oppressed brother1 should be paid  
for  letting that poor oppressed brother
 labor for himself the remaining ten  or
 twenty years of his life4 ,but1 it is  
said1 that the ,south bought her  slaves
 of the ,north1 and that we of the      
,north ought therefore to  compensate   
the ,south for liberating them4 ,if     
there are individuals at  the ,north1   
who have sold slaves1 ,i am free to     

admit1 that they should  promptly       
surrender their ill-gotten gains2 and no
 less promptly should  the inheritors of
 such gains surrender them4 ,but1       
however this may be1  and whatever debt 
may be due on this score1 from the      
,north to the ,south1  certain it is1   
that on no principle of sound ethics1   
can the ,south hold  to the persons of  
the innocent slaves1 as security for the
 payment of  the debt4 ,your state and  
mine1 and ,i would it were so with all  
others1  no longer allow the            
imprisonment of the debtor as a means of
 coercing  payment from him4 ,how much  
less1 then1 should they allow the       
creditor to  promote the security of his
 debt by imprisoning a third person--and
 one  who is wholly innocent of         
contracting the debt8 ,but who is       
imprisoned1  if it be not he1 who is    
shut up in the house of bondage8 ,and   
who is  more entirely innocent than he1 
of the guilty transactions between his  
seller and buyer8    ,another of your   

charges against abolitionists is1 that1 
although  utterly destitute of          
,constitutional or other rightful       
power--living in  totally distinct      
communities--as alien to the communities
 in which the  subject on which they    
would operate resides1 so far as        
concerns  political power over that     
subject1 as if they lived in ,africa or 
,asia2  they nevertheless promulgate to 
the world their purpose to be1 to       
manumit forthwith1 and without          
compensation1 and without moral         
preparation1 three millions of negro    
slaves1 under jurisdictions  altogether 
separated from those under which they   
live4    ,i will group with this charge 
several others of the same class4    #a4
 ,abolitionists neglect the fact1 that  
the slavery which exists  amongst us    
7southern people7 is our affair--not    
theirs--and that they  have no more just
 concern with it1 than they have with   
slavery as it  exists throughout the    
world4    #b4 ,they are regardless of   

the deficiency of the powers of the     
,general ,government1 and of the        
acknowledged and incontestable powers of
  the ,states4    #c4 ,superficial men  
7meaning no doubt abolitionists7        
confound the  totally different cases   
together of the powers of the ,british  
,parliament  and those of the ,congress 
of the ,united ,states in the matter of 
slavery4    ,are these charges any thing
 more than the imagery of your own      
fancy1 or  selections from the          
numberless slanders of a time-serving   
and corrupt  press8 ,if they are founded
 on facts1 it is in your power to state 
the  facts4 ,for my own part1 ,i am     
utterly ignorant of any1 even the least1
  justification for them4 ,i am utterly 
ignorant that the abolitionists  hold   
any peculiar views in relation to the   
powers of the ,general or  ,state       
,governments4 ,i do not believe1 that   
one in a hundred of them  supposes1 that
 slavery in the states is a legitimate  
subject of federal  legislation4 ,i     

believe1 that a majority of the         
intelligent men amongst  them accord    
much more to the claims of state        
sovereignty1 and approach  far more     
nearly to the character of strict       
constructionists1 than does  the        
distinguished statesman1 who charges    
them with such latitudinarian  notions4 
,there may be persons in our country1   
who believe that ,congress  has the     
absolute power over all ,american       
slavery1 which the ,british  ,parliament
 had over all ,british slavery2 and that
 ,congress can abolish  slavery in the  
slave states1 because ,great ,britain   
abolished it in her  ,west ,india       
,islands2 but1 ,i do not know them2 and 
were ,i to look for  them1 ,i certainly 
should not confine my search to         
abolitionists--for  abolitionists1 as it
 is very natural they should be1 are far
 better  instructed in the subject of   
slavery and its connections with civil  
government1 than are the community in   
general4    ,it is passing strange1 that

 you1 or any other man1 who is not      
playing a  desperate game1 should1 in   
the face of the ,constitution of the    
,american  ,anti-,slavery ,society1     
which admits1 that each state1 in which 
slavery  exists1 has1 by the            
,constitution of the ,united ,states1   
the exclusive  right to legislate in    
regard to the abolition of slavery in   
said state2  make such charges1 as you  
have done4    ,in an ,address ,to the   
,public1 dated ,september #c1 #ahce1 and
 subscribed  by the ,president1         
,treasurer1 the three ,secretaries1 and 
the other five  members of the          
,executive ,committee of the ,american  
,anti-,slavery ,society1  we find the   
following language4 #a4 ,we hold that   
,congress has no more  right to abolish 
slavery in the ,southern states than in 
the ,french ,west  ,india ,islands4 ,of 
course we desire no national legislation
 on the  subject4 #b4 ,we hold that     
slavery can only be lawfully abolished  
by the  legislatures of the several     

states in which it prevails1 and that   
the  exercise of any other than moral   
influence to induce such abolition is   
unconstitutional4    ,but what slavery  
is it that the abolitionists call on    
,congress to  abolish8 ,is it that in   
the slave states8 ,no--it is that in the
 ,district  of ,columbia and in the     
territories--none other4 ,and is it not 
a fair  implication of their petitions1 
that this is the only slavery1 which1 in
  the judgment of the petitioners1      
,congress has power to abolish8         
,nevertheless1 it is in the face of this
 implication1 that you make your  array 
of charges4    ,is it true1 however1    
that the ,north has nothing more to do  
with slavery  in the states1 than with  
slavery in a foreign country8 ,does it  
not  concern the ,north1 that1 whilst it
 takes many thousands of her voters to  
be entitled to a representative in      
,congress1 there are districts at the   
,south1 where1 by means of slavery1 a   
few hundred voters enjoy this  benefit4 

,again1 since the ,north regards herself
 as responsible in common  with the     
,south1 for the continuance of slavery  
in the ,district of  ,columbia and in   
the ,territories1 and for the           
continuance of the  interstate traffic  
in human beings2 and since she believes 
slavery in  the slave states to be the  
occasion of these crimes1 and that they 
will  all of necessity immediately cease
 when slavery ceases--is it not right1  
that she should feel that she has a just
 concern with slavery8 ,again1  is it   
nothing to the people of the ,north1    
that they may be called on1 in          
obedience to a requirement of the       
federal constitution1 to shoulder  their
 muskets to quell domestic violence8    
,but1 who does not know1 that  this     
requirement owes its existence solely to
 the apprehension of  servile           
insurrections8--or1 in other words1 to  
the existence of slavery  in the slave  
states8 ,again1 when our guiltless      
brothers escape from the  southern      

prison-house1 and come among us1 we are 
under constitutional  obligation to     
deliver them up to their stony-hearted  
pursuers4 ,and is  not slavery in the   
slave states1 which is the occasion of  
our obligation  to commit this outrage  
on humanity and on the law of ,god1 a   
matter of  just concern to us8 ,to what 
too1 but slavery1 in the slave states1  
is  to be ascribed the long standing    
insult of our government towards that   
of ,hayti8 ,to what but that1 our       
national disadvantages and losses from  
the want of diplomatic relations between
 the two governments8 ,to what so  much1
 as to slavery in the slave states1 are 
owing the corruption in our  national   
councils1 and the worst of our          
legislation8 ,but scarcely any  thing   
should go farther to inspire the ,north 
with a sense of her just  concern in the
 subject of slavery in the slave states1
 than the fact1  that slavery is the    
parent of the cruel and murderous       
prejudice1 which  crushes and kills her 

colored people2 and1 that it is but too 
probable1  that the child will live as  
long as its parent4 ,and has the ,north 
no  just concern with the slavery of the
 slave states1 when there is so  much   
reason to fear that our whole           
blood-guilty nation is threatened  with 
,god's destroying wrath on account of   
it8    ,there is another respect in     
which we of the ,north have a just      
concern  with the slavery of the slave  
states4 ,we see nearly three millions of
  our fellow men in those states robbed 
of body1 mind1 will1 and  soul--denied  
marriage and the reading of the ,bible1 
and marketed as  beasts4 ,we see them in
 a word crushed in the iron folds of    
slavery4 ,our  nature--the laws written 
upon its very foundations--the ,bible1  
with its  injunctions to remember them  
that are in bonds as bound with them1   
and  to open thy mouth for the dumb in  
the cause of all such as are  appointed 
to destruction--all require us to feel  
and to express what we  feel for these  

wretched millions4 ,i said1 that we see 
this misery4 ,there  are many amongst   
us--they are anti-abolitionists--who do 
not see it2 and  to them ,god says2 but 
he that hideth his eyes shall have many 
a curse4    ,i add1 that we of the      
,north must feel concerned about slavery
 in the  slave states1 because of our   
obligation to pity the deluded1         
hard-hearted1 and bloody oppressors in  
those states3 and to manifest our  love 
for them by rebuking their unsurpassed  
sin4 ,and1 notwithstanding  pro-slavery 
statesmen at the ,north1 who wink at the
 iniquity of slave  holding1 and        
pro-slavery clergymen at the ,north1 who
 cry1 peace1 peace  to the slaveholder1 
and sew pillows to armholes1 tell us1   
that by our  honest and open rebuke of  
the slaveholder1 we shall incur his     
enduring  hatred2 we1 nevertheless1     
believe that open rebuke is better than 
secret love1 and that1 in the end1 we   
shall enjoy more ,southern favor  than  
they1 whose secret love is too prudent  

and spurious to deal  faithfully with   
the objects of its regard4 ,he that     
rebuketh a man1  afterward shall find   
more favor than he that flattereth with 
the  tongue4 ,the command1 thou shall in
 any wise rebuke thy neighbor and  not  
suffer sin upon him1 is one1 which the  
abolitionist feels1 that he  is bound to
 obey1 as well in the case of the       
slaveholder1 as in that of  any other   
sinner4 ,and the question3 who is my    
neighbor1 is so answered  by the        
,savior1 as to show1 that not he of our 
vicinity1 nor even he of  our country1  
is alone our neighbor4    ,the          
abolitionists of the ,north hold1 that  
they have certainly as much  just       
concern with slavery in the slave       
states1 as the temperance men  of the   
,north have with intemperance at the    
,south4 ,and ,i would here  remark1 that
 the weapons with which the             
abolitionists of the ,north  attack     
slavery in the slave states are the     
same1 and no other than the  same1 with 

those1 which the ,north employs against 
the vice of  intemperance at the ,south4
 ,i add too1 that were you to say1 that 
northern temperance men disregard the   
deficiency of the powers of the         
,general ,government1 and also the      
acknowledged and incontestable powers   
of the states2 your charge would be as  
suitable as when it is applied  to      
northern abolitionists4    ,you ascribe 
to us the purpose to manumit the three  
millions of negro  slaves4 ,here again  
you greatly misrepresent us1 by holding 
us up as  employing coercive1 instead of
 persuasive1 means for the              
accomplishment  of our object4 ,our     
purpose is to persuade others to        
manumit4 ,the  slaveholders themselves  
are to manumit4 ,it is evident1 that    
others  cannot manumit for them4 ,if the
 ,north were endeavoring to persuade the
  ,south to give up the growing of      
cotton1 you would not say1 it is the    
purpose of the ,north to give it up4    
,but1 as well might you1 as to say1     

that it is the purpose of the           
abolitionists to manumit4 ,it is very   
much by such misrepresentations1 that   
the prejudices against  abolitionists   
are fed and sustained4 ,how soon they   
would die of atrophy1  if they1 who     
influence the public mind and mould     
public opinion1 would  tell but the     
simple truth about abolitionists4       
,you say1 that the abolitionists would  
have the slaves manumitted  without     
compensation and without moral          
preparation4 ,i have already  said      
enough on the point of compensation4 ,it
 is true1 that they would  have them    
manumitted immediately3--for they       
believe slavery is sin1 and  that       
therefore the slaveholder has no right  
to protract the bondage of  his slaves  
for a single year1 or for a single day  
or hour2--not even1  were he to do so to
 afford them a moral preparation for    
freedom1 or to  accomplish any other of 
the kindest and best purposes4 ,they    
believe1  that the relation of          

slaveholder1 as it essentially and      
indispensably  involves the reduction of
 men to chattelship1 cannot1 under any  
plea  whatever1 be continued with       
innocence1 for a single moment4 ,if it  
can  be--if the plain laws of ,god1 in  
respect to marriage and religious       
instruction and many other blessings1 of
 which chattelized man is  plundered1   
can be innocently violated--why credit  
any longer the  assertion of the ,bible1
 that sin is the transgression of the   
law8--why  not get a new definition of  
sin8    ,another reason with            
abolitionists in favor of immediate     
manumission1 is1  that the slaves do    
not1 as a body1 acquire1 whilst in      
slavery1 any  moral preparation for     
freedom4 ,to learn to swim we must be   
allowed the  use of water4 ,to learn the
 exercises of a freeman1 we must enjoy  
he  element of liberty4 ,i will not say1
 that slaves cannot be taught1 to  some 
extent1 the duties of freemen4 ,some    
knowledge of the art of  swimming may be

 acquired before entering the water4 ,i 
have not forgotten  what you affirm     
about the progressive melioration in the
 condition of  slaves1 and the opening  
of schools of instruction for them prior
 to  the agitation of the subject of    
abolition2 nor1 have ,i forgotten1 that 
,i could not read it without feeling1   
that the creations of your fancy1       
rather than the facts of history1       
supplied this information4 ,instances1  
rare instances1 of such melioration and 
of such schools of  instruction1 ,i     
doubt not there have been3 but1 ,i am   
confident1 that the  ,southern slaves   
have been sunk in depths of ignorance   
proportioned to  the profits of their   
labor4 ,i have not the least belief1    
that the  proportion of readers amongst 
them is one half so great1 as it was    
before the invention of ,whitney's      
cotton gin4    ,permit me to call your  
attention to a few of the numberless    
evidences1  that slavery is a poor      
school for moral preparation for        

freedom4 #ast4  ,slavery turns its      
victims into thieves4 ,who should be    
astonished1 says  ,thomas ,s4 ,clay1 a  
very distinguished slaveholder of       
,georgia1 if the  negro takes from the  
field or corn-house the supplies        
necessary for his  craving appetite and 
then justifies his act1 and denies that 
it is  stealing8 ,what debasement in the
 slave does the same gentleman's remedy 
for theft indicate8 ,if1 says he1 the   
negro is informed1 that if he  does not 
steal1 he shall receive rice as an      
allowance2 and if he does  steal1 he    
shall not1 a motive is held out which   
will counteract the  temptation to      
pilfer4 #bnd4 ,slavery reeks with       
licentiousness4 ,another  son of the    
,south says1 that the slaveholder's     
kitchen is a brothel1 and  a southern   
village a ,sodom4 ,the elaborate defence
 of slavery by  ,chancellor ,harper of  
,south ,carolina justifies the heaviest 
accusations1  that have been brought    
against it on the score of              

licentiousness4 ,how  could you blame us
 for deeply abhorring slavery1 even were
 we to view it  in no other light than  
that in which the ,dews and ,harpers and
 its other  advocates present it8 #crd4 
,slavery puts the master in the place of
 ,god1  and the master's law in the     
place of ,god's law6 ,the negro1 says   
,thomas  ,s4 ,clay1 is seldom taught to 
feel1 that he is punished for breaking  
,god's law6 ,he only knows his master as
 law-giver and executioner1 and  the    
sole object held up to his view is to   
make him a more obedient and  profitable
 slave4 ,he oftener hears that he shall 
be punished if he  steals1 than if he   
breaks the ,sabbath or swears2 and thus 
he sees the  very threatenings of ,god  
brought to bear on his master's         
interests4 ,it  is very manifest to him1
 that his own good is very far from     
forming the  primary reason for his     
chastisement3 his master's interests are
 to be  secured at all events2--,god's  
claims are secondary1 or enforced merely

  for the purpose of advancing those of 
his owner4 ,his own benefit is the      
residuum after this double distillation 
of moral motive--a mere  accident4 #dth4
 ,the laws of nearly all the            
slave-states forbid the  teaching of the
 slaves to read4 ,the abundant          
declarations1 that those  laws are      
without exception1 a consequence of the 
present agitation of  the question of   
slavery are glaringly false4 ,many of   
these laws were  enacted long before    
this agitation2 and some of them long   
before you and  ,i were born4 ,say the  
three hundred and fifty-three gentlemen 
of the  ,district of ,abbeville and     
,edgefield in ,south ,carolina1 who1 the
 last  year1 broke up a system of oral  
religious instruction1 which the        
,methodist ,conference of that ,state   
had established amongst their slaves3   
,intelligence and slavery have no       
affinity for each other4 ,and when      
those same gentlemen declare1 that      
verbal and lecturing instruction  will  

increase a desire with the black        
population to learn--that the  progress 
and diffusion of knowledge will be a    
consequence--and that a  progressive    
system of improvement will be           
introduced1 that will  ultimately       
revolutionize our civil institutions1   
they admit1 that the  prohibition of    
intelligence to the slaves is the       
settled and necessary  policy of        
slavery1 and not1 as you would have us  
believe1 a temporary  expedient         
occasioned by the present agitation of  
this subject of  abolition4 #eth4       
,slavery--the system1 which forbids     
marriage and the  reading of the        
,bible--does of necessity turn its      
subjects into heathens4  ,a ,report of  
the ,synod of ,south ,carolina and      
,georgia1 made five years  ago1 says3   
,who could credit it1 that in these     
years of revival and  benevolent        
effort--that1 in this ,christian        
,republic1 there are over two  millions 
of human beings in the condition of     

heathen1 and in some  respects in a     
worse condition8 ,they may be justly    
considered the heathen  of this         
,christian country1 and will bear       
comparison with heathen in any  country 
in the world4 ,i will finish what ,i    
have to say on this point of  moral     
preparation for freedom1 with the       
remark1 that the history of  slavery in 
no country warrants your implication1   
that slaves acquire  such moral         
preparation4 ,the ,british ,parliament  
substituted an  apprenticeship for      
slavery with the express design1 that it
 should  afford a moral preparation for 
freedom4 ,and yet1 if you will read the 
reports of late visitors to the ,british
 ,west ,indies1 you will find1 that  the
 planters admit1 that they made no use  
of the advantages of the  apprenticeship
 to prepare their servants for liberty4 
,their own  gain--not the slaves'--was  
their ruling motive1 during the term of 
the  apprenticeship1 as well as         
preceding it4    ,another of your       

charges is1 that the abolitionists have 
increased the  rigors of legislation    
against slaves in most if not all the   
slave ,states4    ,and suppose1 that our
 principles and measures have occasioned
 this  evil--are they therefore         
wrong8--and are we1 therefore1 involved 
in sin8  ,the principles and measures of
 ,moses and ,aaron were the occasion of 
a  similar evil4 ,does it follow1 that  
those principles and measures were      
wrong1 and that ,moses and ,aaron were  
responsible for the sin of  ,pharaoh's  
increased oppressiveness8 ,the truth1   
which ,jesus ,christ  preached on the   
earth1 is emphatically peace3 but its   
power on the  depravity of the human    
heart made it the occasion of division  
and  violence4 ,that depravity was the  
guilty cause of the division and        
violence4 ,the truth was but the        
innocent occasion of them4 ,to make it  
responsible for the effects of that     
depravity would be as unreasonable1  as 
it is to make the holy principles of the

 anti-slavery cause  responsible for the
 wickedness which they occasion3 and to 
make the  great ,preacher ,himself      
responsible for the division and        
violence1 would  be but to carry out the
 absurdity1 of which the public are     
guilty1 in  holding abolitionists       
responsible for the mobs1 which are got 
up against  them4 ,these mobs1 by the   
way1 are called abolition mobs4 ,a      
similar  misnomer would pronounce the   
mob1 that should tear down your house   
and  shoot your wife1 ,henry ,clay's    
mob4 ,harriet ,martineau1 in stating the
  fact1 that the mobs of #ahcd1 in the  
city of ,new ,york1 were set down to    
the wrong account1 says1 that the       
abolitionists were told1 that they  had 
no business to scare the city with the  
sight of their burning  property and    
demolished churches6    ,no doubt the   
light of truth1 which the abolitionists 
are pouring into  the dark den of       
slavery1 greatly excites the monster's  
wrath3 and it may  be1 that he vents a  

measure of it on the helpless and       
innocent victims  within his grasp4 ,be 
it so2--it is nevertheless1 not the     
,ithuriel spear  of truth1 that is to be
 held guilty of the harm3--it is the    
monster's  own depravity1 which cannot  
endure  ,touch of celestial temper1 but 
returns  ,of force to its own           
likeness4,a      ,footnote ,a3 ,this is 
a reference to a passage in ,milton's   
,paradise ,lost1  in which ,satan in    
disguise is touched by the spear of the 
archangel  ,ithuriel and is thereby     
forced to return to his own form4    ,i 
am1 however1 far from believing1 that   
the treatment of the slaves is  rendered
 any more rigorous and cruel by the     
agitation of the subject of  slavery4 ,i
 am very far from believing1 that it is 
any harsher now than  it was before the 
organization of the ,american           
,anti-,slavery ,society4  ,fugitive     
slaves tell us1 it is not3 and1 inasmuch
 as the slaveholders  are1 and1 by both 
words and actions1 abundantly show1 that

 they feel  that they are1 arraigned by 
the abolitionists before the bar of the 
civilized world1 to answer to the       
charges of perpetrating cruelties on    
their slaves1 it would1 unless indeed1  
they are of the number of those  whose  
glory is in their shame1 be most        
unphilosophical to conclude1  that they 
are multiplying proofs of the truth of  
those charges1 more  rapidly than at any
 former stage of their barbarities4     
,that slaveholders  are not insensible  
to public opinion and to the value of a 
good  character was strikingly exhibited
 by ,mr4 ,calhoun1 in his place in the  
,senate of the ,united ,states1 when he 
followed his frank disclaimer of  all   
suspicion1 that the abolitionists are   
meditating a war against the            
slaveholder's person1 with remarks      
evincive of his sensitiveness under  the
 war1 which they are waging against the 
slaveholder's character4    ,a fact     
occurs to me1 which goes to show1 that  
the slaveholders feel  themselves to be 

put upon their good behavior by the     
abolitionists4  ,although slaves are    
murdered every day at the ,south1 yet   
never1 until  very recently1 if at all1 
has the case occurred1 in which a white 
man  has been executed at the ,south for
 the murder of a slave4 ,a few months   
ago1 the ,southern newspapers brought us
 copies of the document1  containing the
 refusal of ,governor ,butler of ,south 
,carolina to pardon a  man1 who had been
 convicted of the murder of a slave4    
,this document  dwells on the protection
 due to the slave2 and1 if ,i fully     
recollect its  character1 an            
abolitionist himself could hardly have  
prepared a more  appropriate paper for  
the occasion4 ,whence such a            
document--whence1 in  the editorial     
captions to this document1 the          
exultation over its  triumphant         
refutations of the slanders of the      
abolitionists against the  ,south--but1 
that ,governor ,butler feels--but1 that 
the writes of those  captions feel--that

 the abolitionists have put the ,south  
upon her  good behavior4    ,another of 
your charges is1 that the abolitionists 
oppose the project  of colonisation4    
,having1 under another head1 made some  
remarks on this project1 ,i will  only  
add1 that we must oppose the ,american  
,colonization ,society1 because  it     
denies the sinfulness of slavery1 and   
the duty of immediate1  unqualified     
emancipation4 ,its avowed doctrine is1  
that1 unless  emancipation he           
accompanied by expatriation1 perpetual  
slavery is to be  preferred to it4 ,not 
to oppose that ,society1 would be the   
guiltiest  treachery to our holy        
religion1 which requires immediate and  
unconditional repentance of sin4 ,not to
 oppose it1 would be to uphold  slavery4
 ,not to oppose it1 would be to abandon 
the ,anti-,slavery ,society4  ,do you   
ask1 why1 if this be the character of   
the ,american ,colonization  ,society1  
many1 who are now abolitionists1        
continued in it so long8 ,i  answer for 

myself1 that1 until near the period of  
my withdrawal from it1  ,i had very     
inadequate conceptions of the           
wickedness1 both of that  ,society1 and 
of slavery4 ,for having felt the        
unequalled sin of slavery  no more      
deeply--for feeling it now no more      
deeply1 ,i confess myself to  be        
altogether without excuse4 ,the great   
criminality of my long  continuance in  
the ,colonization ,society is perhaps   
somewhat palliated by  the fact1 that   
the strongest proofs of the wicked      
character and  tendencies of the        
,society were not exhibited1 until it   
spread out its  wing over slavery to    
shelter the monster from the earnest and
 effective  blows of the ,american      
,anti-,slavery ,society4    ,another of 
your charges is1 that the abolitionists1
 in declaring that  their object is not 
to stimulate the action of the ,general 
,government1  but to operate upon the   
,states themselves1 in which the        
institution of  domestic slavery exists1

 are evidently insincere1 since the     
abolition  societies and movements are  
all confined to the free ,slates4    ,i 
readily admit1 that our object is the   
abolition of slavery1 as well in  the   
slave ,states1 as in other portions of  
the ,nation1 where it exists4  ,but1    
does it follow1 because only an         
insignificant share of our  abolition   
societies and movements is in those     
,states1 that we  therefore depend for  
the abolition of slavery in them on the 
,general  ,government1 rather than on   
moral influence8 ,i need not repeat1    
that the  charge of our looking to the  
,general ,government for such abolition 
is  refuted by the language of the      
,constitution of the ,anti-,slavery     
,society4  ,you may1 however1 ask--why1 
if you do not look to the ,general      
,government for it1 is not the great    
proportion of your means of moral       
influence in the slave ,states1 where is
 the great body of the slaves8 ,i       
answer that1 in the first place1 the    

,south does not permit us to have  them 
there2 and that1 in the words of one of 
your fellow ,senators1 and  in the very 
similar words of another--both uttered  
on the floor of the  ,senate--if the    
abolitionists come to the ,south1 the   
,south will hang  them4 ,pardon the     
remark1 that it seems very disingenuous 
in you to draw  conclusions unfavorable 
to the sincerity of the abolitionists   
from  premises so notoriously false1 as 
are those which imply1 that it is       
entirely at their own option1 whether   
the abolitionists shall have their      
societies and movements in the free or  
slave ,states4 ,i continue to  answer   
your question1 by saying1 in the second 
place1 that1 had the  abolitionists full
 liberty to multiply their societies and
 movements  in the slave ,states1 they  
would probably think it best to have the
 great  proportion of them yet awhile in
 the free ,states4 ,to rectify public   
opinion on the subject of slavery is a  
leading object with  abolitionists4     

,this object is already realized to the 
extent of a  thorough anti-slavery      
sentiment in ,great ,britain1 as poor   
,andrew  ,stevenson1 for whom you       
apologise1 can testify4 ,indeed1 the    
great power  and pressure of that       
sentiment are the only apology left to  
this  disgraced and miserable man for   
uttering a bald falsehood in vindication
  of ,virginia morals4 ,he above all    
other men1 must feel the truth of the   
distinguished ,thomas ,fowel ,buxton's  
declaration1 that ,england is turned    
into one great ,anti-,slavery ,society4 
,now1 ,sir1 it is such a change1 as     
abolitionists have been the instruments 
of producing in ,great ,britain1  that  
we hope to see produced in the free     
,states4 ,we hope to see public         
sentiment in these ,states so altered1  
that such of their laws1 as uphold  and 
countenance slavery1 will be            
repealed--so altered1 that the present  
brutal treatment of the colored         
population in them will give place to a 

treatment dictated by justice1 humanity1
 and brotherly and ,christian  love2--so
 altered1 that there will be thousands1 
where now there are not  hundreds1 to   
class the products of slave labor with  
other stolen goods1  and to refuse to   
eat and to wear that1 which is wet with 
the tears1 and  red with the blood of   
the poor innocents1 whose bondage is    
continued1  because men are more        
concerned to buy what is cheap1 than    
what is  honestly acquired2--so altered1
 that our ,missionary and other         
religious  ,societies will remember1    
that ,god says3 ,i hate robbery for     
burnt-offering1 and will forbear to send
 their agents after that  plunder1      
which1 as it is obtained at the         
sacrifice of the body and soul  of the  
plundered1 is infinitely more unfit1    
than the products of  ordinary theft1 to
 come into the ,lord's treasury4 ,and1  
when the warm  desires of our hearts1 on
 these points1 shall be realized1 the   
fifty  thousand ,southerners1 who       

annually visit the ,north1 for purposes 
of  business and pleasure1 will not all 
return to their homes1  self-complacent 
and exulting1 as now1 when they carry   
with them the  suffrages of the ,north  
in favor of slavery3 but numbers of them
 will  return to pursue the thoughts    
inspired by their travels amongst the   
enemies of oppression--and1 in the      
sequel1 they will let their  oppressed  
go free4    ,it were almost as easy for 
the sun to call up vegetation by the    
side of  an iceberg1 as for the         
abolitionists to move the ,south        
extensively1  whilst their influence is 
counteracted by a pro-slavery spirit at 
the  ,north4 ,how vain would be the     
attempt to reform the drunkards of your 
town of ,lexington1 whilst the sober in 
it continue to drink intoxicating       
liquors6 ,the first step in the         
reformation is to induce the sober to   
change their habits1 and create that    
total abstinence-atmosphere1 in the     
breathing of which1 the drunkard        

lives1--and1 for the want of which1 he  
dies4 ,the first step1 in the merciful  
work of delivering the slaveholder  from
 his sin1 is similar4 ,it is to bring   
him under the influence of a  corrected 
public opinion--of an anti-slavery      
sentiment3--and they1 who  are to be    
depended on to contribute to this public
 opinion--to make up  this anti-slavery 
sentiment--are those1 who are not bound 
up in the iron  habits1 and blinded by  
the mighty interests of the slaveholder4
 ,to  depend on slaveholders to give the
 lead to public opinion in the          
anti-slavery enterprise1 would be no    
less absurd1 than to begin the          
temperance reformation with drunkards1  
and to look to them to produce  the     
influences1 which are indispensable to  
their own redemption4    ,you say of the
 abolitionists1 that they are in favor  
of  amalgamation4    ,the ,anti-,slavery
 ,society is1 as its name imports1 a    
society to oppose  slavery--not to make 
matches4 ,whether abolitionists are     

inclined to  amalgamation more than     
anti-abolitionists are1 ,i will not here
 take upon  myself to decide4 ,so far1  
as you and ,i may be regarded as        
representatives of these two parties1   
and so far as our marriages argue  our  
tastes in this matter1 the abolitionists
 and anti-abolitionists may  be set     
down1 as equally disposed to couple     
white with white and black  with        
black--for our wives1 as you are aware1 
are both white4 ,i will here  mention1  
as it may further argue the similarity  
in the matrimonial  tastes of           
abolitionists and anti-abolitionists1   
the fact so grateful to  us in the days1
 when we were workers together in       
promoting the scheme  of ,colonization1 
that our wives are natives of the same  
town4    ,i have a somewhat extensive   
acquaintance at the ,north2 and ,i can  
truly  say1 that ,i do not know a white 
abolitionist1 who is the reputed father 
of a colored child4 ,at the ,south there
 are several hundred thousand  persons1 

whose yellow skins testify1 that the    
white man's blood courses  through their
 veins4 ,whether the honorable portion  
of their parentage is  to be ascribed   
exclusively to the few abolitionists    
scattered over the  ,south--and who1    
under such supposition1 must1 indeed1 be
 prodigies of  industry and             
prolificness--or whether                
anti-abolitionists there have1          
notwithstanding all their pious horror  
of amalgamation1 been  contributing to  
it1 you can better judge than myself4   
,that slavery is a great amalgamator1 no
 one acquainted with the blended  colors
 of the ,south will1 for a moment1 deny4
 ,but1 that an increasing  amalgamation 
would attend the liberation of the      
slaves1 is quite  improbable1 when we   
reflect1 that the extensive occasions of
 the present  mixture are the extreme   
debasement of the blacks and their      
entire  subjection to the will of the   
whites2 and that even should the        
debasement continue under a state of    

freedom1 the subjection would not4  ,it 
is true1 that the colored population of 
our country might in a state  of        
freedom1 attain to an equality with the 
whites2 and that a  multiplication of   
instances of matrimonial union between  
the two races  might be a consequence of
 this equality3 but1 beside1 that this  
would be  a lawful and sinless union1   
instead of the adulterous and wicked    
one1  which is the fruit of slavery1    
would not the improved condition of our 
down-trodden brethren be a blessing     
infinitely overbalancing all the        
violations of our taste1 which it might 
occasion8 ,i say violations of  our     
taste2--for we must bear in mind that1  
offensive as the  intermixture of       
different races may be to us1 the       
country or age1 which  practices it1 has
 no sympathy whatever with our feeling  
on this point4    ,how strongly and     
painfully it argues the immorality and  
irreligion of  the ,american people1    
that they should look so complacently on

 the  amalgamation1 which tramples the  
seventh commandment under foot1 and  yet
 be so offended at that1 which has the  
sanction of lawful wedlock6  ,when the  
,vice ,president of this ,nation was in 
nomination for his present  office1 it  
was objected to him1 that he had a      
family of colored  children4 ,the       
defence1 set up by his partisans1 was1  
that1 although he  had such a family1 he
 nevertheless was not married to their  
mother6 ,the  defence was successful2   
and the charge lost all its odiousness2 
and the  ,vice ,president's popularity  
was retrieved1 when1 it turned out1 that
 he  was only the adulterous1 and not   
the married father of his children6     
,i am aware1 that many take the ground1 
that we must keep the slaves in  slavery
 to prevent the matrimonial             
amalgamation1 which1 they  apprehend1   
would be a fruit of freedom4 ,but1      
however great a good1  abolitionists    
might deem the separation of the white  
and black races1  and however deeply    

they might be impressed with the power  
of slavery to  promote this separation1 
they nevertheless1 dare not do evil1    
that good  may come3--they dare not seek
 to promote this separation1 at the     
fearful expense of upholding1 or in     
anywise1 countenancing a                
humanity-crushing and ,god-defying      
system of oppression4    ,another charge
 against the abolitionists is implied in
 the inquiry you  make1 whether since   
they do not furnish in their own        
families or  persons examples of        
intermarriage1 they intend to           
contaminate the  industrious and        
laborious classes of society of the     
,north by a revolting  admixture of the 
black element4    ,this inquiry shows   
how difficult it is for southern minds1 
accustomed as  they have ever been to   
identify labor with slavery1 to conceive
 the true  character and position of    
such classes at the ,north2 and also how
  ignorant they are of the composition  
of our ,anti-,slavery societies4 ,to    

correct your misapprehensions on these  
points1 ,i will briefly say1 in  the    
first place1 that the laborers of the   
,north are freemen and not              
slaves2--that they marry whom they      
please1 and are neither paired nor      
unpaired to suit the interests of the   
breeder1 or seller1 or buyer1 of  human 
stock3--and1 in the second place1 that  
the abolitionists1 instead  of being a  
body of persons distinct from the       
industrious and laborious  classes1 do1 
more than nineteen twentieths of them1  
belong to those  classes4 ,you have     
fallen into great error in supposing1   
that  abolitionists generally belong to 
the wealthy and aristocratic  classes4  
,this1 to a great extent1 is true of    
anti-abolitionists4 ,have  you never    
heard the boast1 that there have been   
anti-abolition mobs1  which consisted of
 gentlemen of property and standing8    
,you charge upon abolitionists the      
purpose to create a pinching            
competition between black labor and     

white labor2 and add1 that on the       
supposition of abolition the black      
class1 migrating into the free  states1 
would enter into competition with the   
white class1 diminishing  the wages of  
their labor4    ,in making this charge1 
as well as in making that which         
immediately  precedes it1 you have      
fallen into the error1 that             
abolitionists do not  belong to the     
industrious and laborious classes4 ,in  
point of fact1 the  abolitionists belong
 so generally to these classes1 that if 
your charge  be true1 they must have the
 strange purpose of pinching themselves4
    ,whether the black class would1 or  
would not migrate1 ,i am much more      
pleased to have you say what you do on  
this point1 though it be at the  expense
 of your consistency1 than to have you  
say1 as you do in another  part of your 
speech1 that abolition would end in the 
extermination or  subjugation of the one
 race or the other4    ,it appears to me
 highly improbable1 that emancipation   

would be followed  by the migration of  
the emancipated4 ,emancipation1 which   
has already  added fifty per cent4 to   
the value of estates in the ,british    
,west  ,indies1 would immediately add as
 much to the value of the soil of the   
,south4 ,much more of it would be       
brought into use2 and1 notwithstanding  
the undoubted truth1 that the freedman  
performs twice as much labor as  when a 
slave1 the ,south would require1 instead
 of any diminution1 a very  great       
increase of the number of her laborers4 
,the laboring population of  the        
,british ,west ,india ,islands1 is      
one-third as large as that of the       
southern states2 and yet1 since these   
islands have got rid of slavery1  and   
have entered on their career of         
enterprize and industry1 they find  this
 population1 great as it is1            
insufficient to meet the increased      
demand for labor4 ,as you are aware1    
they are already inviting laborers  of  
this and other countries to supply the  

deficiency4 ,but what is the  amount of 
cultivable land in those islands1       
compared with that in all  the southern 
states8 ,it is not so extensive as the  
like land in your  single state4    ,but
 you may suppose1 that1 in the event of 
the emancipation of her  slaves1 the    
,south would prefer white laborers4 ,i  
know not why she  should4 ,such are1 for
 the most part1 unaccustomed to her     
kinds of labor1  and they would exact1  
because they would need1 far greater    
wages than  those1 who had never been   
indulged beyond the gratification of    
their  simplest wants4 ,there is another
 point of view1 in which it is still    
more improbable1 that the black laborers
 of the ,south would be displaced  by   
immigrations of white laborers4 ,the    
proverbial attachment of the  slave to  
his bornin-ground1 7the place of his    
nativity17 would greatly  contribute to 
his contentment with low wages1 at the  
hands of his old  master4 ,as an        
evidence of the strong attachment of our

 southern colored  brethren to their    
birth-places1 ,i remark1 that1 whilst   
the free colored  population of the free
 states increased from #ahbj to #ahcj   
but nineteen  per cent41 the like       
population in the slave states          
increased1 in the  same period1 thirty  
five per cent2--and this1 too1          
notwithstanding the  operation of those 
oppressive and cruel laws1 whose        
enactment was  dictated by the settled  
policy of expelling the free blacks from
  the ,south4    ,that1 in the event of 
the abolition of southern slavery1 the  
emancipated  slaves would migrate to the
 ,north1 rather than elsewhere1 is very 
improbable4 ,whilst our climate would be
 unfriendly to them1 and whilst  they   
would be strangers to our modes of      
agriculture1 the sugar and  cotton      
fields of ,texas1 the ,west ,indies1 and
 other portions of the  earth1 would    
invite them to congenial employments    
beneath congenial  skies4 ,that1 in case
 southern slavery is abolished1 the     

colored  population of the ,north would 
be drawn off to unite with their race at
  the ,south1 is1 for reasons too       
obvious to mention1 far more probable   
than the reverse4    ,it will be        
difficult for you to persuade the       
,north1 that she would  suffer in a     
pecuniary point of view by the          
extirpation of slavery4 ,the            
consumption of the laborers at the      
,south would keep pace with the         
improvement and elevation of their      
condition1 and would very soon impart  a
 powerful impulse to many branches of   
,northern industry4    ,another of your 
charges is in the following words3 ,the 
subject of  slavery within the ,district
 of ,florida1 and that of the right of  
,congress to prohibit the removal of    
slaves from one state to another1  are1 
with abolitionists1 but so many masked  
batteries1 concealing the  real and     
ultimate point of attack4 ,that point of
 attack is the  institution of domestic 
slavery1 as it exists in those states4  

,if you mean by this charge1 that       
abolitionists think that the abolition  
of slavery in the ,district of ,columbia
 and in ,florida1 and the  suppression  
of the interstate traffic in human      
beings are1 in  themselves1 of but      
little moment1 you mistake4 ,if you     
mean1 that they  think them of less     
importance than the abolition of slavery
 in the slave  states1 you are right2   
and if you further mean1 that they prize
 those  objects more highly1 and pursue 
them more zealously1 because they think1
  that success in them will set in      
motion very powerful1 if not indeed     
resistless influences against slavery in
 the slave states1 you are right  in    
this also4 ,i am aware1 that the latter 
concession brings  abolitionists under  
the condemnation of that celebrated     
book1 written by  a modern limiter of   
human responsibility--not by the ancient
 one1  who exclaimed1 ,am ,i my         
brother's keeper8 ,in that book1 to     
which1 by  the way1 the infamous        

,atherton ,resolutions are indebted for 
their  keynote1 and grand pervading     
idea1 we find the doctrine1 that even if
 it  were the duty of ,congress to      
abolish slavery in the ,district of     
,columbia1 the ,north nevertheless      
should not seek for such abolition1     
unless the object of it be ultimate     
within itself4 ,if it be for the  sake  
of something ulterior also--if for the  
sake of inducing the  slaveholders of   
the slave states to emancipate their    
slaves--then we  should not seek for it4
 ,let us try this doctrine in another   
application--in one1 where its          
distinguished author will not feel so   
much delicacy1 and so much fear of      
giving offence4 ,his reason why we      
should not go for the abolition of      
slavery in the ,district of ,columbia1  
unless our object in it be ultimate     
within itself1 and unaccompanied  by the
 object of producing an influence       
against slavery in the slave  states1   
is1 that the ,federal ,constitution has 

left the matter of slavery  in the slave
 states to those states themselves4 ,but
 will ,president  ,wayland say1 that it 
has done so to any greater extent1 than 
it has left  the matter of              
gambling-houses and brothels in those   
states to those  states themselves8 ,he 
will not1 if he consider the            
subject3--though1 ,i  doubt not1 that   
when he wrote his bad book1 he was under
 the prevailing  error1 that the        
,federal ,constitution tied up the hands
 and limited the  power of the ,american
 people in respect to slavery1 more than
 to any  other vice4    ,but to the     
other application4 ,we will suppose1    
that ,great ,britain has  put down the  
gambling-houses and brothels in her wide
 dominions--that  ,mexico has done      
likewise2 and that the ,george          
,thompsons1 and ,charles  ,stuarts1 and 
other men of ,god1 have come from       
,england to beseech the  people of the  
northern states to do likewise within   
their respective  jurisdictions2--and we

 will further suppose1 that those       
foreign  missionaries1 knowing the      
obstinate and infatuated attachment of  
the  people of the southern states to   
their gambling-houses and brothels1     
should attempt1 and successfully1 too1  
to blend with the motive of the  people 
of the northern states to get rid of    
their own gambling houses  and brothels1
 the motive of influencing the people of
 the southern  states to get rid of     
theirs--what1 we ask1 would this eminent
 divine  advise in such a case8 ,would  
he have the people of the northern      
states  go on in their good work1 and   
rejoice in the prospect1 not only that  
these polluting and ruinous             
establishments would soon cease to exist
  within all their limits1 but that the 
influence of their overthrow would  be  
fatal to the like establishments in the 
southern states8 ,to be  consistent with
 himself--with the doctrine in          
question--he must reply in  the         
negative4 ,to be consistent with        

himself1 he must advise the people  of  
the northern states to let their own    
gambling-houses and brothels  stand1    
until they can make the object of their 
abolishment ultimate  within            
itself2--until they can expel from their
 hearts the cherished  hope1 that the   
purification of their own states of     
these haunts of  wickedness would exert 
an influence to induce the people of    
their sister  states to enter upon a    
similar work of purity and              
righteousness4 ,but ,i  trust1 that     
,president ,wayland would not desire to 
be consistent with  himself on this     
point4 ,i trust that he would have the  
magnanimity to  throw away this perhaps 
most pernicious doctrine of a pernicious
 book1  which every reader of it must   
see was written to flatter and please   
the  slaveholder and arrest the progress
 of the anti-slavery cause4 ,how great  
the sin of seizing on this very time1   
when special efforts are being  made to 
enlist the world's sympathies in behalf 

of the millions of our  robbed1         
outraged1 crushed countrymen--how great 
the sin1 of seizing on  such a time to  
attempt to neutralize those efforts1 by 
ascribing to the  oppressors of these   
millions a characteristic               
nobleness--enthusiastic  attachment to  
personal right--disinterestedness which 
has always  marked the southern         
character--and a superiority to all     
others in  making any sacrifice for the 
public good6 ,it is this sin--this      
heinous  sin--of which ,president       
,wayland has to repent4 ,if he pities   
the slave1  it is because he knows1 that
 the qualities1 which he ascribes to the
  slaveholder1 do not1 in fact1 belong  
to him4 ,on the other hand1 if he       
believes the slaveholder to be1 what he 
represents him to be1 he does  not--in  
the very nature of things1 he           
cannot--pity the slave4 ,he must  rather
 rejoice1 that the slave has fallen into
 the hands of one1 who1  though he has  
the name1 cannot have the heart1 and    

cannot continue in  the relation of a   
slaveholder4 ,if ,john ,hook1 for having
 mingled his  discordant and selfish    
cries with the acclamations of victory  
and then  general joy1 deserved ,patrick
 ,henry's memorable rebuke1 what does he
 not  deserve1 who finds it in his heart
 to arrest the swelling tide of pity    
for the oppressed by praises of the     
oppressor1 and to drown the public      
lament over the slave's subjection to   
absolute power1 in the  congratulation1 
that the slaveholder who exercises that 
power1 is a  being of characteristic    
nobleness1 disinterestedness1 and       
sacrifice of self-interest8             
,president ,wayland may perhaps say1    
that the moral influence1 which he is   
unwilling to have exerted over the      
slaveholder1 is not that1 which is      
simply persuasive1 but that1 which is   
constraining--not that1 which is  simply
 inducing1 but that1 which is           
compelling4 ,i cheerfully admit1 that   
it is infinitely better to induce men to

 do right from their own  approbation of
 the right1 than it is to shame them1 or
 in any other wise  constrain them1 to  
do so2 but ,i can never admit1 that ,i  
am not at  liberty to effect the release
 of my colored brother from the fangs of
  his murderous oppressor1 when ,i can  
do so by bringing public opinion to     
bear upon that oppressor1 and to fill   
him with uneasiness and shame4    ,i    
have not1 overlooked the distinction    
taken by the reverend gentleman2        
though1 ,i confess that1 to a mind no   
less obtuse than my own1 it is very     
little better than a distinction without
 a difference4 ,whilst he  denies1 that 
,i can1 as an ,american citizen1        
rightfully labor for the  abolition of  
slavery in the slave states1 or even in 
the ,district of  ,columbia2 he would   
perhaps1 admit that1 as a man1 ,i might 
do so4 ,but am  ,i not interested1 as an
 ,american citizen1 to have every part  
of my  country cleared of vice1 and of  
whatever perils its free institutions8  

,am ,i not interested1 as such1 to      
promote the overthrow of gambling and   
rum drinking establishments in ,south   
,carolina8--but why any more than to    
promote the overthrow of slavery8 ,in   
fine1 am ,i not interested1 as an       
,american citizen1 to have my country1  
and my whole country1 right in  the     
sight of ,god8 ,if not1 ,i had better   
not be an ,american citizen4    ,i say  
no more on the subject of the           
sophistries of ,president ,wayland's    
book on1 ,the limitations of human      
responsibility2 nor would ,i have  said 
what ,i have1 were it not that it is in 
reply to the like  sophistries couched  
in that objection of yours1 which ,i    
have now been  considering4    ,another 
of your charges against the             
abolitionists is1 that they seek to     
stimulate the rage of the people of the 
free states against the people  of the  
slave states4 ,advertisements of        
fugitive slaves and of slaves to  be    
sold are carefully collected and        

blazoned forth to infuse a spirit of    
detestation and hatred against one      
entire and the largest section of  the  
,union4    ,the slaveholders of the     
,south represent slavery as a           
heaven-born  institution--themselves as 
patriarchs and patterns of              
benevolence--and  their slaves1 as their
 tenderly treated and happy dependents4 
,the  abolitionists1 on the contrary1   
think that slavery is from hell--that   
slaveholders are the worst of           
robbers--and that their slaves are the  
wretched victims of unsurpassed         
cruelties4 ,now1 how do abolitionists   
propose to settle the points at         
issue8--by fanciful pictures of the     
abominations of slavery to countervail  
the like pictures of its                
blessedness8--by mere assertions against
 slavery1 to balance mere  assertions in
 its favor8 ,no--but by the perfectly   
reasonable and fair  means of examining 
slavery in the light of its own code--of
 judging of  the character of the       

slaveholder in the light of his own     
conduct--and of  arguing the condition  
of the slave from unequivocal evidences 
of the  light in which the slave himself
 views it4 ,to this end we publish      
extracts from the southern slave code1  
which go to show that slavery  subjects 
its victims to the absolute control of  
their erring fellow  men--that it       
withholds from them marriage and the    
,bible--that it classes  them with      
brutes and things--and annihilates the  
distinctions between  mind and matter4  
,to this end we republish in part1 or   
entirely1  pamphlets and books1 in which
 southern men exhibit1 with their own   
pens1  some of the horrid features of   
slavery4 ,to this end we also republish 
such advertisements as you refer        
to--advertisements in which immortal    
beings1 made in the image of ,god1 and  
redeemed by a ,savior's blood1 and      
breathed upon by the ,holy ,spirit1 are 
offered to be sold1 at public  auction1 
or sheriff's sale1 in connection with   

cows1 and horses1 and  ploughs3 and1    
sometimes we call special attention to  
the common fact1  that the husband and  
wife1 the parent and infant child1 are  
advertised  to be sold together or      
separately1 as shall best suit          
purchasers4 ,it is  to this end also1   
that we often republish specimens of the
 other class  of advertisements to which
 you refer4 ,some of the advertisements 
of this  class identify the fugitive    
slave by the scars1 which the whip1 or  
the  manacles and fetters1 or the rifle 
had made on his person4 ,some of them   
offer a reward for his head6--and it is 
to this same end1 that we often  refer  
to the ten thousands1 who have fled from
 southern slavery1 and the  fifty fold  
that number1 who have unsuccessfully    
attempted to fly from  it4 ,how         
unutterable must be the horrors of the  
southern prison house1  and how strong  
and undying the inherent love of liberty
 to induce these  wretched fellow beings
 to brave the perils which cluster so   

thickly and  frightfully around their   
attempted escape8 ,that love is indeed  
undying4 ,the three hundred and         
fifty-three ,south ,carolina gentlemen1 
to whom ,i have referred1 admit1 that   
even the old negro man1 whose head  is  
white with age1 raises his thoughts to  
look through the vista which  will      
terminate his bondage4    ,i put it to  
your candor--can you object to the      
reasonableness and  fairness of these   
modes1 which abolitionists have adopted 
for  establishing the truth on the      
points at issue between themselves and  
slaveholders8 ,but1 you may say that our
 republication of your own              
representations of slavery proceeds from
 unkind motives1 and serves to  stir up 
the hatred1 and rage of the people of   
the free states against  the people of  
the slave states4 ,if such be an effect 
of the  republication1 although not at  
all responsible for it1 we deeply regret
  it2 and1 as to our motives1 we can    
only meet the affirmation of their      

unkindness with a simple denial4 ,were  
we1 however1 to admit the  unkindness of
 our motives1 and that we do not always 
adhere to the  apostolic motto1 of      
speaking the truth in love--would the   
admission  change the features of       
slavery1 or make it any the less a      
system of  pollution and blood8 ,is the 
accused any the less a murderer1 because
 of  the improper motives with which his
 accuser brings forward the  conclusive 
proof of his blood-guiltiness8    ,we   
often see1 in the speeches and writings 
of the ,south1 that  slaveholders claim 
as absolute and as rightful a property  
in their  slaves1 as in their cattle4   
,whence then their sensitiveness under  
our  republication of the               
advertisements1 is which they offer to  
sell their  human stock8 ,if the south  
will republish the advertisements of our
  property1 we will only not be         
displeased1 but will thank her2 and any 
rebukes she may see fit to pour upon us1
 for offering particular kinds  of      

property1 will be very patiently borne1 
in view of the benefit we  shall reap   
from her copies of our advertisements4  
,a further charge in your speech is1    
that the abolitionists pursue their     
object reckless of all consequences1    
however calamitous they may be2  that   
they have no horror of a civil war1 or a
 dissolution of the  ,union2 that theirs
 is a bloody road1 and their purpose is 
abolition1  universal abolition1        
peaceably if it can1 forcibly if it     
must4    ,it is true that1 the          
abolitionists pursue their object1      
undisturbed by  apprehensions of        
consequences2 but it is not true1 that  
they pursue it  reckless of             
consequences4 ,we believe that they1 who
 unflinchingly  press the claims of     
,god's truth1 deserve to be considered  
as far less  reckless of consequences1  
than they1 who1 suffering themselves to 
be  thrown into a panic by apprehensions
 of some mischievous results1 local  or 
general1 immediate or remote1 are guilty

 of compromising the truth1  and        
substituting corrupt expediency for it4 
,we believe that the  consequences of   
obeying the truth and following ,god are
 good--only  good--and that too1 not    
only in eternity1 but in time also4 ,we 
believe1  that had the confidently      
anticipated deluge of blood followed the
  abolition of slavery in the ,british  
,west ,indies1 the calamity would have  
been the consequence1 not of abolition1 
but of resistance to it4 ,the  insanity1
 which has been known to follow the     
exhibition of the claims of             
,christianity1 is to be charged on the  
refusal to fall in with those  claims1  
and not on our holy religion4    ,but1  
notwithstanding1 we deem it our duty and
 privilege to confine  ourselves to the 
word of the ,lord1 and to make that word
 suffice to  prevent all fears of       
consequences2 we1 nevertheless1 employ  
additional  means to dispel the alarms  
of those1 who insist on walking by      
sight2  and1 in thus accommodating      

ourselves to their want of faith1 we are
  justified by the example of ,him1 who1
 though he said1 blessed are they  that 
have not seen and yet have believed1    
nevertheless permitted an  unbelieving  
disciple1 both to see and to touch the  
prints of the nails  and the spear4     
,when dealing with such unbelievers1 we 
do not confine  ourselves to the thus   
saith the ,lord--to the ,divine command1
 to let  the oppressed go free and break
 every yoke--to the fact1 that ,god is  
an  abolitionist3 but we also show how  
contrary to all sound philosophy is  the
 fear1 that the slave1 on whom have been
 heaped all imaginable  outrages1 will1 
when those outrages are exchanged for   
justice and mercy1  turn and rend his   
penitent master4 ,when dealing with such
 unbelievers1  we advert to the fact1   
that the insurrections at the ,south    
have been the  work of slaves--not one  
of them of persons discharged from      
slavery3 we  show how happy were the    
fruits of emancipation in ,st4 ,domingo3

 and that  the horrors of ,st4 ,domingo1
 by the parading of which so many have  
been  deterred from espousing our       
righteous cause1 were the result of the 
attempt to re-establish slavery4 ,when  
dealing with them1 we ask  attention to 
the present peaceful1 prosperous1 and   
happy condition of  the ,british ,west  
,india ,islands1 which so triumphantly  
falsifies the  predictions1 that        
bankruptcy1 violence1 bloodshed1 and    
utter ruin would  follow the liberation 
of their slaves4 ,we point these fearful
 and  unbelieving ones to the fact of   
the very favorable influence of the     
abolition of slavery on the price of    
real estate in those islands2 to  that  
of the present rapid multiplication of  
schools and churches in  them2 to the   
fact1 that since the abolition of       
slavery1 on the first day  of ,august   
#ahcd1 not a white man in all those     
islands has been struck  down by the arm
 of a colored man2 and then we ask them 
whether in view  of such facts1 they are

 not prepared to believe1 that ,god     
connects  safety with obedience1 and    
that it is best to trust in the ,lord   
with  all thine heart1 and lean not to  
thine own understanding4    ,on the     
subject of a dissolution of the ,union1 
,i have only to say1  that1 on the one  
hand1 there is nothing in my judgment1  
which1 under  ,god1 would tend so much  
to preserve our ,republic1 as the       
carrying out  into all our social1      
political and religious institutions of 
its great  foundation principle1 that   
all men are created equal2 and that1 on 
the  other hand1 the flagrant violation 
of that principle in the system of      
slavery1 is doing more than all thing1  
else to hasten the destruction of  the  
,republic4 ,i am aware1 that one of the 
doctrines of the ,south is1  that       
slavery is the corner-stone of the      
republican edifice4 ,but1 if it  be     
true1 that our political institutions   
harmonize with1 and are  sustained by   
slavery1 then the sooner we exchange    

them for others the  better4 ,i am      
aware1 that it is said1 both at the     
,north and at the ,south1  that it is   
essential to the preservation of the    
,union4 ,but1 greatly as ,i  love the   
,union1 and much as ,i would sacrifice  
for its righteous  continuance1 ,i      
cannot hesitate to say1 that if slavery 
be an  indispensable cement1 the sooner 
it is dissolved the better4    ,i am not
 displeased1 that you call ours a bloody
 road--for this  language does not      
necessarily implicate our motives2 but  
,i am greatly  surprised that you charge
 upon us the wicked and murderous       
purpose of  a forcible abolition4 ,in   
reply to this imputation1 ,i need only  
refer you  to the ,constitution of the  
,american ,anti-,slavery ,society--to   
the  ,declaration of the ,convention    
which framed it--and to our characters1 
for pledges1 that we design no force1   
and are not likely to stain our  souls  
with the crime of murder4 ,that         
,constitution says3 ,this society  will 

never1 in any way1 countenance the      
oppressed in vindicating their  rights  
by resorting to physical force4 ,the    
,declaration says ,our  principles      
forbid the doing of evil that good may  
come1 and lead us to  reject1 and to    
entreat the oppressed to reject1 the use
 of all carnal  weapons for deliverance 
from bondage4 ,our measures shall be    
such only1  as the opposition of moral  
purity to moral corruption--the         
destruction  of error by the potency of 
truth--the overthrow of prejudice by the
  power of love--and the abolition of   
slavery by the spirit of  repentance4   
,as to our characters they are before   
the world4 ,you would  probably look in 
vain through our ranks for a            
horse-racer1 a gambler1 a  profane      
person1 a rum-drinker1 or a duellist4   
,more than nine-tenths of  us deny the  
rightfulness of offensive1 and a large  
majority1 even that  of defensive       
national wars4 ,a still larger majority 
believe1 that deadly  weapons should not

 be used in cases of individual strife4 
,and1 if you  should ask1 where in the  
free ,states are the increasing numbers 
of men  and women1 who believe1 that the
 religion of the unresisting ',lamb of  
,god' forbids recourse to such weapons1 
in all circumstances1 either by  nations
 or individuals8--the answer is1 to a   
man1 to a woman1 in the  ranks of the   
abolitionists4 ,you and others will     
judge for yourselves1  how probable it  
is1 that the persons1 whom ,i have      
described1 will prove  worthy of being  
held up as murderers4    ,the last of   
your charges against the abolitionists1 
which ,i shall  examine1 is the         
following3 ,having begun their          
operations by professing  to employ only
 persuasive means1 they have ceased to  
employ the  instruments of reason and   
persuasion1 and they now propose to     
substitute the powers of the ballot box2
 and the inevitable tendency  of their  
proceedings is if these should be found 
insufficient1 to invoke  finally the    

more potent powers of the bayonet4      
,if the slaveholders would but let us   
draw on them for the six or eight       
thousand dollars1 which we expend       
monthly to sustain our presses and      
lecturers1 they would then know1 from an
 experience too painful to be           
forgotten1 how truthless is your        
declaration1 that we have ceased to     
employ the instruments of reason and    
persuasion4    ,you and your friends1 at
 first1 employed persuasive means       
against the  sub-treasury system4       
,afterwards1 you rallied voters against 
it4 ,now1 if  this fail1 will you resort
 to the more potent powers of the       
bayonet8  ,you promptly and indignantly 
answer1 ,no4 ,but1 why will you not8 ,is
 it  because the prominent opposers of  
that system have more moral  worth--more
 religious horror of blood--than ,arthur
 ,tappan1 ,william ,jay1  and their     
prominent abolition friends8 ,were such 
to be your answer1 the  public would    
judge1 whether the men of peace and     

purity1 who compose the  mass of        
abolitionists1 would be more likely than
 the ,clays and ,wises and  the great   
body of the followers of these          
,congressional leaders to betake        
themselves from a disappointment at the 
ballot-box to the more potent  powers of
 the bayonet8    ,you say1 that we now  
propose to substitute the powers of the 
ballot-box1 as if it were only of late1 
that we had proposed to do so4  ,what   
then means the following language in our
 ,constitution3 ,the society  will also 
endeavor in a ,constitutional way to    
influence ,congress to put  an end to   
the domestic slave-trade1 and to abolish
 slavery in all those  portions of our  
common country1 which come under its    
control--especially  in the ,district of
 ,columbia--and likewise to prevent the 
extension of it  to any ,state1 that may
 be hereafter admitted to the ,union8   
,what then  means the following language
 in the ,declaration of the ,convention1
  which framed our ,constitution3 ,we   

also maintain1 that there are at the    
present time the highest obligations    
resting upon the people of the ,free    
,states to remove slavery by moral and  
political action1 as prescribed in  the 
,constitution of the ,united ,states8   
,if it be for the first time1  that we  
now propose political action1 what means
 it1 that  anti-slavery presses have1   
from year to year1 called on            
abolitionists to  remember the slave at 
the polls8    ,you are deceived on this 
point2 and the rapid growth of our cause
 has  been the occasion of your         
deception4 ,you suppose1 because it is  
only  within the last few months1 that  
you have heard of abolitionists in this 
country carrying their cause to the     
ballot box1 that it is only within  the 
last few months that they have done so4 
,but1 in point of fact1 some  of them   
have done so for several years4 ,it was 
not1 however1 until the  last year or   
two1 when the number of abolitionists   
had become  considerable1 and their hope

 of producing an impression on the      
,elections  proportionately strong1 that
 many of them were seen bringing their  
abolition principles to the ballot-box4 
,nor was it until the ,elections  of the
 last ,autumn1 that abolition action at 
the ballot-box had become  so extensive1
 as to apprise the ,nation1 that it is a
 principle with  abolitionists to       
remember in one place as well as in     
another--at the  polls as well as in the
 closet--them that are in bonds4 ,the   
fact that1  at the last ,state          
,election1 there were three or four     
hundred abolition  votes given in the   
,county in which ,i reside1 is no more  
real because of  its wide spread        
interest1 than the comparatively unheard
 of fact1 that  about one hundred such  
votes were given the year before4 ,by   
the way1  when ,i hear complaints of    
abolition action at the ballot-box1 ,i  
can  hardly refrain from believing1 that
 they are made ironically4 ,when ,i     
hear complaints1 that the abolitionists 

of this ,state rallied1 as such1  at the
 last ,state ,election1 ,i cannot easily
 avoid suspecting1 that the  purpose of 
such complaints is the malicious one of 
reviving in our  breasts the truly      
stinging and shame-filling recollection1
 that some  five-sixths of the voters in
 our ranks1 either openly apostatized   
from  our principles1 or took it into   
their heads1 that the better way to vote
  for the slave and the anti-slavery    
cause was to vote for their  respective 
political parties4 ,you would be less   
afraid of the  abolitionists1 if ,i     
should tell you that more than ten      
thousand of them  in this ,state voted  
at the last ,state ,election1 for       
candidates for law  makers1 who were    
openly in favor of the law of this      
,state1 which creates  slavery1 and of  
other laws1 which countenance and uphold
 it4 ,and you  would owe me for one of  
your heartiest laughs1 were ,i to tell  
you1 that  there are                    
abolitionists--professed                

abolitionists--yes1 actual members of   
the ,anti-,slavery ,society--who1       
carrying out this delusion of helping   
the  slave by helping their party1 say1 
that they would vote even for a         
slaveholder1 if their party should      
nominate him4 ,let me remark1 however1  
that ,i am happy to be able to inform   
you1 that this delusion--at least  in my
 own ,state--is fast passing away2 and  
that thousands of the  abolitionists    
who1 in voting last ,autumn for ,gov4   
,marey or ,gov4 ,seward1  took the first
 step in the way1 that leads to voting  
for the slaveholder  himself1 are now   
not only refusing to take another step  
in that  inconsistent and wicked way1   
but are repenting deeply of that1 which 
they have already taken in it4    ,much 
as you dislike1 not to say dread1       
abolition action at the  ballot-box1 ,i 
presume1 that ,i need not spend any time
 in explaining to  you the inconsistency
 of which an abolitionist is guilty1 who
 votes for  an upholder of slavery4 ,a  

wholesome citizen would not vote fur a  
candidate for a law maker1 who is in    
favor of laws1 which authorize          
gaming-houses or groggeries4 ,but1 in   
the eye of one1 who his attempted  to   
take the guage and dimensions of the    
hell of slavery1 the laws1  which       
authorize slaveholding1 far transcend in
 wickedness1 those1 which  authorize    
gaming-houses or groggeries4 ,you would 
not vote for a  candidate for a         
law-maker1 who is in favor of the       
sub-treasury system4  ,but compared with
 the evil of slavery1 what is that of   
the most  pernicious currency scheme    
ever devised8 ,it is to be counted as   
the  small dust of the balance4 ,if you 
would withhold your vote in the case    
supposed--how gross in your eyes must be
 the inconsistency of the  abolitionist1
 who casts his vote on the side of the  
system of  fathomless iniquity6    ,i   
have already remarked on the third of   
the impediments or  obstacles to        
emancipation1 which you bring to view4  

,the first  impediment1 you say1 is the 
utter and absolute want of all power on 
the part of the ,general ,government to 
effect the purpose4    ,but because     
there is this want on the part of the   
,general ,government1 it  does not      
follow1 that it also exists on the part 
of the ,states3 nor does  it follow1    
that it also exists on the part of the  
slaveholders  themselves4 ,it is a poor 
plea of your neighbor for continuing to 
hold  his fellow man in slavery1 that   
neither the ,federal ,government nor the
  ,state of ,kentucky has power to      
emancipate them4 ,such a plea is about  
as  valid1 as that of the girl for not  
having performed the task1 which her    
mistress had assigned to her4 ,i was    
tied to the table4 ,who tied you  there8
 ,i tied myself there4    ,the next     
obstacle1 you say1 in the way of        
abolition arises out of  the fact of the
 presence in the slave states of three  
millions  of slaves4    ,this is1 indeed
 a formidable obstacle3 and ,i admit1   

that it is as much  more difficult for  
the impenitent slaveholder to surmount  
it1 than it  would be if there were but 
one million of slaves1 as it is for the 
impenitent thief to restore the money he
 has stolen1 than it would be1  if the  
sum were one third as great4 ,but1 be   
not discouraged1 dear sir1  with this   
view of the case4 ,notwithstanding the  
magnitude of the  obstacle1 the warmest 
desires of your heart for the abolition 
of  slavery1 may yet be realized4 ,be   
thankful1 that repentance can avail in  
every case of iniquity2 that it can     
loosen the grasp of the man-thief1  as  
well as that of the money-thief3 of the 
oppressors of thousands as  well as of  
hundreds3--of three millions1 as well as
 of one million4    ,but1 were ,i to    
allow1 that the obstacle in question1 is
 as great1 as you  regard               
it--nevertheless will it not increase   
with the lapse of years1  and become    
less superable the longer the work of   
abolition is postponed8  ,i suppose1    

however1 that it is not to be disguised1
 that1  notwithstanding the occasional  
attempts in the course of your speech to
  create a different impression1 you are
 in favor of perpetual slavery2  and    
that all you say about ultra            
abolitionists in distinction from       
abolitionists1 and about gradual        
emancipation1 in distinction from       
immediate emancipation1 is said1 but to 
please those1 who sincerely  make1 and  
are gulled by1 such distinctions4 ,i do 
not forget1 that you  say1 that the     
abolition of slavery in ,pennsylvania   
was proper4 ,but1 most  obviously1 you  
say it1 to win favor with the           
anti-slavery portion of the  ,north1 and
 to sustain the world's opinion of your 
devotion to the cause  of universal     
liberty2--for1 having made this small   
concession to that  holy cause--small   
indeed1 since ,pennsylvania never at any
 one time1 had  five thousand           
slaves--you1 straightway1 renew your    
claims to the  confidence of            

slaveholders1 by assuring them1 that you
 are opposed to  any scheme whatever of 
emancipation1 gradual or immediate1 in  
,states  where the slave population is  
extensive2--and1 for proof of the       
sincerity of your declaration1 you refer
 them to the fact of your recent  open  
and effective opposition to the         
overthrow of slavery in your  own       
,state4    ,the ,south is opposed to    
gradual1 as well as to immediate        
emancipation3  and1 were she1 indeed1 to
 enter upon a scheme of gradual         
emancipation1  she would speedily       
abandon it4 ,the objections to swelling 
the number of  her free colored         
population1 whilst she continued to hold
 their brethren  of the same race in    
bondage1 would be found too real and    
alarming to  justify her perseverance in
 the scheme4 ,how strange1 that men at  
the  ,north1 who think soundly on other 
subjects1 should deduce the  feasibility
 of gradual emancipation in the slave   
states--in some of  which the slaves    

outnumber the free--from the fact of the
 like  emancipation of the comparative  
handful of slaves in ,new ,york and     
,pennsylvania6    ,you say1 ,it is      
frequently asked1 what will become of   
the ,african race  among us8 ,are they  
forever to remain in bondage8 ,that     
question was asked  more than half a    
century ago4 ,it has been answered by   
fifty years of  prosperity4    ,the     
wicked man1 spreading himself like the  
green bay tree1 would  answer this      
question1 as you have4 ,they1 who walk  
after their own  lusts1 saying1 where is
 the promise of his coming--for since   
the fathers  fell asleep all things     
continue as they were from the beginning
 of the  creation8 would answer it1 as  
you have4 ,they1 whose heart is fully   
set  in them to do evil1 because        
sentence against an evil work is not    
executed speedily1 would answer it1 as  
you have4 ,but1 however you or  they may
 answer it1 and although ,god may delay 
his coming and the  execution of his    

sentence1 it1 nevertheless1 remains     
true1 that it  shall be well with them  
that fear ,god1 but it shall not be well
 with  the wicked4    ,fifty years of   
prosperity6 ,on whose testimony do we   
learn1 that the  last fifty years have  
been years of prosperity to the         
,south8--on the  testimony of oppressors
 or on that of the oppressed8--on that  
of her two  hundred and fifty thousand  
slaveholders--for this is the sum total 
of  the tyrants1 who rule the ,south and
 rule this nation--or on that of her    
two millions and three quarters of      
bleeding and crushed slaves8 ,it may    
well be1 that those of the ,south1 who  
have lived in pleasure on the  earth and
 been wanton and have nourished their   
hearts as in a day of  slaughter1 should
 speak of prosperity3 but1 before we    
admit1 that the  prosperity1 of which   
they speak1 is that of the ,south1      
instead of  themselves merely1 we must  
turn our weeping eyes to the laborers1  
who  have reaped down their oppressors' 

fields without wages1 and the  cries of 
whom are entered into the ears of the   
,lord of ,sabaoth2 and  we must also    
take into the account the tears1 and    
sweat1 and groans1 and  blood1 of the   
millions of similar laborers1 whom1     
during the last fifty  years1 death has 
mercifully released from ,southern      
bondage4 ,talks the  slaveholder of the 
prosperity of the ,south8 ,it is but his
 own  prosperity--and a prosperity1 such
 as the wolf may boast1 when  gorging on
 the flock4    ,you say1 that the people
 of the ,north would not think it       
neighborly  and friendly if the people  
of the slave states were to form        
societies1  subsidize presses1 make     
large pecuniary contributions1 c4 to    
burn the  beautiful capitals1 destroy   
the productive manufactories1 and sink  
the  gallant ships of the northern      
states4    ,indeed1 they would not6     
,but1 if you were to go to such pains1  
and  expense for the purpose of         
relieving our poor1 doubling our wealth1

 and  promoting the spiritual interests 
of both rich and poor--then we should   
bless you for practising a benevolence  
towards us1 so like that1 which         
abolitionists practise towards you2 and 
then our children1 and  children's      
children1 would bless your memories1    
even as your children  and children's   
children will1 if southern slavery be   
peacefully  abolished1 bless our        
memories1 and lament that their         
ancestors had been  guilty of construing
 our love into hatred1 and our purpose  
of naught but  good into a purpose of   
unmingled evil4    ,near the close of   
your speech is the remark3 ,i prefer the
 liberty of  my own country to that of  
any other people4    ,another           
distinguished ,american statesman       
uttered the applauded  sentiment3 ,my   
country--my whole country--and nothing  
but my  country2--and a scarcely less   
distinguished countryman of ours        
commanded the public praise1 by saying3 
,my country right--but my  country1     

right or wrong4 ,such are the           
expressions of patriotism of  that      
idolized compound of selfish and base   
affections6    ,were ,i writing for the 
favor1 instead of the welfare of my     
fellow-men1 ,i  should praise rather    
than denounce patriotism4 ,were ,i      
writing in  accordance with the maxims  
of a corrupt world1 instead of the truth
 of  ,jesus ,christ1 ,i should defend   
and extol1 rather than rebuke the       
doctrine1 that we may prefer the        
interests of one section of the human   
family to those of another4 ,if         
patriotism1 in the ordinary acceptation 
of the word1 be right1 then the ,bible  
is wrong--for that blessed book         
requires us to love all men1 even as we 
love ourselves4 ,how contrary to  its   
spirit and precepts1 that1      ,lands  
intersected by a narrow frith1    ,abhor
 each other1 ,mountains interposed      
,make enemies of nations1 who had else1 
,like kindred drops1 been mingled into  
one4    ,there are many1 who consider   

that the doctrine of loving all our     
fellow  men as ourselves1 belongs1 to   
use your words1 to a sublime but        
impracticable philosophy4 ,let them1    
however1 but devoutly ask ,him1 who     
enjoins it1 to warm and expand their    
selfish and contracted hearts with  its 
influences2 and they will know1 by sweet
 experience1 that under the  grace of   
,god1 the doctrine is no less           
practicable than sublime4 ,not  a few   
seem to suppose1 that he1 who has come  
to regard the whole world  as his       
country1 and all mankind as his         
countrymen1 will have less love  of home
 and country than the patriot has1 who  
makes his own nation1 and  no other1 the
 cherished object of his affections4    
,but did the ,saviour1  when on earth1  
love any individual the less1 because   
the love of ,his  great heart was poured
 out1 in equal tides1 over the whole    
human family8  ,and would ,he not1 even 
in the eyes of the patriot himself1 be  
stamped  with imperfection1 were it1 to 

appear1 that one nation shares less than
  another in ,his loving-kindness and   
that ,his tender mercies are 7not7  over
 all his works8 ,blessed be ,his holy   
name1 that ,he was cast down the  middle
 wall of partition between the ,jew and 
,gentile6--that there is  no respect of 
persons with ,him6--that ,greek and     
,jew1 circumcision and  uncircumcision1 
barbarian1 ,scythian1 bond and free1 are
 equal  before ,him6    ,having said1 ,i
 prefer the liberty of my own country to
 that of any  other people1 you add--and
 the liberty of my own race to that of  
any  other race4    ,how perfectly      
natural1 that the one sentiment should  
follow the other6  ,how perfectly       
natural1 that he who can limit his love 
by state or  national lines1 should be  
also capable of confining it to certain 
varieties of the human complexion6 ,how 
perfectly natural1 that1 he who  is     
guilty of the insane and wicked         
prejudice against his fellow men1       
because they happen to be born a dozen1 

or a hundred1 or a thousand  miles from 
the place of his nativity1 should foster
 the no less insane  and wicked         
prejudice against the skin not colored  
like his own6 ,how  different is man    
from ,god6 ,he maketh his sun to rise on
 the evil and on  the good1 and sendeth 
rain on the just and on the unjust4 ,but
 were man  invested with supreme        
control1 he would not distribute        
blessings  impartially even amongst the 
good and the just4    ,you close your   
speech with advice and an appeal to     
abolitionists4 ,are  you sure that an   
appeal1 to exert the most winning       
influence upon our  hearts1 would not   
have come from some other source better 
than from one  who1 not content with    
endeavoring to show the pernicious      
tendency of our  principles and         
measures1 freely imputes to us bloody   
and murderous  motives8 ,are you sure1  
that you1 who ascribe to us designs more
  diabolical than those of burning      
beautiful capitals1 and destroying      

productive manufactories1 and sinking   
gallant ships1 are our most  suitable   
adviser8 ,we have1 however1 waved all   
exception on this score to  your appeal 
and advice1 and exposed our minds and   
hearts to the whole  power and influence
 of your speech4 ,and now we ask1 that  
you1 in turn1  will hear us4 ,presuming 
that you are too generous to refuse the 
reciprocation1 we proceed to call on you
 to stay your efforts at  quenching the 
world's sympathy for the slave--at      
arresting the progress  of liberal1     
humane1 and ,christian sentiments--at   
upholding slavery  against that         
,almighty arm1 which now1 after so long 
a time1 is  revealed for its            
destruction4 ,we urge you to worthier   
and more hopeful  employments4 ,exert   
your great powers for the repeal of the 
matchlessly  wicked laws enacted to     
crush the ,saviour's poor4 ,set a happy 
and an  influential example to your     
fellow slaveholders1 by a righteous     
treatment of those1 whom you            

unrighteously hold in bondage4 ,set them
  this example1 by humbling yourself    
before ,god and your assembled slaves1  
in unfeigned penitence for the deep and 
measureless wrongs you have done  the   
guiltless victims of your oppression--by
 paying those men1 7speak  of them1     
think of them1 no longer1 as brutes and 
things7--by paying  these1 who are my   
brother men and your brother men1 the   
hire you have  so long withheld from    
them1 and which crieth to ,heaven1      
because it is  of you kept back--by     
breaking the galling yoke from their    
necks1 and  letting them go free4    ,do
 you shrink from our advice--and say1   
that obedience to its just  requirements
 would impoverish you8 ,infinitely      
better1 that you be  honestly poor than 
dishonestly rich4 ,infinitely better to 
do justly1  and be a ,lazarus2 than to  
become a ,croesus1 by clinging to and   
accumulating ill-gotten gains4 ,do you  
add to the fear of poverty1 that  of    
losing your honors--those which are     

anticipated1 as well as those1  which   
already deck your brow8 ,allow us to    
assure you1 that it will be  impossible 
for you to redeem ,henry ,clay1 the     
statesman1 and ,henry  ,clay1 the       
orator1 or even ,henry ,clay1 the       
,president of the ,united  ,states1 from
 the contempt of a slavery-loathing     
posterity1 otherwise  than by coupling  
with those designations the             
inexpressibly more  honorable           
distinction of ,,henry ,,clay1 ,,the    
,,emancipator4    ,i remain1    ,your   
friend1    ,,gerrit ,,smith4            
,no4 #aj ,,the ,,anti-,,slavery         
,,examiner4           99     99     99  
99     99    ,,american ,,slavery       
,,as ,,it ,,is3    ,,testimony of ,a    
,,thousand ,,witnesses4           99    
99     99     99     99    ,behold the  
wicked abominations that they           
do6--,ezekial1 viii1 #b4    ,the        
righteous considereth the cause of the  
poor2 but the wicked  regardeth not to  
know it4--,prov4 #bi1 #g4    ,true      

humanity consists not in a squeamish    
ear1 but in listening to  the story of  
human suffering and endeavoring to      
relieve it4--,charles  ,james ,fox4     
99     99     99     99     99    ,,new 
,,york3 ,,published ,,by ,,the          
,,american ,,anti-,,slavery ,,society1  
,,office1 ,no4  #adc ,,nassau ,,street4 
#ahci4           99     99     99     99
     99    ,this periodical contains #g 
sheets--postage1 under #ajj miles1      
#aj-a_/b  cts2 over #ajj miles1 #ag-a_/b
 cents4        ,,advertisement ,,to     
,,the ,,reader4 ,a majority of the facts
 and testimony  contained in this work  
rests upon the authority of             
slaveholders1 whose  names and          
residences are given to the public1 as  
vouchers for the  truth of their        
statements4 ,that they should utter     
falsehoods1 for the  sake of proclaiming
 their own infamy1 is not probable4     
,their testimony is taken1 mainly1 from 
recent newspapers1 published in  the    
slave states4 ,most of those papers will

 be deposited at the office  of the     
,american ,anti-,slavery ,society1 #adc 
,nassau street1 ,new ,york  ,city4      
,those who think the atrocities1 which  
they describe1 incredible1  are invited 
to call and read for themselves4 ,we    
regret that all of  the original papers 
are not in our possession4 ,the idea of 
preserving  them on file for the        
inspection of the incredulous1 and the  
curious1  did not occur to us until     
after the preparation of the work was in
 a  state of forwardness1 in consequence
 of this1 some of the papers  cannot be 
recovered4 ,nearly all of them1 however 
have been  preserved4 ,in all cases the 
name of the paper is given1 and1 with   
very few exceptions1 the place and time1
 7year1 month1 and day7 of  publication4
 ,some of the extracts1 however not     
being made with  reference to this work1
 and before its publication was         
contemplated1  are without date2 but    
this class of extracts is exceedingly   
small1  probably not a thirtieth of the 

whole4    ,the statements1 not derived  
from the papers and other periodicals1  
letters1 books1 c41 published by        
slaveholders1 have been furnished by    
individuals who have resided in slave   
states1 many of whom are natives  of    
those states1 and have been             
slaveholders4 ,the names1 residences1   
c4 of the witnesses generally are given4
 ,a number of them1 however1  still     
reside in slave states2--to publish     
their names would be1 in most  cases1 to
 make them the victims of popular fury4 
,new ,york1 ,may #d1 #ahci4      ,,note4
    ,the ,executive ,committee of the   
,american ,anti-,slavery ,society1 while
  tendering their grateful              
acknowledgments1 in the name of         
,american  ,abolitionists1 and in behalf
 of the slave1 to those who have        
furnished  for this publication the     
result of their residence and travel in 
the  slave states of this ,union1       
announce their determination to publish1
  from time to time1 as they may have   

the materials and the funds1  ,,tracts1 
containing well authenticated facts1    
testimony1 personal  narratives1 c4     
fully setting forth the condition of    
,american  slaves4 ,in order that they  
may be furnished with the requisite     
materials1 they invite all who have had 
personal knowledge of the  condition of 
slaves in any of the states of this     
,union1 to forward  their testimony with
 their names and residences4 ,to prevent
  imposition1 it is indispensable that  
persons forwarding testimony1 who  are  
not personally known to any of the      
,executive ,committee1 or to the        
,secretaries or ,editors of the         
,american ,anti-,slavery ,society1      
should  furnish references to some      
person or persons of respectability1    
with  whom1 if necessary1 the ,committee
 may communicate respecting the  writer4
    ,facts and testimony respecting the 
condition of slaves1 in all  respects1  
are desired2 their food1 7kinds1        
quality1 and quantity17  clothing1      

lodging1 dwellings1 hours of labor and  
rest1 kinds of labor1  with the mode of 
exaction1 supervision1 c4--the number   
and time of  meals each day1 treatment  
when sick1 regulations inspecting their 
social intercourse1 marriage and        
domestic ties1 the system of torture  to
 which they are subjected1 with its     
various modes2 and in detail1  their    
intellectual and moral condition4 ,great
 care should be  observed in the        
statement of facts4 ,well-weighed       
testimony and  well-authenticated facts2
 with a responsible name1 the ,committee
  earnestly desire and call for4        
,thousands of persons in the free states
  have ample knowledge on this subject1 
derived from their own  observation in  
the midst of slavery4 ,will such hold   
their peace8 ,that  which maketh        
manifest is light2 he who keepeth his   
candle under a  bushel at such a time   
and in such a cause as this1 forges     
fetters for  himself1 as well as for the
 slave4 ,let no one withhold his        

testimony  because others have already  
testified to similar facts4 ,the value  
of  testimony is by no means to be      
measured by the novelty of the  horrors 
which it describes4 ,corroborative      
testimony1--facts1 similar  to those    
established by the testimony of         
others1--is highly valuable4  ,who that 
can give it and has a heart of flesh1   
will refuse to the  slave so small a    
boon8    ,communications may be         
addressed to ,theodore ,d4 ,weld1 #adc  
,nassau-street1 ,new ,york4 ,new ,york1 
,may1 #ahci4      ,,contents4           
,,introduction4      ,twenty-seven      
hundred thousand free born citizens of  
the ,u4,s4 in      slavery2    ,tender  
mercies of slaveholders2                
,abominations of slavery2    ,character 
of the testimony4        ,,personal     
,,narratives--,,part ,i4    ,,narrative 
of ,,nehemiah ,,caulkins2    ,north     
,carolina ,slavery2    ,methodist       
preaching slavedriver1 ,galloway2       
,women at child-birth2    ,slaves at    

labor2    ,clothing of slaves2          
,allowance of provisions2               
,slave-fetters2    ,cruelties to slaves2
    ,burying a slave alive2             
,licentiousness of ,slave-holders2      
,rev4 ,thomas ,p4 ,hunt1 with his hands 
tied2    ,preachers cringe to slavery2  
,nakedness of slaves2    ,slave-huts2   
,means of subsistence for slaves2       
,slaves' prayer4    ,,narrative of      
,,rev4 ,,horace ,,moulton2    ,labor of 
the slaves2    ,tasks2    ,whipping     
posts2    ,food2    ,houses2            
,clothing2    ,punishments2    ,scenes  
of horror2    ,constables1 savage and   
brutal2    ,patrols2    ,cruelties at   
night2    ,paddle-torturing2            
,cat-hauling2    ,branding with hot     
iron2    ,murder with impunity2    ,iron
 collars1 yokes1 clogs1 and bells4      
,,narrative of ,,sarah ,m4 ,,grimk2     
,barbarous ,treatment of slaves2        
,converted slave2    ,professor of      
religion1 near death1 tortured his slave
 for visiting      his companion2       

,counterpart of ,james ,williams'       
description of ,larrimore's wife2       
,head of runaway slave on a pole2       
,governor of ,north ,carolina left his  
sick slave to perish2    ,cruelty to    
,women slaves2    ,christian slave a    
martyr for ,jesus4    ,,testimony of    
,,rev4 ,,john ,,graham2    ,twenty-seven
 slaves whipped4    ,,testimony of      
,,william ,,poe2    ,harris whipped a   
girl to death2    ,captain of the ,u4,s4
 ,navy murdered his boy1 was tried and  
acquitted2    ,overseer burnt a slave2  
,cruelties to slaves4                   
,,privations ,,of ,,the ,,slaves4       
,,food2    ,suffering from hunger2      
,rations in the ,u4,s4 ,army1 c2        
,prison rations2    ,testimony4         
,,labor2    ,slaves are overworked2     
,witnesses2    ,henry ,clay2            
,child-bearing prevented2    ,dr4       
,channing2    ,sacrifice of a set of    
hands every seven years2    ,testimony2 
,laws of ,georgia1 ,louisiana1          
,maryland1 ,south ,carolina1 and        

,virginia4  ,,clothing2    ,witnesses2  
,advertisements2    ,testimony2         
,field-hands2    ,nudity of slaves2     
,john ,randolph's legacy to ,essex and  
,hetty4  ,,dwellings2    ,witnesses2    
,slaves are wretchedly sheltered and    
lodged4  ,,treatment ,,of ,,the ,,sick4 
,,personal ,,narratives1 ,,part ,,ii4   
,,testimony of the ,,rev4 ,,william ,t4 
,,allan2    ,woman delivered of a dead  
child1 being whipped2    ,slaves shot by
 ,hilton2    ,cruelties to slaves2      
,whipping post2    ,assaults1 and       
maimings2    ,murders2    ,puryear1 the 
,devil12    ,overseers always armed2    
,licentiousness of ,overseers2    ,bend 
your backs2    ,mrs4 ,h41 a             
,presbyterian1 desirous to cut ,arthur  
,tappan's throat2    ,clothing1 ,huts1  
and ,herding of slaves2    ,iron yokes  
with prongs2    ,marriage unknown among 
slaves2    ,presbyterian minister at    
,huntsville2    ,concubinage in         
,preacher's house2    ,slavery1 the     
great wrong4    ,,narrative of ,,william

 ,,leftwich2    ,slave's life4          
,,testimony of ,,lemuel ,,sapington2    
,nakedness of slaves2    ,traffic in    
slaves4    ,,testimony of ,,mrs4        
,,lowry2    ,long1 a professor of       
religion killed three men2    ,salt     
water applied to wounds to keep them    
from putrefaction4    ,,testimony of    
,,william ,c4 ,,gildersleeve2    ,acts  
of cruelty4    ,,testimony of ,,hiram   
,,white2    ,woman with a child chained 
to her neck2    ,amalgamation1 and      
mulatto children4    ,,testimony of     
,,john ,m4 ,,nelson2    ,rev4 ,conrad   
,speece influenced ,alexander ,nelson   
when dying not to      emancipate his   
slaves2    ,george ,bourne opposed      
,slavery in #ahaj4    ,,testimony of    
,,angelina ,,grimk ,,weld2              
,house-servants2    ,slave-driving      
female professors of religion at        
,charleston1 ,s4,c42    ,whipping women 
and prayer in the same room2            
,tread-mills2    ,slaveholding religion2
    ,slave-driving mistress prayed for  

the divine blessing upon her            
whipping of an aged woman2    ,girl     
killed with impunity2    ,jewish law2   
,barbarities2    ,medical attendance    
upon slaves2    ,young man beaten to    
epilepsy and insanity2    ,mistresses   
flog their slaves2    ,blood-bought     
luxuries2    ,borrowing of slaves2      
,meals of slaves2    ,all comfort of    
slaves disregarded2    ,severance of    
companion lovers2    ,separation of     
parents and children2    ,slave         
espionage2    ,sufferings of slaves2    
,horrors of slavery indescribable4      
,,testimony of ,,cruelty ,,inflicted    
,,upon ,,slaves2    ,colonization       
,society2    ,emancipation ,society of  
,north ,carolina2    ,kentucky4         
,,punishments2    ,floggings2           
,witnesses and ,testimony4    ,,slave   
,,driving2    ,droves of slaves4        
,,cruelty ,,to ,,slaves2    ,slaves like
 ,stock without a shelter2    ,six pound
 paddle4    ,,tortures ,,of ,,slaves4   
,iron collars1 chains1 fetters1 and     

hand-cuffs2    ,advertisements for      
fugitive slaves2    ,testimony2    ,iron
 head-frame2    ,chain coffles2         
,droves of 'human cattle'2              
,washington1 the ,national slave market2
    ,testimony of ,james ,k4 ,paulding1 
,secretary of the ,navy2    ,literary   
fraud and pretended prophecy by ,mr4    
,paulding2    ,brandings1 ,maimings1 and
 ,gun-shot wounds2    ,witnesses and    
,testimony2    ,mr4 ,sevier1 senator of 
the ,u4,s42    ,judge ,hitchcock1 of    
,mobile2    ,commendable fidelity to    
truth in the advertisements of          
slaveholders2    ,thomas ,aylethorpe cut
 off a slave's ear1 and sent it to      
,lewis ,tappan2    ,advertisements for  
runaway slaves with their teeth         
mutilated2    ,excessive cruelty to     
slaves2    ,slaves burned alive2    ,mr4
 ,turner1 a slave-butcher2    ,slaves   
roasted and flogged2    ,cruelties      
common2    ,fugitive slaves2    ,slaves 
forced to eat tobacco worms2    ,baptist
 ,christians escaping from slavery2     

,christian whipped for praying2         
,james ,k4 ,paulding's testimony2       
,slave driven to death2    ,coroner's   
inquest on ,harney's murdered female    
slave2    ,man-stealing encouraged by   
law2    ,trial for a murdered slave2    
,female slave whipped to death1 and     
during the torture delivered of      a  
dead infant2    ,slaves murdered2       
,slave driven to death2    ,slaves      
killed with impunity2    ,george1 a     
slave1 chopped piece-meal1 and burnt by 
,lilburn ,lewis2    ,retributive justice
 in the awful death of ,lilburn ,lewis2 
,trial of ,isham ,lewis1 a slave        
murderer4      ,,personal               
,,narratives4--,,part ,,iii4            
,,narrative ,,of ,,rev4 ,,francis       
,,hawley2    ,plantations2              
,overseers2    ,no appeal from          
,overseers to ,masters4    ,,clothing2  
,nudity of slaves4    ,,work2           
,cotton-picking2    ,mothers of slaves2 
,presbyterian minister killed his slave2
    ,methodist colored preacher hung2   

,licentiousness2    ,slave-traffic2     
,night in a ,slaveholder's house2       
,twelve slaves murdered2    ,slave      
driving ,baptist preachers2    ,hunting 
of runaways slaves2    ,amalgamation4   
,,testimony ,,of ,,reuben ,c4 ,,macy1   
,,and ,,richard ,,macy4    ,whipping of 
slaves4    ,testimony of ,eleazer       
,powel2    ,overseer of ,hinds ,stuart1 
shot a slave for opposing the torture of
      his female companion4             
,,testimony ,,of ,,rev4 ,,william       
,,scales4    ,three slaves murdered with
 impunity2    ,separation of lovers1    
parents1 and children4    ,,testimony   
,,of ,,jos4 ,,ide4 ,mrs4 ,t4    a       
,presbyterian kind woman-killer2        
,female slave whipped to death2         
,food2    ,nakedness of slaves2    ,old 
man flogged after praying for his       
tyrant2    ,slave-huts not as           
comfortable as pig-sties4    ,,testimony
 ,,of ,,rev4 ,,phineas ,,smith4         
,texas2    ,suit for the value of slave 
'property'2    ,anson ,jones1           

,ambassador from ,texas2    ,no trial or
 punishment for the murder of slaves2   
,slave-hunting in ,texas2    ,suffering 
drives the slaves to despair and        
suicide4    ,,testimony ,,of ,,phil',n  
,,bliss4    ,ignorance of northern      
citizens respecting slavery2    ,betting
 upon crops2    ,extent and cruelty of  
the punishment of slaves2               
,slaveholders excuse their cruelties by 
the example of ,preachers1 and          
professors of religion1 and ,northern   
citizens2    ,novel torture1 eulogized  
by a professor of religion2    ,whips as
 common as the plough2    ,ladies use   
cowhides1 with shovel and tongs4        
,,testimony ,,of ,,rev4 ,,wm4 ,a4       
,,chapin4    ,slave-labor2              
,starvation of slaves2    ,slaves       
lacerated1 without clothing1 and without
 food4    ,,testimony ,,of ,t4,m4       
,,macy4    ,cotton plantations on ,st4  
,simon's ,island2    ,cultivation of    
rice2    ,no time for relaxation2       
,sabbath a nominal rest2    ,clothing2  

,flogging4    ,,testimony ,,of ,f4,c4   
,,macy4    ,slave cabins2    ,food2     
,whipping every day2    ,treatment of   
slaves as brutes2    ,slave-boys fight  
for slaveholder's amusement2            
,amalgamation common4    ,,testimony    
,,of ,a ,,clergyman4    ,natchez2       
',lie down1' for whipping2              
,slave-hunting2    ',ball and chain'    
men2    ,whipping at the same time1 on  
three plantations2    ,hours of ,labor2 
,christians slave-hunting2    ,many     
runaway slaves annually shot2    ,slaves
 in the stocks2    ,slave branding4     
,,condition ,,of ,,slaves4    ,slavery  
is unmixed cruelty2    ,fear the only   
motive of slaves2    ,pain is the means1
 not the end of slave-driving2          
,characters of ,slave drivers and       
,overseers1 brutal1 sensual1 and        
violent2    ,ownership of human beings  
utterly destroys their comfort4         
,,objections ,,considered3    ,i4 ,such 
cruelties are incredible4    ,slaves    
deemed to be working animals1 or        

merchandize2 and called      ',stock1'  
',increase1' ',breeders1' ',drivers1'   
',property1' ',human      cattle'2      
,testimony of ,thomas ,jefferson2       
,slaves worse treated than quadrupeds2  
,contrast between the usage of slaves   
and animals2    ,testimony2    ,northern
 incredulity discreditable to           
consistency2    ,religious persecutions2
    ,recent ',lynchings1' and ,riots1 in
 the ,united ,states2    ,many          
outrageous ,felonies perpetrated with   
impunity2    ,large faith of the        
objectors who 'can't believe'2    ',doe 
faces1' and ',dough faces'2             
,slave-drivers acknowledge their own    
enormities2    ,slave plantations in    
,alabama1 ,louisiana1 and ,mississippi  
'second only      to hell'2             
,legislature of ,north ,carolina2       
,incredulity discreditable to           
intelligence2    ,abuse of power in the 
state1 and churches2    ,legal          
restraints2    ,american slaveholders   
possess absolute power2    ,slaves      

deprived of the safe guards of law2     
,mutual aversion between the oppressor  
and the slave2    ,cruelty the product  
of arbitrary power2    ,testimony of    
,thomas ,jefferson2    ,judge ,tucker2  
,presbyterian ,synod of ,south          
,carolina1 and ,georgia2    ,general    
,william ,h4 ,harrison2    ,president   
,edwards2    ,montesquieu2              
,wilberforce2    ,whitbread2            
,characters4    ,,objection             
,,ii4--,slaveholders protest that they  
treat their slaves well4    ,not        
testimony but opinion2    ',good        
treatment' of slaves2    ,novel form of 
cruelty4    ,,objection                 
,,iii4--,slaveholders are proverbial for
 their kindness1 and   generosity4      
,hospitality and benevolence contrasted2
    ,slaveholders in ,congress1         
respecting ,texas and ,hayti2           
',fictitious kindness and hospitality4' 
,,objection ,,iv4--,northern visitors at
 the south testify that the slaves   are
 not cruelly treated4    ,testimony2    

',gubner poisened'2    ,field-hands2    
,parlor slaves2    ,chief ,justice      
,durell4    ,,objection ,v4--,it is for 
the interest of the masters to treat    
their   slaves well4    ,testimony2     
,rev4 ,j4,n4 ,maffitt2    ,masters      
interest to treat cruelly the great body
 of the slaves2    ,various classes of  
slaves2    ,hired slaves2               
,advertisements4    ,,objection         
,,vi4--,slaves multiply2 a proof that   
they are not inhumanly   treated1 and   
are in a comfortable condition4         
,testimony2    ,martin ,van ,buren2     
,foreign slave trade2    ',beware of    
,kidnappers'2    ',citizens sold as     
slaves'2    ,kidnapping at ,new         
,orleans2    ,slave breeders4           
,,objection ,,vii4--,public opinion is a
 protection to the slave4    ,decision  
of the ,supreme ,court of ,north and    
,south ,carolina2    ',protection of    
slaves'2    ,mischievous effects of     
'public opinion' concerning slavery2    
,laws of different states2    ,heart of 

slaveholders2    ,reasons for enacting  
the laws concerning cruelties to slaves2
    ',moderate correction'2             
,hypocrisy and malignity of slave laws2 
,testimony of slaves excluded2          
,capital crimes for slaves2             
',slaveholding brutality1' worse than   
that of ,caligula2    ,public opinion   
destroys fundamental rights2            
,character of slaveholders'             
advertisements2    ,public opinion is   
diabolical2    ,brutal indecency2       
,murder of slaves by law2    ,judge     
,lawless2    ,slave-hunting2    ,health 
of slaves2    ,acclimation of slaves2   
,liberty of ,slaves2    ,kidnapping of  
free citizens2    ,law of ,louisiana2   
,,friends'1 memorial2    ,domestic      
slavery2    ,advertisements2            
,childhood1 old age2    ,inhumanity2    
,butchering dead slaves2    ,south      
,carolina ,medical college2             
,charleston ,medical ,infirmary2        
,advertisements2    ,slave murders2     
,john ,randolph2    ,charleston slave   

auctions2    ',never lose a day's work'2
    ,stocks2    ,slave-breeding2        
,lynch law2    ,slaves murdered2        
,slavery among ,christians2             
,licentiousness encouraged by preachers2
    ',fine old preacher who dealt in    
slaves'2    ,cruelty to slaves by       
professors of religion2                 
,slave-breeding2    ,daniel ,o',connel1 
and ,andrew ,stevenson2    ,virginia a  
negro raising menagerie2    ,legislature
 of ,virginia2    ,colonization         
,society2    ,inter-state slave traffic2
    ,battles in ,congress2    ,duelling2
    ,cock-fighting2    ,horse-racing2   
,ignorance of slaveholders2             
',slaveholding civilization1 and        
morality'2    ,arkansas2    ,slave      
driving ruffians2    ,missouri2         
,alabama2    ,butcheries in             
,mississippi2    ,louisiana2            
,tennessee2    ,fatal ,affray in        
,columbia2    ,presentment of the ,grand
 ,jury of ,shelby ,county2    ,testimony
 of ,bishop ,smith of ,kentucky4        

,,atlantic ,,slaveholding ,,region4     
,georgia2    ,north ,carolina2          
,trading with ,negroes2    ,conclusion4 
,,introduction4    ,reader1 you are     
empannelled as a juror to try a plain   
case and bring  in an honest verdict4   
,the question at issue is not one of    
law1 but of  facts--,what is the actual 
condition of the slaves in the ,united  
,states8 ,a plainer case never went to a
 jury4 ,look at it4 ,,twenty-,,seven    
,,hundred ,,thousand ,,persons in this  
country1 men1 women1 and children1  are 
in ,,slavery4 ,is slavery1 as a         
condition for human beings1 good1  bad1 
or indifferent8 ,we submit the question 
without argument4 ,you have  common     
sense1 and conscience1 and a human      
heart2--pronounce upon it4  ,you have a 
wife1 or a husband1 a child1 a father1 a
 mother1 a brother  or a sister--make   
the case your own1 make it theirs1 and  
bring in your  verdict4 ,the case of    
,human ,rights against ,slavery has been
 adjudicated  in the court of conscience

 times innumerable4 ,the same verdict   
has  always been rendered--,guilty2 the 
same sentence has always been           
pronounced1 ,let it be accursed2 and    
human nature1 with her million  echoes1 
has rung it round the world in every    
language under heaven1  ,let it be      
accursed4 ,let it be accursed4 ,his     
heart is false to human  nature1 who    
will not say ,amen4 ,there is not a man 
on earth who does  not believe that     
slavery is a curse4 ,human beings may be
 inconsistent1  but human nature is true
 to herself4 ,she has uttered her       
testimony  against slavery with a shriek
 ever since the monster was begotten2   
and  till it perishes amidst the        
execrations of the universe1 she will   
traverse the world on its track1 dealing
 her bolts upon its head1 and  dashing  
against it her condemning brand4 ,we    
repeat it1 every man knows  that slavery
 is a curse4 ,whoever denies this1 his  
lips libel his  heart4 ,try him2 clank  
the chains in his ears1 and tell him    

they are  for him2 give him an hour to  
prepare his wife and children for a     
life of slavery2 bid him make haste and 
get ready their necks for the  yoke1 and
 their wrists for the coffle chains1    
then look at his pale  lips and         
trembling knees1 and you have nature's  
testimony against  slavery4    ,two     
millions seven hundred thousand persons 
in these ,states are in  this condition4
 ,they were made slaves and are held    
each by force1 and  by being put in     
fear1 and this for no crime6 ,reader1   
what have you to  say of such treatment8
 ,is it right1 just1 benevolent8        
,suppose ,i should  seize you1 rob you  
of your liberty1 drive you into the     
field1 and make  you work without pay as
 long as you live1 would that be justice
 and  kindness1 or monstrous injustice  
and cruelty8 ,now1 every body knows     
that the slaveholders do these things to
 the slaves every day1 and yet  it is   
stoutly affirmed that they treat them   
well and kindly1 and that  their tender 

regard for their slaves restrains the   
masters from  inflicting cruelties upon 
them4 ,we shall go into no metaphysics  
to  show the absurdity of this pretence4
 ,the man who robs you every day1  is1  
forsooth1 quite too tender-hearted ever 
to cuff or kick you6 ,true1  he can     
snatch your money1 but he does it gently
 lest he should hurt  you4 ,he can empty
 your pockets without qualms1 but if    
your stomach  is empty1 it cuts him to  
the quick4 ,he can make you work a life 
time  without pay1 but loves you too    
well to let you go hungry4 ,he fleeces  
you of your rights with a relish1 but is
 shocked if you work  bareheaded in     
summer1 or in winter without warm       
stockings4 ,he can make  you go without 
your liberty1 but never without a shirt4
 ,he can  crush1 in you1 all hope of    
bettering your condition1 by vowing that
  you shall die his slave1 but though he
 can coolly torture your  feelings1 he  
is too compassionate to lacerate your   
back--he can break  your heart1 but he  

is very tender of your skin4 ,he can    
strip you of  all protection and thus   
expose you to all outrages1 but if you  
are  exposed to the weather1 half clad  
and half sheltered1 how yearn his       
tender bowels6 ,what6 slaveholders talk 
of treating men well1 and yet  not only 
rob them of all they get1 and as fast as
 they get it1 but rob  them of          
themselves1 also2 their very hands and  
feet1 all their  muscles1 and limbs1 and
 senses1 their bodies and minds1 their  
time and  liberty and earnings1 their   
free speech and rights of conscience1   
their right to acquire knowledge1 and   
property1 and reputation2--and  yet     
they1 who plunder them of all these1    
would fain make us believe  that their  
soft hearts ooze out so lovingly toward 
their slaves that  they always keep them
 well housed and well clad1 never push  
them too  hard in the field1 never make 
their dear backs smart1 nor let their   
dear stomachs get empty4    ,but there  
is no end to these absurdities4 ,are    

slaveholders dunces1 or  do they take   
all the rest of the world to be1 that   
they think to  bandage our eyes with    
such thin gauzes8 ,protesting their kind
 regard  for those whom they hourly     
plunder of all they have and all they   
get6  ,what6 when they have seized their
 victims1 and annihilated all their     
rights1 still claim to be the special   
guardians of their  happiness6          
,plunderers of their liberty1 yet the   
careful suppliers of  their wants8      
,robbers of their earnings1 yet watchful
 sentinels round  their interests1 and  
kind providers for their comfort8       
,filching all  their time1 yet granting 
generous donations for rest and sleep8  
,stealing the use of their muscles1 yet 
thoughtful of their ease8  ,putting them
 under drivers1 yet careful that they   
are not  hard-pushed8 ,too humane       
forsooth to stint the stomachs of their 
slaves1 yet force their minds to starve1
 and brandish over them  pains and      
penalties1 if they dare to reach forth  

for the smallest  crumb of knowledge1   
even a letter of the alphabet6    ,it is
 no marvel that slaveholders are always 
talking of their kind  treatment of     
their slaves4 ,the only marvel is1 that 
men of sense can  be gulled by such     
professions4 ,despots always insist that
 they are  merciful4 ,the greatest      
tyrants that ever dripped with blood    
have  assumed the titles of most        
gracious1 most clement1 most  merciful1 
c41 and have ordered their crouching    
vassals to accost  them thus4 ,when did 
not vice lay claim to those virtues     
which are the  opposites of its habitual
 crimes8 ,the guilty1 according to their
 own  showing1 are always innocent1 and 
cowards brave1 and drunkards sober1  and
 harlots chaste1 and pickpockets honest 
to a fault4 ,every body  understands    
this4 ,when a man's tongue grows thick1 
and he begins to  hiccough and walk     
cross-legged1 we expect him1 as a matter
 of course1  to protest that he is not  
drunk2 so when a man is always singing  

the  praises of his own honesty1 we     
instinctively watch his movements and   
look out for our pocket-books4 ,whoever 
is simple enough to be hoaxed  by such  
professions1 should never be trusted in 
the streets without  somebody to take   
care of him4 ,human nature works out in 
slaveholders  just as it does to other  
men1 and in ,american slaveholders just 
as in  ,english1 ,french1 ,turkish1     
,algerine1 ,roman and ,grecian4 ,the    
,spartans  boasted of their kindness to 
their slaves1 while they whipped them to
  death by thousands at the altars of   
their gods4 ,the ,romans lauded  their  
own mild treatment of their bondmen1    
while they branded their  names on their
 flesh with hot irons1 and when old1    
threw them into  their fish ponds1 or   
like ,cato the ,just1 starved them to   
death4 ,it  is the boast of the ,turks  
that they treat their slaves as though  
they  were their children1 yet their    
common name for them is dogs1 and for   
the merest trifles1 their feet are      

bastinadoed to a jelly1 or their  heads 
clipped off with the scimetar4 ,the     
,portuguese pride themselves  on their  
gentle bearing toward their slaves1 yet 
the streets of ,rio  ,janeiro are filled
 with naked men and women yoked in pairs
 to carts  and wagons1 and whipped by   
drivers like beasts of burden4          
,slaveholders1 the world over1 have sung
 the praises of their tender  mercies   
towards their slaves4 ,even the wretches
 that plied the ,african  slave trade1  
tried to rebut ,clarkson's proofs of    
their cruelties1 by  speeches1          
affidavits1 and published pamphlets1    
setting forth the  accommodations of the
 middle passage1 and their kind         
attentions to  the comfort of those whom
 they had stolen from their homes1 and  
kept  stowed away under hatches1 during 
a voyage of four thousand miles4 ,so1   
according to the testimony of the       
autocrat of the ,russias1 he  exercises 
great clemency towards the ,poles1      
though he exiles them by  thousands to  

the snows of ,siberia1 and tramples them
 down by millions1  at home4 ,who       
discredits the atrocities perpetrated by
 ,ovando in  ,hispaniola1 ,pizarro in   
,peru1 and ,cortez in ,mexico1--because 
they  filled the ears of the ,spanish   
,court with protestations of their      
benignant rule8 ,while they were yoking 
the enslaved natives like  beasts to the
 draught1 working them to death by      
thousands in their  mines1 hunting them 
with bloodhounds1 torturing them on     
racks1 and  broiling them on beds of    
coals1 their representations to the     
mother  country teemed with eulogies of 
their parental sway6 ,the bloody        
atrocities of ,philip ,,ii1 in the      
expulsion of his ,moorish subjects1 are 
matters of imperishable history4 ,who   
disbelieves or doubts them8 ,and  yet   
his courtiers magnified his virtues and 
chanted his clemency and  his mercy1    
while the wail of a million victims1    
smitten down by a  tempest of fire and  
slaughter let loose at his bidding1 rose

 above the  ,te ,deums that thundered   
from all ,spain's cathedrals4 ,when     
,louis ,,xiv4  revoked the edict of     
,nantz1 and proclaimed two millions of  
his  subjects free plunder for          
persecution1--when from the ,english    
channel  to the ,pyrennees the mangled  
bodies of the ,protestants were dragged 
on  reeking hurdles by a shouting       
populace1 he claimed to be the father   
of his people1 and wrote himself ,his   
most ,christian ,majesty4    ,but we    
will not anticipate topics1 the full    
discussion of which more  naturally     
follows than precedes the inquiry into  
the actual condition  and treatment of  
slaves in the ,united ,states4    ,as   
slaveholders and their apologists are   
volunteer witnesses in their  own cause1
 and are flooding the world with        
testimony that their slaves  are kindly 
treated2 that they are well fed1 well   
clothed1 well housed1  well lodged1     
moderately worked1 and bountifully      
provided with all  things needful for   

their comfort1 we propose--first1 to    
disprove their  assertions by the       
testimony of a multitude of impartial   
witnesses1 and  then to put slaveholders
 themselves through a course of         
cross-questioning which shall draw their
 condemnation out of their own  mouths4 
,we will prove that the slaves in the   
,united ,states are treated  with       
barbarous inhumanity2 that they are     
overworked1 underfed1  wretchedly clad  
and lodged1 and have insufficient sleep2
 that they are  often made to wear round
 their necks iron collars armed with    
prongs1  to drag heavy chains and       
weights at their feet while working in  
the  field1 and to wear yokes1 and      
bells1 and iron horns2 that they are    
often kept confined in the stocks day   
and night for weeks together1  made to  
wear gags in their mouths for hours or  
days1 have some of  their front teeth   
torn out or broken off1 that they may be
 easily  detected when they run away2   
that they are frequently flogged with   

terrible severity1 have red pepper      
rubbed into their lacerated flesh1  and 
hot brine1 spirits of turpentine1 c41   
poured over the gashes to  increase the 
torture2 that they are often stripped   
naked1 their backs  and limbs cut with  
knives1 bruised and mangled by scores   
and hundreds  of blows with the paddle1 
and terribly torn by the claws of cats1 
drawn over them by their tormentors2    
that they are often hunted with         
bloodhounds and shot down like beasts1  
or torn in pieces by dogs2 that  they   
are often suspended by the arms and     
whipped and beaten till they  faint1 and
 when revived by restoratives1 beaten   
again till they faint1  and sometimes   
till they die2 that their ears are often
 cut off1 their  eyes knocked out1 their
 bones broken1 their flesh branded with 
red hot  irons2 that they are maimed1   
mutilated and burned to death over slow 
fires4 ,all these things1 and more1 and 
worse1 we shall prove4  ,reader1 we know
 whereof we affirm1 we have weighed it  

well2 more and  worse ,,we ,,will       
,,prove4 ,mark these words1 and read on2
 we will establish  all these facts by  
the testimony of scores and hundreds of 
eye  witnesses1 by the testimony of     
slaveholders in all parts of the  slave 
states1 by slaveholding members of      
,congress and of state  legislatures1 by
 ambassadors to foreign courts1 by      
judges1 by doctors  of divinity1 and    
clergymen of all denominations1 by      
merchants1  mechanics1 lawyers and      
physicians1 by presidents and professors
 in  colleges and professional          
seminaries1 by planters1 overseers and  
drivers4 ,we shall show1 not merely that
 such deeds are committed1 but  that    
they are frequent2 not done in corners1 
but before the sun2 not  in one of the  
slave states1 but in all of them2 not   
perpetrated by  brutal overseers and    
drivers merely1 but by magistrates1 by  
legislators1 by professors of religion1 
by preachers of the gospel1 by          
governors of states1 by gentlemen of    

property and standing1 and by  delicate 
females moving in the highest circles of
 society4 ,we know1  full well1 the     
outcry that will be made by multitudes1 
at these  declarations2 the multiform   
cavils1 the flat denials1 the charges of
  exaggeration and falsehood so often   
bandied1 the sneers of  affected        
contempt at the credulity that can      
believe such things1 and  the rage and  
imprecations against those who give them
 currency4 ,we  know1 too1 the          
threadbare sophistries by which         
slaveholders and their  apologists seek 
to evade such testimony4 ,if they admit 
that such deeds  are committed1 they    
tell us that they are exceedingly rare1 
and  therefore furnish no grounds for   
judging of the general treatment of     
slaves2 that occasionally a brutal      
wretch in the free states  barbarously  
butchers his wife1 but that no one      
thinks of inferring  from that1 the     
general treatment of wives at the ,north
 and ,west4    ,they tell us1 also1 that

 the slaveholders of the ,south are     
proverbially hospitable1 kind1 and      
generous1 and it is incredible that     
they can perpetrate such enormities upon
 human beings2 further1 that  it is     
absurd to suppose that they would thus  
injure their own  property1 that        
self-interest would prompt them to treat
 their slaves  with kindness1 as none   
but fools and madmen wantonly destroy   
their own  property2 further1 that      
,northern visitors at the ,south come   
back  testifying to the kind treatment  
of the slaves1 and that the slaves      
themselves corroborate such             
representations4 ,all these pleas1 and  
scores of others1 are bruited in every  
corner of the free ,states2 and  who    
that hath eyes to see1 has not sickened 
at the blindness that saw  not1 at the  
palsy of heart that felt not1 or at the 
cowardice and  sycophancy that dared not
 expose such shallow fallacies4 ,we are 
not to  be turned from our purpose by   
such vapid babblings4 ,in their         

appropriate places1 we propose to       
consider these objections and  various  
others1 and to show their emptiness and 
folly4    ,the foregoing declarations   
touching the inflictions upon slaves1   
are  not hap-hazard assertions1 nor the 
exaggerations of fiction conjured  up to
 carry a point2 nor are they the        
rhapsodies of enthusiasm1 nor  crude    
conclusions1 jumped at by hasty and     
imperfect investigation1 nor  the       
aimless outpourings either of sympathy  
or poetry2 but they are  proclamations  
of deliberate1 well-weighed convictions1
 produced by  accumulations of proof1 by
 affirmations and affidavits1 by written
  testimonies and statements of a cloud 
of witnesses who speak what they  know  
and testify what they have seen1 and all
 these impregnably  fortified by proofs 
innumerable1 in the relation of the     
slaveholder to  his slave1 the nature of
 arbitrary power1 and the nature and    
history  of man4    ,of the witnesses   
whose testimony is embodied in the      

following pages1 a  majority are        
slaveholders1 many of the remainder have
 been  slaveholders1 but now reside in  
free ,states4    ,another class whose   
testimony will be given1 consists of    
those who  have furnished the results of
 their own observation during periods of
  residence and travel in the slave     
,states4    ,we will first present the  
reader with a few ,,personal            
,,narratives  furnished by individuals1 
natives of slave states and others1     
embodying1 in the main1 the results of  
their own observation in the  midst of  
slavery--facts and scenes of which they 
were eye-witnesses4    ,in the next     
place1 to give the reader as clear and  
definite a view of  the actual condition
 of slaves as possible1 we propose to   
make  specific points2 to pass in review
 the various particulars in the  slave's
 condition1 simply presenting sufficient
 testimony under each  head to settle   
the question in every candid mind4 ,the 
examination will  be conducted by       

stating distinct propositions1 and in   
the following  order of topics4    #a4  
,,the ,,food ,,of ,,the ,,slaves1 ,,the 
,,kinds1 ,,quality ,,and ,,quantity1    
,,also1 ,,the  ,,number ,,and ,,time    
,,of ,,meals ,,each ,,day1 c4    #b4    
,,their ,,hours ,,of ,,labor ,,and      
,,rest4    #c4 ,,their ,,clothing4      
#d4 ,,their ,,dwellings4    #e4 ,,their 
,,privations ,,and ,,inflictions4    #f4
 ,in conclusion1 a variety of           
,,objections and ,,arguments will be    
considered which are used by the        
advocates of slavery to set  aside the  
force of testimony1 and to show that the
 slaves are kindly  treated4    ,between
 the larger divisions of the work1 brief
 personal narratives  will be inserted1 
containing a mass of facts and          
testimony1 both  general and specific4  
99     99     99     99     99          
,,personal ,,narratives4    ,,mr4       
,,nehemiah ,,caulkins1 of ,waterford1   
,new ,london ,co41 ,connecticut1 has    
furnished the ,executive ,committee of  

the ,american ,anti-,slavery  ,society1 
with the following statements relative  
to the condition and  treatment of      
slaves1 in the south eastern part of    
,north ,carolina4 ,most  of the facts   
related by ,mr4 ,caulkins fell under his
 personal  observation4 ,the air of     
candor and honesty that pervades the    
narrative1 the manner in which ,mr4 ,c4 
has drawn it up1 the good sense1  just  
views1 conscience and heart which it    
exhibits1 are sufficient of  themselves 
to commend it to all who have ears to   
hear4    ,the ,committee have no        
personal acquaintance with ,mr4         
,caulkins1 but  they have ample         
testimonials from the most respectable  
sources1 all of  which represent him to 
be a man whose long established         
character for  sterling integrity1 sound
 moral principle and piety1 have secured
 for  him the uniform respect and       
confidence of those who know him4       
,without further preface the following  
testimonials are submitted to  the      

reader4      ,this may certify1 that we 
the subscribers have lived for a number 
of  years past in the neighborhood with 
,mr4 ,nehemiah ,caulkins1 and have no   
hesitation in stating that we consider  
him a man of high  respectability and   
that his character for truth and        
veracity is  unimpeachable4 ,,peter     
,,comstock4 ,a4,f4 ,,perkins1 ,m4,d4    
,,isaac ,,beebe4  ,,lodowick ,,beebe4   
,d4 ,g4 ,,otis4 ,,philip ,,morgan4      
,,james ,,rogers1 ,m4,d4  ,waterford1   
,ct41 ,jan4 #afth1 #ahci4      ,mr4     
,comstock is a ,justice of the ,peace4  
,mr4 ,l4 ,beebe is the ,town ,clerk  of 
,waterford4 ,mr4 ,j4 ,beebe is a member 
of the ,baptist ,church4 ,mr4 ,otis  is 
a member of the ,congregational ,church4
 ,mr4 ,morgan is a ,justice of  the     
,peace1 and ,messrs4 ,perkins and       
,rogers are designated by their  titles4
 ,all those gentlemen are citizens of   
,waterford1 ,connecticut4      ,to whom 
it may concern4 ,this may certify that  
,mr4 ,nehemiah ,caulkins1  of           

,waterford1 in ,new ,london ,county1 is 
a near neighbor to the  subscriber1 and 
has been for many years4 ,i do consider 
him a man of  unquestionable veracity   
and certify that he is so considered by 
people to whom he is personally known4  
,,edward ,r4 ,,warren4 ,jan4 #aeth1     
#ahci4      ,mr4 ,warren is a           
,commissioner 7,associate ,judge7 of the
 ,county ,court1  for ,new ,london      
,county4      ,this may certify that    
,mr4 ,nehemiah ,caulkins1 of the town of
 ,waterford1  ,county of ,new ,london1  
and ,state of ,connecticut1 is a member 
of the  first ,baptist ,church in said  
,waterford1 is in good standing1 and is 
esteemed by us a man of truth and       
veracity4 ,,francis ,,darrow1 ,pastor of
  said ,church4 ,waterford1 ,jan4 #afth1
 #ahci4        ,this may certify that   
,nehemiah ,caulkins1 of ,waterford1     
lives near me1  and ,i always esteemed  
him1 and believe him to be a man of     
truth and  veracity4 ,,elisha           
,,beckwith4 ,jan4 #afth1 #ahci4         

,mr4 ,beckwith is a ,justice of the     
,peace1 a ,post ,master1 and a ,deacon  
of  the ,baptist ,church4    ,mr4       
,dwight ,p4 ,jones1 a member of the     
,second ,congregational ,church in  the 
city of ,new ,london1 in a recent       
letter1 says2    ,mr4 ,caulkins is a    
member of the ,baptist ,church in       
,waterford1 and in  every respect a very
 worthy citizen4 ,i have labored with   
him in the  ,sabbath ,school1 and know  
him to be a man of active piety4 ,the   
most  entire confidence may be placed in
 the truth of his statements4  ,where he
 is known1 no one will call them in     
question4    ,we close these            
testimonials with an extract1 of a      
letter from ,william  ,bolles1 ,esq41 a 
well known and respected citizen of ,new
 ,london1 ,ct4    ,mr4 ,nehemiah        
,caulkins resides in the town of        
,waterford1 about six  miles from this  
,city4 ,his opportunities to acquire    
exact knowledge in  relation to         
,slavery1 in that section of our        

country1 to which his  narrative is     
confined1 have been very great4 ,he is a
 carpenter1 and  was employed           
principally on the plantations1 working 
at his trade1  being thus almost        
constantly in the company of the slaves 
as well as  of their masters4 ,his full 
heart readily responded to the call1 for
  information relative to slavery1 for1 
as he expressed it1 he had long  desired
 that others might know what he had     
seen1 being confident that  a general   
knowledge of facts as they exist1 would 
greatly promote the  overthrow of the   
system4 ,he is a man of undoubted       
character2 and where  known1 his        
statements need no corroboration4       
,yours1 c4 ,,william ,,bolles4          
,,narrative ,,of ,,mr4 ,,caulkins4    ,i
 feel it my duty to tell some things    
that ,i know about slavery1 in  order1  
if possible1 to awaken more feeling at  
the ,north in behalf of  the slave4 ,the
 treatment of the slaves on the         
plantations where ,i had  the greatest  

opportunity of getting knowledge1 was   
not so bad as  that on some neighboring 
estates1 where the owners were noted for
  their cruelty4 ,there were1 however1  
other estates in the vicinity1  where   
the treatment was better2 the slaves    
were better clothed and  fed1 were not  
worked so hard1 and more attention was  
paid to their  quarters4    ,the scenes 
that ,i have witnessed are enough to    
harrow up the soul2 but  could the slave
 be permitted to tell the story of his  
sufferings1  which no white man1 not    
linked with slavery1 is allowed to know1
 the  land would vomit out the horrible 
system1 slaveholders and all1 if  they  
would not unclinch their grasp upon     
their defenceless victims4    ,i spent  
eleven winters1 between the years #ahbd 
and #ahce1 in the state  of ,north      
,carolina1 mostly in the vicinity of    
,wilmington2 and four out  of the eleven
 on the estate of ,mr4 ,john ,swan1 five
 or six miles from  that place4 ,there  
were on his plantation about seventy    

slaves1 male  and female3 some were     
married1 and others lived together as   
man and  wife1 without even a mock      
ceremony4 ,with their owners generally1 
it is  a matter of indifference2 the    
marriage of slaves not being recognized 
by the slave code4 ,the slaves1 however1
 think much of being married by  a      
clergyman4    ,the cabins or huts of the
 slaves were small1 and were built      
principally by the slaves themselves1 as
 they could find time on  ,sundays and  
moonlight nights2 they went into the    
swamps1 cut the logs1  backed or hauled 
them to the quarters1 and put up their  
cabins4    ,when ,i first knew ,mr4     
,swan's plantation1 his overseer was a  
man who  had been a ,methodist minister4
 ,he treated the slaves with great      
cruelty4 ,his reason for leaving the    
ministry and becoming an overseer1  as  
,i was informed1 was this3 his wife     
died1 at which providence he was  so    
enraged1 that he swore he would not     
preach for the ,lord another  day4 ,this

 man continued on the plantation about  
three years2 at the  close of which1 on 
settlement of accounts1 ,mr4 ,swan owed 
him about  #djj1 for which he turned him
 out a negro woman1 and about twenty    
acres of land4 ,he built a log hut1 and 
took the woman to live with  him2 since 
which1 ,i have been at his hut1 and seen
 four or five  mulatto children4 ,he has
 been appointed justice of the peace1   
and  his place as overseer was          
afterwards occupied by a ,mr4 ,galloway4
    ,it is customary in that part of the
 country1 to let the hogs run in  the   
woods4 ,on one occasion a slave caught a
 pig about two months old1  which he    
carried to his quarters4 ,the overseer1 
getting information of  the fact1 went  
to the field where he was at work1 and  
ordered him to  come to him4 ,the slave 
at once suspected it was something about
 the  pig1 and fearing punishment1      
dropped his hoe and ran for the woods4  
,he  had got but a few rods1 when the   
overseer raised his gun1 loaded with    

duck shot1 and brought him down4 ,it is 
a common practice for overseers  to go  
into the field armed with a gun or      
pistols1 and sometimes both4  ,he was   
taken up by the slaves and carried to   
the plantation hospital1  and the       
physician sent for4 ,a physician was    
employed by the year to  take care of   
the sick or wounded slaves4 ,in about   
six weeks this slave  got better1 and   
was able to come out of the hospital4   
,he came to the  mill where ,i was at   
work1 and asked me to examine his body1 
which ,i  did1 and counted twenty-six   
duck shot still remaining in his flesh1 
though the doctor had removed a number  
while he was laid up4    ,there was a   
slave on ,mr4 ,swan's plantation1 by the
 name of ,harry1 who1  during the       
absence of his master1 ran away and     
secreted himself is the  woods4 ,this   
the slaves sometimes do1 when the master
 is absent for  several weeks1 to escape
 the cruel treatment of the overseer4   
,it is  common for them to make         

preparations1 by secreting a mortar1 a  
hatchet1 some cooking utensils1 and     
whatever things they can get that  will 
enable them to live while they are in   
the woods or swamps4 ,harry  staid about
 three months1 and lived by robbing the 
rice grounds1 and  by such other means  
as came in his way4 ,the slaves         
generally know  where the runaway is    
secreted1 and visit him at night and on 
,sundays4  ,on the return of his master1
 some of the slaves were sent for       
,harry4  ,when he came home1 he was     
seized and confined in the stocks4 ,the 
stocks were built in the barn1 and      
consisted of two heavy pieces of        
timber1 ten or more feet in length1 and 
about seven inches wide2 the  lower one1
 on the floor1 has a number of holes or 
places cut in it1  for the ancles2 the  
upper piece1 being of the same          
dimensions1 is  fastened at one end by a
 hinge1 and is brought down after the   
ancles  are placed in the holes1 and    
secured by a clasp and padlock at the   

other end4 ,in this manner the person is
 left to sit on the floor4  ,barry was  
kept in the stocks day and night for a  
week1 and flogged  every morning4 ,after
 this1 he was taken out one morning1 a  
log chain  fastened around his neck1 the
 two ends dragging on the ground1 and he
  sent to the field1 to do his task with
 the other slaves4 ,at night he  was    
again put in the stocks1 in the morning 
he was sent to the field  in the same   
manner1 and thus dragged out another    
week4    ,the overseer was a very       
miserly fellow1 and restricted his wife 
in  what are considered the comforts of 
life--such as tea1 sugar1 c4 ,to  make  
up for this1 she set her wits to work1  
and1 by the help of a  slave1 named     
,joe1 used to take from the plantation  
whatever she could  conveniently1 and   
watch her opportunity during her        
husband's absence1  and send ,joe to    
sell them and buy for her such things as
 she directed4  ,once when her husband  
was away1 she told ,joe to kill and     

dress one of  the pigs1 sell it1 and get
 her some tea1 sugar1 c4 ,joe did as he 
was  bid1 and she gave him the offal for
 his services4 ,when ,galloway          
returned1 not suspecting his wife1 he   
asked her if she knew what had  become  
of his pig4 ,she told him she suspected 
one of the slaves1  naming him1 had     
stolen it1 for she had heard a pig      
squeal the evening  before4 ,the        
overseer called the slave up1 and       
charged him with the  theft4 ,he denied 
it1 and said he knew nothing about it4  
,the overseer  still charged him with   
it1 and told him he would give him one  
week to  think of it1 and if he did not 
confess the theft1 or find out who did  
steal the pig1 he would flog every negro
 on the plantation2 before the  week was
 up it was ascertained that ,joe had    
killed the pig4 ,he was  called up and  
questioned1 and admitted that he had    
done so1 and told  the overseer that he 
did it by the order of ,mrs4 ,galloway1 
and that  she directed him to buy some  

sugar1 c4 with the money4 ,mrs4         
,galloway  gave ,joe the lie2 and he was
 terribly flogged4 ,joe told me he had  
been  several times to the smoke-house  
with ,mrs4 ,g1 and taken hams and sold  
them1 which her husband told me he      
supposed were stolen by the negroes  on 
a neighboring plantation4 ,mr4 ,swan1   
hearing of the circumstance1  told me he
 believed ,joe's story1 but that his    
statement would not be  taken as proof2 
and if every slave on the plantation    
told the same  story it could not be    
received as evidence against a white    
person4    ,to show the manner in which 
old and worn-out slaves are sometimes   
treated1 ,i will state a fact4 ,galloway
 owned a man about seventy years  of    
age4 ,the old man was sick and went to  
his hut2 laid himself down on  some     
straw with his feet to the fire1 covered
 by a piece of an old  blanket1 and     
there lay four or five days1 groaning in
 great distress1  without any attention 
being paid him by his master1 until     

death ended  his miseries2 he was then  
taken out and buried with as little     
ceremony  and respect as would be paid  
to a brute4    ,there is a practice     
prevalent among the planters1 of letting
 a negro  off from severe and           
long-continued punishment on account of 
the  intercession of some white person1 
who pleads in his behalf1 that he       
believes the negro will behave better1  
that he promises well1 and he  believes 
he will keep his promise1 c4 ,the       
planters sometimes get  tired of        
punishing a negro1 and1 wanting his     
services in the field1  they get some   
white person to come1 and1 in the       
presence of the slave1  intercede for   
him4 ,at one time a negro1 named        
,charles1 was confined in  the stocks in
 the building where ,i was at work1 and 
had been severely  whipped several      
times4 ,he begged me to intercede for   
him and try to  get him released4 ,i    
told him ,i would2 and when his master  
came in to  whip him again1 ,i went up  

to him and told him ,i had been talking 
with  ,charles1 and he had promised to  
behave better1 c41 and requested him    
not to punish him any more1 but to let  
him go4 ,he then said to  ,charles1 ,as 
,mr4 ,caulkins has been pleading for    
you1 ,i will let you go  on his account2
 and accordingly released him4    ,women
 are generally shown some little        
indulgence for three or four  weeks     
previous to childbirth2 they are at such
 times not often  punished if they do   
not finish the task assigned them2 it   
is1 in some  cases1 passed over with a  
severe reprimand1 and sometimes without 
any  notice being taken of it4 ,they ate
 generally allowed four weeks after  the
 birth of a child1 before they are      
compelled to go into the field1  they   
then take the child with them1 attended 
sometimes by a little  girl or boy1 from
 the age of four to six1 to take care of
 it while the  mother is at work4 ,when 
there is no child that can be spared1 or
 not  young enough for this service1 the

 mother1 after nursing1 lays it  under a
 tree1 or by the side of a fence1 and   
goes to her task1  returning at stated  
intervals to nurse it4 ,while ,i was on 
this  plantation1 a little negro girl1  
six years of age1 destroyed the life  of
 a child about two months old1 which was
 left in her care4 ,it seems  this      
little nurse1 so called1 got tired of   
her charge and the labor of  carrying it
 to the quarters at night1 the mother   
being obliged to work  as long as she   
could see4 ,one evening she nursed the  
infant at sunset  as usual1 and sent it 
to the quarters4 ,the little girl1 on   
her way  home1 had to cross a run or    
brook1 which led down into the swamp2   
when  she came to the brook she followed
 it into the swamp1 then took the       
infant and plunged it head foremost into
 the water and mud1 where it  stuck     
fast2 she there left it and went to the 
negro quarters4 ,when the  mother came  
in from the field1 she asked the girl   
where the child was2  she told her she  

had brought it home1 but did not know   
where it was2  the overseer was         
immediately informed1 search was made1  
and it was  found as above stated1 and  
dead4 ,the little girl was shut up in   
the  barn1 and confined there two or    
three weeks1 when a speculator came     
along and bought her for two hundred    
dollars4    ,the slaves are obliged to  
work from daylight till dark1 as long as
  they can see4 ,when they have tasks   
assigned1 which is often the case1  a   
few of the strongest and most expert1   
sometimes finish them before  sunset2   
others will be obliged to work till     
eight or nine o'clock in  the evening4  
,all must finish their tasks or take a  
flogging4 ,the whip  and gun1 or pistol1
 are companions of the overseer2 the    
former he uses  very frequently upon the
 negroes1 during their hours of labor1  
without  regard to age or sex4 ,scarcely
 a day passed while ,i was on the       
plantation1 in which some of the slaves 
were not whipped2 ,i do not  mean that  

they were struck a few blows merely1 but
 had a set  flogging4 ,the same labor is
 commonly assigned to men and           
women1--such  as digging ditches in the 
rice marshes1 clearing up land1 chopping
  cord-wood1 threshing1 c4 ,i have known
 the women go into the barn as  soon as 
they could see in the morning1 and work 
as late as they could  see at night1    
threshing rice with the flail1 7they now
 have a  threshing machine17 and when   
they could see to thresh no longer1 they
  had to gather up the rice1 carry it up
 stairs1 and deposit it in the  granary4
    ,the allowance of clothing on this  
plantation to each slave1 was given  out
 at ,christmas for the year1 and        
consisted of one pair of coarse  shoes1 
and enough coarse cloth to make a jacket
 and trowsers4 ,if the  man has a wife  
she makes it up2 if not1 it is made up  
in the house4  ,the slaves on this      
plantation1 being near ,wilmington1     
procured  themselves extra clothing by  
working ,sundays and moonlight nights1  

cutting cordwood in the swamps1 which   
they had to back about a quarter  of a  
mile to the ricer2 they would then get a
 permit from their  master1 and taking  
the wood in their canoes1 carry it to   
,wilmington1  and sell it to the        
vessels1 or dispose of it as they best  
could1 and  with the money buy an old   
jacket of the sailors1 some coarse cloth
 for  a shirt1 c4 ,they sometimes gather
 the moss from the trees1 which they    
cleanse and take to market4 ,the women  
receive their allowance of the  same    
kind of cloth which the men have4 ,this 
they make into a frock2 if  they have   
any under garments they must procure    
them for themselves4  ,when the slaves  
get a permit to leave the plantation1   
they sometimes  make all ring again by  
singing the following significant ditty1
 which  shows that after all there is a 
flow of spirits in the human breast     
which for a while1 at least1 enables    
them to forget their  wretchedness4#a   
,hurra1 for good ole ,massa1      ,he   

giv me de pass to go to de city  ,hurra1
 for good ole ,missis1      ,she bile de
 pot1 and giv me de licker4             
,hurra1 ,i'm goin to de city4           
,footnote #a3 ,slaves sometimes sing1   
and so do convicts in jails under       
sentence1 and both for the same reason4 
,their singing proves that they  want to
 be happy not that they are so4 ,it is  
the means that they  use to make        
themselves happy1 not the evidence that 
they are so  already4 ,sometimes1       
doubtless1 the excitement of song whelms
 their  misery in momentary oblivion4   
,he who argues from this that they have 
no conscious misery to forget1 knows as 
little of human nature as of            
slavery4--,,editor4    ,every ,saturday 
night the slaves receive their allowance
 of provisions1  which must last them   
till the next ,saturday night4 ,potatoe 
time1 as  it is called1 begins about the
 middle of ,july4 ,the slave may measure
  for himself1 the overseer being       
present1 half a bushel of sweet         

potatoes1 and heap the measure as long  
as they will lie on2 ,i have1  however1 
seen the overseer1 if he think the negro
 is getting too many1  kick the measure2
 and if any fall off tell him he has got
 his measure4  ,no salt is furnished    
them to eat with their potatoes4 ,when  
rice or  corn is given1 they give them a
 little salt2 sometimes half a pint of  
molasses is given1 but not often4 ,the  
quantity of rice1 which is of  the      
small1 broken1 unsaleable kind1 is one  
peck4 ,when corn is given  them1 their  
allowance is the same1 and if they get  
it ground1 7,mr4  ,swan had a mill on   
his plantation17 they must give one     
quart for  grinding1 thus reducing their
 weekly allowance to seven quarts4 ,when
  fish 7mullet7 were plenty1 they were  
allowed1 in addition1 one fish4  ,as to 
meat1 they seldom had any4 ,i do not    
think they had an allowance  of meat    
oftener than once in two or three       
months1 and then the  quantity was very 
small4 ,when they went into the field to

 work1 they  took some of the meal or   
rice and a pot with them2 the pots were 
given  to an old woman1 who placed two  
poles parallel1 set the pots on them1   
and kindled a fire underneath for       
cooking2 she took salt with her and     
seasoned the messes as she thought      
proper4 ,when their breakfast was       
ready1 which was generally about ten or 
eleven o'clock1 they were  called from  
labor1 ate1 and returned to work2 in the
 afternoon1 dinner  was prepared in the 
same way4 ,they had but two meals a day 
while in  the field2 if they wanted     
more1 they cooked for themselves after  
they  returned to their quarters at     
night4 ,at the time of killing hogs on  
the plantation1 the pluck1 entrails1 and
 blood were given to the  slaves4       
,when ,i first went upon ,mr4 ,swan's   
plantation1 ,i saw a slave in  shackles 
or fetters1 which were fastened around  
each ankle and firmly  riveted1         
connected together by a chain4 ,to the  
middle of this chain he  had fastened a 

string1 so as in a manner to suspend    
them and keep them  from galling his    
ankles4 ,this slave1 whose name was     
,frank1 was an  intelligent1 good       
looking man1 and a very good mechanic4  
,there was  nothing vicious in his      
character1 but he was one of those      
high-spirited and daring men1 that      
whips1 chains1 fetters1 and all the     
means of cruelty in the power of        
slavery1 could not subdue4 ,mr4 ,s4 had 
employed a ,mr4 ,beckwith to repair a   
boat1 and told him ,frank was a  good   
mechanic1 and he might have his         
services4 ,frank was sent for1 his      
shackles still on4 ,mr4 ,beckwith set   
him to work making trundels1  c4 ,i was 
employed in putting up a building1 and  
after ,mr4 ,beckwith  had done with     
,frank1 he was sent for to assist me4   
,mr4 ,swan sent him  to a blacksmith's  
shop and had his shackles cut off with a
 cold  chisel4 ,frank was afterwards    
sold to a cotton planter4    ,i will    
relate one circumstance1 which shows the

 little regard that is  paid to the     
feelings of the slave4 ,during the time 
that ,mr4 ,isaiah  ,rogers was          
superintending the building of a rice   
machine1 one of the  slaves complained  
of a severe toothache4 ,swan asked ,mr4 
,rogers to take  his hammer and knock   
out the tooth4    ,there was a slave on 
the plantation named ,ben1 a waiting    
man4 ,i  occupied a room in the same    
hut1 and had frequent conversations with
  him4 ,ben was a kind-hearted man1 and1
 ,i believe1 a ,christian2 he would     
always ask a blessing before he sat down
 to eat1 and was in the  constant       
practice of praying morning and         
night4--,one day when ,i was at  the    
hut1 ,ben was sent for to go to the     
house4 ,ben sighed deeply and  went4 ,he
 soon returned with a girl about        
seventeen years of age1 whom  one of    
,mr4 ,swan's daughters had ordered him  
to flog4 ,he brought her  into the room 
where ,i was1 and told her to stand     
there while he went  into the next room3

 ,i heard him groan again as he went4   
,while there ,i  heard his voice1 and he
 was engaged in prayer4 ,after a few    
minutes he  returned with a large       
cowhide1 and stood before the girl1     
without  saying a word4 ,i concluded he 
wished me to leave the hut1 which ,i    
did2  and immediately after ,i heard the
 girl scream4 ,at every blow she would  
shriek1 ,do1 ,ben6 oh do1 ,ben6 ,this is
 a common expression of the  slaves to  
the person whipping them3 ,do1 ,massa6  
or1 ,do1 ,missus6    ,after she had     
gone1 ,i asked ,ben what she was whipped
 for3 he told me  she had done something
 to displease her young missus2 and in  
boxing  her ears1 and otherwise beating 
her1 she had scratched her finger by a  
pin in the girl's dress1 for which she  
sent her to be flogged4 ,i asked  him if
 he stripped her before flogging2 he    
said1 yes2 he did not like  to do this1 
but was obliged to3 he said he was once 
ordered to whip  a woman1 which he did  
without stripping her3 on her return to 

the  house1 her mistress examined her   
back2 and not seeing any marks1 he  was 
sent for1 and asked why he had not      
whipped her3 he replied that he  had2   
she said she saw no marks1 and asked him
 if he had made her pull  her clothes   
off2 he said1 ,no4 ,she then told him1  
that when he whipped  any more of the   
women1 he must make them strip off their
 clothes1 as  well as the men1 and flog 
them on their bare backs1 or he should  
be  flogged himself4    ,ben often      
appeared very gloomy and sad3 ,i have   
frequently heard him1  when in his room1
 mourning over his condition1 and       
exclaim1 ,poor  ,african slave6 ,poor   
,african slave6 ,whipping was so common 
an  occurrence on this plantation1 that 
it would be too great a repetition  to  
state the many and severe floggings ,i  
have seen inflicted on  the slaves4     
,they were flogged for not performing   
their tasks1 for  being careless1 slow1 
or not in time1 for going to the fire to
 warm1  c4 c42 and it often seemed as if

 occasions were sought as an excuse  for
 punishing them4    ,on one occasion1 ,i
 heard the overseer charge the hands to 
be at a  certain place the next morning 
at sun-rise4 ,i was present in the      
morning1 in company with my brother1    
when the hands arrived4 ,joe1 the  slave
 already spoken of1 came running1 all   
out of breath1 about five  minutes      
behind the time1 when1 without asking   
any questions1 the  overseer told him to
 take off his jacket4 ,joe took off his 
jacket4 ,he  had on a piece of a shirt2 
he told him to take it off3 ,joe took it
  off3 he then whipped him with a heavy 
cowhide full six feet long4 ,at  every  
stroke ,joe would spring from the       
ground1 and scream1 ,o my ,god6  ,do1   
,massa ,galloway6 ,my brother was so    
exasperated2 that he turned to  me and  
said1 ,if ,i were ,joe1 ,i would kill   
the overseer if ,i knew ,i  should be   
shot the next minute4    ,in the winter 
the horn blew at about four in the      
morning1 and all the  threshers were    

required to be at the threshing floor in
 fifteen  minutes after4 ,they had to go
 about a quarter of a mile from their   
quarters4 ,galloway would stand near the
 entrance1 and all who did not  come in 
time would get a blow over the back or  
head as heavy as he  could strike4 ,i   
have seen him1 at such times1 follow    
after them1  striking furiously a number
 of blows1 and every one followed by    
their  screams4 ,i have seen the women  
go to their work after such a flogging1 
crying and taking on most piteously4    
,it is almost impossible to believe that
 human nature can endure such  hardships
 and sufferings as the slaves have to go
 through3 ,i have seen  them driven into
 a ditch in a rice swamp to bail out the
 water1 in  order to put down a         
flood-gate1 when they had to break the  
ice1 and  there stand in the water among
 the ice until it was bailed out4 ,i    
have  often known the hands to be taken 
from the field1 sent down the  river in 
flats or boats to ,wilmington1 absent   

from twenty-four to  thirty hours1      
without any thing to eat1 no provision  
being made for  these occasions4        
,galloway kept medicine on hand1 that in
 case any of the slaves were  sick1 he  
could give it to them without sending   
for the physician2 but  he always kept a
 good look out that they did not sham   
sickness4 ,when  any of them excited his
 suspicions1 he would make them take the
  medicine in his presence1 and would   
give them a rap on the top of the  head1
 to make them swallow it4 ,a man once   
came to him1 of whom he said  he was    
suspicious3 he gave him two potions of  
salts1 and fastened him  in the stocks  
for the night4 ,his medicine soon began 
to operate2 and  there he lay in all his
 filth till he was taken out the next   
day4    ,one day1 ,mr4 ,swan beat a     
slave severely1 for alleged carelessness
 in  letting a boat get adrift4 ,the    
slave was told to secure the boat3      
whether he took sufficient means for    
this purpose ,i do not know2 he  was not

 allowed to make any defence4 ,mr4 ,swan
 called him up1 and asked  why he did   
not secure the boat3 he pulled off his  
hat and began to  tell his story4 ,swan 
told him he was a damned liar1 and      
commenced  beating him over the head    
with a hickory cane1 and the slave      
retreated  backwards2 ,swan followed him
 about two rods1 threshing him over the 
head with the hickory as he went4    ,as
 ,i was one day standing near some      
slaves who were threshing1 the  driver1 
thinking one of the women did not use   
her flail quick enough1  struck her over
 the head3 the end of the whip hit her  
in the eye4 ,i  thought at the time he  
had put it out2 but1 after poulticing   
and  doctoring for some days1 she       
recovered4 ,speaking to him about it1 he
  said that he once struck a slave so as
 to put one of her eyes entirely  out4  
,a patrol is kept upon each estate1 and 
every slave found off the  plantation   
without a pass is whipped on the spot4  
,i knew a slave who  started without a  

pass1 one night1 for a neighboring      
plantation1 to  see his wife3 he was    
caught1 tied to a tree1 and flogged4 ,he
 stated  his business to the patrol1 who
 was well acquainted with him but all   
to no purpose4 ,i spoke to the patrol   
about it afterwards3 he said he  knew   
the negro1 that he was a very clever    
fellow1 but he had to whip  him2 for1 if
 he let him pass1 he must another1 c4   
,he stated that he  had sometimes caught
 and flogged four in a night4    ,in    
conversation with ,mr4 ,swan about      
runaway slaves1 he stated to me  the    
following fact3--,a slave1 by the name  
of ,luke1 was owned in  ,wilmington2 he 
was sold to a speculator and carried to 
,georgia4 ,after  an absence of about   
two months the slave returned2 he       
watched an  opportunity to enter his old
 master's house when the family were    
absent1 no one being at home but a young
 waiting man4 ,luke went to the  room   
where his master kept his arms2 took his
 gun1 with some  ammunition1 and went   

into the woods4 ,on the return of his   
master1 the  waiting man told him what  
had been done3 this threw him into a    
violent  passion2 he swore he would kill
 ,luke1 or lose his own life4 ,he loaded
  another gun1 took two men1 and made   
search1 but could not find him3 he  then
 advertised him1 offering a large reward
 if delivered to him or  lodged in jail4
 ,his neighbors1 however1 advised him to
 offer a reward  of two hundred dollars 
for him dead or alive1 which he did4    
,nothing  however was heard of him for  
some months4 ,mr4 ,swan said1 one of his
  slaves ran away1 and was gone eight or
 ten weeks2 on his return he  said he   
had found ,luke1 and that he had a      
rifle1 two pistols1 and a  sword4    ,i 
left the plantation in the spring1 and  
returned to the north2 when ,i  went out
 again1 the next fall1 ,i asked ,mr4    
,swan if any thing had been  heard of   
,luke2 he said he was shot1 and related 
to me the manner of  his death1 as      
follows3--,luke went to one of the      

plantations1 and  entered a hut for     
something to eat4 ,being fatigued1 he   
sat down and  fell asleep4 ,there was   
only a woman in the hut at the time3 as 
soon as  she found he was asleep1 she   
ran and told her master1 who took his   
rifle1 and called two white men on      
another plantation3 the three1 with     
their rifles1 then went to the hut1 and 
posted themselves in different          
positions1 so that they could watch the 
door4 ,when ,luke waked up he  went to  
the door to look out1 and saw them with 
their rifles1 he  stepped back and      
raised his gun to his face4 ,they called
 to him to  surrender2 and stated that  
they had him in their power1 and said he
  had better give up4 ,he said he would 
not3 and if they tried to take  him1 he 
would kill one of them2 for1 if he gave 
up1 he knew they would  kill him1 and he
 was determined to sell his life as dear
 as he could4  ,they told him1 if he    
should shoot one of them1 the other two 
would  certainly kill him3 he replied1  

he was determined not to give up1 and   
kept his gun moving from one to the     
other2 and while his rifle was  turned  
toward one1 another1 standing in a      
different direction1 shot  him through  
the head1 and he fell lifeless to the   
ground4    ,there was another slave shot
 while ,i was there2 this man had run   
away1  and had been living in the woods 
a long time1 and it was not known  where
 he was1 till one day he was discovered 
by two men1 who went on  the large      
island near ,belvidere to hunt turkeys2 
they shot him and  carried his head     
home4    ,it is common to keep dogs on  
the plantations1 to pursue and catch    
runaway slaves4 ,i was once bitten by   
one of them4 ,i went to the  overseer's 
house1 the dog lay in the piazza1 as    
soon as ,i put my foot  upon the floor1 
he sprang and bit me just above the     
knee1 but not  severely2 he tore my     
pantaloons badly4 ,the overseer         
apologized for his  dog1 saying he never
 knew him to bite a white man before4   

,he said he  once had a dog1 when he    
lived on another plantation1 that was   
very  useful to him in hunting runaway  
negroes4 ,he said that a slave on the   
plantation once ran away2 as soon as he 
found the course he took1 he  put the   
dog on the track1 and he soon came so   
close upon him that the  man had to     
climb a tree1 he followed with his gun1 
and brought the  slave home4    ,the    
slaves have a great dread of being sold 
and carried south4 ,it is  generally    
said1 and ,i have no doubt of its truth1
 that they are much  worse treated      
farther south4    ,the following are a  
few among the many facts related to me  
while ,i  lived among the slaveholder4  
,the names of the planters and          
plantations1 ,i shall not give1 as they 
did not come under my own  observation4 
,i however place the fullest confidence 
in their truth4    ,a planter not far   
from ,mr4 ,swan's employed an overseer  
to whom he paid  #djj a year2 he became 
dissatisfied with him1 because he did   

not drive  the slaves hard enough1 and  
get more work out of them4 ,he therefore
  sent to ,south ,carolina1 or ,georgia1
 and got a man to whom he paid ,i       
believe #hjj a year4 ,he proved to be a 
cruel fellow1 and drove the  slaves     
almost to death4 ,there was a slave on  
this plantation1 who had  repeatedly run
 away1 and had been severely flogged    
every time4 ,the  last time he was      
caught1 a hole was dug in the ground1   
and he buried  up to the chin1 his arms 
being secured down by his sides4 ,he was
 kept  in this situation four or five   
days4    ,the following was told me by  
an intimate friend2 it took place on a  
plantation containing about one hundred 
slaves4 ,one day the owner  ordered the 
women into the barn1 he then went in    
among them1 whip in  hand1 and told them
 he meant to flog them all to death2    
they began  immediately to cry out ,what
 have ,i done ,massa8 ,what have ,i done
  ,massa8 ,he replied2 ,d--n you1 ,i    
will let you know what you have done1   

you don't breed1 ,i haven't had a young 
one from one of you for several  months4
 ,they told him they could not breed    
while they had to work in  the rice     
ditches4 7,the rice grounds are low and 
marshy1 and have to be  drained1 and    
while digging or clearing the ditches1  
the women had to  work in mud and water 
from one to two feet in depth2 they were
 obliged  to draw up and secure their   
frocks about their waist1 to keep them  
out  of the water1 in this manner they  
frequently had to work from daylight  in
 the morning till it was so dark they   
could see no longer47 ,after  swearing  
and threatening for some time1 he told  
them to tell the  overseer's wife1 when 
they got in that way1 and he would put  
them upon  the land to work4    ,this   
same planter had a female slave who was 
a member of the ,methodist  ,church2 for
 a slave she was intelligent and        
conscientious4 ,he proposed  a criminal 
intercourse with her4 ,she would not    
comply4 ,he left her and  sent for the  

overseer1 and told him to have her      
flogged4 ,it was done4  ,not long after1
 he renewed his proposal4 ,she again    
refused4 ,she was  again whipped4 ,he   
then told her why she had been twice    
flogged1 and  told her he intended to   
whip her till she should yield4 ,the    
girl1  seeing that her case was         
hopeless1 her back smarting with the    
scourging she had received1 and dreading
 a repetition1 gave herself up  to be   
the victim of his brutal lusts4    ,one 
of the slaves on another plantation1    
gave birth to a child which  lived but  
two or three weeks4 ,after its death the
 planter called the  woman to him1 and  
asked her how she came to let the child 
die2 said it  was all owing to her      
carelessness1 and that he meant to flog 
her for  it4 ,she told1 him with all the
 feeling of a mother1 the circumstances 
of its death4 ,but her story availed her
 nothing against the savage  brutality  
of her master4 ,she was severely        
whipped4 ,a healthy child  four months  

old was then considered worth #ajj in   
,north ,carolina4    ,the foregoing     
facts were related to me by white       
persons of character  and               
respectability4 ,the following fact was 
related to me on a  plantation where ,i 
have spent considerable time and where  
the  punishment was inflicted4 ,i have  
no doubt of its truth4 ,a slave ran     
away from his master1 and got as far as 
,newbern4 ,he took provisions  that     
lasted him a week2 but having eaten all1
 he went to a house to  get something to
 satisfy his hunger4 ,a white man       
suspecting him to be  a runaway1        
demanded his pass2 as he had none he was
 seized and put in  ,newbern jail4 ,he  
was there advertised1 his description   
given1 c4 ,his  master saw the          
advertisement and sent for him2 when he 
was brought  back1 his wrists were tied 
together and drawn over his knees4 ,a   
stick  was then passed over his arms and
 under his knees1 and he secured in     
this manner1 his trowsers were then     

stripped down1 and he turned over  on   
his side1 and severely beaten with the  
paddle1 then turned over and  severely  
beaten on the other side1 and then      
turned back again1 and  tortured by     
another bruising and beating4 ,he was   
afterwards kept in  the stocks a week1  
and whipped every morning4    ,to show  
the disgusting pollutions of slavery1   
and how it covers with  moral filth     
every thing it touches1 ,i will state   
two or three facts1  which ,i have on   
such evidence ,i cannot doubt their     
truth4 ,a planter  offered a white man  
of my acquaintance twenty dollars for   
every one of  his female slaves1 whom he
 would get in the family way4 ,this     
offer was  no doubt made for the purpose
 of improving the stock1 on the same    
principle that farmers endeavour to     
improve their cattle by crossing  the   
breed4    ,slaves belonging to merchants
 and others in the city1 often hire     
their  own time1 for which they pay     
various prices per week or month1       

according to the capacity of the slave4 
,the females who thus hire  their time1 
pursue various modes to procure the     
money2 their masters  making no inquiry 
how they get it1 provided the money     
comes4 ,if it is  not regularly paid    
they are flogged4 ,some take in washing1
 some cook  on board vessels1 pick      
oakum1 sell peanuts1 c41 while others1  
younger  and more comely1 often resort  
to the vilest pursuits4 ,i knew a man   
from the north who1 though married to a 
respectable southern woman1  kept two of
 these mulatto girls in an upper room at
 his store2 his  wife told some of her  
friends that he had not lodged at home  
for two  weeks together1 ,i have seen   
these two kept misses1 as they are there
  called1 at his store2 he was          
afterwards stabbed in an attempt to     
arrest a runaway slave1 and died in     
about ten days4    ,the clergy at the   
north cringe beneath the corrupting     
influence of  slavery1 and their moral  
courage is borne down by it4 ,not the   

hypocritical and unprincipled alone1 but
 even such as can hardly be  supposed to
 be destitute of sincerity4    ,going   
one morning to the ,baptist ,sunday     
,school1 in ,wilmington1 in  which ,i   
was engaged1 ,i fell in with the ,rev4  
,thomas ,p4 ,hunt1 who was  going to the
 ,presbyterian school4 ,i asked him how 
he could bear to see  the little negro  
children beating their hoops1 hallooing1
 and running  about the streets1 as we  
then saw them1 their moral condition    
entirely  neglected1 while the whites   
were so carefully gathered into the     
schools4 ,his reply was substantially   
this3--,i can't bear it1 ,mr4           
,caulkins4 ,i feel as deeply as any one 
can on this subject1 but what  can ,i   
do8 ,,my ,,hands ,,are ,,tied4    ,now1 
if ,mr4 ,hunt was guilty of neglecting  
his duty1 as a servant of  ,,him who    
never failed to rebuke sin in high      
places1 what shall be said  of those    
clergymen at the north1 where the power 
that closed his mouth  is comparatively 

unfelt1 who refuse to tell their people 
how ,god  abhors oppression1 and who    
seldom open their mouth on this subject1
  but to denounce the friends of        
emancipation1 thus giving the strongest 
support to the accursed system of       
slavery4 ,i believe ,mr4 ,hunt has      
since become an agent of the ,temperance
 ,society4    ,in stating the foregoing 
facts1 my object has been to show the   
practical workings of the system of     
slavery1 and if possible to  correct the
 misapprehension on this subject1 so    
common at the north4  ,in doing this ,i 
am not at war with slave-holders4 ,no1  
my soul is moved  for them as well as   
for the poor slaves4 ,may ,god send them
 repentance  to the acknowledgment of   
the truth6 ,principle1 on a subject of  
this  nature1 is dearer to me than the  
applause of men1 and should not be      
sacrificed on any subject1 even though  
the ties of friendship may be  broken4  
,we have too long been silent on this   
subject1 the slave has  been too much   

considered1 by our northern states1 as  
being kept by  necessity in his present 
condition4--,were we to ask1 in the     
language  of ,pilate1 what evil have    
they done--we may search their history1 
we  cannot find that they have taken up 
arms against our government1 nor        
insulted us as a nation--that they are  
thus compelled to drag out a  life in   
chains6 subjected to the most terrible  
inflictions if in any  way they manifest
 a wish to be released4--,let us reverse
 the question4  ,what evil has been done
 to them by those who call themselves   
masters8  ,first let us look at their   
persons1 neither clothed nor naked--,i  
have seen instances where this phrase   
would not apply to boys and  girls1 and 
that too in winter4 ,i knew one young   
man seventeen years of  age1 by the name
 of ,dave1 on ,mr4 ,j4 ,swan's          
plantation1 worked day  after day in the
 rice machine as naked as when he was   
born4 ,the reason  of his being so1 his 
master said in my hearing1 was1 that he 

could not  keep clothes on him--he would
 get into the fire and burn them off4   
,follow them next to their huts2 some   
with and some without floors3--,go  at  
night1 view their means of lodging1 see 
them lying on benches1 some  on the     
floor or ground1 some sitting on stools1
 dozing away the  night3--others1 of    
younger age1 with a bare blanket wrapped
 about  them2 and one or two lying in   
the ashes4 ,these things ,i have often  
seen with my own eyes4    ,examine their
 means of subsistence1 which consists   
generally of seven  quarts of meal or   
eight quarts of small rice for one week2
 then follow  them to their work1 with  
driver and overseer pushing them to the 
utmost of their strength1 by threatening
 and whipping4    ,if they are sick from
 fatigue and exposure1 go to their huts1
 as ,i  have often been1 and see them   
groaning under a burning fever or       
pleurisy1 lying on some straw1 their    
feet to the fire with barely a  blanket 
to cover them2 or on some boards nailed 

together in form of a  bedstead4    ,and
 after seeing all this1 and hearing them
 tell of their sufferings1  need ,i ask1
 is there any evil connected with their 
condition8 and if  so2 upon whom is it  
to be charged8 ,i answer for myself1 and
 the reader  can do the same4 ,our      
government stands first chargeable for  
allowing  slavery to exist1 under its   
own jurisdiction4 ,second1 the states   
for  enacting laws to secure their      
victim4 ,third1 the slaveholder for     
carrying out such enactments1 in horrid 
form enough to chill the  blood4        
,fourth1 every person who knows what    
slavery is1 and does not  raise his     
voice against this crying sin1 but by   
silence gives consent  to its           
continuance1 is chargeable with guilt in
 the sight of ,god4 ,the  blood of      
,zacharias who was slain between the    
temple and altar1 says  ,christ1 ,,will 
,i ,,require ,,of ,,this ,,generation4  
,look at the slave1 his condition but   
little1 if at all1 better than  that of 

the brute2 chained down by the law1 and 
the will of his  master2 and every      
avenue closed against relief2 and the   
names of those  who plead for him1 cast 
out as evil2--must not humanity let its 
voice  be heard1 and tell ,israel their 
transgressions and ,judah their sins8   
,may ,god look upon their afflictions1  
and deliver them from their cruel       
task-masters6 ,i verily believe he will1
 if there be any efficacy in  prayer4 ,i
 have been to their prayer meetings and 
with them offered  prayer in their      
behalf4 ,i have heard some of them in   
their huts before  day-light praying in 
their simple broken language1 telling   
their  heavenly ,father of their trials 
in the following and similar language4  
,fader in heaven1 look upon de poor     
slave1 dat have to work all de day      
long1 dat cant have de time to pray only
 in de night1 and den massa  mus not    
know it4#b ,fader1 have mercy on massa  
and missus4 ,fader1 when  shall poor    
slave get through de world6 when will   

death come1 and de  poor slave go to    
heaven2 and in their meetings they      
frequently add1  ,fader1 bless de white 
man dat come to hear de slave pray1     
bless his  family1 and so on4 ,they     
uniformly begin their meetings by       
singing the  following--      ,and are  
we yet alive   ,to see each other's     
face1 c4    ,footnote #b3 ,at this time 
there was some fear of insurrection and 
the  slaves were forbidden to hold      
meetings4    ,is the ear of the ,most   
,high deaf to the prayer of the slave8  
,i do  firmly believe that their        
deliverance will come1 and that the     
prayer  of this poor afflicted people   
will be answered4    ,emancipation would
 be safe4 ,i have had eleven winters to 
learn the  disposition of the slaves1   
and am satisfied that they would        
peaceably  and cheerfully work for pay4 
,give them education1 equal and just    
laws1  and they will become a most      
interesting people4 ,oh1 let a cry be   
raised which shall awaken the conscience

 of this guilty nation1 to  demand for  
the slaves immediate and unconditional  
emancipation4                           
,,nehemiah ,,caulkins4             99   
99     99     99     99                 
,,narrative ,,and ,,testimony ,,of      
,,rev4 ,,horace ,,moulton4    ,mr4      
,moulton is an esteemed minister of the 
,methodist ,episcopal ,church1  in      
,marlborough1 ,mass4 ,he spent five     
years in ,georgia1 between #ahag and    
#ahbd4 ,the following communication has 
been recently received from him4        
,,marlborough1 ,,mass41 ,feb4 #ah1      
#ahci4    ,,dear ,,brother--    ,yours  
of ,feb4 #b;d1 requesting me to write   
out a few facts on the  subject of      
slavery1 as it exists at the south1 has 
come to hand4 ,i  hasten to comply with 
your request4 ,were it not1 however1 for
 the  claims of those who are drawn unto
 death1 and the responsibility  resting 
upon me1 in consequence of this request1
 ,i should forever hold  my peace4 ,for 
,i well know that ,i shall bring upon   

myself a flood of  persecution1 for     
attempting to speak out for the dumb4   
,but ,i am  willing to be set at nought 
by men1 if ,i can be the means of       
promoting  the welfare of the oppressed 
of our land4 ,i shall not relate many   
particular cases of cruelty1 though ,i  
might a great number2 but shall  give   
some general information as to their    
mode of treatment1 their  food1         
clothing1 dwellings1 deprivations1 c4   
,let me say1 in the first place1 that ,i
 spent nearly five years in  ,savannah1 
,georgia1 and in its vicinity1 between  
the years #ahag and  #ahbd4 ,my object  
in going to the south1 was to engage in 
making and  burning brick2 but not      
immediately succeeding1 ,i engaged in no
  business of much profit until late in 
the winter1 when ,i took charge  of a   
set of hands and went to work4 ,during  
my leisure1 however1 ,i was  an         
observer1 at the auctions1 upon the     
plantations1 and in almost  every       
department of business4 ,the next year1 

during the cold months1 ,i  had several 
two-horse teams under my care1 with     
which we used to haul  brick1 boards1   
and other articles from the wharf into  
the city1 and  cotton1 rice1 corn1 and  
wood from the country4 ,this gave me an 
extensive acquaintance with merchants1  
mechanics and planters4 ,i had  slaves  
under my control some portions of every 
year when at the south4  ,all the       
brick-yards1 except one1 on which ,i was
 engaged1 were  connected either with a 
corn field1 potatoe patch1 rice field1  
cotton  field1 tan-works1 or with a wood
 lot4 ,my business1 usually1 was to     
take charge of the brick-making         
department4 ,at those jobs ,i have      
sometimes taken in charge both the field
 and brick-yard hands4 ,i have  been on 
the plantations in ,south ,carolina1 but
 have never been an  overseer of slaves 
in that state1 as has been said in the  
public  papers4    ,i think the above   
facts and explanations are necessary to 
be connected  with the account ,i may   

give of slavery1 that the reader may    
have some  knowledge of my acquaintance 
with practical slavery3 for many        
mechanics and merchants who go to the   
,south1 and stay there for years1  know 
but little of the dark side of slavery4 
,my account of slavery  will apply to   
field hands1 who compose much the       
largest portion of  the black           
population1 7probably nine-tenths17 and 
not to those who are  kept for kitchen  
maids1 nurses1 waiters1 c41 about the   
houses of the  planters and public      
hotels1 where persons from the north    
obtain most  of their knowledge of the  
evils of slavery4 ,i will now proceed to
 take  up specific points4    ,,the     
,,labor ,,of ,,the ,,slaves    ,males   
and females work together promiscuously 
on all the plantations4  ,on many       
plantations tasks are given them4 ,the  
best working hands can  have some       
leisure time2 but the feeble and        
unskilful ones1 together  with slender  
females1 have indeed a hard time of it1 

and very often  answer for              
non-performance of tasks at the         
whipping-posts4 ,none who  worked with  
me had tasks at any time4 ,the rule was 
to work them from  sun to sun4 ,but when
 ,i was burning brick1 they were obliged
 to take  turns1 and sit up all night   
about every other night1 and work all   
day4 ,on one plantation1 where ,i spent 
a few weeks1 the slaves were  called up 
to work long before daylight1 when      
business pressed1 and  worked until late
 at night2 and sometimes some of them   
all night4 ,a  large portion of the     
slaves are owned by masters who keep    
them on  purpose to hire out--and they  
usually let them to those who will give 
the highest wages for them1 irrespective
 of their mode of treatment2  and those 
who hire them1 will of course try to get
 the greatest  possible amount of work  
performed1 with the least possible      
expense4  ,women are seen bringing their
 infants into the field to their work1  
and leading others who are not old      

enough to stay at the cabins with       
safety4 ,when they get there1 they must 
set them down in the dirt and  go to    
work4 ,sometimes they are left to cry   
until they fall asleep4  ,others are    
left at home1 shut up in their huts4    
,now1 is it not  barbarous1 that the    
mother1 with her child of children      
around her1  half starved1 must be      
whipped at night if she does not perform
 her  task8 ,but so it is4 ,some who    
have very young ones1 fix a little sack1
  and place the infants on their backs1 
and work4 ,one reason1 ,i presume  is1  
that they will not cry so much when they
 can hear their mother's  voice4        
,another is1 the mothers fear that the  
poisonous vipers and  snakes will bite  
them4 ,truly1 ,i never knew any place   
where the land is  so infested with all 
kinds of the most venomous snakes1 as in
 the low  lands round about ,savannah4  
,the moccasin snakes1 so called1 and    
water  rattle-snakes--the bites of both 
of which are as poisonous as our  upland

 rattlesnakes at the north1--are found  
in myriads about the  stagnant waters   
and swamps of the ,south4 ,the females1 
in order to  secure their infants from  
these poisonous snakes1 do1 as ,i have  
said1  often work with their infants on 
their backs4 ,females are sometimes     
called to take the hardest part of the  
work4 ,on some brick yards where  ,i    
have been1 the women have been selected 
as the moulders of brick1  instead of   
the men4    ,,ii4 ,,the ,,food ,,of     
,,the ,,slaves4    ,it was a general    
custom1 wherever ,i have been1 for the  
masters to give  each of his slaves1    
male and female1 one peck of corn per   
week for  their food4 ,this at fifty    
cents per bushel1 which was all that it 
was  worth when ,i was there1 would     
amount to twelve and a half cents per   
week for board per head4    ,it cost me 
upon an average1 when at the south1 one 
dollar per day for  board4 ,the price of
 fourteen bushels of corn per week4     
,this would make  my board equal in     

amount to the board of forty-six slaves6
 ,this is  all that good or bad masters 
allow their slaves round about ,savannah
  on the plantations4 ,one peck of      
gourd-seed corn is to be measured out   
to each slave once every week4 ,one man 
with whom ,i labored1 however1  being   
desirous to get all the work out of his 
hands he could1 before ,i  left1 7about 
fifty in number17 bought for them every 
week1 or twice a  week1 a beef's head   
from market4 ,with this1 they made a    
soup in a  large iron kettle1 around    
which the hands came at meal-time1 and  
dipping out the soup1 would mix it with 
their hommony1 and eat it as  though it 
were a feast4 ,this man permitted his   
slaves to eat twice a  day while ,i was 
doing a job for him4 ,he promised me a  
beaver hat and  as good a suit of       
clothes as could be bought in the city1 
if ,i would  accomplish so much for him 
before ,i returned to the north2 giving 
me  the entire control over his slaves4 
,thus you may see the temptations       

overseers sometimes have1 to get all the
 work they can out of the poor  slaves4 
,the above is an exception to the       
general rule of feeding4 ,for  in all   
other places where ,i worked and        
visited2 the slaves had  nothing from   
their masters but the corn1 or its      
equivalent in  potatoes or rice1 and to 
this1 they were not permitted to come   
but  once a day4 ,the custom was to blow
 the horn early in the morning1  as a   
signal for the hands to rise and go to  
work1 when commenced2 they  continued   
work until about eleven o'clock1 ,a4,m41
 when1 at the signal1  all hands left   
off and went into their huts1 made their
 fires1 made  their corn-meal into      
hommony or cake1 ate it1 and went to    
work again  at the signal of the horn1  
and worked until night1 or until their  
tasks were done4 ,some cooked their     
breakfast in the field while at  work4  
,each slave must grind his own corn in a
 hand-mill after he has  done his work  
at night4 ,there is generally one       

hand-mill on every  plantation for the  
use of the slaves4    ,some of the      
planters have no corn1 others often get 
out4 ,the  substitute for it is1 the    
equivalent of one peek of corn either in
  rice or sweet potatoes2 neither of    
which is as good for the slaves as      
corn4 ,they complain more of being      
faint1 when fed on rice or potatoes1    
than when fed on corn4 ,i was with one  
man a few weeks who gave me his  hands  
to do a job of work1 and to save time   
one cooked for all the  rest4 ,the      
following course was taken1--,two       
crotched sticks were driven  down at one
 end of the yard1 and a small pole being
 laid on the  crotches1 they swung a    
large iron kettle on the middle of the  
pole2  then made up a fire under the    
kettle and boiled the hommony2 when     
ready1 the hands were called around this
 kettle with their wooden  plates and   
spoons4 ,they dipped out and ate        
standing around the kettle1  or sitting 
upon the ground1 as best suited their   

convenience4 ,when  they had potatoes   
they took them out with their hands1 and
 ate them4  ,as soon as it was thought  
they had had sufficient time to swallow 
their food they were called to their    
work again4 ,this was the only  meal    
they ate through the day4 now think of  
the little1 almost naked  and half      
starved children1 nibbling upon a piece 
of cold ,indian cake1  or a potato6     
,think of the poor female1 just ready to
 be confined1  without any thing that   
can be called convenient or comfortable6
 ,think  of the old toil-worn father and
 mother1 without anything to eat but    
the coarsest of food1 and not half      
enough of that6 then think of  home4    
,when sick1 their physicians are their  
masters and overseers1  in most cases1  
whose skill consists in bleeding and in 
administering  large potions of ,epsom  
salts1 when the whip and cursing will   
not  start them from their cabins4      
,,iii4 ,,houses4    ,the huts of the    
slaves are mostly of the poorest kind4  

,they are not as  good as those         
temporary shanties which are thrown up  
beside railroads4  ,they are erected    
with posts and crotches1 with but little
 or no  frame-work about them4 ,they    
have no stoves or chimneys2 some of them
  have something like a fireplace at one
 end1 and a board or two off at  that   
side1 or on the roof1 to let off the    
smoke4 ,others have nothing  like a     
fireplace in them2 in these the fire is 
sometimes made in the  middle of the    
hut4 ,these buildings have but one      
apartment in them2 the  places where    
they pass in and out1 serve both for    
doors and windows2  the sides and roofs 
are covered with coarse1 and in many    
instances  with refuse boards4 ,in warm 
weather1 especially in the spring1 the  
slaves keep up a smoke1 or fire and     
smoke1 all night1 to drive away  the    
gnats and musketoes1 which are very     
troublesome in all the low  country of  
the south2 so much so that the whites   
sleep under frames  with nets over them1

 knit so fine that the musketoes cannot 
fly  through them4    ,some of the      
slaves have rugs to cover them in the   
coldest weather1 but  ,i should think   
more have not4 ,during driving storms   
they frequently  have to run from one   
hut to another for shelter4 ,in the     
coldest  weather1 where they can get    
wood or stumps1 they keep up fires all  
night in their huts1 and lay around     
them1 with their feet towards the       
blaze4 ,men1 women and children all lie 
down together1 in most  instances4      
,there may be exceptions to the above   
statements in regard  to their houses1  
but so far as my observations have      
extended1 ,i have  given a fair         
description1 and ,i have been on a large
 number of  plantations in ,georgia and 
,south ,carolina up and down the        
,savannah  river4 ,their huts are       
generally built compactly on the        
plantations1  forming villages of huts1 
their size proportioned to the number of
  slaves on them4 ,in these miserable   

huts the poor blacks are herded at      
night like swine1 without any           
conveniences of beadsteads1 tables or   
chairs4 ,o ,misery to the full6 to see  
the aged sire beating off the  swarms of
 gnats and musketoes in the warm        
weather1 and shivering in  the straw1 or
 bending over a few coals in the winter1
 clothed in rags4  ,i should think males
 and females1 both lie down at night    
with their  working clothes on them4    
,god alone knows how much the poor      
slaves  suffer for the want of          
convenient houses to secure them from   
the  piercing winds and howling storms  
of winter1 almost as much in ,georgia   
as ,i do in ,massachusetts4    ,,iv4    
,,clothing4    ,the masters in ,georgia 
make a practice of getting two suits of 
clothes for each slave per year1 a thick
 suit for winter1 and a thin  one for   
summer4 ,they provide also one pair of  
northern made sale shoes  for each slave
 in winter4 ,these shoes usually begin  
to rip in a few  weeks4 ,the negroes'   

mode of mending them is1 to wire them   
together1  in many instances4 ,do our   
northern shoemakers know that they are  
augmenting the sufferings of the poor   
slaves with their almost good  for      
nothing sale shoes8 ,inasmuch as it is  
done unto one of those poor  sufferers  
it is done unto our ,saviour4 ,the above
 practice of clothing  the slave is     
customary to some extent4 ,how many1    
however1 fail of  this1 ,god only knows4
 ,the children and old slaves are1 ,i   
should think1  exceptions to the above  
rule4 ,the males and females have their 
suits  from the same cloth for their    
winter dresses4 ,these winter garments  
appear to be made of a mixture of cotton
 and wool1 very coarse and  sleazy4 ,the
 whole suit for the men consists of a   
pair of pantaloons  and a short         
sailor-jacket1 without shirt1 vest1 hat1
 stockings1 or  any kind of loose       
garments6 ,these1 if worn steadily when 
at work1  would not probably last more  
than one or two months2 therefore1 for  

the sake of saving them1 many of them   
work1 especially in the summer1  with no
 clothing on them except a cloth tied   
round their waist1 and  almost all with 
nothing more on them than pantaloons1   
and these  frequently so torn that they 
do not serve the purposes of common     
decency4 ,the women have for clothing a 
short petticoat1 and a short  loose     
gown1 something like the male's         
sailor-jacket1 without any  under       
garment1 stockings1 bonnets1 hoods1     
caps1 or any kind of  over-clothes4     
,when at work in the warm weather1 they 
usually strip  off the loose gown1 and  
have nothing on but a short petticoat   
with  some kind of covering over their  
breasts4 ,many children may be seen in  
the summer months as naked as they came 
into the world4 ,i think1 as  a whole1  
they suffer more for the want of        
comfortable bed clothes1  than they do  
for wearing apparel4 ,it is true1 that  
some by begging or  buying have more    
clothes than above described1 but the   

masters  provide them with no more4     
,they are miserable objects of pity4 ,it
 may  be said of many of them1 ,i was   
naked and ye clothed me not4 ,it is     
enough to melt the hardest heart to see 
the ragged mothers nursing  their almost
 naked children1 with but a morsel of   
the coarsest food to  eat4 ,the         
,southern horses and dogs have enough to
 eat and good care  taken of them1 but  
,southern negroes1 who can describe     
their misery8    ,v4 ,,punishments4     
,the ordinary mode of punishing the     
slaves is both cruel and barbarous4     
,the masters seldom1 if ever1 try to    
govern their slaves by moral  influence1
 but by whipping1 kicking1 beating1     
starving1 branding1  cat-hauling1       
loading with irons1 imprisoning1 or by  
some other cruel  mode of torturing4    
,they often boast of having invented    
some new mode  of torture1 by which they
 have tamed the rascals1 ,what is called
 a  moderate flogging at the south is   
horribly cruel4 ,should we whip our     

horses for any offence as they whip     
their slaves for small offences1  we    
should expose ourselves to the penalty  
of the law4 ,the masters whip  for the  
smallest offences1 such as not          
performing their tasks1 being  caught by
 the guard or patrol by night1 or for   
taking any thing from  the master's yard
 without leave4 ,for these1 and the like
 crimes1 the  slaves are whipped        
thirty-nine lashes1 and sometimes       
seventy or a  hundred1 on the bare back4
 ,one slave1 who was under my care1 was 
whipped1 ,i think one hundred lashes1   
for getting a small handful of  wood    
from his master's yard without leave4 ,i
 heard an overseer  boasting to this    
same master that he gave one of the boys
 seventy  lashes1 for not doing a job of
 work just as he thought it ought to be 
done4 ,the owner of the slave appeared  
to be pleased that the overseer  had    
been so faithful4 ,the apology they make
 for whipping so cruelly  is1 that it is
 to frighten the rest of the gang4 ,the 

masters say1 that  what we call an      
ordinary flogging will not subdue the   
slaves2 hence  the most cruel and       
barbarous scourgings ever witnessed by  
man are  daily and hourly inflicted upon
 the naked bodies of these miserable    
bondmen2 not by masters and             
negro-drivers only1 but by the          
constables  in the common markets and   
jailors in their yards4    ,when the    
slaves are whipped1 either in public or 
private1 they have  their hands fastened
 by the wrists1 with a rope or cord     
prepared for  the purpose3 this being   
thrown over a beam1 a limb of a tree1 or
  something else1 the culprit is drawn  
up and stretched by the arms as  high as
 possible1 without raising his feet from
 the ground or floor3  and sometimes    
they are made to stand on tip-toe2 then 
the feet are  made fast to something    
prepared for them4 ,in this distorted   
posture  the monster flies at them1     
sometimes in great rage1 with his       
implements of torture1 and cuts on with 

all his might1 over the  shoulders1     
under the arms1 and sometimes over the  
head and ears1 or on  parts of the body 
where he can inflict the greatest       
torment4  ,occasionally the whipper1    
especially if his victim does not beg   
enough  to suit him1 while under the    
lash1 will fly into a passion1 uttering 
the most horrid oaths2 while the victim 
of his rage is crying1 at  every stroke1
 ,lord have mercy6 ,lord have mercy6    
,the scenes exhibited  at the whipping  
post are awfully terrific and frightful 
to one whose  heart has not turned to   
stone2 ,i never could look on but a     
moment4  ,while under the lash1 the     
bleeding victim writhes in agony1       
convulsed  with torture4 ,thirty-nine   
lashes on the bare back1 which tear the 
skin  at almost every stroke1 is what   
the ,south calls a very moderate        
punishment6 ,many masters whip until    
they are tired--until the back is  a    
gore of blood--then rest upon it3 after 
a short cessation1 get up  and go at it 

again2 and after having satiated their  
revenge in the  blood of their victims1 
they sometimes leave them tied1 for     
hours  together1 bleeding at every      
wound4--,sometimes1 after being whipped1
  they are bathed with a brine of salt  
and water4 ,now and then a master1  but 
more frequently a mistress who has no   
husband1 will send them to  jail a few  
days1 giving orders to have them        
whipped1 so many lashes1  once or twice 
a day4 ,sometimes1 after being whipped1 
some have been  shut up in a dark place 
and deprived of food1 in order to       
increase  their torments3 and ,i have   
heard of some who have1 in such         
circumstances1 died of their wounds and 
starvation4    ,such scenes of horror as
 above described are so common in       
,georgia that  they attract no          
attention4 ,to threaten them with death1
 with breaking  in their teeth or jaws1 
or cracking their heads1 is common talk1
  when scolding at the slaves4--,those  
who run away from their masters  and are

 caught again generally fare the worst4 
,they are generally  lodged in jail1    
with instructions from the owner to have
 them cruelly  whipped4 ,some order the 
constables to whip them publicly in the 
market4 ,constables at the south are    
generally savage1 brutal men4 ,they     
have become so accustomed to catching   
and whipping negroes1 that they  are as 
fierce as tigers4 ,slaves who are absent
 from their yards1 or  plantations1     
after eight o'clock ,p4,m41 and are     
taken by the guard in  the cities1 or by
 the patrols in the country1 are1 if not
 called for  before nine o'clock ,a4,m4 
the next day1 secured in prisons2 and   
hardly  ever escape1 until their backs  
are torn up by the cowhide4 ,on         
plantations1 the evenings usually       
present scenes of horror4 ,those  slaves
 against whom charges are preferred for 
not having performed  their tasks1 and  
for various faults1 must1 after         
work-hours at night1  undergo their     
torments4 ,i have often heard the sound 

of the lash1 the  curses of the whipper1
 and the cries of the poor negro rending
 the  air1 late in the evening1 and long
 before day-light in the morning4    ,it
 is very common for masters to say to   
the overseers or drivers1 put  it on to 
them1 don't spare that fellow1 give that
 scoundrel one  hundred lashes1 c4      
,whipping the women when in delicate    
circumstances1 as they sometimes do1    
without any regard to their  entreaties 
or the entreaties of their nearest      
friends1 is truly  barbarous4 ,if       
negroes could testify1 they would tell  
you of instances  of women being whipped
 until they have miscarried at the      
whipping-post4 ,i heard of such things  
at the south--they are  undoubtedly     
facts4 ,children are whipped            
unmercifully for the smallest  offences1
 and that before their mothers4 ,a large
 proportion of the  blacks have their   
shoulders1 backs1 and arms all scarred  
up1 and not a  few of them have had     
their heads laid open with clubs1       

stones1 and  brick-bats1 and with the   
butt-end of whips and canes--some have  
had  their jaws broken1 others their    
teeth knocked in or out2 while others   
have had their ears cropped and the     
sides of their cheeks gashed out4  ,some
 of the poor creatures have lost the    
sight of one of their eyes by  the      
careless blows of the whipper1 or by    
some other violence4    ,but punishing  
of slaves as above described1 is not the
 only mode of  torture4 ,some tie them  
up in a very uneasy posture1 where they 
must  stand all night1 and they will    
then work them hard all day--that is1   
work them hard all day and torment them 
all night4 ,others punish by  fastening 
them down on a log1 or something else1  
and strike them on  the bare skin with a
 board paddle full of holes4 ,this      
breaks the skin1  ,i should presume1 at 
every hole where it comes in contact    
with it4  ,others1 when other modes of  
punishment will not subdue them1        
cat-haul them--that is1 take a cat by   

the nape of the neck and tail1  or by   
the hind legs1 and drag the claws across
 the back until  satisfied4 ,this kind  
of punishment poisons the flesh much    
worse than  the whip1 and is more       
dreaded by the slave4 ,some are branded 
by a hot  iron1 others have their flesh 
cut out in large gashes1 to mark them4  
,some who are prone to run away1 have   
iron fetters riveted around their       
ancles1 sometimes they are put only on  
one foot1 and are dragged on  the       
ground4 ,others have on large iron      
collars or yokes upon their  necks1 or  
clogs riveted upon their wrists or      
ancles4 ,some have bells  put upon them1
 hung upon a sort of frame to an iron   
collar4 ,some  masters fly into a rage  
at trifles and knock down their negroes 
with  their fists1 or with the first    
thing that they can get hold of4 ,the   
whiplash-knots1 or rawhide1 have        
sometimes by a reckless stroke  reached 
round to the front of the body and cut  
through to the bowels4  ,one slaveholder

 with whom ,i lived1 whipped one of his 
slaves one day1  as many1 ,i should     
think1 as one hundred lashes1 and then  
turned the  butt-end and went to beating
 him over the head and ears1 and truly  
,i  was amazed that the slave was not   
killed on the spot4 ,not a few          
slaveholders whip their slaves to death1
 and then say that they died  under a   
moderate correction4 ,i wonder that ten 
are not killed where  one is6 ,were they
 not much hardier than the whites many  
more of them  must die than do4 ,one    
young mulatto man1 with whom ,i was well
  acquainted1 was killed by his master  
in his yard with impunity4 ,i  boarded  
at the same time near the place where   
this glaring murder was  committed1 and 
knew the master well4 ,he had a         
plantation1 on which he  enacted1 almost
 daily1 cruel barbarities1 some of them1
 ,i was  informed1 more terrific1 if    
possible1 than death itself4 ,little    
notice  was taken of this murder1 and it
 all passed off without any action      

being taken against the murderer4 ,the  
masters used to try to make me  whip    
their negroes4 ,they said ,i could not  
get along with them without  flogging   
them--but ,i found ,i could get along   
better with them by  coaxing and        
encouraging them than by beating and    
flogging them4 ,i had  not a heart to   
beat and kick about those beings2       
although ,i had not  grace in my heart  
the three first years ,i was there1 yet 
,i sympathised  with the slaves4 ,i     
never was guilty of having but one      
whipped1 and he  was whipped but eight  
or nine blows4 ,the circumstances were  
as  follows3 ,several negroes were put  
under my care1 one spring1 who were     
fresh from ,congo and ,guinea4 ,i could 
not understand them1 neither  could they
 me1 in one word ,i spoke4 ,i therefore 
pointed to them to go  to work2 all     
obeyed me willingly but one--he refused4
 ,i told the  driver that he must tie   
him up and whip him4 ,after he had tied 
him1 by  the help of some others1 we    

struck him eight or nine blows1 and he  
yielded4 ,i told the driver not to      
strike him another blow4 ,we untied     
him1 and he went to work1 and continued 
faithful all the time he was  with me4  
,this one was not a sample1             
however--many of them have such  exalted
 views of freedom that it is hard work  
for the masters to whip  them into      
brutes1 that is to subdue their noble   
spirits4 ,the negroes  being put under  
my care1 did not prevent the masters    
from whipping  them when they pleased4  
,but they never whipped much in my      
presence4  ,this work was usually left  
until ,i had dismissed the hands4 ,on   
the  plantations1 the masters chose to  
have the slaves whipped in the  presence
 of all the hands1 to strike them with  
terror4    ,,vi4 ,,runaways    ,numbers 
of poor slaves run away from their      
masters2 some of whom  doubtless perish 
in the swamps and other secret places1  
rather than  return back again to their 
masters2 others stay away until they    

almost  famish with hunger1 and then    
return home rather than die1 while      
others  who abscond are caught by the   
negro-hunters1 in various ways4         
,sometimes the master will hire some of 
his most trusty negroes to  secure any  
stray negroes1 who come on to their     
plantations1 for many  come at night to 
beg food of their friends on the        
plantations4 ,the  slaves assist one    
another usually when they can1 and not  
be found out  in it4 ,the master can now
 and then1 however1 get some of his     
hands to  betray the runaways4 ,some    
obtain their living in hunting after    
lost  slaves4 ,the most common way is to
 train up young dogs to follow them4    
,this can easily be done by obliging a  
slave to go out into the woods1  and    
climb a tree1 and then put the young dog
 on his track1 and with a  little       
assistance he can be taught to follow   
him to the tree1 and when  found1 of    
course the dog would bark at such game  
as a poor negro on a  tree4 ,there was a

 man living in ,savannah when ,i was    
there1 who kept a  large number of dogs 
for no other purpose than to hunt       
runaway  negroes4 ,and he always had    
enough of this work to do1 for hundreds 
of  runaways are never found1 but could 
he get news soon after one had  fled1 he
 was almost sure to catch him4 ,and this
 fear of the dogs  restrains multitudes 
from running off4    ,when he went out  
on a hunting excursion1 to be gone      
several days1 he  took several persons  
with him1 armed generally with rifles   
and  followed by the dogs4 ,the dogs    
were as true to the track of a negro1   
if one had passed recently1 as a hound  
is to the track of a fox when  he has   
found it4 ,when the dogs draw near to   
their game1 the slave must  turn and    
fight them or climb a tree4 ,if the     
latter1 the dogs will stay  and bark    
until the pursuer come4 ,the blacks     
frequently deceive the  dogs by crossing
 and recrossing the creeks4 ,should the 
hunters who  have no dogs1 start a slave

 from his hiding place1 and the slave   
not  stop at the hunter's call1 he will 
shoot at him1 as soon as he would  at a 
deer4 ,some masters advertise so much   
for a runaway slave1 dead or  alive4 ,it
 undoubtedly gives such more            
satisfaction to know that their         
property is dead1 than to know that it  
is alive without being able to  get it4 
,some slaves run away who never mean to 
be taken alive4 ,i will  mention one4   
,he run off and was pursued by the dogs1
 but having a  weapon with him he       
succeeded in killing two or three of the
 dogs2 but  was afterwards shot4 ,he had
 declared1 that he never would be taken 
alive4 ,the people rejoiced at the death
 of the slave1 but lamented the  death  
of the dogs1 they were such ravenous    
hunters4 ,poor fellow1 he  fought for   
life and liberty like a hero2 but the   
bullets brought him  down4 ,a negro can 
hardly walk unmolested at the           
south4--,every colored  stranger that   
walks the streets is suspected of being 

a runaway slave1  hence he must be      
interrogated by every negro hater whom  
he meets1 and  should he not have a     
pass1 he must be arrested and hurried   
off to  jail4 ,some masters boast that  
their slaves would not be free if they  
could4 ,how little they know of their   
slaves6 ,they are all sighing and       
groaning for freedom4 ,may ,god hasten  
the time6    ,,vii4 ,,confinement ,,at  
,,night4    ,when the slaves have done  
their day's work1 they must be herded   
together like sheep in their yards1 or  
on their plantations4 ,they have  not as
 much liberty as northern men have1 who 
are sent to jail for  debt1 for they    
have liberty to walk a larger yard than 
the slaves  have4 ,the slaves must all  
be at their homes precisely at eight    
o'clock1 ,p4,m4 ,at this hour the drums 
beat in the cities1 as a signal  for    
every slave to be in his den4 ,in the   
country1 the signal is given  by firing 
guns1 or some other way by which they   
may know the hour when  to be at home4  

,after this hour1 the guard in the      
cities1 and patrols  in the country1    
being well armed1 are on duty until     
daylight in the  morning4 ,if they catch
 any negroes during the night without a 
pass1  they are immediately seized and  
hurried away to the guard-house1 or if  
in the country to some place of         
confinement1 where they are kept until  
nine o'clock1 ,a4,m41 the next day1 if  
not called for by that time1 they  are  
hurried off to jail1 and there remain   
until called for by their  master and   
his jail and guard house fees paid4 ,the
 guards and patrols  receive one dollar 
extra for every one they can catch1 who 
has not a  pass from his master1 or     
overseer1 but few masters will give     
their  slaves passes to be out at night 
unless on some special business3        
notwithstanding1 many venture out1      
watching every step they take for  the  
guard or patrol1 the consequence is1    
some are caught almost every  night1 and
 some nights many are taken2 some1      

fleeing after being  hailed by the      
watch1 are shot down in attempting their
 escape1 others  are crippled for life4 
,i find ,i shall not be able to write   
out more at  present4 ,my ministerial   
duties are pressing1 and if ,i delay    
this till  the next mail1 ,i fear it    
will not be in season4 ,your brother for
 those  who are in bonds1    ,,horace   
,,moulton           99     99     99    
99     99        ,,narrative ,,and      
,,testimony ,,of ,,sarah ,m4 ,,grimk4   
,miss ,grimk is a daughter of the late  
,judge ,grimk1 of the ,supreme  ,court  
of ,south ,carolina1 and sister of the  
late ,hon4 ,thomas ,s4 ,grimk4    ,as ,i
 left my native state on account of     
slavery1 and deserted the home  of my   
fathers to escape the sound of the lash 
and the shrieks of  tortured victims1 ,i
 would gladly bury in oblivion the      
recollection of  those scenes with which
 ,i have been familiar2 but this may    
not1 cannot  be2 they come over my      
memory like gory spectres1 and implore  

me with  resistless power1 in the name  
of a ,god of mercy1 in the name of a    
crucified ,savior1 in the name of       
humanity2 for the sake of the           
slaveholder1 as well as the slave1 to   
bear witness to the horrors of  the     
southern prison house4 ,i feel impelled 
by a sacred sense of duty1  by my       
obligations to my country1 by sympathy  
for the bleeding victims  of tyranny and
 lust1 to give my testimony respecting  
the system of  ,american slavery1--to   
detail a few facts1 most of which came  
under my  personal observation4 ,and    
here ,i may premise1 that the actors in 
these tragedies were all men and women  
of the highest respectability1  and of  
the first families in ,south ,carolina1 
and1 with one exception1  citizens of   
,charleston2 and that their cruelties   
did not in the  slightest degree affect 
their standing in society4    ,a        
handsome mulatto woman1 about #ah or #bj
 years of age1 whose  independent spirit
 could not brook the degradation of     

slavery1 was in  the habit of running   
away3 for this offence she had been     
repeatedly  sent by her master and      
mistress to be whipped by the keeper of 
the  ,charleston work-house4 ,this had  
been done with such inhuman severity1   
as to lacerate her back in a most       
shocking manner2 a finger could not  be 
laid between the cuts4 ,but the love of 
liberty was too strong to be            
annihilated by torture2 and1 as a last  
resort1 she was whipped at  several     
different times1 and kept a close       
prisoner4 ,a heavy iron  collar1 with   
three long prongs projecting from it1   
was placed round  her neck1 and a strong
 and sound front tooth was extracted1 to
 serve  as a mark to describe her1 in   
case of escape4 ,her sufferings at this 
time were agonizing2 she could lie in no
 position but on her back1  which was   
sore from scourgings1 as ,i can testify1
 from personal  inspection1 and her only
 place of rest was the floor1 on a      
blanket4  ,these outrages were committed

 in a family where the mistress daily   
read the scriptures1 and assembled her  
children for family worship4  ,she was  
accounted1 and was really1 so far as    
almsgiving was concerned1  a charitable 
woman1 and tender hearted to the poor2  
and yet this  suffering slave1 who was  
the seamstress of the family1 was       
continually  in her presence1 sitting in
 her chamber to sew1 or engaged in her  
other household work1 with her lacerated
 and bleeding back1 her  mutilated      
mouth1 and heavy iron collar1 without1  
so far as appeared1  exciting any       
feelings of compassion4    ,a highly    
intelligent slave1 who panted after     
freedom with ceaseless  longings1 made  
many attempts to get possession of      
himself4 ,for every  offence he was     
punished with extreme severity4 ,at one 
time he was tied  up by his hands to a  
tree1 and whipped until his back was one
 gore of  blood4 ,to this terrible      
infliction he was subjected at intervals
 for  several weeks1 and kept heavily   

ironed while at his work4 ,his master   
one day accused him of a fault1 in the  
usual terms dictated by passion  and    
arbitrary power2 the man protested his  
innocence1 but was not  credited4 ,he   
again repelled the charge with honest   
indignation4 ,his  master's temper rose 
almost to frenzy2 and seizing a fork1 he
 made a  deadly plunge at the breast of 
the slave4 ,the man being far his       
superior in strength1 caught the arm1   
and dashed the weapon on the  floor4    
,his master grasped at his throat1 but  
the slave disengaged  himself1 and      
rushed from the apartment1 having made  
his escape1 he  fled to the woods2 and  
after wandering about for many months1  
living  on roots and berries1 and       
enduring every hardship1 he was arrested
 and  committed to jail4 ,here he lay   
for a considerable time1 allowed        
scarcely food enough to sustain life1   
whipped in the most shocking  manner1   
and confined in a cell so loathsome1    
that when his master  visited him1 he   

said the stench was enough to knock a   
man down4 ,the  filth had never been    
removed from the apartment since the    
poor  creature had been immured in it4  
,although a black man1 such had been    
the effect of starvation and suffering1 
that his master declared he  hardly     
recognized him--his complexion was so   
yellow1 and his hair1  naturally thick  
and black1 had become red and scanty2 an
 infallible  sign of long continued     
living on bad and insufficient food4    
,stripes1  imprisonment1 and the        
gnawings of hunger1 had broken his lofty
 spirit  for a season2 and1 to use his  
master's own exulting expression1 he was
  as humble as a dog4 ,after a time he  
made another attempt to escape1  and was
 absent so long1 that a reward was      
offered for him1 dead or  alive4 ,he    
eluded every attempt to take him1 and   
his master1  despairing of ever getting 
him again1 offered to pardon him if he  
would return home4 ,it is always        
understood that such intelligence will  

reach the runaway2 and accordingly1 at  
the entreaties of his wife and  mother1 
the fugitive once more consented to     
return to his bitter  bondage4 ,i       
believe this was the last effort to     
obtain his liberty4 ,his  heart became  
touched with the power of the gospel2   
and the spirit  which no inflictions    
could subdue1 bowed at the cross of     
,jesus1 and  with the language on his   
lips--the cup that my father hath given 
me1  shall ,i not drink it8 submitted to
 the yoke of the oppressor1 and  wore   
his chains in unmurmuring patience till 
death released him4 ,the  master who    
perpetrated these wrongs upon his slave1
 was one of the  most influential and   
honored citizens of ,south ,carolina1   
and to his  equals was bland1 and       
courteous1 and benevolent even to a     
proverb4    ,a slave who had been       
separated from his wife1 because it best
 suited  the convenience of his owner1  
ran away4 ,he was taken up on the       
plantation where his wife1 to whom he   

was tenderly attached1 then  lived4 ,his
 only object in running away was to     
return to her--no other  fault was      
attributed to him4 ,for this offence he 
was confined in the  stocks six weeks1  
in a miserable hovel1 not weather-tight4
 ,he  received fifty lashes weekly      
during that time1 was allowed food      
barely  sufficient to sustain him1 and  
when released from confinement1 was not 
permitted to return to his wife4 ,his   
master1 although himself a  husband and 
a father1 was unmoved by the touching   
appeals of the  slave1 who entreated    
that he might only remain with his wife1
  promising to discharge his duties     
faithfully2 his master continued        
inexorable1 and he was torn from his    
wife and family4 ,the owner of  this    
slave was a professing ,christian1 in   
full membership with the  church1 and   
this circumstance occurred when he was  
confined to his  chamber during his last
 illness4    ,a punishment dreaded more 
by the slaves than whipping1 unless it  

is  unusually severe1 is one which was  
invented by a female acquaintance  of   
mine in ,charleston--,i heard her say so
 with much satisfaction4 ,it  is        
standing on one foot and holding the    
other in the hand4 ,afterwards  it was  
improved upon1 and a strap was contrived
 to fasten around the  ankle and pass   
around the neck2 so that the least      
weight of the foot  resting on the strap
 would choke the person4 ,the pain      
occasioned by  this unnatural position  
was great2 and when continued1 as it    
sometimes  was1 for an hour or more1    
produced intense agony4 ,i heard this   
same  woman say1 that she had the ears  
of her waiting maid slit for some  petty
 theft4 ,this she told me in the        
presence of the girl1 who was  standing 
in the room4 ,she often had the helpless
 victims of her  cruelty severely       
whipped1 not scrupling herself to wield 
the  instrument of torture1 and with her
 own hands inflict severe  chastisement4
 ,her husband was less inhuman than his 

wife1 but he was  often goaded on by her
 to acts of great severity4 ,in his last
 illness  ,i was sent for1 and watched  
beside his death couch4 ,the girl on    
whom  he had so often inflicted         
punishment1 haunted his dying hours2 and
  when at length the king of terrors    
approached1 he shrieked in utter  agony 
of spirit1 ,oh1 the blackness of        
darkness1 the black imps1 ,i can  see   
them all around me--take them away6 and 
amid such exclamations he  expired4     
,these persons were of one of the first 
families in  ,charleston4    ,a friend  
of mine1 in whose veracity ,i have      
entire confidence1 told me  that about  
two years ago1 a woman in ,charleston   
with whom ,i was well  acquainted1 had  
starved a female slave to death4 ,she   
was confined in a  solitary apartment1  
kept constantly tied1 and condemned to  
the slow  and horrible death of         
starvation4 ,this woman was notoriously 
cruel4 ,to  those who have read the     
narrative of ,james ,williams ,i need   

only say1  that the character of young  
,larrimore's wife is an exact           
description  of this female tyrant1     
whose countenance was ever dressed in   
smiles  when in the presence of         
strangers1 but whose heart was as the   
nether  millstone toward her slaves4    
,as ,i was traveling in the lower       
country in ,south ,carolina1 a number of
  years since1 my attention was suddenly
 arrested by an exclamation of  horror  
from the coachman1 who called out1 ,look
 there1 ,miss ,sarah1  don't you        
see8--,i looked in the direction he     
pointed1 and saw a human  head stuck up 
on a high pole4 ,on inquiry1 ,i found   
that a runaway  slave1 who was outlawed1
 had been shot there1 his head severed  
from  his body1 and put upon the public 
highway1 as a terror to deter slaves    
from running away4    ,on a plantation  
in ,north ,carolina1 where ,i was       
visiting1 ,i happened  one day1 in my   
rambles1 to step into a negro cabin2 my 
compassion was  instantly called forth  

by the object which presented itself4 ,a
 slave1  whose head was white with age1 
was lying in one corner of the hovel2   
he had under his head a few filthy rags 
but the boards were his only  bed1 it   
was the depth of winter1 and the wind   
whistled through every  part of the     
dilapidated building--he opened his     
languid eyes when ,i  spoke1 and in     
reply to my question1 ,what is the      
matter8 ,he said1 ,i  am dying of a     
cancer in my side4--,as he removed the  
rags which  covered the sore1 ,i found  
that it extended half round the body1   
and  was shockingly neglected4 ,i       
inquired if he had any nurse4 ,no1      
missey1 was his answer1 but de people   
7the slaves7 very kind to me1  dey often
 steal time to run and see me and fetch 
me some ting to eat2  if dey did not1 ,i
 might starve4 ,the master and mistress 
of this man1  who had been worn out in  
their service1 were remarkable for their
  intelligence1 and their hospitality   
knew no bounds towards those who  were  

of their own grade in society3 the      
master had for some time held  the      
highest military office in ,north       
,carolina1 and not long previous  to the
 time of which ,i speak1 was the        
,governor of the ,state4    ,on a       
plantation in ,south ,carolina1 ,i      
witnessed a similar case of             
suffering--an aged woman suffering under
 an incurable disease in the  same      
miserably neglected situation4 ,the     
owner of this slave was  proverbially   
kind to her negroes2 so much so1 that   
the planters in the  neighborhood said  
she spoiled them1 and set a bad example1
 which might  produce discontent among  
the surrounding slaves2 yet ,i have seen
 this  woman tremble with rage1 when her
 slaves displeased her1 and heard her   
use language to them which could only be
 expected from an inmate of  ,bridewell2
 and have known her in a gust of passion
 send a favorite  slave to the workhouse
 to be severely whipped4    ,another    
fact occurs to me4 ,a young woman about 

eighteen1 stated some  circumstances    
relative to her young master1 which were
 thought  derogatory to his character2  
whether true or false1 ,i am unable to  
say2 she was threatened with punishment1
 but persisted in affirming  that she   
had only spoken the truth4 ,finding her 
incorrigible1 it was  concluded to send 
her to the ,charleston workhouse and    
have her whipt2  she pleaded in vain for
 a commutation of her sentence1 not so  
much  because she dreaded the actual    
suffering1 as because her delicate mind 
shrunk from the shocking exposure of her
 person to the eyes of brutal  and      
licentious men2 she declared to me that 
death would be preferable2  but her     
entreaties were vain1 and as there was  
no means of escaping  but by running    
away1 she resorted to it as a desperate 
remedy1 for her  timid nature never     
could have braved the perils necessarily
  encountered by fugitive slaves1 had   
not her mind been thrown into a  state  
of despair4--,she was apprehended after 

a few weeks1 by two  slave-catchers1 in 
a deserted house1 and as it was late in 
the evening  they concluded to spend the
 night there4 ,what inhuman treatment   
she  received from them has never been  
revealed4 ,they tied her with cords  to 
their bodies1 and supposing they had    
secured their victim1 soon  fell into a 
deep sleep1 probably rendered more      
profound by  intoxication and fatigue2  
but the miserable captive slumbered not2
 by  some means she disengaged herself  
from her bonds1 and again fled  through 
the lone wilderness4 ,after a few days  
she was discovered in a  wretched hut1  
which seemed to have been long          
uninhabited2 she was  speechless2 a     
raging fever consumed her vitals1 and   
when a physician  saw her1 he said she  
was dying of a disease brought on by    
over  fatigue2 her mother was permitted 
to visit her1 but ere she reached  her1 
the damps of death stood upon her brow1 
and she had only the sad  consolation of
 looking on the death-struck form and   

convulsive agonies  of her child4    ,a 
beloved friend in ,south ,carolina1 the 
wife of a slaveholder1 with  whom ,i    
often mingled my tears1 when helpless   
and hopeless we deplored  together the  
horrors of slavery1 related to me some  
years since the  following circumstance4
    ,on the plantation adjoining her    
husband's1 there was a slave of         
pre-eminent piety4 ,his master was not a
 professor of religion1 but the         
superior excellence of this disciple of 
,christ was not unmarked by  him1 and ,i
 believe he was so sensible of the good 
influence of his  piety that he did not 
deprive him of the few religious        
privileges  within his reach4 ,a planter
 was one day dining with the owner of   
this  slave1 and in the course of       
conversation observed1 that all         
profession  of religion among slaves was
 mere hypocrisy4 ,the other asserted a  
contrary opinion1 adding1 ,i have a     
slave who ,i believe would rather  die  
than deny his ,saviour4 ,this was       

ridiculed1 and the master urged to      
prove the assertion4 ,he accordingly    
sent for this man of ,god1 and          
peremptorily ordered him to deny his    
belief in the ,lord ,jesus ,christ4     
,the slave pleaded to be excused1       
constantly affirming that he would      
rather die than deny the ,redeemer1     
whose blood was shed for him4 ,his      
master1 after vainly trying to induce   
obedience by threats1 had him  terribly 
whipped4 ,the fortitude of the sufferer 
was not to be shaken2  he nobly rejected
 the offer of exemption from further    
chastisement at  the expense of         
destroying his soul1 and this blessed   
martyr died in  consequence of this     
severe infliction4 ,oh1 how bright a gem
 will this  victim of irresponsible     
power be1 in that crown which sparkles  
on the  ,redeemer's brow2 and that many 
such will cluster there1 ,i have not the
  shadow of a doubt4      ,,sarah ,m4   
,,grimk4 ,fort ,lee1 ,bergen ,county1   
,new ,jersey1 #crd ,month1  #bfth1      

#ahcj4            ,,testimony ,,of ,,the
 ,,late ,,rev4 ,,john ,,graham of       
,townsend1 ,mass41 who resided  in ,s4  
,carolina1 from #ahca1 to the latter    
part of #ahcc4 ,mr4 ,graham  graduated  
at ,amherst ,college in #ahbi1 spent    
some time at the  ,theological          
,seminary1 in ,new ,haven1 ,ct41 and    
went to ,south ,carolina1  for his      
health in #ahcj4 ,he resided principally
 on the island of ,st4  ,helena1 ,s4,c41
 and most of the time in the family of  
,james ,tripp1 ,esq41  a wealthy slave  
holding planter4 ,during his residence  
at ,st4 ,helena1  he was engaged as an  
instructer1 and was most of the time the
 stated  preacher on the island4 ,mr4   
,g4 was extensively known in            
,massachusetts2  and his fellow students
 and instructers1 at ,amherst ,college1 
and at  ,yale ,theological ,seminary1   
can bear testimony to his integrity and 
moral worth4 ,the following are extracts
 of letters1 which he wrote  while in   
,south ,carolina1 to an intimate friend 

in ,concord1  ,massachusetts1 who has   
kindly furnished them for publication4  
,,extracts4    ,springfield1 ,st4       
,helena ,isl41 ,s4,c41 ,oct4 #bb1 #ahcb4
    ,last night1 about one o'clock1 ,i  
was awakened by the report of a  musket4
 ,i was out of bed almost instantly4 ,on
 opening my window1 ,i  found the report
 proceeded from my host's chamber4 ,he  
had let off his  pistol1 which he       
usually keeps by him night and day1 at a
 slave1 who  had come into the yard1 and
 as it appears1 had been with one of his
  house servants4 ,he did not hit him4  
,the ball1 taken from a pine tree  the  
next morning1 ,i will show you1 should  
,i be spared by ,providence  ever to    
return to you4 ,the house servant was   
called to the master's  chamber1 where  
he received #ge lashes1 very severe too2
 and ,i could not  only hear every lash1
 but each groan which succeeded very    
distinctly  as ,i lay in my bed4 ,what  
was then done with the servant ,i know  
not4  ,nothing was said of this to me in

 the morning and ,i presume it will     
ever be kept from me with care1 if ,i   
may judge of kindred acts4 ,i  shall    
make no comment4    ,in the same letter1
 ,mr4 ,graham says3--    ,you ask me of 
my hostess--then after giving an idea of
 her character  says3 ,to day1 she has  
,i verily believe laid1 in a very severe
 manner  too1 more than #cjj stripes1   
upon the house servants1 7#ag in        
number47    ,darlington1 ,court ,moons4 
,s4,c4 ,march1 #bhth1 #ahch4    ,i      
walked up to the ,court ,house to day1  
where ,i heard one of the most          
interesting cases ,i ever heard4 ,i say 
interesting1 on account of its  novelty 
to me1 though it had no novelty for the 
people1 as such cases  are of frequent  
occurrence4 ,the case was this3 ,to know
 whether two  ladies1 present in court1 
were white or black4 ,the ladies were   
dressed well1 seemed modest1 and were   
retiring and neat in their look1  having
 blue eyes1 black hair1 and appeared to 
understand much of the  etiquette of    

southern behaviour4    ,a man1 more     
avaricious than humane1 as is the case  
with most of the  rich planters1 laid a 
remote claim to those two modest1       
unassuming1  innocent and free young    
ladies as his property1 with the design 
of  putting them into the field1 and    
thus increasing his ,,stock6 ,as well as
  the people of ,concord are known to be
 of a peaceful disposition1 and  for    
their love of good order1 ,i verily     
believe if a similar trial  should be   
brought forward there and conducted as  
this was1 the good  people would drive  
the lawyers out of the house4 ,such     
would be their  indignation at their    
language1 and at the mean under-handed  
manner of  trying to ruin those young   
ladies1 as to their standing in society 
in  this district1 if they could not    
succeed in dooming them for life to  the
 degraded condition of slavery1 and all 
its intolerable cruelties4  ,oh slavery6
 if statues of marble could curse you1  
they would speak4 ,if  bricks could     

speak1 they would all surely thunder out
 their anathemas  against you1 accursed 
thing6 ,how many white sons and         
daughters have  bled and groaned under  
the lash in this sultry climate1 c4     
,under date of ,march1 #ahcb1 ,mr4 ,g4  
writes1 ,i have been doing what ,i  hope
 never to be called to do again1 and    
what ,i fear ,i have badly  done1 though
 performed to the best of my ability1   
namely1 sewing up a  very bad wound made
 by a wild hog4 ,the slave was hunting  
wild hogs1  when one1 being closely     
pursued1 turned upon his pursuer1 who   
turning  to run1 was caught by the      
animal1 thrown down1 and badly wounded  
in  the thigh4 ,the wound is about five 
inches long and very deep4 ,it was  made
 by the tusk of the animal4 ,the slaves 
brought him to one of the  huts on ,mr4 
,tripp's plantation and made every      
exertion to stop the  blood by filling  
the wound with ashes1 7their remedy for 
stopping  blood7 but finding this to    
fail they came to me 7there being no    

other  white person on the plantation1  
as it is now holidays7 to know if ,i    
could stop the blood4 ,i went and found 
that the poor creature must  bleed to   
death unless it could be stopped soon4  
,i called for a needle  and succeeded in
 sewing it up as well as ,i could1 and  
in stopping the  blood4 ,in a short time
 his master1 who had been sent for came2
 and  oh1 you would have shuddered if   
you had heard the awful oaths that  fell
 from his lips1 threatening in the same 
breath to pay him for  that6 ,i left him
 as soon as decency would permit1 with  
his hearty  thanks that ,i had saved him
 #ejj6 ,oh1 may heaven protect the poor1
  suffering1 fainting slave1 and show   
his master his wanton cruelty--oh       
slavery6 slavery6    ,under date of     
,july1 #ahcb1 ,mr4 ,g4 writes1 ,i wish  
you could have been  at the breakfast   
table with me this morning to have seen 
and heard  what ,i saw and heard1 not   
that ,i wish your ear and heart and soul
  pained as mine is1 with every day's   

observation 'of wrong and outrage'  with
 which this place is filled1 but that   
you might have auricular and  ocular    
evidence of the cruelty of slavery1 of  
cruelties that mortal  language can     
never describe--that you might see the  
tender mercies of  a hardened           
slaveholder1 one who bears the name of  
being one of the  mildest and most      
merciful masters of which this island   
can boast4 ,oh1  my friend1 another is  
screaming under the lash1 in the        
shed-room1 but  for what ,i know not4   
,the scene this morning was truly       
distressing to  me4 ,it was             
this3--,after the blessing was asked at 
the breakfast  table1 one of the        
servants1 a woman grown1 in giving one  
of the  children some molasses1 happened
 to pour out a little more than usual1  
though not more than the child usually  
eats4 ,her master was angry at  the     
petty and indifferent mistake1 or slip  
of the hand4 ,he rose from  the table1  
took both of her hands in one of his1   

and with the other  began to beat her1  
first on one side of her head and then  
on the  other1 and repeating this1 till1
 as he said on sitting down at table1   
it hurt his hand too much to continue it
 longer4 ,he then took off his  shoe1   
and with the heel began in the same     
manner as with his hand1  till the poor 
creature could no longer endure it      
without screeches and  raising her elbow
 as it is natural to ward off the blows4
 ,he then  called a great overgrown     
negro to hold her hands behind her while
 he  should wreak his vengeance upon the
 poor servant4 ,in this position he     
began again to beat the poor suffering  
wretch4 ,it now became  intolerable to  
bear2 she fell1 screaming to me for     
help4 ,after she  fell1 he beat her     
until ,i thought she would have died in 
his hands4  ,she got up1 however1 went  
out and washed off the blood and came in
  before we rose from table1 one of the 
most pitiable objects ,i ever saw  till 
,i came to the ,south4 ,her ears were   

almost as thick as my hand1  her eyes   
awfully blood-shotten1 her lips1 nose1  
cheeks1 chin1 and  whole head swollen so
 that no one would have known it was    
,etta--and  for all this1 she had to    
turn round as she was going out and     
thank  her master6 ,now1 all this was   
done while ,i was sitting at breakfast  
with the rest of the family4 ,think you 
not ,i wished myself sitting  with the  
peaceful and happy circle around your   
table8 ,think of my  feelings1 but pity 
the poor negro slave1 who not only fans 
his cruel  master when he eats and      
sleeps1 but bears the stripes his       
caprice may  inflict4 ,think of this1   
and let heaven hear your prayers4    ,in
 a letter dated ,st4 ,helena ,island1   
,s4,c41 ,dec4 #c1 #ahcb1 ,mr4 ,g4       
writes1 ,if a slave here complains to   
his master1 that his task is too  great1
 his master at once calls him a         
scoundrel and tells him it is  only     
because he has not enough to do1 and    
orders the driver to  increase his task1

 however unable he may be for the       
performance of it4  ,i saw              
,,twenty-,,seven whipped at one time    
just because they did not do  more1 when
 the poor creatures were so tired that  
they could scarcely  drag one foot after
 the other4          ,,testimony ,,of   
,,mr4 ,,william ,,poe      ,mr4 ,poe is 
a native of ,richmond1 ,virginia1 and   
was formerly a  slaveholder4 ,he was for
 several years a merchant in ,richmond1 
and  subsequently in ,lynchburg1        
,virginia4 ,a few years since1 he       
emancipated  his slaves1 and removed to 
,hamilton ,county1 ,ohio1 near          
,cincinnati2  where he is a highly      
respected ruling elder in the           
,presbyterian  church4 ,he says1--    ,i
 am pained exceedingly1 and nothing but 
my duty to ,god1 to the  oppressors1 and
 to the poor down-trodden slaves1 who go
 mourning all  their days1 could move me
 to say a word4 ,i will state to you a  
few  cases of the abuse of the slaves1  
but time would fail1 if ,i had  language

 to tell how many and great are the     
inflictions of slavery1  even in its    
mildest form4    ,benjamin ,james       
,harris1 a wealthy tobacconist of       
,richmond1 ,virginia1  whipped a slave  
girl fifteen years old to death4 ,while 
he was whipping  her1 his wife heated a 
smoothing iron1 put it on her body in   
various  places1 and burned her         
severely4 ,the verdict of the coroner's 
inquest  was1 ,died of excessive        
whipping4 ,he was tried in ,richmond1   
and  acquitted4 ,i attended the trial4  
,some years after1 this same ,harris    
whipped another slave to death4 ,the man
 had not done so much work as  was      
required of him4 ,after a number of     
protracted and violent  scourgings1 with
 short intervals between1 the slave died
 under the  lash4 ,harris was tried1 and
 again acquitted1 because none but      
blacks  saw it done4 ,the same man      
afterwards whipped another slave        
severely1  for not doing work to please 
him4 ,after repeated and severe         

floggings  in quick succession1 for the 
same cause1 the slave1 in despair of    
pleasing him1 cut off his own hand4     
,harris soon after became a  bankrupt1  
went to ,new ,orleans to recruit his    
finances1 failed1 removed  to ,kentucky1
 became a maniac1 and died4    ,a       
captain in the ,united ,states' ,navy1  
who married a daughter of the  collector
 of the port of ,richmond1 and resided  
there1 became offended  with his negro  
boy1 took him into the meat house1 put  
him upon a  stool1 crossed his hands    
before him1 tied a rope to them1 threw  
it  over a joist in the building1 drew  
the boy up so that he could just  stand 
on the stool with his toes1 and kept him
 in that position1  flogging him        
severely at intervals1 until the boy    
became so exhausted  that he reeled off 
the stool1 and swung by his hands until 
he died4  ,the master was tried and     
acquitted4    ,in ,goochland ,county1   
,virginia1 an overseer tied a slave to a
 tree1  flogged him again and again with

 great severity1 then piled brush       
around him1 set it on fire1 and burned  
him to death4 ,the overseer was  tried  
and imprisoned4 ,the whole transaction  
may be found on the  records of the     
court4    ,in traveling1 one day1 from  
,petersburg to ,richmond1 ,virginia1 ,i 
heard  cries of distress at a distance1 
on the road4 ,i rode up1 and found two  
white men1 beating a slave4 ,one of them
 had hold of a rope1 which was  passed  
under the bottom of a fence2 the other  
end was fastened around  the neck of the
 slave1 who was thrown flat on the      
ground1 on his face1  with his back     
bared4 ,the other was beating him       
furiously with a large  hickory4    ,a  
slaveholder in ,henrico ,county1        
,virginia1 had a slave who used         
frequently to work for my father4 ,one  
morning he came into the field  with his
 back completely cut up1 and mangled    
from his head to his  heels4 ,the man   
was so stiff and sore he could scarcely 
walk4 ,this same  person got offended   

with another of his slaves1 knocked him 
down1 and  struck out one of his eyes   
with a maul4 ,the eyes of several of his
  slaves were injured by similar        
violence4    ,in ,richmond1 ,virginia1 a
 company occupied as a dwelling a large 
warehouse4 ,they got angry with a negro 
lad1 one of their slaves1 took  him into
 the cellar1 tied his hands with a rope1
 bored a hole though  the floor1 and    
passed the rope up through it4 ,some of 
the family drew  up the boy1 while      
others whipped4 ,this they continued    
until the boy  died4 ,the warehouse was 
owned by a ,mr4 ,whitlock1 on the scite 
of one  formerly owned by a ,mr4        
,philpot4    ,joseph ,chilton1 a        
resident of ,campbell ,county1          
,virginia1 purchased a  quart of        
tanners' oil1 for the purpose1 as he    
said1 of putting it on  one of his      
negro's heads1 that he had sometime     
previous pitched or  tarred over1 for   
running away4    ,in the town of        
,lynchburg1 ,virginia1 there was a negro

 man put in  prison1 charged with having
 pillaged some packages of goods1 which 
he1  as head man of a boat1 received at 
,richmond1 to be delivered at           
,lynchburg4 ,the goods belonged to      
,a4,b4 ,nichols1 of ,liberty1 ,bedford  
,county1 ,virginia4 ,he came to         
,lynchburg1 and desired the jailor to   
permit him to whip the negro1 to make   
him confess1 as there was no  proof     
against him4 ,mr4 ,williams1 7,i think  
that is his name17 a pious  ,methodist  
man1 a great stickler for law and good  
order1 professedly a  great friend to   
the black man1 delivered the negro into 
the hands of  ,nichols4 ,nichols told me
 that he took the slave1 tied his wrists
  together1 then drew his arms down so  
far below his knees as to permit  a     
staff to pass above the arms under the  
knees1 thereby placing the  slave in a  
situation that he could not move hand or
 foot4 ,he then  commenced his bloody   
work1 and continued1 at intervals1 until
 #ejj  blows were inflicted4 ,i received

 this statement from ,nichols himself1  
who was1 by the way1 a son of the land  
of steady habits1 where  there are many 
like him1 if we may judge from their    
writings1 sayings1  and doings4         
,,privations ,,of ,,the ,,slaves4       
,i4 ,,food4    ,we begin with the food  
of the slaves1 because if they are ill  
treated in this respect we may be sure  
that they will be ill treated  in other 
respects1 and generally in a greater    
degree4 ,for a man  habitually to stint 
his dependents in their food1 is the    
extreme of  meanness and cruelty1 and   
the greatest evidence he can give of    
utter  indifference to their comfort4   
,the father who stints his children or  
domestics1 or the master his            
apprentices1 or the employer his        
laborers1 or the officer his soldiers1  
or the captain his crew1 when  able to  
furnish them with sufficient food1 is   
every where looked upon  as unfeeling   
and cruel4 ,all mankind agree to call   
such a character  inhuman4 ,if any thing

 can move a hard heart1 it is the appeal
 of  hunger4 ,the ,arab robber whose    
whole life is a prowl for plunder1 will 
freely divide his camel's milk with the 
hungry stranger who halts at  his tent  
door1 though he may have just waylaid   
him and stripped him of  his money4     
,even savages take pity on hunger4 ,who 
ever went famishing  from an ,indian's  
wigwam8 ,as much as hunger craves1 is   
the ,indian's  free gift even to an     
enemy4 ,the necessity for food is such a
 universal  want1 so constant1 manifest 
and imperative1 that the heart is more  
touched with pity by the plea of hunger1
 and more ready to supply that  want    
than any other4 ,he who can habitually  
inflict on others the pain  of hunger by
 giving them insufficient food1 can     
habitually inflict on  them any other   
pain4 ,he can kick and cuff and flog and
 brand them1 put  them in irons or the  
stocks1 can overwork them1 deprive them 
of sleep1  lacerate their backs1 make   
them work without clothing1 and sleep   

without covering4    ,other cruelties   
may be perpetrated in hot blood and the 
acts regretted  as soon as done--the    
feeling that prompts them is not a      
permanent  state of mind1 but a violent 
impulse stung up by sudden provocation4 
,but he who habitually withholds from   
his dependents sufficient  sustenance1  
can plead no such palliation4 ,the fact 
itself shows1 that  his permanent state 
of mind toward them is a brutal         
indifference to  their wants and        
sufferings--,a state of mind which will 
naturally1  necessarily1 show itself in 
innumerable privations and inflictions  
upon them1 when it can be done with     
impunity4    ,if1 therefore1 we find    
upon examination1 that the slaveholders 
do not  furnish their slaves with       
sufficient food1 and do thus habitually 
inflict upon them the pain of hunger1 we
 have a clue furnished to  their        
treatment in other respects1 and may    
fairly infer habitual and  severe       
privations and inflictions2 not merely  

from the fact that men  are quick to    
feel for those who suffer from hunger1  
and perhaps more  ready to relieve that 
want than any other2 but also1 because  
it is  more for the interest of the     
slaveholder to supply that want than any
  other2 consequently1 if the slave     
suffer in this respect1 he must as  the 
general rule1 suffer more in other      
respects4    ,we now proceed to show    
that the slaves have insufficient food4 
,this  will be shown first from the     
express declarations of slaveholders1   
and  other competent witnesses who are1 
or have been residents of slave  states1
 that the slaves generally are          
under-fed4 ,and then1 by the  laws of   
slave states1 and by the testimony of   
slaveholders and others1  the kind1     
quantity1 and quality1 of their         
allowance will be given1  and the reader
 left to judge for himself whether the  
slave must not  be a sufferer4          
,,the ,,slaves ,,suffer ,,from          
,,hunger--,,declarations ,,of           

,,slave-,,holders ,,and  ,,others       
,hon4 ,alexander ,smyth1 a slave holder1
 and for ten years1 ,member of          
,congress from ,virginia1 in his speech 
on the ,missouri question4 ,jan  #bhth1 
#ahbj4    ,by confining the slaves to   
the ,southern states1 where crops are   
raised for exportation1 and bread and   
meat are purchased1 you doom  them to   
scarcity and hunger4 ,it is proposed to 
hem in the blacks  where they are ,,ill 
,,fed4      ,rev4 ,george ,whitefield1  
in his letter1 to the slave holders of  
,md4 ,va4  ,n4,c4 ,s4,c4 and ,ga4       
published in ,georgia1 just one hundred 
years ago1  #agci4    ,my blood has     
frequently run cold within me1 to think 
how many of your  slaves have not       
sufficient food to eat2 they are        
scarcely permitted  to pick up the      
crumbs1 that fall from their master's   
table4      ,rev4 ,john ,rankin1 of     
,ripley1 ,ohio1 a native of ,tennessee1 
and for same  years a preacher in slave 
states4    ,thousands of the slaves are 

pressed with the gnawings of cruel      
hunger  during their whole lives4       
,report of the ,gradual ,emancipation   
,society1 of ,north ,carolina1 #ahbf4   
,signed ,moses ,swain1 ,president1 and  
,william ,swain1 ,secretary4            
,speaking of the condition of slaves1 in
 the eastern part of that  state1 the   
report says1--,the master puts the      
unfortunate wretches  upon short        
allowances1 scarcely sufficient for     
their sustenance1 so  that a great part 
of them go half starved much of the     
time4      ,mr4 ,asa ,a4 ,stone1 a      
,theological ,student1 who resided near 
,natchez1  ,miss41 in #ahcd-e4    ,on   
almost every plantation1 the hands      
suffer more or less from hunger  at some
 seasons of almost every year4 ,there is
 always a good deal of  suffering from  
hunger4 ,on many plantations1 and       
particularly in  ,louisiana1 the slaves 
are in a condition of almost utter      
famishment1  during a great portion of  
the year4      ,thomas ,clay1 ,esq41 of 

,georgia1 a ,slaveholder4    ,from      
various causes this the slave's         
allowance of food is often  not adequate
 to the support of a laboring man4      
,mr4 ,tobias ,boudinot1 ,st ,albans1    
,ohio1 a member of the ,methodist       
,church4 ,mr4 ,b4 for some years        
navigated the ,mississippi4    ,the     
slaves down the ,mississippi1 are       
half-starved1 the boats1 when  they stop
 at night1 are constantly boarded by    
slaves1 begging for  something to eat4  
,president ,edwards1 the younger1 in a  
sermon before the ,conn4 ,abolition     
,society1 #agia4    ,the slaves are     
supplied with barely enough to keep them
 from  starving4      ,rev4 ,horace     
,moulton1 a ,methodist ,clergyman of    
,marlboro' ,mass41 who  lived five years
 in ,georgia4    ,as a general thing on 
the plantations1 the slaves suffer      
extremely  for the want of food4        
,rev4 ,george ,bourne1 late editor of   
the ,protestant ,vindicator1 ,n4,y41    
who was seven years pastor of a church  

in ,virginia4    ,the slaves are        
deprived of needful sustenance4      #b4
 ,,kinds ,,of ,,food4    ,hon4 ,robert  
,turnbull1 a slaveholder of ,charleston1
 ,south ,carolina4    ,the subsistence  
of the slaves consists1 from ,march     
until ,august1 of  corn ground into     
grits1 or meal1 made into what is called
 hominy1 or  baked into corn bread4 ,the
 other six months1 they are fed upon the
  sweet potatoe4 ,meat1 when given1 is  
only by way of indulgence or  favor4    
,mr4 ,eleazar ,powell1 ,chippewa1       
,beaver ,co41 ,penn41 who resided in    
,mississippi1 in #ahcf-g4    ,the food  
of the slaves was generally corn bread1 
and sometimes meat  or molasses4        
,reuben ,g4 ,macy1 a member of the      
,society of ,friends1 ,hudson1 ,n4,y41  
who  resided in ,south ,carolina4       
,the slaves had no food allowed them    
besides corn1 excepting at  ,christmas1 
when they had beef4      ,mr4 ,william  
,leftwich1 a native of ,virginia1 and   
recently of ,madison  ,co41 ,alabama1   

now member1 of the ,presbyterian        
,church1 ,delhi1 ,ohio4    ,on my       
uncle's plantation1 the food of the     
slaves1 was corn-pone and a  small      
allowance of meat4      ,,william       
,,ladd1 ,esq41 of ,minot1 ,me41         
president of the ,american ,peace       
,society1 and formerly a slaveholder of 
,florida1 gives the following  testimony
 as to the allowance of food to slaves4 
,the usual food of the slaves was corn1 
with a modicum of salt4 ,in  some cases 
the master allowed no salt1 but the     
slaves boiled the sea  water for salt in
 their little pots4 ,for about eight    
days near  ,christmas1 i4e41 from the   
,saturday evening before1 to the ,sunday
  evening after ,christmas day1 they    
were allowed some meat4 ,they  always   
with one single exception ground their  
corn in a hand-mill1 and  cooked their  
food themselves4      ,extract of a     
letter from ,rev4 ,d4,c4 ,,eastman1 a   
preacher of the  ,methodist ,episcopal  
church1 in ,fayette county1 ,ohio4      

,in ,march1 #ahch1 ,mr4 ,thomas         
,larrimer1 a deacon of the ,presbyterian
  church in ,bloomingbury1 ,fayette     
county1 ,ohio1 ,mr4 ,g4,s4 ,fullerton1  
merchant1 and member of the same church1
 and ,mr4 ,william ,a4 ,ustick1 an      
elder of the same church1 spent a night 
with a ,mr4 ,shepherd1 about #cj  miles 
,north of ,charleston1 ,s4,c41 on the   
,monk's corner road4 ,he owned  five    
families of negroes1 who1 he said1 were 
fed from the same meal  and meat tubs as
 himself1 but that #ij out of a #ajj of 
all the slaves  in that county saw meat 
but once a year1 which was on ,christmas
  holidays4    ,as an illustration of   
the inhuman experiments sometimes tried 
upon  slaves1 in respect to the kind as 
well as the quality and quantity  of    
their food1 we solicit the attention of 
the reader to the testimony  of the late
 ,general ,wade ,hampton1 of ,south     
,carolina4 ,general ,hampton  was for   
some time commander in chief of the army
 on the ,canada  frontier during the    

last war1 and at the time of his death1 
about  three years since1 was the       
largest slaveholder in the ,united      
,states4  ,the ,general's testimony is  
contained in the following extract of a 
letter1 just received from a            
distinguished clergyman in the west1    
extensively known both as a preacher and
 a writer4 ,his name is with  the       
executive committee of the ,american    
,anti-,slavery ,society4    ,you refer  
in your letter to a statement made to   
you while in this  place1 respecting the
 late ,general ,wade ,hampton1 of ,south
 ,carolina1  and task me to write out   
for you the circumstances of the        
case--considering them well calculated  
to illustrate two points in the  history
 of slavery3 #ast1 ,that the habit of   
slaveholding dreadfully  blunts the     
feelings toward the slave1 producing    
such insensibility  that his sufferings 
and death are regarded with             
indifference4 #b;d1 ,that  the slave    
often has insufficient food1 both in    

quantity and quality4    ,i received my 
information from a lady in the west of  
high  respectability and great moral    
worth1--but think it best to withhold   
her name1 although the statement was not
 made in confidence4    ,my informant   
stated that she sat at dinner once in   
company with  ,general ,wade ,hampton1  
and several others2 that the            
conversation turned  upon the treatment 
of their servants1 c42 when the ,general
 undertook  to entertain the company    
with the relation of an experiment he   
had  made in the feeding of his slaves  
on cotton seed4 ,he said that he  first 
mingled one-fourth cotton seed with     
three-fourths corn1 on which  they      
seemed to thrive tolerably well2 that he
 then had measured out to  them equal   
quantities of each1 which did not seem  
to produce any  important change2       
afterwards he increased the quantity of 
cotton seed  to three-fourths1 mingled  
with one-fourth corn1 and then he       
declared1  with an oath1 that 'they died

 like rotten sheep66' ,it is but justice
  to the lady to state that she spoke of
 his conduct with the utmost            
indignation2 and she mentioned also that
 he received no countenance  from the   
company present1 but that all seemed to 
look at each other  with astonishment4  
,i give it to you just as ,i received it
 from one who  was present1 and whose   
character for veracity is               
unquestionable4    ,it is proper to add 
that ,i had previously formed an        
acquaintance with  ,dr4 ,witherspoon1   
now of ,alabama1 if alive2 whose former 
residence was  in ,south ,carolina2 from
 whom ,i received a particular account  
of the  manner of feeding and treating  
slaves on the plantations of ,general   
,wade ,hampton1 and others in the same  
part of the ,state2 and certainly  no   
one could listen to the recital without 
concluding that such  masters and       
overseers as he described must have     
hearts like the nether  millstone4 ,the 
cotton seed experiment ,i had heard of  

before also1 as  having been made in    
other parts of the south2 consequently1 
,i was  prepared to receive as true the 
above statement1 even if ,i had not     
been so well acquainted with the high   
character of my informant4      #b4     
,,quantity ,,of ,,food    ,the legal    
allowance of food for slaves in ,north  
,carolina1 is in the  words of the law1 
a quart of corn per day4 ,see ,haywood's
 ,manual1  #ebe4 ,the legal allowance in
 ,louisiana is more1 a barrel flour     
barrel  of corn1 7in the ear17 or its   
equivalent in other grain1 and a pint of
  salt a month4 ,in the other slave     
states the amount of food for the       
slaves is left to the option of the     
master4      ,thos4 ,clay1 ,esq41 of    
,georgia1 a slave holder1 in his address
 before  the ,georgia ,presbytery1      
#ahcc4    ,the quantity allowed by      
custom is a peck of corn a week6        
,the ,maryland ,journal1 and ,baltimore 
,advertiser1 ,may #cj1 #aghh4    ,a     
single peck of corn a week1 or the like 

measure of rice1 is the  ordinary       
quantity of provision for a hard-working
 slave2 to which  a small quantity of   
meat is occasionally1 though rarely1    
added4      ,w4,c4 ,gildersleeve1 ,esq41
 a native of ,georgia1 and ,elder in the
  ,presbyterian ,church1 ,wilksbarre1   
,penn4    ,the weekly allowance to grown
 slaves on this plantation1 where ,i was
  best acquainted1 was one peck of corn4
      ,wm4 ,ladd1 of ,minot1 ,maine1    
formerly a slaveholder in ,florida4     
,the usual allowance of food was one    
quart of corn a day1 to a full  task    
hand1 with a modicum of salt2 kind      
masters allowed a peck of  corn a week2 
some masters allowed no salt4      ,mr4 
,jarvis ,brewster1 in his ,exposition of
 the treatment of slaves in  the        
,southern ,states1 published in ,n4     
,jersey1 #ahae4    ,the allowance of    
provisions for the slaves1 is one peck  
of corn1 in  the grain1 per week4       
,rev4 ,horace ,moulton1 a ,methodist    
,clergyman of ,marlboro1 ,mass41 who    

lived five years in ,georgia4    ,in    
,georgia the planters give each slave   
only one peck of their gourd  seed corn 
per week1 with a small quantity of salt4
      ,mr4 ,f4,c4 ,macy1 ,nantucket1    
,mass41 who resided in ,georgia in      
#ahbj4    ,the food of the slaves was   
three pecks of potatos a week during the
  potato season1 and one peck of corn1  
during the remainder of the  year4      
,mr4 ,nehemiah ,caulkins1 a member of   
the ,baptist ,church in ,waterford1     
,conn41 who resided in ,north ,carolina1
 eleven winters4    ,the subsistence of 
the slaves1 consists of seven quarts of 
meal or  eight quarts of small rice for 
one week6      ,william ,savery1 late of
 ,philadelphia1 an eminent ,minister of 
the  ,society of ,friends1 who travelled
 extensively in the slave states1 on  a 
,religious ,visitation1 speaking of the 
subsistence of the slaves1  says1 in his
 published ,journal1    ,a peck of corn 
is their 7the slaves17 miserable        
subsistence for a  week4      ,the late 

,john ,parrish1 of ,philadelphia1       
another highly respected  ,minister of  
the ,society of ,friends1 who traversed 
the ,south1 on a  similar mission1 in   
#ahjd and #e1 says in his ,remarks on   
the slavery of  ,blacks2    ,they allow 
them but one peck of meal1 for a whole  
week1 in some of  the ,southern states4 
,richard ,macy1 ,hudson1 ,n4,y4 a       
,member of the ,society of ,friends1 who
 has  resided in ,georgia4    ,their    
usual allowance of food was one peck of 
corn per week1 which  was dealt out to  
them every first day of the week4 ,they 
had nothing  allowed them besides the   
corn1 except one quarter of beef at     
,christmas4      ,rev4 ,c4,s4 ,renshaw1 
of ,quincy1 ,ill41 7the testimony of a  
,virginian74    ,the slaves are         
generally allowanced3 a pint of corn    
meal and a salt  herring is the         
allowance1 or in lieu of the herring a  
dab of fat  meat of about the same      
value4 ,i have known the sour milk1 and 
clauber  to be served out to the hands1 

when there was an abundance of milk on  
the plantation4 ,this is a luxury not   
often afforded4      ,testimony of ,mr4 
,george ,w4 ,westgate1 member of the    
,congregational  ,church1 of ,quincy1   
,illinois4 ,mr4 ,w4 has been engaged in 
the low  country trade for twelve years1
 more than half of each year1           
principally on the ,mississippi1 and its
 tributary streams in the  south-western
 slave states4    ,feeding is not       
sufficient1--let facts speak4 ,on the   
coast1 i4e4  ,natchez and the ,gulf of  
,mexico1 the allowance was one barrel of
 ears  of corn1 and a pint of salt per  
month4 ,they may cook this in what      
manner they please1 but it must be done 
after dark2 they have no day  light to  
prepare it by4 ,some few planters1 but  
only a few1 let them  prepare their corn
 on ,saturday afternoon4 ,planters1     
overseers1 and  negroes1 have told me1  
that in pinching times1 i4e4 when corn  
is  high1 they did not get near that    
quantity4 ,in ,miss41 ,i know some      

planters who allowed their hands three  
and a half pounds of meat per  week1    
when it was cheap4 ,many prepare their  
corn on the ,sabbath1 when  they are not
 worked on that day1 which however is   
frequently the case  on sugar           
plantations4 ,there are very many       
masters on the coast who  will not      
suffer their slaves to come to the      
boats1 because they steal  molasses to  
barter for meat2 indeed they generally  
trade more or less  with stolen         
property4 ,but it is impossible to find 
out what and when1  as their articles of
 barter are of such trifling importance4
 ,they  would often come on board our   
boats to beg a bone1 and would tell how 
badly they were fed1 that they were     
almost starved2 many a time ,i have  set
 up all night1 to prevent them from     
stealing something to eat4      #c4     
,,quality ,,of ,,food4    ,having       
ascertained the kind and quantity of    
food allowed to the  slaves1 it is      
important to know something of its      

quality1 that we  may judge of the      
amount of sustenance which it contains4 
,for1 if their  provisions are of an    
inferior quality1 or in a damaged state1
 their  power to sustain labor must be  
greatly diminished4      ,thomas ,clay1 
,esq4 of ,georgia1 from an address to   
the ,georgia  ,presbytery1 #ahcd1       
speaking of the quality of the corn     
given to the  slaves1 says1    ,there is
 often a defect here4      ,rev4 ,horace
 ,moulton1 a ,methodist clergyman at    
,marlboro1 ,mass4 and  five years a     
resident of ,georgia4    ,the food1 or  
'feed' of slaves is generally of the    
poorest kind4      ,the ,western        
,medical ,reformer1 in an article on the
 diseases peculiar  to negroes1 by a    
,kentucky physician1 says of the diet of
 the slaves2    ,they live on a coarse1 
crude1 unwholesome diet4      ,professor
 ,a4,g4 ,smith1 of the ,new ,york       
,medical ,college2 formerly a  physician
 in ,louisville1 ,kentucky4    ,i have  
myself known numerous instances of large

 families of badly  fed negroes swept   
off by a prevailing epidemic2 and it is 
well known  to many intelligent planters
 in the south1 that the best method of  
preventing that horrible malady1        
,chachexia ,africana1 is to feed the    
negroes with nutritious food4      #d4  
,,number ,,and ,,time ,,of ,,meals      
,,each ,,day4    ,in determining whether
 or not the slaves suffer for want of   
food1 the  number of hours intervening1 
and the labor performed between their   
meals1 and the number of meals each day1
 should be taken into  consideration4   
,philemon ,bliss1 ,esq41 a lawyer in    
,elyria1 ,ohio1 and member of the       
,presbyterian church1 who lived in      
,florida1 in #ahcd1 and #ahce4    ,the  
slaves go to the field in the morning2  
they carry with them corn  meal wet with
 water1 and at noon build a fire on the 
ground and bake  it in the ashes4 ,after
 the labors of the day are over1 they   
take their  second meal of ash-cake4    
,president ,edwards1 the younger4       

,the slaves eat twice during the day4   
,mr4 ,eleazar ,powell1 ,chippewa1       
,beaver county1 ,penn41 who resided in  
,mississippi in #ahcf and #ahcg4    ,the
 slaves received two meals during the   
day4 ,those who have their  food cooked 
for them get their breakfast about      
eleven o'clock1 and  their other meal   
after night4      ,mr4 ,nehemiah        
,caulkins1 ,waterford1 ,conn41 who spent
 eleven winters in  ,north ,carolina4   
,the breakfast of the slaves was        
generally about ten or eleven  o'clock4 
,rev4 ,phineas ,smith1 ,centreville1    
,n4,y41 who has lived at the south some 
years4    ,the slaves have usually two  
meals a day1 viz3 at eleven o'clock  and
 at night4      ,rev4 ,c4,s4 ,renshaw1  
,quincy1 ,illinois--the testimony of a  
,virginian4    ,the slaves have two     
meals a day4 ,they breakfast at from ten
 to  eleven1 ,a4,m41 and eat their      
supper at from six to nine or ten at    
night1 as the season and crops may be4  
,the preceding testimony establishes the

 following points4    #ast4 ,that the   
slaves are allowed1 in general1 no meat4
 ,this appears  from the fact1 that in  
the only slave states which regulate the
  slaves' rations by law1 7,north       
,carolina and ,louisiana17 the legal    
ration contains no meat4 ,besides1 the  
late ,hon4 ,r4,j4 ,turnbull1 one  of the
 largest planters in ,south ,carolina1  
says expressly1 meat1 when  given1 is   
only by the way of indulgence or favor4 
,it is shown also by  the direct        
testimony recorded above1 of            
slaveholders and others1 in  all parts  
of the slaveholding south and west1 that
 the general  allowance on plantations  
is corn or meal and salt merely4 ,to    
this  there are doubtless many          
exceptions1 but they are only           
exceptions2  the number of slaveholders 
who furnish meat for their field-hands1 
is small1 in comparison with the number 
of those who do not4 ,the  house slaves1
 that is1 the cooks1 chambermaids1      
waiters1 c41  generally get some meat   

every day2 the remainder bits and bones 
of  their masters' tables4 ,but that the
 great body of the slaves1 those  that  
compose the field gangs1 whose labor and
 exposure1 and consequent  exhaustion1  
are vastly greater than those of house  
slaves1 toiling as  they do from day    
light till dark1 in the fogs of the     
early morning1  under the scorchings of 
mid-day1 and amid the damps of evening1 
are  in general provided with no meat1  
is abundantly established by the        
preceding testimony4    ,now we do not  
say that meat is necessary to sustain   
men under hard  and long continued      
labor1 nor that it is not4 ,this is not 
a treatise  on dietetics2 but it is a   
notorious fact1 that the medical faculty
 in  this country1 with very few        
exceptions1 do most strenuously insist  
that it is necessary2 and that working  
men in all parts of the country  do     
believe that meat is indispensable to   
sustain them1 even those  who work      
within doors1 and only ten hours a day1 

every one knows4  ,further1 it is       
notorious1 that the slaveholders        
themselves believe  the daily use of    
meat to be absolutely necessary to the  
comfort1 not  merely of those who labor1
 but of those who are idle1 as is proved
 by  the fact of meat being a part of   
the daily ration of food provided for   
convicts in the prisons1 in every one of
 the slave states1 except in  those rare
 cases where meat is expressly          
prohibited1 and the convict  is1 by way 
of extra punishment confined to bread   
and water2 he is  occasionally1 and for 
a little time only1 confined to bread   
and water2  that is1 to the ordinary    
diet of slaves1 with this difference in 
favor of the convict1 his bread is made 
for him1 whereas the slave is  forced to
 pound or grind his own corn and make   
his own bread1 when  exhausted with     
toil4    ,the preceding testimony shows 
also1 that vegetables form generally  no
 part of the slaves' allowance4 ,the    
sole food of the majority is  corn3 at  

every meal--from day to day--from week  
to week--from month  to month1 corn4 ,in
 ,south ,carolina1 ,georgia1 and        
,florida1 the sweet  potato is1 to a    
considerable extent1 substituted for    
corn during a  part of the year4        
#b;d4 ,the preceding testimony proves   
conclusively1 that the quantity of  food
 generally allowed to a full-grown      
field-hand1 is a peck of corn  a week1  
or a fraction over a quart and a gill of
 corn a day4 ,the legal  ration of      
,north ,carolina is less--in ,louisiana 
it is more4 ,of the  slaveholders and   
other witnesses1 who give the fore-going
 testimony1  the reader will perceive   
that no one testifies to a larger       
allowance  of corn than a peck for a    
week2 though a number testify1 that     
within  the circle of their knowledge1  
seven quarts was the usual allowance4   
,frequently a small quantity of meat is 
added2 but this1 as has already  been   
shown1 is not the general rule for      
field-hands4 ,we may add1  also1 that in

 the season of pumpkins1 cimblins1      
cabbages1  greens1 c41 the slaves on    
small plantations are1 to some extent1  
furnished with those articles4    ,now1 
without entering upon the vexed question
 of how much food is  necessary to      
sustain the human system1 under severe  
toil and exposure1  and without giving  
the opinions of physiologists as to the 
insufficiency or sufficiency of the     
slaves' allowance1 we affirm that  all  
civilized nations have1 in all ages1 and
 in the most emphatic  manner1 declared1
 that eight quarts of corn a week1 7the 
usual  allowance of our slaves17 is     
utterly insufficient to sustain the     
human  body1 under such toil and        
exposure as that to which the slaves are
  subjected4    ,to show this fully1 it 
will be necessary to make some          
estimates1 and  present some statistics4
 ,and first1 the northern reader must   
bear in  mind1 that the corn furnished  
to the slaves at the south1 is almost   
invariably the white gourd seed corn1   

and that a quart of this kind  of corn  
weighs five or six ounces less than a   
quart of flint corn1  the kind generally
 raised in the northern and eastern     
states2  consequently a peck of the corn
 generally given to the slaves1 would   
be only equivalent to a fraction more   
than six quarts and a pint of  the corn 
commonly raised in the ,new ,england    
,states1 ,new ,york1 ,new  ,jersey1 c4  
,now1 what would be said of the northern
 capitalist1 who  should allow his      
laborers but six quarts and five gills  
of corn for a  week's provisions8       
,further1 it appears in evidence1 that  
the corn given to the slaves is  often  
defective4 ,this1 the reader will       
recollect1 is the voluntary  testimony  
of ,thomas ,clay1 ,esq41 the ,georgia   
planter1 whose testimony  is given      
above4 ,when this is the case1 the      
amount of actual nutriment  contained in
 a peck of the gourd seed1 may not be   
more than in five1  or four1 or even    
three quarts of flint corn4    ,as a    

quart of southern corn weighs at least  
five ounces less than a  quart of       
northern corn1 it requires little       
arithmetic to perceive1  that the daily 
allowance of the slave fed upon that    
kind of corn1  would contain about one  
third of a pound less nutriment than    
though  his daily ration were the same  
quantity of northern corn1 which would  
amount1 in a year1 to more than a       
hundred and twenty pounds of human      
sustenance6 which would furnish the     
slave with his full allowance of a  peck
 of corn a week for two months6 ,it is  
unnecessary to add1 that  this          
difference in the weight of the two     
kinds of corn1 is an item too  important
 to be overlooked4 ,as one quart of the 
southern corn weighs  one pound and     
eleven-sixteenths of a pound1 it follows
 that it would  be about one pound and  
six-eighths of a pound4 ,we now solicit 
the  attention of the reader to the     
following unanimous testimony1 of the   
civilized world1 to the utter           

insufficiency of this amount of food to 
sustain human beings under labor4 ,this 
testimony is to be found in the  laws of
 all civilized nations1 which regulate  
the rations of soldiers  and sailors1   
disbursements made by governments for   
the support of  citizens in times of    
public calamity1 the allowance to       
convicts in  prisons1 c4 ,we will begin 
with the ,united ,states4    ,the daily 
ration for each ,united ,states soldier1
 established by act of  ,congress1 ,may 
#cj1 #agif4 was the following3 one pound
 of beef1 one  pound of bread1 half a   
gill of spirits2 and at the rate of one 
quart  of salt1 two quarts of vinegar1  
two pounds of soap1 and one pound of    
candles to every hundred rations4 ,to   
those soldiers who were on the          
frontiers1 7where the labor and exposure
 were greater17 the ration  was one     
pound two ounces of beef and one pound  
two ounces of bread4  ,laws ,u4,s4 vol4 
#c;d1 sec4 #aj1 p4 #dca4    ,after an   
experiment of two years1 the preceding  

ration being found  insufficient1 it was
 increased1 by act of ,congress1 ,july  
#af1 #agih1  and was as follows3 beef   
one pound and a quarter1 bread one pound
 two  ounces2 salt two quarts1 vinegar  
four quarts1 soap four pounds1 and      
candles one and a half pounds to the    
hundred rations4 ,the preceding         
allowance was afterwards still further  
increased4    ,the present daily ration 
for the ,united ,states' soldiers1 is1  
as we  learn from an advertisement of   
,captain ,fulton1 of the ,united        
,states'  army1 in a late number of the 
,richmond 7,va47 ,enquirer1 as follows3 
one  and a quarter pounds of beef1 one  
and three-sixteenths pounds of  bread2  
and at the rate of eight quarts of      
beans1 eight pounds of  sugar1 four     
pounds of coffee1 two quarts of salt1   
four pounds of  candles1 and four pounds
 of soap1 to every hundred rations4     
,we have before us the daily rations    
provided for the emigrating ,ottawa     
,indians1 two years since1 and for the  

emigrating ,cherokees last fall4  ,they 
were the same--one pound of fresh beef1 
one pound of flour1 c4    ,the daily    
ration for the ,united ,states' navy1 is
 fourteen ounces of  bread1 half a pound
 of beef1 six ounces of pork1 three     
ounces of rice1  three ounces of peas1  
one ounce of cheese1 one ounce of sugar1
 half an  ounce of tea1 one-third of a  
gill molasses4    ,the daily ration in  
the ,british army is one and a quarter  
pounds of  beef1 one pound of bread1 c4 
,the daily ration in the ,french army is
 one pound of beef1 one and a  half     
pounds of bread1 one pint of wine1 c4   
,the common daily ration for foot       
soldiers on the continent1 is one  pound
 of meat1 and one and a half pounds of  
bread4    ,the sea ration among the     
,portuguese1 has become the usual ration
 in  the navies of ,european powers     
generally4 ,it is as follows3 one and a 
half pounds of biscuit1 one pound of    
salt meat1 one pint of wine1 with  some 
dried fish and onions4    ,,prison      

,,rations4--,before giving the usual    
daily rations of food allowed  to       
convicts1 in the principal prisons in   
the ,united ,states1 we will  quote the 
testimony of the ,american ,prison      
,discipline ,society1 which  is as      
follows3    ,the common allowance of    
food in the penitentiaries1 is          
equivalent to  ,,one ,,pound ,,of       
,,meat1 ,,one ,,pound ,,of ,,bread1     
,,and ,,one ,,pound ,,of ,,vegetables   
,,per  ,,day4 ,it varies a little from  
this in some of them1 but it is         
generally  equivalent to it4 ,first     
,report of ,american ,prison ,discipline
 ,society1  page #ac4    ,the daily     
ration of food to each convict1 in the  
principal prisons in  this country1 is  
as follows3    ,in the ,new ,hampshire  
,state ,prison1 one and a quarter pounds
 of meal1  and fourteen ounces of beef1 
for breakfast and dinner2 and for       
supper1 a soup or porridge of potatos   
and beans1 or peas1 the  quantity not   
limited4    ,in the ,vermont prison1 the

 convicts are allowed to eat as much as 
they wish4    ,in the ,massachusetts'   
penitentiary1 one and a half pounds of  
bread1  fourteen ounces of meat1 half a 
pint of potatos1 and one gill of        
molasses1 or one pint of milk4    ,in   
the ,connecticut ,state ,prison1 one    
pound of beef1 one pound of  bread1 two 
and a half pounds of potatos1 half a    
gill of molasses1 with  salt1 pepper1   
and vinegar4    ,in the ,new ,york      
,state ,prison1 at ,auburn1 one pound of
 beef1 twenty-two  ounces of flour and  
meal1 half a gill of molasses2 with two 
quarts of  rye1 four quarts of salt1 two
 quarts of vinegar1 one and a half      
ounces  of pepper1 and two and a half   
bushels of potatos to every hundred     
rations4    ,in the ,new ,york ,state   
,prison at ,sing ,sing1 one pound of    
beef1 eighteen  ounces of flour and     
meal1 besides potatos1 rye coffee1 and  
molasses4    ,in the ,new ,york ,city   
,prison1 one pound of beef1 one pound of
 flour2  and three pecks of potatos to  

every hundred rations1 with other small 
articles4    ,in the ,new ,jersey ,state
 ,prison1 one pound of bread1 half a    
pound of  beef1 with potatos and        
cabbage1 7quantity not specified17 one  
gill of  molasses1 and a bowl of mush   
for supper4    ,in the late ,walnut     
,street ,prison1 ,philadelphia1 one and 
a half pounds  of bread and meal1 half a
 pound of beef1 one pint of potatos1 one
 gill  of molasses1 and half a gill of  
rye1 for coffee4    ,in the ,baltimore  
prison1 we believe the ration is the    
same with the  preceding4    ,in the    
,pennsylvania ,eastern ,penitentiary1   
one pound of bread and one  pint of     
coffee for breakfast1 one pint of meat  
soup1 with potatos  without limit1 for  
dinner1 and mush and molasses for       
supper4    ,in the ,penitentiary for the
 ,district of ,columbia1 ,washington    
city1 one  pound of beef1 twelve ounces 
of ,indian meal1 ten ounces of wheat    
flour1 half a gill of molasses2 with two
 quarts of rye1 four quarts of  salt1   

four quarts of vinegar1 and two and a   
half bushels of potatos to  every       
hundred rations4    ,,rations ,,in      
,,english ,,prisons4--,the daily ration 
of food in the  ,bedfordshire           
,penitentiary1 is two pounds of bread2  
and if at hard  labor1 a quart of soup  
for dinner4    ,in the ,cambridge       
,county ,house of ,correction1 three    
pounds of bread1  and one pint of beer4 
,in the ,millbank ,general              
,penitentiary1 one and a half pounds of 
bread1  one pound of potatos1 six ounces
 of beef1 with half a pint of broth     
therefrom4    ,in the ,gloucestershire  
,penitentiary1 one and a half pounds of 
bread1  three-fourths of a pint of peas1
 made into soup1 with beef1 quantity    
not stated4 ,also gruel1 made of        
vegetables1 quantity not stated1 and    
one and a half ounces of oatmeal mixed  
with it4    ,in the ,leicestershire     
,house of ,correction1 two pounds of    
bread1 and  three pints of gruel2 and   
when at hard labor1 one pint of milk in 

addition1 and twice a week a pint of    
meat soup at dinner1 instead of  gruel4 
,in the ,buxton ,house of ,correction1  
one and a half pounds of bread1 one  and
 a half pints of gruel1 one and a half  
pints of soup1 four-fifths  of a pound  
of potatos1 and two-sevenths of an ounce
 of beef4    ,notwithstanding the       
preceding daily ration in the ,buxton   
,prison is  about double the usual daily
 allowance of our slaves1 yet the       
visiting  physicians decided1 that for  
those prisoners who were required to    
work  the tread-mill1 it was entirely   
sufficient4 ,this question was          
considered at length1 and publicly      
discussed at the sessions of the  ,surry
 magistrates1 with the benefit of       
medical advice2 which resulted  in large
 additions to the rations of those who  
worked on the  tread-mill4 ,see ,london 
,morning ,chronicle1 ,jan4 #ac1 #ahcj4  
,to the preceding we add the ration of  
the ,roman slaves4 ,the monthly         
allowance of food to slaves in ,rome was

 called ,dimensum4 ,the  ,dimensum was  
an allowance of wheat or of other grain1
 which  consisted of five modii a month 
to each slave4 ,ainsworth1 in his       
,latin ,dictionary estimates the modius1
 when used for the measurement  of      
grain1 at a peck and a half our measure1
 which would make the  ,roman slave's   
allowance two quarts of grain a day1    
just double the  allowance provided for 
the slave by law in ,north ,carolina1   
and six  quarts more per week than the  
ordinary allowance of slaves in the     
slave states generally1 as already      
established by the testimony of         
slaveholders themselves4 ,but it must by
 no means be overlooked that  this      
dimensum1 or monthly allowance1 was far 
from being the sole  allowance of food  
to ,roman slaves4 ,in addition to this1 
they had a  stated daily allowance      
7diarium7 besides a monthly allowance of
  money1 amounting to about a cent a    
day4    ,now without further trenching  
on the reader's time1 we add1 compare   

the preceding daily allowances of food  
to soldiers and sailors in this  and    
other countries2 to convicts in this and
 other countries2 to  bodies of         
emigrants rationed at public expense2   
and finally1 with the  fixed allowance  
given to ,roman slaves1 and we find the 
states of this  ,union1 the slave states
 as well as the free1 the ,united       
,states'  government1 the different     
,european governments1 the old ,roman   
empire1  in fine1 we may add1 the world1
 ancient and modern1 uniting in the     
testimony that to furnish men at hard   
labor from daylight till dark  with but 
#a-a_/b lbs4 of corn per day1 their sole
 sustenance1 is to  ,,murder ,,them ,,by
 ,,piece-,,meal4 ,the reader will       
perceive by examining the  preceding    
statistics that the average daily ration
 throughout this  country and ,europe   
exceeds the usual slave's allowance at  
least a  pound a day2 also that         
one-third of this ration for soldiers   
and  convicts in the ,united ,states1   

and for solders and sailors in ,europe  
is meat1 generally beef2 whereas the    
allowance of the mass of our  slaves is 
corn1 only4 ,further1 the convicts in   
our prisons are  sheltered from the heat
 of the sun1 and from the damps of the  
early  morning and evening1 from cold1  
rain1 c42 whereas1 the great body of    
the slaves are exposed to all of these1 
in their season1 from daylight  till    
dark2 besides this1 they labor more     
hours in the day than  convicts1 as will
 be shown under another head1 and are   
obliged to  prepare and cook their own  
food after they have finished the labor 
of  the day1 while the convicts have    
theirs prepared for them4 ,these1 with  
other circumstances1 necessarily make   
larger and longer draughts upon  the    
strength of the slave1 produce          
consequently greater exhaustion1  and   
demand a larger amount of food to       
restore and sustain the laborer  than is
 required by the convict in his briefer1
 less exposed1 and less  exhausting     

toils4    ,that the slaveholders        
themselves regard the usual allowance of
 food to  slaves as insufficient1 both  
in kind and quantity1 for hard-working  
men1 is shown by the fact1 that in all  
the slave states1 we believe  without   
exception1 white convicts at hard labor1
 have a much  larger allowance of food  
than the usual one of slaves2 and       
generally  more than one third of this  
daily allowance is meat4 ,this          
conviction  of slaveholders shows itself
 in various forms4 ,when persons wish to
  hire slaves to labor on public works1 
in addition to the inducement of  high  
wages held out to masters to hire out   
their slaves1 the  contractors pledge   
themselves that a certain amount of food
 shall be  given the slaves1 taking care
 to specify a larger amount than the    
usual allowance1 and a part of it meat4 
,the following advertisement is an      
illustration4 ,we copy it from the      
,daily ,georgian1 ,savannah1 ,dec4 #ad1 
#ahch4      ,,negroes ,,wanted4    ,the 

,contractors upon the ,brunswick and    
,alatamaha ,canal are desirous to  hire 
a number of prime ,negro ,men1 from the 
#ast ,october next1 for  fifteen months1
 until the #ast ,january1 #ahaj4 ,they  
will pay at the rate  of eighteen       
dollars per month for each prime hand4  
,these negroes will be employed in the  
excavation of the ,canal4 ,they  will be
 provided with three and a half pounds  
of pork or bacon1 and  ten quarts of    
gourd seed corn per week1 lodged in     
comfortable  shantees and attended      
constantly a skilful physician4 ,j4,h4  
,,couper1  ,p4,m4 ,,nightingale4        
,but we have direct testimony to this   
point4 ,the late ,hon4 ,john ,taylor1   
of ,caroline ,co4 ,virginia1 for a long 
time ,senator in ,congress1 and for     
many years president of the             
,agricultural ,society of the ,state1   
says in  his ,agricultural ,essays1 ,no4
 #cj1 page #ig1 ,,bread ,,alone ,,ought 
,,never  ,,to ,,be ,,considered ,a      
,,sufficient ,,diet ,,for ,,slaves      

,,except ,,as ,a ,,punishment4  ,he     
urges upon the planters of ,virginia to 
give their slaves1 in  addition to      
bread1 salt meat and vegetables1 and    
adds1 we shall be  ,,astonished to      
discover upon trial1 that this great    
comfort to them is  a profit to the     
master4    ,the ,managers of the        
,american ,prison ,discipline ,society1 
in their third  ,report1 page #eh1 say1 
,in the ,penitentiaries generally1 in   
the ,united  ,states1 the animal food is
 equal to one pound of meat per day for 
each  convict4    ,most of the actual   
suffering from hunger on the part of the
 slaves1 is  in the sugar and           
cotton-growing region1 where the crops  
are exported  and the corn generally    
purchased from the upper country4 ,where
 this is  the case there cannot but be  
suffering4 ,the contingencies of bad    
crops1 difficult transportation1 high   
prices1 c4 c41 naturally  occasion short
 and often precarious allowances4 ,the  
following extract  from a ,new ,orleans 

paper of ,april #bf1 #ahcg1 affords an  
illustration4  ,the writer in describing
 the effects of the money pressure in   
,mississippi1 says3    ,they1 7the      
planters17 are now left without         
provisions and the means  of living and 
using their industry1 for the present   
year4 ,in this  dilemma1 planters whose 
crops have been from #ajj to #gjj bales1
 find  themselves forced to sacrifice   
many of their slaves in order to get    
the common necessaries of life for the  
support of themselves and the  rest of  
their negroes4 ,in many places1 heavy   
planters compel their  slaves to fish   
for the means of subsistence1 rather    
than sell them at  such ruinous rates4  
,there are at this moment ,,thousands   
,,of ,,slaves in  ,mississippi1 that    
,,know ,,not ,,where ,,the ,,next       
,,morsel ,,is ,,to ,,come ,,from4 ,the  
master must be ruined to save the       
wretches from being ,,starved4          
,,ii4 ,,labor    ,,the ,,slaves ,,are   
,,overworked4    ,this is abundantly    

proved by the number of hours that the  
slaves are  obliged to be in the field4 
,but before furnishing testimony as to  
their hours of labor and rest1 we will  
present the express  declarations of    
slaveholders and others1 that the slaves
 are severely  driven in the field4     
,the ,senate and ,house of              
,representatives of the ,state of ,south
  ,carolina4    ,many owners of slaves1 
and others who have the management of   
slaves1  do confine them so closely at  
hard labor that they have not           
sufficient time for natural rest4--,see 
#b ,brevard's ,digest of the ,laws  of  
,south ,carolina1 #bdc4      ,history of
 ,carolina4--,vol4 ,i1 page #aij4    ,so
 laborious is the task of raising1      
beating1 and cleaning rice1  that had it
 been possible to obtain ,european      
servants in sufficient  numbers1        
thousands and tens of thousands ,,must  
,,have ,,perished4      ,hon4 ,alexander
 ,smyth1 a slaveholder1 and member of   
,congress from  ,virginia1 in his speech

 on the ,missouri question1 ,jan4 #bh1  
#ahbj4    ,is it not obvious that the   
way to render their situation more      
comfortable1 is to allow them to be     
taken where there is not the same       
motive to force the slave to ,,incessant
 ,,toil that there is in the  country   
where cotton1 sugar1 and tobacco are    
raised for exportation4  ,it is proposed
 to hem in the blacks where they are    
,,hard ,,worked1  that they may be      
rendered unproductive and the race be   
prevented from  increasing4 99 99 99    
,the proposed measure would be ,,extreme
 ,,cruelty to the  blacks4 99 99 99 ,you
 would 99 99 99 doom them to ,,hard     
,,labor4      ,travels in ,louisiana1   
translated from the ,french by ,john    
,davies1  ,esq4--,page #ha4    ,at the  
rolling of sugars1 an interval of from  
two to three months1  they work both    
night and day4 ,abridged of their sleep1
 they scarce  retire to rest during the 
whole period4      ,the ,western        
,review1 ,no4 #b1--;article ,agriculture

 of ,louisiana4    ,the work is admitted
 to be severe for the hands1 7slaves17  
requiring  when the process is commenced
 to be pushed night and day4      ,w4,c4
 ,gildersleeve1 ,esq41 a native of      
,georgia1 elder of the  ,presbyterian   
church1 ,wilkesbarre1 ,penn4            
,overworked ,i know they 7the slaves7   
are4      ,mr4 ,asa ,a4 ,stone1 a       
theological student1 near ,natchez1     
,miss41 in #ahcd  and #ahce4    ,every  
body here knows overdriving to be one of
 the most common  occurrences1 the      
planters do not deny it1 except1        
perhaps1 to  northerners4      ,philemon
 ,bliss1 ,esq41 a lawyer of ,elyria1    
,ohio1 who lived in ,florida  in #ahcd  
and #ahce4    ,during the cotton-picking
 season they usually labor in the field 
during the whole of the daylight1 and   
then spend a good part of the  night in 
ginning and baling4 ,the labor required 
is very frequently  excessive1 and      
speedily impairs the constitution4      
,hon4 ,r4,j4 ,turnbull of ,south        

,carolina1 a slaveholder1 speaking of   
the  harvesting of cotton1 says3    ,all
 the pregnant women even1 on the        
plantation1 and weak and  sickly negroes
 incapable of other labour1 are then in 
requisition4      ,,hours ,,of ,,labor  
,,and ,,rest4    ,asa ,a4 ,stone1       
theological student1 a classical teacher
 near ,natchez1  ,miss41 #ahce4    ,it  
is a general rule on all regular        
plantations1 that the slaves be  in the 
field as soon as it is light enough for 
them to see to work1  and remain there  
until it is so dark that they cannot    
see4      ,mr4 ,cornelius ,johnson1 of  
,farmington1 ,ohio1 who lived in        
,mississippi  a part of #ahcg and #ahch4
    ,it is the common rule for the      
slaves to be kept at work fifteen  hours
 in the day1 and in the time of picking 
cotton a certain number  of pounds is   
required of each4 ,if this amount is not
 brought in at  night1 the slave is     
whipped1 and the number of pounds       
lacking is added  to the next day's job2

 this course is often repeated from day 
to day4      ,w4,c4 ,gildersleeve1      
,esq41 ,wilkesbarre1 ,penn1 a native of 
,georgia4 ,it  was customary for the    
overseers to call out the gangs long    
before  day1 say three o'clock1 in the  
winter1 while dressing out the crops2   
such work as could be done by fire light
 7pitch pine was abundant17  was        
provided4      ,mr4 ,william ,leftwich1 
a native of ,virginia and son of a      
slaveholder--he has recently removed to 
,delhi1 ,hamilton ,county1 ,ohio4       
,from dawn till dark1 the slaves are    
required to bend to their  work4        
,mr4 ,nehemiah ,caulkins1 ,waterford1   
,conn41 a resident in ,north ,carolina  
eleven winters4    ,the slaves are      
obliged to work from daylight till dark1
 as long as  they can see4      ,mr4    
,eleazar ,powel1 ,chippewa1 ,beaver     
county1 ,penn41 who lived in            
,mississippi in #ahcf and #ahcg4    ,the
 slaves had to cook and eat their       
breakfast and be in the field by        

daylight1 and continue there till dark4 
,philemon ,bliss1 ,esq41 a lawyer in    
,elyria1 ,ohio1 who resided in ,florida 
in #ahcd and #ahce4    ,the slaves      
commence labor by daylight in the       
morning1 and do not  leave the field    
till dark in the evening4    ,travels in
 ,louisiana1 page #hg4    ,both in      
summer and winter the slave must be in  
the field by the  first dawning of day4 
,mr4 ,henry ,e4 ,knapp1 member of a     
,christian church in ,farmington1 ,ohio1
  who lived in ,mississippi in #ahcg and
 #ahch4    ,the slaves were made to     
work1 from as soon as they could see in 
the  morning1 till as late as they could
 see at night4 ,sometimes they were     
made to work till nine o'clock at night1
 in such work as they could  do1 as     
burning cotton stalks1 c4      ,a ,new  
,orleans paper1 dated ,march #bc1 #ahbf1
 says3 ,to judge from the  activity     
reigning in the cotton presses of the   
suburbs of ,st4 ,mary1  and the late    
hours during which their slaves work1   

the cotton trade  was never more brisk4 
,mr4 ,,george ,w4 ,,westgate1 a member  
of the ,congregational ,church at       
,quincy1 ,illinois1 who lived in the    
south western slaves states a  number of
 years says1 the slaves are driven to   
the field in the  morning about four    
o'clock1 the general calculation is to  
get them  at work by daylight2 the time 
for breakfast is between nine and ten   
o'clock1 this meal is sometimes eaten   
'bite and work1' others allow  fifteen  
minutes1 and this is the only rest the  
slave has while in the  field4 ,i have  
never known a case of stopping for an   
hour1 in  ,louisiana2 in ,mississippi   
the rule is milder1 though entirely     
subject  to the will of the master4 ,on 
cotton plantations1 in cotton picking   
time1 that is from ,october to          
,christmas1 each hand has a certain     
quantity to pick1 and is flogged if his 
task is not accomplished2  their tasks  
are such as to keep them all the while  
busy4    ,the preceding testimony under 

this head has sole reference to the     
actual labor of the slaves in the field4
 ,in order to determine how  many hours 
are left for sleep1 we must take into   
the account1 the time  spent in going to
 and from the field1 which is often at a
 distance of  one1 two and sometimes    
three miles2 also the time necessary for
  pounding1 or grinding their corn1 and 
preparing1 overnight1 their food  for   
the next day2 also the preparation of   
tools1 getting fuel and  preparing it1  
making fires and cooking their suppers1 
if they have  any1 the occasional       
mending and washing of their clothes1 c4
 ,besides  this1 as everyone knows who  
has lived on a southern plantation1 many
  little errands and chores are to be   
done for their masters and  mistresses1 
old and young1 which have accumulated   
during the day and  been kept in reserve
 till the slaves return from the field  
at night4  ,to this we may add that the 
slaves are social beings1 and that      
during the day1 silence is generally    

enforced by the whip of the  overseer or
 driver4#c ,when they return at night1  
their pent up social  feelings will seek
 vent1 it is a law of nature1 and though
 the body  may be greatly worn with     
toil1 this law cannot be wholly stifled4
  ,sharers of the same woes1 they are   
drawn together by strong  affinities1   
and seek the society and sympathy of    
their fellows2 even  tired nature will  
joyfully forego for a time needful rest1
 to  minister to a want of its being    
equally permanent and imperative as  the
 want of sleep1 and as much more        
profound1 as the yearnings of the       
higher nature surpass the instincts of  
its animal appendage4    ,footnote #c3  
,we do not mean that they are not       
suffered to speak1 but1  that1 as       
conversation would be a hindrance to    
labour1 they are  generally permitted to
 indulge in it but little4    ,all these
 things make drafts upon time4 ,to show 
how much of the  slave's time1 which is 
absolutely indispensable for rest and   

sleep1 is  necessarily spent in various 
labors after his return from the field  
at  night1 we subjoin a few testimonies4
      ,mr4 ,,cornelius ,,johnson1       
,farmington1 ,ohio1 who lived in        
,mississippi in  the years #ahcg and    
#ch1 says3    ,on all the plantations   
where ,i was acquainted1 the slaves were
 kept  in the field till dark2 after    
which1 those who had to grind their own 
corn1 had that to attend to1 get their  
supper1 attend to other family  affairs 
of their own and of their master1 such  
as bringing water1  washing1 clothes1 c4
 c41 and be in the field as soon as it  
was  sufficiently light to commence work
 in the morning4      ,mr4 ,,george ,w4 
,,westgate1 of ,quincy1 ,illinois1 who  
has spent several  years in the south   
western slave states1 says3    ,their   
time1 after full dark until four o'clock
 in the morning is  their own2 this fact
 alone would seem to say they have      
sufficient  rest1 but there are other   
things to be considered2 much of their  

making1 mending and washing of clothes1 
preparing and cooking food1  hauling and
 chopping wood1 fixing and preparing    
tools1 and a variety  of little nameless
 jobs must be done between those hours4 
,,philemon ,,bliss1 ,esq4 of ,elyria1   
,ohio1 who resided in ,florida in #ahcd 
and #e1 gives the following testimony3  
,after having finished their field      
labors1 they are occupied till nine  or 
ten o'clock in doing chores1 such as    
grinding corn1 7as all the  corn in the 
vicinity is ground by hand17 chopping   
wood1 taking care of  horses1 mules1 c41
 and a thousand things necessary to be  
done on a  large plantation4 ,if any    
extra job is to be done1 it must not    
hinder  the 'niggers' from their work1  
but must be done in the night4          
,w4,c4 ,,gildersleeve1 ,esq41 a native  
of ,georgia1 an elder of the            
,presbyterian ,church at ,wilkes-barre1 
,pa4 says3    ,the corn is ground in a  
handmill by the slave after his task is 
done--generally there is but one mill on

 the plantation1 and as but  one can    
grind at a time1 the mill is going      
sometimes very late at  night4      ,we 
now present another class of facts and  
testimony1 showing that the  slaves     
engaged in raising the large staples1   
are overworked4    ,in ,september1      
#ahca1 the writer of this had an        
interview with ,,james ,g4  ,,birney1   
,esq41 who then resided in ,kentucky1   
having removed with his  family from    
,alabama the year before4 ,a few hours  
before that  interview1 and on the      
morning of the same day1 ,mr4 ,b4 had   
spent a  couple of hours with ,hon4     
,henry ,clay1 at his residence1 near    
,lexington4 ,mr4 ,birney remarked1 that 
,mr4 ,clay had just told him1 he  had   
lately been led to mistrust certain     
estimates as to the increase  of the    
slave population in the far south       
west--estimates which he had  presented1
 ,i think1 in a speech before the       
,colonization ,society4 ,he  now        
believed1 that the births among the     

slaves in that quarter were  not equal  
to the deaths--and that1 of course1 the 
slave population1  independent of       
immigration from the slave-selling      
states1 was not  sustaining itself4     
,among other facts stated by ,mr4 ,clay1
 was the following1 which we copy       
verbatim from the original memorandum1  
made at the time by ,mr4  ,birney1 with 
which he has kindly furnished us4       
,sept4 #af1 #ahcd4--;,hon4 ,h4 ,clay1 in
 a conversation at his own house1 on    
the subject of slavery1 informed me1    
that ,hon4 ,outerbridge ,horsey1        
formerly a senator in ,congress from the
 state of ,delaware1 and the  owner of a
 sugar plantation in ,louisiana1        
declared to him1 that his  overseer     
worked his hands so closely1 that one of
 the women brought  forth a child whilst
 engaged in the labors of the field4    
,also1 that a few years since1 he was at
 a brick yard in the environs  of ,new  
,orleans1 in which one hundred hands    
were employed2 among them  were from    

twenty to thirty young women1 in the    
prime of life4 ,he was  told by the     
proprietor1 that there had not been a   
child born among  them for the last two 
or three years1 although they all had   
husbands4    ,the preceding testimony of
 ,mr4 ,clay1 is strongly corroborated by
  advertisements of slaves1 by ,courts  
of ,probate1 and by executors           
administering upon the estates of       
deceased persons4 ,some of those        
advertisements for the sale of slaves1  
contain the names1 ages1  accustomed    
employment1 c41 of all the slaves upon  
the plantation of  the deceased4 ,these 
catalogues show large numbers of young  
men and  women1 almost all of them      
between twenty and thirty-eight years   
old2  and yet the number of young       
children is astonishingly small4 ,we    
have  laid aside many lists of this     
kind1 in looking over the newspapers of 
the slaveholding states2 but the two    
following are all we can lay our  hands 
on at present4 ,one is in the ,planter's

 ,intelligencer1  ,alexandria1 ,la41    
,march #bb1 #ahcg1 containing one       
hundred and thirty  slaves2 and the     
other in the ,new ,orleans ,bee1 a few  
days later1 ,april  #h1 #ahcg1          
containing fifty-one slaves4 ,the former
 is a ,probate sale  of the slaves      
belonging to the estate of ,mr4 ,charles
 ,s4 ,lee1 deceased1  and is advertised 
by ,g4,w4 ,keeton1 ,judge of the ,parish
 of ,concordia1  ,la4 ,the sex1 name1   
and age of each slave are contained in  
the  advertisement which fills two      
columns4 ,the following are some of the 
particulars4    ,the whole number of    
slaves is one hundred and thirty4 ,of   
these1  only three are over forty years 
old4 ,there are thirty-five females     
between the ages of sixteen and         
thirty-three1 and yet there are only    
,,thirteen children under the age of    
thirteen years6    ,it is impossible    
satisfactorily to account for such a    
fact1 on any  other supposition1 than   
that these thirty-five females were so  

overworked1 or underfed1 or both1 as to 
prevent child-bearing4    ,the other    
advertisement is that of a ,probate     
sale1 ordered by the  ,court of the     
,parish of ,jefferson--including the    
slaves of ,mr4 ,william  ,gormley4 ,the 
whole number of slaves is fifty-one2 the
 sex1 age1 and  accustomed labors of    
each are given4 ,the oldest of these    
slaves is but  thirty-nine years old3 of
 the females1 thirteen are between the  
ages of sixteen and thirty-two1 and the 
oldest female is but  thirty-eight--and 
yet there are but two children under    
eight years  old6    ,another proof that
 the slaves in the south-western states 
are  over-worked1 is the fact1 that so  
few of them live to old age4 ,a large   
majority of them are old at middle age1 
and few live beyond  fifty-five4 ,in one
 of the preceding advertisements1 out of
 one hundred  and thirty slaves1 only   
three are over forty years old6  ,in the
  other1 out of fifty-one slaves1 only  
two are over thirty-five2 the  oldest is

 but thirty-nine1 and the way in which  
he is designated in  the advertisement1 
is an additional proof1 that what to    
others is  middle age1 is to the slaves 
in the south-west old age3 he is        
advertised as old ,jeffrey4    ,but the 
proof that the slave population of the  
south-west is so  over-worked that it   
cannot supply its own waste1 does not   
rest upon  mere inferential evidence4   
,the ,agricultural ,society of ,baton   
,rouge1  ,la41 in its report1 published 
in #ahbi1 furnishes a labored estimate  
of  the amount of expenditure           
necessarily incurred in conducting a    
well-regulated sugar estate4  ,in this  
estimate1 the annual net loss  of       
slaves1 over and above the supply by    
propagation1 is set down at  ,,two ,,and
 ,a ,,half ,,per ,,cent6  ,the late     
,hon4 ,josiah ,s4 ,johnson1 a member of 
,congress from ,louisiana1 addressed a  
letter to the ,secretary of the  ,united
 ,states' ,treasury1 in #ahcj1          
containing a similar estimate1          

apparently made with great care1 and    
going into minute details4 ,many  items 
in this estimate differ from the        
preceding2 but the estimate of  the     
annual decrease of the slaves on a      
plantation was the same--,,two  ,,and ,a
 ,,half ,,per ,,cent6    ,the following 
testimony of ,rev4 ,dr4 ,channing1 of   
,boston1 who resided  some time in      
,virginia1 shows that the over-working  
of slaves1 to such  an extent as to     
abridge life1 and cause a decrease of   
population1 is  not confined to the far 
south and south-west4    ,i heard of an 
estate managed by an individual who was 
considered as  singularly successful1   
and who was able to govern the slaves   
without  the use of the whip4 ,i was    
anxious to see him1 and trusted that    
some  discovery had been made favorable 
to humanity4 ,i asked him how he was    
able to dispense with corporal          
punishment4 ,he replied to me1 with a   
very determined look1 ',the slaves know 
that the work must be done1  and that it

 is better to do it without punishment  
than with it4'  ,in  other words1 the   
certainty and dread of chastisement were
 so impressed  on them1 that they never 
incurred it4    ,i then found that the  
slaves on this well-managed estate1     
decreased  in number4 ,i asked the      
cause4 ,he replied1 with perfect        
frankness and  ease1 ',the gang is not  
large enough for the estate4'  ,in other
 words1  they were not equal to the work
 of the plantation1 and1 yet were made  
to do it1 though with the certainty of  
abridging life4    ,on this plantation  
the huts were uncommonly convenient4    
,there was an  unusual air of neatness4 
,a superficial observer would have      
called the  slaves happy4 ,yet they were
 living under a severe1 subduing        
discipline1 and were over-worked to a   
degree that shortened  life4--,channing 
on ,slavery1 page #afb1 first edition4  
,,philemon ,,bliss1 ,esq41 a lawyer of  
,elyria1 ,ohio1 who spent some time in  
,florida1 gives the following testimony 

to the over-working of the  slaves3     
,it is not uncommon for hands1 in       
hurrying times1 beside working all  day1
 to labor half the night4 ,this is      
usually the case on sugar  plantations1 
during the sugar-boiling season2 and on 
cotton1 during  its gathering4 ,beside  
the regular task of picking cotton1     
averaging of  the short staple1 when the
 crop is good1 #ajj pounds a day to the 
hand1  the ginning 7extracting the      
seed17 and baling was done in the night4
  ,said ,mr4 ---- to me1 while          
conversing upon the customary labor of  
slaves1 ',i work my niggers in a        
hurrying time till #aa or #ab o'clock at
  night1 and have them up by four in the
 morning4'    ,beside the common        
inducement1 the desire of gain1 to make 
a large  crop1 the desire is increased  
by that spirit of gambling1 so common at
  the south4 ,it is very common to bet  
on the issue of a crop4 ,a4  lays a     
wager that1 from a given number of      
hands1 he will make more  cotton than   

,b4 ,the wager is accepted1 and then    
begins the contest2 and  who bears the  
burden of it8  ,how many tears1 yea1 how
 many broken  constitutions1 and        
premature deaths1 have been the effect  
of this  spirit8  ,from the desperate   
energy of purpose with which the gambler
  pursues his object1 from the passions 
which the practice calls into  exercise1
 we might conjecture many4 ,such is the 
fact4 ,in ,middle  ,florida1 a          
broken-winded negro is more common than 
a broken-winded  horse2 though usually1 
when they are declared unsound1 or when 
their  constitution is so broken that   
their recovery is despaired of1 they    
are exported to ,new ,orleans1 to drag  
out the remainder of their days  in the 
cane-field and sugar house4 ,i would not
 insinuate that all  planters gamble    
upon their crops2 but ,i mention the    
practice as one of  the common          
inducements to 'push niggers4' ,neither 
would ,i assert that  all planters drive
 the hands to the injury of their       

health4 ,i give it  as a general rule in
 the district of ,middle ,florida1 and  
,i have no  reason to think that negroes
 are driven worse there than in other   
fertile sections4 ,people there told me 
that the situation of the  slaves was   
far better than in ,mississippi and     
,louisiana4 ,and from  comparing the    
crops with those made in the latter     
states1 and for  other reasons1 ,i am   
convinced of the truth of their         
statements4      ,,dr4 ,,demming1 a     
gentleman of high respectability1       
residing in ,ashland1  ,richland county1
 ,ohio1 stated to ,professor ,wright1 of
 ,new ,york city1    ,that during a     
recent tour at the south1 while         
ascending the ,ohio  river1 on the      
steamboat ,fame1 he had an opportunity  
of conversing with  a ,mr4 ,dickinson1 a
 resident of ,pittsburg1 in company with
 a number of  cotton-planters and       
slave-dealers1 from ,louisiana1         
,alabama1 and  ,mississippi1 ,mr4       
,dickinson stated as a fact1 that the   

sugar planters  upon the sugar coast in 
,louisiana had ascertained1 that1 as it 
was  usually necessary to employ about  
twice the amount of labor during  the   
boiling season1 that was required during
 the season of raising1  they could1 by 
excessive driving1 day and night1 during
 the boiling  season1 accomplish the    
whole labor with one set of hands4 ,by  
pursuing this plan1 they could afford to
 sacrifice a set of hands  once in seven
 years6 ,he further stated that this    
horrible system was  now practised to a 
considerable extent6 ,the correctness of
 this  statement was substantially      
admitted by the slaveholders then on    
board4    ,the late ,,mr4 ,,samuel      
,,blackwell1 a highly respected citizen 
of ,jersey  city1 opposite the city of  
,new ,york1 and a member of the         
,presbyterian  church1 visited many of  
the sugar plantations in ,louisiana a   
few years  since3 and having for many   
years been the owner of an extensive    
sugar  refinery in ,england1 and        

subsequently in this country1 he had not
 only  every facility afforded him by   
the planters1 for personal inspection   
of all parts of the process of          
sugar-making1 but received from them    
the most unreserved communications1 as  
to their management of their  slaves4   
,mr4 ,b41 after his return1 frequently  
made the following  statement to        
gentlemen of his acquaintance1--,that   
the planters  generally declared to him1
 that they were obliged so to over-work 
their slaves during the sugar-making    
season1 7from eight to ten  weeks17 as  
to use them up in seven or eight years4 
,for1 said they1  after the process is  
commenced1 it must be pushed without    
cessation1  night and day2 and we cannot
 afford to keep a sufficient number of  
slaves to do the extra work at the time 
of sugar-making1 as we could  not       
profitably employ them the rest of the  
year4    ,it is not only true of the    
sugar planters1 but of the slaveholders 
generally throughout the far south and  

south west1 that they believe  it for   
their interest to wear out the slaves by
 excessive toil in  eight or ten years  
after they put them into the field4#d   
,footnote #d3 ,alexander ,jones4 ,esq41 
a large planter in ,west ,feliciana1    
,louisiana1 published a communication in
 the ,north ,carolina ,true  ,american1 
,nov4 #be1 #ahch1 in which1 speaking of 
the horses employed in  the mills on the
 plantations for ginning cotton1 he     
says1 they are  much whipped and jaded2 
and adds1 ,in fact1 this service is so  
severe  on horses1 as to shorten their  
lives in many instances1 if not         
actually kill them in gear4    ,those   
who work one kind of their live stock so
 as to shorten their  lives1 or kill    
them in gear would not stick at doing   
the same thing  to another kind4        
,,rev4 ,,doctor ,,reed1 of ,london1 who 
went through ,kentucky1 ,virginia and   
,maryland in the summer of #ahcd1 gives 
the following testimony3    ,i was told 
confidently and from excellent          

authority1 that recently  at a meeting  
of planters in ,south ,carolina1 the    
question was seriously  discussed       
whether the slave is more profitable to 
the owner1 if well  fed1 well clothed1  
and worked lightly1 or if made the most 
of at  once1 and exhausted in some eight
 years4 ,the decision was in favor of   
the last alternative4 ,that decision    
will perhaps make many shudder4  ,but to
 my mind this is not the chief evil4    
,the greater and original  evil is      
considering the slave as property4 ,if  
he is only property  and my property1   
then ,i have some right to ask how ,i   
may make that  property most available4 
,visit to the ,american ,churches1 by   
,rev4 ,drs4 ,reed and ,mattheson4  ,vol4
 #b p4 #agc4    ,,rev4 ,,john ,o4       
,,choules1 recently pastor of a ,baptist
 ,church at ,new  ,bedford1             
,massachusetts1 now of ,buffalo1 ,new   
,york1 made substantially  the following
 statement in a speech in ,boston4      
,while attending the ,baptist ,triennial

 ,convention at ,richmond1  ,virginia1  
in the spring of #ahce1 as a delegate   
from ,massachusetts1 ,i  had a          
conversation on slavery1 with an officer
 of the ,baptist ,church  in that city1 
at whose house ,i was a guest4 ,i asked 
my host if he did  not apprehend that   
the slaves would eventually rise and    
exterminate  their masters4    ,why1    
said the gentleman1 ,i used to apprehend
 such a catastrophe1  but ,god has made 
a providential opening1 a merciful      
safety valve1  and now ,i do not feel   
alarmed in the prospect of what is      
coming4  ',what do you mean1' said ,mr4 
,choules1 'by providence opening a      
merciful  safety valve8' ,why1 said the 
gentleman1 ,i will tell you2 the slave  
traders come from the cotton and sugar  
plantations of the ,south and  are      
willing to buy up more slaves than we   
can part with4 ,we must keep  a stock   
for the purpose of rearing slaves1 but  
we part with the most  valuable1 and at 
the same time1 the most dangerous1 and  

the demand  is very constant and likely 
to be so1 for when they go to these     
southern states1 the average existence  
,is ,,only ,,five ,,years6    ,monsieur 
,c4,c4 ,,robin1 a highly intelligent    
,french gentleman1 who  resided in      
,louisiana from #ahjb to #ahjf1 and     
published a volume of  travels1 gives   
the following testimony to the          
over-working of the  slaves there3    ,i
 have been a witness1 that after the    
fatigue of the day1 their  labors have  
been prolonged several hours by the     
light of the moon2 and  then1 before    
they could think of rest1 they must     
pound and cook their  corn2 and yet1    
long before day1 an implacable scold1   
whip in hand1  would arouse them from   
their slumbers4 ,thus1 of more than     
twenty  negroes1 who in twenty years    
should have doubled1 the number was     
reduced to four or five4    ,in         
conclusion we add1 that slaveholders    
have in the most public and  emphatic   
manner declared themselves guilty of    

barbarous inhumanity  toward their      
slaves in exacting from them such long  
continued daily  labor4 ,the            
,legislatures of ,maryland1 ,virginia   
and ,georgia1 have  passed laws         
providing that convicts in their state  
prisons and  penitentiaries1 shall be   
employed in work each day in the year   
except  ,sundays1 not exceeding eight   
hours1 in the months of ,november1      
,december1 and ,january2 nine hours1 in 
the months of ,february and  ,october1  
and ten hours in the rest of the year4  
,now contrast this  legal exaction of   
labor from ,,convicts with the exaction 
from slaves  as established by the      
preceding testimony4 ,the reader        
perceives that  the amount of time1 in  
which by the preceding laws of          
,maryland1  ,virginia1 and ,georgia1 the
 convicts in their prisons are required 
to  labor1 is on an average during the  
year but little more than ,,nine        
,,hours daily4 ,whereas1 the laws of    
,south ,carolina permit the master to   

compel his slaves to work ,,fifteen     
,,hours in the twenty-four1 in  summer1 
and ,,fourteen in the winter--which     
would be in winter1 from  daybreak in   
the morning until four hours after      
sunset6--,see #b  ,brevard's ,digest1   
#bdc4    ,the other slave states1 except
 ,louisiana1 have no laws respecting    
the labor of slaves1 consequently if the
 master should work his slaves  day and 
night without sleep till they drop dead1
 he violates no law6    ,the law of     
,louisiana provides for the slaves but  
,,two ,,and ,a ,,half ,,hours  in the   
twenty-four for rest6 ,see law of       
,louisiana1 act of ,july #g  #ahjf1     
,martin's ,digest #f4 #aj--ab4          
,,iii4 ,,clothing4    ,we propose to    
show under this head1 that the clothing 
of the slaves by  day1 and their        
covering by night1 are inadequate1      
either for comfort  or decency4         
,hon4 ,t4,t4 ,bouldin1 a slave-holder1  
and member of ,congress from ,virginia  
in a speech in ,congress1 ,feb4 #af1    

#ahce4    ,mr4 ,bouldin said he knew    
that many negroes had died from exposure
  to weather1 and added1 they are clad  
in a flimsy fabric1 that will  turn     
neither wind nor water4      ,george    
,buchanan1 ,m4,d41 of ,baltimore1 member
 of the ,american  ,philosophical       
,society1 in an oration at ,baltimore1  
,july #d1 #agia4    ,the slaves1 naked  
and starved1 often fall victims to the  
inclemencies of the weather4      ,wm4  
,savery of ,philadelphia1 an eminent    
,minister of the ,society of  ,friends1 
who went through the ,southern states in
 #agia1 on a religious  visit2 after    
leaving ,savannah1 ,ga41 we find the    
following entry in his  journal1 #fth1  
month1 #bh1 #agia4    ,we rode through  
many rice swamps1 where the blacks were 
very  numerous1 great droves of these   
poor slaves1 working up to the middle   
in water1 men and women nearly naked4   
,rev4 ,john ,rankin1 of ,ripley1 ,ohio1 
a native of ,tennessee4    ,in every    
slave-holding state1 many slaves suffer 

extremely1 both  while they labor and   
while they sleep1 for want of clothing  
to keep  them warm4      ,john ,parrish1
 late of ,philadelphia1 a highly        
esteemed minister in the  ,society of   
,friends1 who travelled through the     
,south in #ahjd4    ,it is shocking to  
the feelings of humanity1 in travelling 
through  some of those states1 to see   
those poor objects1 slaves1 especially  
in the inclement season1 in rags1 and   
trembling with the cold4    ,they suffer
 them1 both male and female1 to go      
without clothing at  the age of ten and 
twelve years      ,rev4 ,phineas ,smith1
 ,centreville1 ,allegany1 ,co41 ,n4,y4  
,mr4 ,s4 has just  returned from a      
residence of several years at the south1
 chiefly in  ,virginia1 ,louisiana1 and 
among the ,american settlers in ,texas4 
,the apparel of the slaves1 is of the   
coarsest sort and exceedingly  deficient
 in quantity4 ,i have been on many      
plantations where  children of eight and
 ten yeas old1 were in a state of       

perfect  nudity4 ,slaves are in general 
wretchedly clad4      ,wm4 ,ladd1 ,esq41
 of ,minot1 ,maine1 recently a          
slaveholder in ,florida4    ,they were  
allowed two suits of clothes a year1    
viz4 one pair of  trowsers with a shirt 
or frock of osnaburgh for summer2 and   
for  winter1 one pair of trowsers1 and a
 jacket of negro cloth1 with a  baize   
shirt and a pair of shoes4 ,some allowed
 hats1 and some did not2  and they were 
generally1 ,i believe1 allowed one      
blanket in two years4  ,garments of     
similar materials were allowed the      
women4      ,a ,kentucky physician1     
writing in the ,western ,medical        
,reformer1 in  #ahcf1 on the diseases   
peculiar to slaves1 says4    ,they are  
imperfectly clothed both summer and     
winter4      ,mr4 ,stephen ,e4 ,maltby1 
,inspector of provisions1 ,skeneateles1 
,n4,y41 who  resided sometime in        
,alabama4    ,i was at ,huntsville1     
,alabama1 in #ahah-ai1 ,i frequently saw
 slaves on  and around the public       

square1 with hardly a rag of clothing on
 them1  and in a great many instances   
with but a single garment both in       
summer and in winter2 generally the only
 bedding of the slaves was a  blanket4  
,reuben ,g4 ,macy1 ,hudson1 ,n4,y4      
member of the ,society of ,friends1 who 
resided in ,south ,carolina1 in #ahah   
and #ai4    ,their clothing consisted of
 a pair of trowsers and jacket1 made of 
'negro cloth4' ,the women a petticoat1 a
 very short 'short-gown1' and  nothing  
else1 the same kind of cloth2 some of   
the women had an old  pair of shoes1 but
 they generally went barefoot4      ,mr4
 ,lemuel ,sapington1 of ,lancaster1     
,pa41 a native of ,maryland1 and        
formerly a slaveholder4    ,their       
clothing is often made by themselves    
after night1 though  sometimes assisted 
by the old women1 who are no longer able
 to do  out-door work2 consequently it  
is harsh and uncomfortable4 ,and ,i have
  very frequently seen those who had not
 attained the age of twelve  years go   

naked4      ,philemon ,bliss1 ,esq41 a  
lawyer in ,elyria1 ,ohio1 who lived in  
,florida  in #ahcd and #ce4    ,it is   
very common to see the younger class of 
slaves up to eight or  ten without any  
clothing1 and most generally the        
laboring men wear  no shirts in the warm
 season4 ,the perfect nudity of the     
younger  slaves is so familiar to the   
whites of both sexes1 that they seem to 
witness it with perfect indifference4 ,i
 may add that the aged and  feeble often
 suffer from cold4      ,richard ,macy1 
a member of the ,society of ,friends1   
,hudson1 ,n4,y41 who  has lived in      
,georgia4    ,for bedding each slave was
 allowed one blanket1 in which they     
rolled themselves up4 ,i examined their 
houses1 but could not find any  thing   
like a bed4      ,w4,c4 ,gildersleeve1  
,esq41 ,wilkesbarre1 ,pa41 a native of  
,georgia4    ,it is an every day sight  
to see women as well as men1 with no    
other  covering than a few filthy rags  
fastened above the hips1 reaching       

midway to the ankles4 ,i never knew any 
kind of covering for the head  given4   
,children of both sexes1 from infancy to
 ten years are seen in  companies on the
 plantations1 in a state of perfect     
nudity4 ,this was  so common that the   
most refined and delicate beheld them   
unmoved4      ,mr4 ,william ,leftwich1 a
 native of ,virginia1 now a member of   
the  ,presbyterian ,church1 in ,delhi1  
,ohio4    ,the only bedding of the      
slaves generally consists of two old    
blankets4      ,advertisements like the 
following from the ,new ,orleans ,bee1  
,may #ca1  #ahcg1 are common in the     
southern papers4    #aj ,,dollars       
,,reward4--,ranaway1 the slave          
,,solomon1 about #bh years of  age2     
,,badly ,,clothed4 ,the above reward    
will be paid on application to          
,,fernandez  ,,whiting1 ,no4 #bj1 ,st4  
,louis ,st4    ,,ranaway from the       
subscriber the negress ,,fanny1 always  
badly dressed1  she is about #be or #bf 
years old4 ,,john ,,macoin1 #aag ,s4    

,ann st4    ,the ,darien 7,ga471        
,telegraph1 of ,jan4 #bd1 #ahcg1 in an  
editorial  article1 hitting off the     
aristocracy of the planters1            
incidentally  lets out some secrets1    
about the usual clothing of the slaves4 
,the  editor says1--,the planter looks  
down1 with the most sovereign  contempt1
 on the merchant and the storekeeper4   
,he deems himself a  lord1 because he   
gets his two or three ,,ragged servants1
 to row him to  his plantation every    
day1 that he may inspect the labor of   
his hands4    ,the following is an      
extract from a letter lately received   
from ,rev4  ,c4,s4 ,,renshaw1 of        
,quincy1 ,illinois4    ,i am sorry to be
 obliged to give more testimony without 
the name4  ,an individual in whom ,i    
have great confidence1 gave me the      
following  facts4 ,that ,i am not alone 
in placing confidence in him1 ,i subjoin
 a  testimonial from ,dr4 ,richard      
,eells1 ,deacon of the ,congregational  
,church1 of ,quincy1 and ,rev4 ,mr4     

,fisher1 ,baptist ,minister of ,quincy4 
,we have been acquainted with the       
brother who has communicated to you     
some facts that fell under his          
observation1 whilst in his native       
state2 he is a professed follower of our
 ,lord1 and we have great  confidence in
 him as a man of integrity1 discretion1 
and strict  ,christian principle4       
,,richard ,,eells4 ,,ezra ,,fisher4     
,quincy1 ,jan4 #ith1 #ahci4             
,,testimony4--,i lived for thirty years 
in ,virginia1 and have travelled        
extensively through ,fauquier1          
,culpepper1 ,jefferson1 ,stafford1      
,albemarle and ,charlotte ,counties2 my 
remarks apply to these ,counties4       
,the negro houses are miserably poor1   
generally they are a shelter  from      
neither the wind1 the rain1 nor the     
snow1 and the earth is the  floor4      
,there are exceptions to this rule1 but 
they are only  exceptions2 you may      
sometimes see puncheon floor1 but never1
 or almost  never a plank floor4 ,the   

slaves are generally without beds or    
bedsteads2 some few have cribs that they
 fasten up for themselves in  the corner
 of the hut4 ,their bed-clothes are a   
nest of rags thrown  upon a crib1 or in 
the corner2 sometimes there are three or
 four  families in one small cabin4     
,where the slaveholders have more than  
one  family1 they put them in the same  
quarter till it is filled1 then  build  
another4 ,i have seen exceptions to     
this1 when only one family  would occupy
 a hut1 and where were tolerably        
comfortable bed-clothes4    ,most of the
 slaves in these counties are miserably 
clad4 ,i have  known slaves who went    
without shoes all winter1 perfectly     
barefoot4  ,the feet of many of them are
 frozen4 ,as a general fact the planters
 do  not serve out to their slaves1     
drawers1 or any under clothing1 or      
vests1 or overcoats4 ,slaves sometimes1 
by working at night and on  ,sundays1   
get better things than their masters    
serve to them4    ,whilst these things  

are true of field-hands1 it is also true
 that  many slaveholders clothe their   
waiters and coachmen like gentlemen4  ,i
 do not think there is any difference   
between the slaves of  professing       
,christians and others2 at all events1  
it is so small as to  be scarcely       
noticeable4    ,i have seen men and     
women at work in the field more than    
half naked3  and more than once in      
passing1 when the overseer was not near1
 they  would stop and draw round them a 
tattered coat or some ribbons of a      
skirt to hide their nakedness and shame 
from the stranger's eye4    ,mr4        
,,george ,w4 ,,westgate1 a member of the
 ,congregational ,church in  ,quincy1   
,illinois1 who has spent the larger part
 of twelve years  navigating the rivers 
of the south-western slave states with  
keel  boats1 as a trader1 gives the     
following testimony as to the clothing  
and lodging of the slaves4    ,in lower 
,tennessee1 ,mississippi and ,louisiana1
 the clothing of the  slaves is         

wretchedly poor2 and grows worse as you 
go south1 in the  order of the states ,i
 have named4 ,the only material is      
cotton bagging1  i4e4 bagging in which  
cotton is baled1 not bagging made of    
cotton4  ,in ,louisiana1 especially in  
the lower country1 ,i have frequently   
seen  them with nothing but a tattered  
coat1 not sufficient to hide their      
nakedness4 ,in winter their clothing    
seldom serves the purpose of  comfort1  
and frequently not even of decent       
covering4 ,in ,louisiana the  planters  
never think of serving out shoes to     
slaves4 ,in ,mississippi  they give one 
pair a year generally4 ,i never saw or  
heard of an  instance of masters        
allowing them stockings4 ,a small poor  
blanket  is generally the only          
bed-clothing1 and this they frequently  
wear in  the field when they have not   
sufficient clothing to hide their       
nakedness or to keep them warm4 ,their  
manner of sleeping varies with  the     
season4 ,in hot weather they stretch    

themselves anywhere and sleep4  ,as it  
becomes cool they roll themselves in    
their blankets1 and lay  scattered about
 the cabin4 ,in cold weather they nestle
 together with  their feet towards the  
fire1 promiscuously4 ,as a general fact 
the  earth is their only floor and      
bed--not one in ten have anything like a
  bedstead1 and then it is a mere bunk  
put up by themselves4    ,mr4 ,,george  
,a4 ,,avery1 an elder in the fourth     
,congregational ,church1  ,rochester1   
,n4,y41 who spent four years in         
,virginia1 says1 ,the slave  children1  
very commonly of both sexes1 up to the  
ages of eight and ten  years1 and ,i    
think in some instances beyond this age1
 go in a state of  disgusting nudity4 ,i
 have often seen them with their tow    
shirt  7their only article of summer    
clothing7 which1 to all human           
appearance1 had not been taken off from 
the time it was first put on1  worn off 
from the bottom upwards shred by shred1 
until nothing  remained but the straps  

which passed over their shoulders1 and  
the  less exposed portions extending a  
very little way below the arms1  leaving
 the principal part of the chest1 as    
well as the limbs1  entirely uncovered4 
,,samuel ,,ellison1 a member of the     
,society of ,friends1 formerly of       
,southampton ,co41 ,virginia1 now of    
,marlborough1 ,stark ,co41 ,ohio1 says1 
,i knew a ,methodist who was the owner  
of a number of slaves4 ,the  children of
 both sexes1 belonging to him1 under    
twelve years of age1  were entirely     
destitute of clothing4 ,i have seen an  
old man  compelled to labor in the      
fields1 not having rags enough to cover 
his  nakedness4    ,rev4 ,h4 ,,lyman1   
late pastor of the ,free ,presbyterian  
,church1 in  ,buffalo1 ,n4,y41 in       
describing a tour down and up the       
,mississippi river  in the winter of    
#ahcb-c1 says1 ,at the wood yards where 
the boats  stop1 it is not uncommon to  
see female slaves employed in carrying  
wood4 ,their dress which was quite      

uniform was provided without any        
reference to comfort4 ,they had no      
covering for their heads2 the stuff     
which constituted the outer garment was 
sackcloth1 similar to that in  which    
brown domestic goods are done up4 ,it   
was then ,december1 and ,i  thought that
 in such a dress1 and being as they     
were1 without  stockings1 they must     
suffer from the cold4    ,mr4 ,benjamin 
,clendenon1 ,colerain1 ,lancaster ,co41 
,pa41 a member of the  ,society of      
,friends1 in a recent letter describing 
a short tour through  the northern part 
of ,maryland in the winter of #ahcf1    
thus speaks of a  place a few miles from
 ,chestertown4 ,about this place there  
were a  number of slaves2 very few1 if  
any1 had either stockings or shoes2  the
 weather was intensely cold1 and the    
ground covered with snow4    ,the late  
,major ,stoddard of the ,united ,states'
 artillery1 who took  possession of     
,louisiana for the ,u4,s4 government1   
under the cession of  #ahjd1 published a

 book entitled ,sketches of ,louisiana1 
in which1  speaking of the planters of  
,lower ,louisiana1 he says1 ,few of them
  allow any clothing to their slaves4   
,the following is an extract from the   
,will of the late celebrated ,john      
,randolph of ,virginia4    ,to my old   
and faithful servants1 ,essex and his   
wife ,hetty1 ,i give and  bequeath a    
pair of strong shoes1 a suit of clothes 
and a blanket each1  to be paid them    
annually2 also an annual hat to ,essex4 
,no ,virginia slaveholder has ever had a
 better name as a kind master1  and good
 provider for his slaves1 than ,john    
,randolph4 ,essex and  ,hetty were      
favorite servants1 and the memory of the
 long  uncompensated services of those  
old and faithful servants1 seems to     
have touched their master's heart4 ,now 
as this master was ,john  ,randolph1 and
 as those servants were faithful1 and   
favorite  servants1 advanced in years1  
and worn out in his service1 and as     
their  allowance was1 in their master's 

eyes1 of sufficient moment to           
constitute a paragraph in his last will 
and testament1 it is fair to  infer that
 it would be very liberal1 far better   
than the ordinary  allowance for slaves4
    ,now we leave the reader to judge   
what must be the usual allowance of     
clothing to common field slaves in the  
hands of common masters1 when  ,essex   
and ,hetty1 the old and faithful slaves 
of ,john ,randolph1  were provided1 in  
his last will and testament1 with but   
one suit of  clothes annually1 with but 
one blanket each for bedding1 with no   
stockings1 nor socks1 nor cloaks1 nor   
overcoats1 nor  handkerchiefs1 nor      
towels1 and with no change either of    
under or  outside garments6             
,,iv4 ,,dwellings4    ,,the ,,slaves    
,,are ,,wretchedly ,,sheltered ,,and    
,,lodged4    ,mr4 ,stephen ,e4 ,maltby4 
,inspector of provisions1 ,skaneateles1 
,n4,y4 who  has lived in ,alabama4      
,the huts where the slaves slept1       
generally contained but one  apartment1 

and that without floor4      ,mr4       
,george ,a4 ,avery1 elder of the #dth   
,presbyterian ,church1 ,rochester1      
,n4,y4 who lived four years in          
,virginia4    ,amongst all the negro    
cabins which ,i saw in ,va41 ,i cannot  
call to  mind one in which there was any
 other floor than the earth2 any  thing 
that a northern laborer1 or mechanic1   
white or colored1 would  call a bed1 nor
 a solitary partition1 to separate the  
sexes4      ,william ,ladd1 ,esq41      
,minot1 ,maine4 ,president of the       
,american ,peace  ,society1 formerly a  
slaveholder in ,florida4    ,the        
dwellings of the slaves were palmetto   
huts1 built by themselves  of stakes and
 poles1 thatched with the palmetto leaf4
 ,the door1 when  they had any1 was     
generally of the same materials1        
sometimes boards  found on the beach4   
,they had no floors1 no separate        
apartments1  except the guinea negroes  
had sometimes a small inclosure for     
their  'god house4' ,these huts the     

slaves built themselves after task and  
on  ,sundays4      ,rev4 ,joseph ,m4    
,sadd1 ,pastor ,pres4 ,church1 ,castile1
 ,greene ,co41 ,n4,y41  who lived in    
,missouri five years previous to #ahcg4 
,the slaves live generally in miserable 
huts1 which are without  floors1 and    
have a single apartment only1 where both
 sexes are herded  promiscuously        
together4      ,mr4 ,george ,w4         
,westgate1 member of the ,congregational
 ,church in ,quincy1  ,illinois1 who has
 spent a number of years in slave       
states4    ,on old plantations1 the     
negro quarters are of frame and         
clapboards1  seldom affording a         
comfortable shelter from wind or rain2  
their size  varies from #h by #aj1 to   
#aj by #ab1 feet1 and six or eight feet 
high2  sometimes there is a hole cut for
 a window1 but ,i never saw a sash1 or  
glass in any4 ,in the new country1 and  
in the woods1 the quarters are          
generally built of logs1 of similar     
dimensions4      ,mr4 ,cornelius        

,johnson1 a member of a ,christian      
,church in ,farmington1  ,ohio4 ,mr4 ,j4
 lived in ,mississippi in #ahcg-h4      
,their houses were commonly built of    
logs1 sometimes they were framed1  often
 they had no floor1 some of them have   
two apartments1 commonly  but one2 each 
of those apartments contained a family4 
,sometimes these  families consisted of 
a man and his wife and children1 while  
in other  instances persons of both     
sexes1 were thrown together without any 
regard to family relationship4      ,the
 ,western ,medical ,reformer1 in an     
article on the ,cachexia ,africana  by a
 ,kentucky physician1 thus speaks of the
 huts of the slaves4    ,they are       
crowded together in a small hut1 and    
sometimes having an  imperfect1 and     
sometimes no floor1 and seldom raised   
from the ground1  ill ventilated1 and   
surrounded with filth4      ,mr4        
,william ,leftwich1 a native of         
,virginia1 but has resided most of  his 
life in ,madison1 ,co4 ,alabama4    ,the

 dwellings of the slaves are log huts1  
from #aj to #ab feet square1  often     
without windows1 doors1 or floors1 they 
have neither chairs1  table1 or         
bedstead4      ,reuben ,l4 ,macy of     
,hudson1 ,n4,y4 a member of the         
,religious ,society of  ,friends4 ,he   
lived in ,south ,carolina in #ahah-ai4  
,the houses for the field slaves were   
about #ad feet square1 built in  the    
coarsest manner1 with one room1 without 
any chimney or flooring1  with a hole in
 the roof to let the smoke out4         
,mr4 ,lemuel ,sapington of ,lancaster1  
,pa4 a native of ,maryland1 formerly  a 
slaveholder4    ,the descriptions       
generally given of negro quarters1 are  
correct2 the  quarters are without      
floors1 and not sufficient to keep off  
the  inclemency of the weather2 they are
 uncomfortable both in summer and       
winter4      ,rev4 ,john ,rankin1 a     
native of ,tennessee4    ,when they     
return to their miserable huts at night1
 they find not  there the means of      

comfortable rest2 but on the cold ground
 they must  lie without covering1 and   
shiver while they slumber4              
,philemon ,bliss1 ,esq4 ,elyria1 ,ohio1 
who lived in ,florida1 in #ahce4    ,the
 dwellings of the slaves are usually    
small open log huts1 with  but one      
apartment1 and very generally without   
floors4      ,mr4 ,w4,c4 ,gildersleeve1 
,wilkesbarre1 ,pa41 a native of         
,georgia4    ,their huts were generally 
put up without a nail1 frequently       
without  floors1 and with a single      
apartment4      ,hon4 ,r4,j4 ,turnbull1 
of ,south ,carolina1 a slaveholder4     
,the slaves live in clay cabins4        
,v4 ,,treatment ,,of ,,the ,,sick4      
,,the ,,slaves ,,suffer ,,from ,,human  
,,neglect ,,when ,,sick    ,in proof of 
this we subjoin the following testimony3
    ,rev4 ,dr4 ,,channing of ,boston1   
who once resided in ,virginia1 relates  
the  following fact in his work on      
slavery1 page #afc1 #ast edition4    ,i 
cannot forget my feelings on visiting a 

hospital belonging to the  plantation of
 a gentleman highly esteemed for his    
virtues1 and whose  manners and         
conversation expressed much benevolence 
and  conscientiousness4 ,when ,i entered
 with him the hospital1 the first       
object on which my eye fell was a young 
woman1 very ill1 probably  approaching  
death4 ,she was stretched on the floor4 
,her head rested on  something like a   
pillow2 but her body and limbs were     
extended on the  hard boards4 ,the      
owner1 ,i doubt not1 had at least as    
much kindness  as myself2 but he was so 
used to see the slaves living without   
common  comforts1 that the idea of      
unkindness in the present instance did  
not  enter his mind4    ,this dying     
young woman was stretched on the        
floor--her body and  limbs extended upon
 the hard boards1--and yet her master   
was highly  esteemed for his virtues1   
and his general demeanor produced upon  
,dr4  ,channing the impression of       
benevolence and conscientiousness ,if   

the  sick and dying female slaves of    
such a master1 suffer such  barbarous   
neglect1 whose heart does not fail him1 
at the thought of  that inhumanity1     
exercised by the majority of            
slaveholders1 towards  their aged1 sick1
 and dying victims4    ,the following   
testimony is furnished by ,,sarah ,m4   
,,grimk1 a sister of  the late ,hon4    
,thomas ,s4 ,grimk1 of ,charleston1     
,south ,carolina4    ,when the ,ladies' 
,benevolent ,society in ,charleston1    
,s4,c41 of which ,i  was a visiting     
commissioner1 first went into operation1
 we were  applied to for the relief of  
several sick and aged colored persons2  
one case ,i particularly remember1 of an
 aged woman who was dreadfully  burnt   
from having fallen into the fire2 she   
was living with some free  blacks who   
had taken her in out of compassion4 ,on 
inquiry1 we found  that nearly all the  
colored persons who had solicited aid1  
were  slaves1 who being no longer able  
to work for their owners1 were  thus    

inhumanly cast out in their sickness and
 old age1 and must have  perished1 but  
for the kindness of their friends4    ,i
 was once visiting a sick slave in whose
 spiritual welfare peculiar             
circumstances had led me to be deeply   
interested4 ,i knew that she had  been  
early seduced from the path of virtue1  
as nearly all the female  slaves are4 ,i
 knew also that her mistress1 though a  
professor of  religion1 had never taught
 her a single precept of ,christianity1 
yet  that she had had her severely      
punished for this departure from them1  
and that the poor girl was then ill of  
an incurable disease1  occasioned partly
 by her own misconduct1 and partly by   
the cruel  treatment she had received1  
in a situation that called for          
tenderness  and care4 ,her heart seemed 
truly touched with repentance for her   
sins1  and she was inquiring1 ,what     
shall ,i do to be saved8 ,i was sitting 
by  her as she lay on the floor upon a  
blanket1 and was trying to  establish   

her trembling spirit in the fullness of 
,jesus1 when ,i heard  the voice of her 
mistress in loud and angry tones1 as she
 approached  the door4 ,i read in the   
countenance of the prostrate sufferer1  
the  terror which she felt at the       
prospect of seeing her mistress4 ,i knew
  my presence would be very unwelcome1  
but staid hoping that it might          
restrain1 in some measure1 the passions 
of the mistress4 ,in this1  however1 ,i 
was mistaken2 she passed me without     
apparently observing  that ,i was there1
 and seated herself on the other side of
 the sick  slave4 ,she made no inquiry  
how she was1 but in a tone of anger     
commenced a tirade of abuse1 violently  
reproaching her with her past           
misconduct1 and telling her in the most 
unfeeling manner1 that eternal          
destruction awaited her4 ,no word of    
kindness escaped her4 ,what had  then   
roused her temper ,i do not know4 ,she  
continued in this strain  several       
minutes1 when ,i attempted to soften her

 by remarking1 that  ------ was very    
ill1 and she ought not thus to torment  
her1 and that ,i  believed ,jesus had   
granted her forgiveness4 ,but ,i might  
as well have  tried to stop the tempest 
in its career1 as to calm the infuriated
  passions nurtured by the exercise of  
arbitrary power4 ,she looked at me  with
 ineffable scorn1 and continued to pour 
forth a torrent of abuse  and reproach4 
,her helpless victim listened in        
terrified silence1 until  nature could  
endure no more1 when she uttered a wild 
shriek1 and  casting on her tormentor a 
look of unutterable agony1 exclaimed1   
,oh1  mistress1 ,i am dying4 ,this      
appeal arrested her attention1 and she  
soon  left the room1 but in the same    
spirit with which she entered it4 ,the  
girl survived but a few days1 and1 ,i   
believe1 saw her mistress no  more      
,mr4 ,,george ,a4 ,,avery1 an elder of a
 ,presbyterian church in ,rochester1    
,n4,y41 who lived some years in         
,virginia1 gives the following3    ,the 

manner of treating the sick slaves1 and 
especially in chronic  cases1 was to my 
mind peculiarly revolting4 ,my          
opportunities for  observation in this  
department were better than in1 perhaps1
 any  other1 as the friend under whose  
direction ,i commenced my medical       
studies1 enjoyed a high reputation as a 
surgeon4 ,i rode considerably  with him 
in his practice1 and assisted in the    
surgical operations and  dressings from 
time to time4 ,in confirmed cases of    
disease1 it was  common for the master  
to place the subject under the care of a
  physician or surgeon1 at whose expense
 the patient should be kept1 and  if    
death ensued to the patient1 or the     
disease was not cured1 no  compensation 
was to be made1 but if cured a bonus of 
one1 two1 or  three hundred dollars was 
to be given4 ,no provision was made     
against  the barbarity or neglect of the
 physician1 c4 ,i have seen  fifteen or 
twenty of these helpless sufferers      
crowded together in  the true spirit of 

slaveholding inhumanity1 like the brutes
 that  perish1 and driven from time to  
time like brutes into a common  yard1   
where they had to suffer any and every  
operation and experiment1  which        
interest1 caprice1 or professional      
curiosity might  prompt1--unrestrained  
by law1 public sentiment1 or the claims 
of  common humanity4    ,rev4 ,,william 
,t4 ,,allan1 son of ,rev4 ,dr4 ,allan1 a
 slaveholder1 of  ,huntsville1 ,alabama1
 says in a letter now before us3        
,colonel ,robert ,h4 ,watkins1 of       
,laurence county1 ,alabama1 who owned   
about three hundred slaves1 after       
employing a physician among them for    
some time1 ceased to do so1 alleging as 
the reason1 that it was  cheaper to lose
 a few negroes every year than to pay a 
physician4 ,this  ,colonel ,watkins was 
a ,presidential elector in #ahcf4       
,a4,a4 ,,guthrie1 ,esq41 elder in the   
,presbyterian church at ,putnam1        
,muskingum county1 ,ohio1 furnishes the 
testimony which follows4    ,a near     

female friend of mine in company with   
another young lady1 in  attempting to   
visit a sick woman on ,washington's     
,bottom1 ,wood county1  ,virginia1      
missed the way1 and stopping to ask     
directions of a group of  colored       
children on the outskirts of the        
plantation of ,francis ,keen1  ,sen41   
they were told to ask 'aunty1 in the    
house4'  ,on entering the  hut1 says my 
informant1 ,i beheld such a sight as ,i 
hope never to see  again2 its sole      
occupant was a female slave of the said 
,keen--her  whole wearing apparel       
consisted of a frock1 made of the       
coarsest tow  cloth1 and so scanty1 that
 it could not have been made more tight 
around her person4 ,in the hut there was
 neither table1 chair1 nor  chest--a    
stool and a rude fixture in one corner1 
were all its  furniture4 ,on this last  
were a little straw and a few old       
remnants of  what had been bedding--all 
exceedingly filthy4    ,the woman thus  
situated had been for more than a day in

 travail1  without any assistance1 any  
nurse1 or any kind of proper            
provision--during the night she said    
some fellow slave woman would  stay with
 her1 and the aforesaid children through
 the day4 ,from a  woman1 who was a     
slave of ,keen's at the same time1 my   
informant  learned1 that this poor woman
 suffered for three days1 and then      
died--when too late to save her life her
 master sent assistance4 ,it  was       
understood to be a rule of his1 to      
neglect his women entirely in  such     
times of trial1 unless they previously  
came and informed him1  and asked for   
aid4    ,rev4 ,,phineas ,,smith1 of     
,centreville1 ,n4,y1 who has resided    
four years  at the south1 says3         
,often when the slaves are sick1 their  
accustomed toil is exacted from  them4  
,physicians are rarely called for their 
benefit4    ,rev4 ,,horace ,,moulton1 a 
minister of the ,methodist ,episcopal   
church in  ,marlborough1 ,mass41 who    
resided a number of years in ,georgia1  

says3    ,another dark side of slavery  
is the neglect of the aged and  sick4   
,many when sick1 are suspected by their 
masters of feigning  sickness1 and are  
therefore whipped out to work after     
disease has got  fast hold of them2 when
 the masters learn1 that they are really
 sick1  they are in many instances left 
alone in their cabins during work       
hours2 not a few of the slaves are left 
to die without having one  friend to    
wipe off the sweat of death4 ,when the  
slaves are sick1 the  masters do not1 as
 a general thing1 employ physicians1 but
 doctor  them themselves1 and their mode
 of practice in almost all cases is to  
bleed and give salts4 ,when women are   
confined they have no physician1  but   
are committed to the care of slave      
midwives4 ,slaves complain very  little 
when sick1 when they die they are       
frequently buried at night  without much
 ceremony1 and in many instances without
 any2 their  coffins are made by nailing
 together rough boards1 frequently with 

their feet sticking out at the end1 and 
sometimes they are put into  the ground 
without a coffin or box of any kind4    
,,personal ,,narratives--,,part ,,ii4   
,,testimony ,,of ,,the ,,rev4 ,,william 
,t4 ,,allan1 ,,late ,,of ,,alabama4     
,mr4 ,,allan is a son of the ,rev4 ,dr4 
,allan1 a slaveholder and pastor of  the
 ,presbyterian ,church at ,huntsville1  
,alabama4 ,he has recently  become the  
pastor of the ,presbyterian ,church in  
,chatham1 ,illinois4    ,i was born and 
have lived most of my life in the slave 
states1 mainly  in the village of       
,huntsville1 ,alabama1 where my parents 
still reside4  ,i seldom went to a      
plantation1 and as my visits were       
confined almost  exclusively to the     
families of professing ,christians1 my  
personal  knowledge of slavery1 was     
consequently a knowledge of its fairest 
side1 7if fairest may be predicated of  
foul47    ,there was one plantation just
 opposite my father's house in the      
suburbs of ,huntsville1 belonging to    

,judge ,smith1 formerly a ,senator in   
,congress from ,south ,carolina1 now of 
,huntsville4 ,the name of his  overseer 
was ,tune4 ,i have often seen him       
flogging the slaves in the  field1 and  
have often heard their cries4           
,sometimes1 too1 ,i have met  them with 
the tears streaming down their faces1   
and the marks of the  whip1 7'whelks1'7 
on their bare necks and shoulders4 ,tune
 was so  severe in his treatment1 that  
his employer dismissed him after two or 
three years1 lest1 it was said1 he      
should kill off all the slaves4 ,but  he
 was immediately employed by another    
planter in the neighborhood4  ,the      
following fact was stated to me by my   
brother1 ,james ,m4 ,allan1 now         
residing at ,richmond1 ,henry county1   
,illinois1 and clerk of the circuit  and
 county courts4 ,tune became displeased 
with one of the women who  was pregnant1
 he made her lay down over a log1 with  
her face towards  the ground1 and beat  
her so unmercifully1 that she was soon  

after  delivered of a dead child4    ,my
 brother also stated to me the          
following1 which occurred near my       
father's house1 and within sight and    
hearing of the academy and public       
garden4 ,charles1 a fine active negro1  
who belonged to a bricklayer in         
,huntsville1 exchanged the burning sun  
of the brickyard to enjoy for a  season 
the pleasant shade of an adjacent       
mountain4 ,when his master got  him     
back1 he tied him by his hands so that  
his feet could just touch  the          
ground--stripped off his clothes1 took a
 paddle1 bored full of  holes1 and      
paddled him leisurely all day long4 ,it 
was two weeks before  they could tell   
whether he would live or die4 ,neither  
of these cases  attracted any particular
 notice in ,huntsville4    ,while ,i    
lived in ,huntsville a slave was killed 
in the mountain near  by4 ,the          
circumstances were these4 ,a white man  
7,james ,helton7 hunting  in the woods1 
suddenly came upon a black man1 and     

commanded him to  stop1 the slave kept  
on running1 ,helton fired his rifle and 
the negro  was killed4#e    ,footnote   
#e3 ,this murder was committed about    
twelve years since4 ,at  that time1     
,james ,g4 ,birney1 ,esq41 now          
,corresponding ,secretary of the        
,american ,anti-,slavery ,society was   
the ,solicitor 7prosecuting attorney7   
for that judicial district4 ,his views  
and feelings upon the subject of        
slavery were1 even at that period1 in   
advance of the mass of  slaveholders1   
and he determined if possible to bring  
the murderer to  justice4 ,he           
accordingly drew up an indictment and   
procured the finding  of a true bill    
against ,helton4 ,helton1 meanwhile1    
moved over the line  into the state of  
,tennessee1 and such was the apathy of  
the community1  individual effort proved
 unavailing2 and though the murderer had
 gone  no further than to an adjoining  
county 7where perhaps he still  resides7
 he was never brought to trial4--,,ed4  

,mrs4 ,barr1 wife of ,rev4 ,h4 ,barr of 
,carrollton1 ,illinois1 formerly  from  
,courtland1 ,alabama1 told me last      
spring1 that she has very often  stopped
 her ears that she might not hear the   
screams of slaves who  were under the   
lash1 and that sometimes she has left   
her house1 and  retired to a place more 
distant1 in order to get away from their
  agonizing cries4    ,i have often seen
 groups of slaves on the public squares 
in  ,huntsville1 who were to be sold at 
auction1 and ,i have often seen  their  
tears gush forth and their countenances 
distorted with anguish4  ,a considerable
 number were generally sold publicly    
every month4    ,the following facts ,i 
have just taken down from the lips of   
,mr4 ,l4  ,turner1 a regular and        
respectable member of the ,second       
,presbyterian  ,church in ,springfield1 
our county town4 ,he was born and       
brought up in  ,caroline county1        
,virginia4 ,he says that the slaves are 
neither  considered nor treated as human

 beings4 ,one of his neighbors whose    
name was ,barr1 he says1 on one occasion
 stripped a slave and lacerated  his    
back with a handcard 7for cotton or     
wool7 and then washed it with  salt and 
water1 with pepper in it4 ,mr4 ,turner  
saw this4 ,he further  remarked that he 
believed there were many slaves there in
 advanced  life whose backs had never   
been well since they began to work4     
,he stated that one of his uncles had   
killed a woman--broke her skull  with an
 ax helve3 she had insulted her         
mistress6 ,no notice was taken  of the  
affair4 ,mr4 ,t4 said1 further1 that    
slaves were frequently  murdered4    ,he
 mentioned the case of one slaveholder1 
whom he had seen lay his  slaves on a   
large log1 which he kept for the        
purpose1 strip them1 tie  them with the 
face downward1 then have a kettle of hot
 water  brought--take the paddle1 made  
of hard wood1 and perforated with       
holes1 dip it into the hot water and    
strike--before every blow dipping  it   

into the water--every hole at every blow
 would raise a 'whelk4'  ,this was the  
usual punishment fur running away4      
,another slaveholder had a slave who had
 often run away1 and often  been        
severely whipped4 ,after one of his     
floggings he burnt his master's  barn3  
this so enraged the man1 that when he   
caught him he took a pair  of pincers   
and pulled his toe nails out4 ,the negro
 then murdered two  of his master's     
children4 ,he was taken after a         
desperate pursuit1  7having been shot   
through the shoulder7 and hung4    ,one 
of ,mr4 ,turner's cousins1 was employed 
as overseer on a large  plantation in   
,mississippi4 ,on a certain morning he  
called the slaves  together1 to give    
some orders4 ,while doing it1 a slave   
came running  out of his cabin1 having a
 knife in his hand and eating his       
breakfast4  ,the overseer seeing him    
coming with the knife1 was somewhat     
alarmed1  and instantly raised his gun  
and shot him dead4 ,he said afterwards1 

that he believed the slave was perfectly
 innocent of any evil  intentions1 he   
came out hastily to hear the orders     
whilst eating4 ,no  notice was taken of 
the killing4    ,mr4 ,t4 related the    
whipping habits of one of his uncles in 
,virginia4  ,he was a wealthy man1 had a
 splendid house and grounds4 ,a tree in 
his  front yard1 was used as a whipping 
post4 ,when a slave was to be  punished1
 he would frequently invite some of his 
friends1 have a  table1 cards and wine  
set out under the shade2 he would then  
flog his  slave a little while1 and then
 play cards and drink with his friends1 
occasionally taunting the slave1 giving 
him the privilege of  confessing such   
and such things1 at his leisure1 after a
 while flog  him again1 thus keeping it 
up for hours or half the day1 and       
sometimes  all day4 ,this was his habit4
    ,february #dth4--,since writing the 
preceding1 ,i have been to  ,carrollton1
 on a visit to my uncle1 ,rev4 ,hugh    
,barr1 who was originally  from         

,tennessee1 lived #ab or #ad years in   
,courtland1 ,lawrence county1  ,alabama1
 and moved to ,illinois in #ahce4 ,in   
conversation with the  family1 around   
the fireside1 they stated a multitude of
 horrid facts1  that were perfectly     
notorious in the neighborhood of        
,courtland4    ,william ,p4 ,barr1 an   
intelligent young man1 and member of his
 father's  church in ,carrollton1 stated
 the following4 ,visiting at a ,mr4     
,mosely's1 near ,courtland1 ,william    
,mosely came in with a bloody knife  in 
his hand1 having just stabbed a negro   
man4 ,the negro was sitting  quietly in 
a house in the village1 keeping a woman 
company who had  been left in charge of 
the house1--when ,mosely1 passing along1
 went in  and demanded his business     
there4 ,probably his answer was not as  
civil  as slaveholding requires1 ,mosely
 rushed upon him and stabbed him4 ,the  
wound laid him up for a season4 ,mosley 
was called to no account for  it4 ,when 
he came in with the bloody knife1 he    

said he wished he had  killed him4      
,john ,brown1 a slaveholder1 and a      
member of the ,presbyterian church in   
,courtland1 ,alabama1 stated the        
following a few weeks since1 in         
,carrollton4 ,a man near ,courtland1 of 
the name of ,thompson1 recently  shot a 
negro woman through the head2 and put   
the pistol so close  that her hair was  
singed4 ,he did it in consequence of    
some difficulty  in his dealings with   
her as a concubine4 ,he buried her in a 
log heap2  she was discovered by the    
buzzards gathering around it4           
,william ,p4 ,barr stated the following1
 as facts well known in the             
neighborhood of ,courtland1 but not     
witnessed by himself4 ,two men1 by  the 
name of ,wilson1 found a fine looking   
negro man at ',dandridge's  ,quarter1'  
without a pass2 and flogged him so that 
he died in a short  time4 ,they were not
 punished4    ,col4 ,blocker's overseer 
attempted to flog a negro--he refused to
 be  flogged2 whereupon the overseer    

seized an axe1 and cleft his skull4     
,the ,colonel justified it4    ,one     
,jones whipped a woman to death for     
'grabbling' a potato hill4 ,he  owned   
#hj or #ajj negroes4 ,his own children  
could not live with him4    ,a man in   
the neighborhood of ,courtland1         
,alabama1 by the name of  ,puryear1 was 
so proverbially cruel that among the    
negroes he was  usually called 'the     
,devil4' ,mrs4 ,barr1 wife of ,rev4 ,h4 
,barr1 was at  ,puryear's house1 and saw
 a negro girl about #ac years old1      
waiting  around the table1 with a single
 garment--and that in cold weather2     
arms and feet bare--feet wretchedly     
swollen--arms burnt1 and full of  sores 
from exposure4 ,all the negroes under   
his care made a wretched  appearance4   
,col4 ,robert ,h4 ,watkins had a runaway
 slave1 who was called ,jim  ,dragon4   
,before he was caught the last time1 he 
had been out a year1  within a few miles
 of his master's plantation4 ,he never  
stole from any  one but his master1     

except when necessity compelled him4 ,he
 said he  had a right to take from his  
master2 and when taken1 that he had1    
whilst out1 seen his master a hundred   
times4 ,having been whipped1  clogged   
with irons1 and yoked1 he was set at    
work in the field4 ,col4  ,watkins      
worked about #cjj hands--generally had  
one negro out hunting  runaways4 ,after 
employing a physician for some time     
among his negroes1  he ceased to do so1 
alleging as the reason1 that it was     
cheaper to  lose a few negroes every    
year than to pay a physician4 ,he was a 
,presidential elector in #ahcf4    ,col4
 ,ben ,sherrod1 another large planter in
 that neighborhood1 is  remarkable for  
his kindness to his slaves4 ,he said to 
,rev4 ,mr4 ,barr1  that he had no doubt 
he should be rewarded in heaven for his 
kindness  to his slaves2 and yet his    
overseer1 ,walker1 had to sleep with    
loaded  pistols1 for fear of            
assassination4 ,three of the slaves     
attempted to  kill him once1 because of 

his treatment of their wives4    ,old   
,major ,billy ,watkins was noted for his
 severity4 ,i well remember1  when he   
lived in ,madison county1 to have often 
heard him yell at his  negroes with the 
most savage fury4 ,he would stand at his
 house1 and  watch the slaves picking   
cotton2 and if any of them straitened   
their  backs for a moment1 his savage   
yell would ring1 'bend your backs4'     
,mrs4 ,barr stated1 that ,mrs4 ,h----1  
of ,courtland1 a member of the          
,presbyterian church1 sent a little     
negro girl to jail1 suspecting that  she
 had attempted to put poison in the     
water pail4 ,the fact was1 that  the    
child had found a vial1 and was playing 
in the water4 ,this same  woman 7in high
 standing too17 told the ,rev4 ,mr4     
,mc,millan1 that she  could 'cut ,arthur
 ,tappan's throat from ear to ear4'     
,the clothing of slaves is in many cases
 comfortable1 and in many it  is far    
from being so4 ,i have very often seen  
slaves1 whose tattered  rags were       

neither comfortable nor decent4         
,their huts are sometimes comfortable1  
but generally they are  miserable       
hovels1 where male and female are herded
 promiscuously  together4    ,as to the 
usual allowance of food on the          
plantations in ,north  ,alabama1 ,i     
cannot speak confidently1 from personal 
knowledge4 ,there  was a slave named    
,hadley1 who was in the habit of        
visiting my father's  slaves            
occasionally4 ,he had run away several  
times4 ,his reason was1 as  he stated1  
that they would not give him any        
meat--said he could not  work without   
meat4 ,the last time ,i saw him1 he had 
quite a heavy iron  yoke on his neck1   
the two prongs twelve or fifteen inches 
long1  extending out over his shoulders 
and bending upwards4    ,legal marriage 
is unknown among the slaves1 they       
sometimes have a  marriage              
form--generally1 however1 none at all4  
,the pastor of the  ,presbyterian church
 in ,huntsville1 had two families of    

slaves when ,i  left there4 ,one couple 
were married by a negro preacher--the   
man was  robbed of his wife a number of 
months afterwards1 by her 'owner4'  ,the
 other couple just 'took up together1'  
without any form of  marriage4 ,they are
 both members of churches--the man a    
,baptist deacon1  sober and correct in  
his deportment4 ,they have a large      
family of  children--all children of    
concubinage--living in a minister's     
family4    ,if these statements are     
deemed of any value by you1 in          
forwarding  your glorious enterprize1   
you are at liberty to use them as you   
please4 ,the great wrong is enslaving a 
man2 all other wrongs are  pigmies1     
compared with that4 ,facts might be     
gathered abundantly1 to  show that it is
 slavery itself1 and not cruelties      
merely1 that make  slaves unhappy4 ,even
 those that are most kindly treated1 are
 generally  far from being happy4 ,the  
slaves in my father's family are almost 
as  kindly treated as slaves can be1 yet

 they pant for liberty4    ,may the     
,lord guide you in this great movement4 
,in behalf of the  perishing1 ,your     
friend and brother1 ,,william4 ,t4      
,,allan      ,,narrative ,,of ,,mr4     
,,william ,,leftwich1 ,a ,,native ,,of  
,,virginia4    ,mr4 ,leftwich is a      
grandson of ,gen4 ,jabez ,leftwich1 who 
was for some  years a member of         
,congress from ,virginia4 ,though born  
in ,virginia1 he  has resided most of   
his life in ,alabama4 ,he now lives in  
,delhi1  ,hamilton county1 ,ohio1 near  
,cincinnati4    ,as an introduction to  
his letter1 the reader is furnished with
 the  following testimonial to his      
character1 from the ,rev4 ,horace       
,bushnell1  pastor of the ,presbyterian 
church in ,delhi4 ,mr4 ,b4 says3    ,mr4
 ,leftwich is a worthy member of this   
church1 and is a young man of  sterling 
integrity and veracity4    ,h4          
,,bushnell4    ,the following is the    
letter of ,mr4 ,leftwich1 dated ,dec4   
#bf1 #ahch4    ,dear ,brother--,i am not

 ranked among the abolitionists1 yet ,i 
cannot1  as a friend of humanity1       
withhold from the public such facts in  
relation to the condition of the slaves1
 as have fallen under my own            
observation4 ,that ,i am somewhat       
acquainted with slavery will be seen1   
as ,i narrate some incidents of my own  
life4 ,my parents were  slaveholders1   
and moved from ,virginia to ,madison    
county1 ,alabama1  during my infancy4   
,my mother soon fell a victim to the    
climate4 ,being  the youngest of the    
children1 ,i was left in the care of my 
aged  grandfather1 who never held a     
slave1 though his sons owned from #ij to
  #ajj during the time ,i resided with  
him4 ,as soon as ,i could carry a  hoe1 
my uncle1 by the name of ,neely1        
persuaded my grandfather that ,i  should
 be placed in his hands1 and brought up 
in habits of industry4 ,i  was          
accordingly placed under his tuition4 ,i
 left the domestic circle1  little      
dreaming of the horrors that awaited me4

 ,my mother's own  brother took me to   
the cotton field1 there to learn habits 
of  industry1 and to be benefited by his
 counsels4 ,but the sequel proved1  that
 ,i was there to feel in my own person1 
and witness by experience  many of the  
horrors of slavery4 ,instead of kind    
admonition1 ,i was to  endure the frowns
 of one1 whose sympathies could neither 
be reached by  the prayers and cries of 
his slaves1 nor by the entreaties and   
sufferings of a sister's son4 ,let those
 who call slaveholders kind1  hospitable
 and humane1 mark the course the        
slaveholder pursues with  one born free1
 whose ancestors fought and bled for    
liberty2 and then  say1 if they can     
without a blush of shame1 that he who   
robs the  helpless of every right1 can  
be truly kind and hospitable4    ,in a  
short time after ,i was put upon the    
plantation1 there was but  little       
difference between me and the slaves1   
except being white1 ,i  ate at the      
master's table4 ,the slaves were my     

companions in misery1  and ,i well      
learned their condition1 both in the    
house and field4 ,their  dwellings are  
log huts1 from ten to twelve feet       
square2 often without  windows1 doors or
 floors4 ,they have neither chairs1     
tables or  bedsteads4 ,these huts are   
occupied by eight1 ten or twelve persons
  each4 ,their bedding generally        
consists of two old blankets4 ,many of  
them sleep night after night sitting    
upon their blocks or stools2  others    
sleep in the open air4 ,our task was    
appointed1 and from dawn  till dark all 
must bend to their work4 ,their meals   
were taken without  knife or plate1 dish
 or spoon4 ,their food was corn pone1   
prepared in  the coarsest manner1 with a
 small allowance of meat4 ,their meals  
in  the field were taken from the hands 
of the carrier1 wherever he found  them1
 with no more ceremony than in the      
feeding of swine4 ,my uncle was  his own
 overseer4 ,for punishing in the field1 
he preferred a large  hickory stick2 and

 wo to him whose work was not done to   
please him1  for the hickory was used   
upon our heads as remorselessly as if we
 had  been mad dogs4 ,i was often the   
object of his fury1 and shall bear the  
marks of it on my body till ,i die4     
,such was my suffering and  degradation1
 that at the end of five years1 ,i      
hardly dared to say ,i  was free4 ,when 
thinning cotton1 we went mostly on our  
knees4 ,one  day1 while thus engaged1 my
 uncle found my row behind2 and1 by way 
of  admonition1 gave me a few blows with
 his hickory1 the marks of which ,i     
carried for weeks4 ,often ,i followed   
the example of the fugitive  slaves1 and
 betook myself to the mountains2 but    
hunger and fear drove  me back1 to share
 with the wretched slave his toil and   
stripes4 ,but ,i  have talked enough    
about my own bondage2 ,i will now relate
 a few  facts1 showing the condition of 
the slaves generally4    ,my uncle      
wishing to purchase what is called a    
good 'house wench1' a  trader in human  

flesh soon produced a woman1            
recommending her as  highly as ever a   
jockey did a horse4 ,she was purchased1 
but on trial  was found wanting in the  
requisite qualifications4 ,she then fell
 a  victim to the disappointed rage of  
my uncle2 innocent or guilty1 she       
suffered greatly from his fury4 ,he used
 to tie her to a peach tree in  the     
yard1 and whip her till there was no    
sound place to lay another  stroke1 and 
repeat it so often that her back was    
kept continually  sore4 ,whipping the   
females around the legs1 was a favorite 
mode of  punishment with him4 ,they must
 stand and hold up their clothes1 while 
he plied his hickory4 ,he did not1 like 
some of his neighbors1 keep a  pack of  
hounds for hunting runaway negroes1 but 
be kept one dog for  that purpose1 and  
when he came up with a runaway1 it would
 have been  death to attempt to fly1 and
 it was nearly so to stand4 ,sometimes1 
when my uncle attempted to whip the     
slaves1 the dog would rush upon  them   

and relieve them of their rags1 if not  
of their flesh4 ,one object  of my      
uncle's special hate was ,jerry1 a slave
 of a proud spirit4 ,he  defied all the 
curses1 rage and stripes of his tyrant4 
,though he was  often overpowered--for  
my uncle would frequently wear out his  
stick  upon his head--yet be would never
 submit4 ,as he was not expert in       
picking cotton1 he would sometimes run  
away in the fall1 to escape  abuse4 ,at 
one time1 after an absence of some      
months1 he was arrested  and brought    
back4 ,as is customary1 he was stripped1
 tied to a log1 and  the cow-skin       
applied to his naked body till his      
master was exhausted4  ,then a large log
 chain was fastened around one ankle1   
passed up his  back1 over his shoulders1
 then across his breast1 and fastened   
under  his arm4 ,in this condition he   
was forced to perform his daily task4   
,add to this he was chained each night1 
and compelled to chop wood  every       
,sabbath1 to make up lost time4 ,after  

being thus manacled for  some months1 he
 was released--but his spirit was       
unsubdued4 ,soon  after1 his master1 in 
a paroxysm of rage1 fell upon him1 wore 
out his  staff upon his head1 loaded him
 again with chains1 and after a month1  
sold him farther south4 ,another slave1 
by the name of ,mince1 who was a  man of
 great strength1 purloined some bacon on
 a ,christmas eve4 ,it was  missed in   
the morning1 and he being absent1 was of
 course suspected4  ,on returning home1 
my uncle commanded him to come to him1  
but he  refused4 ,the master strove in  
vain to lay hands on him2 in vain he    
ordered his slaves to seize him--they   
dared not4 ,at length the master  hurled
 a stone at his head sufficient to have 
felled a bullock--but he  did not heed  
it4 ,at that instant my aunt sprang     
forward1 and  presenting the gun to my  
uncle1 exclaimed1 ',shoot him6 shoot him
 6' ,he  made the attempt1 but the gun  
missed fire1 and ,mince fled4 ,he was   
taken eight or ten months after while   

crossing the ,ohio4 ,when brought  back1
 the master1 and an overseer on another 
plantation1 took him to  the mountain   
and punished him to their satisfaction  
in secret2 after  which he was loaded   
with chains and set to his task4    ,i  
here spent nearly all my life in the    
midst of slavery4 ,from being  the son  
of a slaveholder1 ,i descended to the   
condition of a slave1 and  from that    
condition ,i rose 7if you please to call
 it so17 to the  station of a 'driver4' 
,i have lived in ,alabama1 ,tennessee1  
and  ,kentucky2 and ,i know the         
condition of the slaves to be that of   
unmixed wretchedness and degradation4   
,and on the part of slaveholders1  there
 is cruelty untold4 ,the labor of the   
slave is constant toil1  wrung out by   
fear4 ,their food is scanty1 and taken  
without comfort4  ,their clothes answer 
the purposes neither of comfort nor     
decency4 ,they  are not allowed to read 
or write4 ,whether they may worship ,god
 or not1  depends on the will of the    

master4 ,the young children1 until they 
can  work1 often go naked during the    
warm weather4 ,i could spend months in  
detailing the sufferings1 degradation   
and cruelty inflicted upon  slaves4 ,but
 my soul sickens at the remembrance of  
these things4        ,,testimony ,,of   
,,mr4 ,,lemuel ,,sapington1 ,a ,,native 
,,of ,,maryland4    ,mr4 ,sapington1 is 
a repentant soul driver or slave trader1
 now a  citizen of ,lancaster1 ,pa4 ,he 
gives the following testimony in a      
letter  dated1 ,jan4 #ba1 #ahci4    ,i  
was born in ,maryland1 afterwards moved 
to ,virginia1 where ,i  commenced the   
business of farming and trafficking in  
slaves4 ,in my  neighborhood the slaves 
were 'quartered4' ,the description      
generally  given of negro quarters is   
correct4 ,the quarters are without      
floors1  and not sufficient to keep off 
the inclemency of the weather1 they are 
uncomfortable both in summer and winter4
 ,the food there consists of  potatoes1 
pork1 and corn1 which were given to them

 daily1 by weight  and measure4 ,the    
sexes were huddled together             
promiscuously4 ,their  clothing is made 
by themselves after night1 though       
sometimes assisted  by the old women who
 are no longer able to do out door work1
  consequently it is harsh and          
uncomfortable4 ,i have frequently seen  
those of both sexes who have not        
attained the age of twelve years go     
naked4 ,their punishments are invariably
 cruel4 ,for the slightest  offence1    
such as taking a hen's egg1 ,i have seen
 them stripped and  suspended by their  
hands1 their feet tied together1 a fence
 rail of  ordinary size placed between  
their ankles1 and then most cruelly     
whipped1 until1 from head to foot1 they 
were completely lacerated1 a  pickle    
made for the purpose of salt and water1 
would then be applied  by a             
fellow-slave1 for the purpose of healing
 the wounds as well as  giving pain4    
,then taken down and without the least  
respite sent to  work with their hoe4   

,pursuing my assumed right of driving   
souls1 ,i went to the ,southern  part of
 ,virginia for the purpose of           
trafficking in slaves4 ,in that  part of
 the state1 the cruelties practised upon
 the slaves1 are far  greater than where
 ,i lived4 ,the punishments there often 
resulted in  death to the slave4 ,there 
was no law for the negro1 but that of   
the  overseer's whip4 ,in that part of  
the country1 the slaves receive  nothing
 for food1 but corn in the ear1 which   
has to be prepared for  baking after    
working hours1 by grinding it with a    
hand-mill4 ,this they  take to the      
fields with them1 and prepare it for    
eating1 by holding it  on their hoes1   
over a fire made by a stump4 ,among the 
gangs1 are often  young women1 who bring
 their children to the fields1 and lay  
them in a  fence corner1 while they are 
at work1 only being permitted to nurse  
them at the option of the overseer4     
,when a child is three weeks old1 a     
woman is considered in working order4 ,i

 have seen a woman1 with her  young     
child strapped to her back1 laboring the
 whole day1 beside a  man1 perhaps the  
father of the child1 and he not being   
permitted to  give her any assistance1  
himself being under the whip4 ,the      
uncommon  humanity of the driver        
allowing her the comfort of doing so4 ,i
 was  then selling a drove of slaves1   
which ,i had brought by water from      
,baltimore1 my conscience not allowing  
me to drive1 as was generally  the case 
uniting the slaves by collars and       
chains1 and thus driving  them under the
 whip4 ,about that time an unaccountable
 something1 which  ,i now know was an   
interposition of ,providence1 prevented 
me from  prosecuting any farther this   
unholy traffic2 but though ,i had       
quitted  it1 ,i still continued to live 
in a slave state1 witnessing every day  
its evil effects upon my fellow beings4 
,among which was a  heart-rending scene 
that took place in my father's house1   
which led me  to lease a slave state1 as

 well as all the imaginary comforts     
arising  from slavery4 ,on preparing for
 my removal to the state of             
,pennsylvania1 it became necessary for  
me to go to ,louisville1 in  ,kentucky1 
where1 if possible1 ,i became more      
horrified with the  impositions         
practiced upon the negro than before4   
,there a slave was  sold to go farther  
south1 and was hand-cuffed for the      
purpose of  keeping him secure4 ,but    
choosing death rather than slavery1 he  
jumped  overboard and was drowned4 ,when
 ,i returned four weeks afterwards his  
body1 that had floated three miles      
below1 was yet unburied4 ,one fact2  it 
is impossible for a person to pass      
through a slave state1 if he has  eyes  
open1 without beholding every day       
cruelties repugnant to  humanity4       
,respectfully ,yours1    ,,lemuel       
,,sapington4          ,,testimony ,,of  
,,mrs4 ,,nancy ,,lowry1 ,a ,,native ,,of
 ,,kentucky4    ,mrs4 ,lory1 is a member
 of the non-conformist church in        

,osnaburg1 ,stark  ,county1 ,ohio1 she  
is a native of ,kentucky4 ,we have      
received from her  the following        
testimony4    ,i resided in the family  
of ,reuben ,long1 the principal part of 
the  time1 from seven to twenty-two     
years of age4 ,mr4 ,long had #af slaves1
  among whom were three who were treated
 with severity1 although ,mr4  ,long was
 thought to be a very human master4     
,these three1 namely ,john1  ,ned1 and  
,james1 had wives2 ,john and ,ned had   
theirs at some distance1  but ,james had
 his with him4 ,all three died a        
premature death1 and it  was generally  
believed by his neighbors1 that extreme 
whipping was the  cause4 ,i believe so  
too4 ,ned died about the age of #be and 
,john #cd or  #ce4 ,the cause of their  
flogging was commonly staying a little  
over the  time1 with their wives4 ,mr4  
,long would tie them up by the wrist1 so
  high that their toes would just touch 
the ground1 and then with a  cow-hide   
lay the lash upon the naked back1 until 

he was exhausted1  when he would sit    
down and rest4 ,as soon as he had rested
  sufficiently1 he would ply the        
cow-hide again1 thus he would continue  
until the whole back of the poor victim 
was lacerated into one uniform  coat of 
blood4 ,yet he was a strict professor of
 the ,christian  religion1 in the       
southern church4 ,i frequently washed   
the wounds of  ,john1 with salt water1  
to prevent putrefaction4 ,this was the  
usual  course pursued after a severe    
flogging2 their backs would be full of  
gashes1 so deep the ,i could almost lay 
my finger in them4 ,they were  generally
 laid up after the flogging for several 
days4 ,the last  flogging ,ned got1 he  
was confined to the bed1 which he never 
left till  he was carried to his grave4 
,during ,john's confinement in his last 
sickness on one occasion while attending
 on him1 he exclaimed1 'oh1  ,nancy1    
,miss ,nancy1 ,i haven't much longer in 
this world1 ,i feel as if  my whole body
 inside and all my bones were beaten    

into a jelly4' ,soon  after he died4    
,john and ,ned were both professors of  
religion4    ,john ,ruffner1 a          
slaveholder1 had one slave named ,pincy1
 whom he as  well as ,mrs4 ,ruffner     
would often flog very severely4 ,i      
frequently saw  ,mrs4 ,ruffner flog her 
with the broom1 shovel1 or any thing she
 could  seize in her rage4 ,she would   
knock her down and then kick and stamp  
her most unmercifully1 until she would  
be apparently so lifeless1 that  ,i more
 than once thought she would never      
recover4 ,often ,pincy would  try to    
shelter herself from the blows of her   
mistress1 by creeping  under the bed1   
from which ,mrs4 ,ruffner would draw her
 by the feet1 and  then stamp and leap  
on her body1 till her breath would be   
gone4 ,often  ,pincy1 would cry1 ',oh   
,missee1 don't kill me6' ',oh ,lord1    
don't kill  me6' ',for ,god's sake don't
 kill me6' ,but ,mrs4 ,ruffner would    
beat and  stamp away1 with all the venom
 of a demon4 ,the cause of ,pincy's     

flogging was1 not working enough1 or    
making some mistake in baking1  c4 c4   
,many a night ,pincy had to lie on the  
bare floor1 by the side  of the cradle1 
rocking the baby of her mistress1 and if
 she would fall  asleep1 and suffer the 
child to cry1 so as to waken ,mrs4      
,ruffner1 she  would be sure to receive 
a flogging4          ,,testimony ,,of   
,,mr4 ,,wm4 ,c4 ,,gildersleeve1 ,a      
,,native ,,of ,,georgia    ,,mr4 ,w4,c4 
,,gildersleeve1 a native of ,georgia1 is
 an elder of the  ,presbyterian ,church 
at ,wilkesbarre1 ,pa4    ,acts of       
cruelty1 without number1 fell under my  
observation while ,i  lived in ,georgia4
 ,i will mention but one4 ,a slave of a 
,mr4 ,pinkney1 on  his way with a wagon 
to ,savannah1 'camped' for the night by 
the road  side4 ,that night1 the nearest
 hen-roost was robbed4 ,on his return1  
the  hen-roost was again visited1 and   
the fowl counted one less in the        
morning4 ,the oldest son1 with some     
attendants made search1 and came  upon  

the poor fellow1 in the act of dressing 
his spoil4 ,he was too  nimble for them1
 and made his retreat good into a dense 
swamp4 ,when  much effort to start him  
from his hiding place had proved        
unsuccessful1 it was resolved to lay an 
ambush for him1 some distance  ahead4   
,the wagon1 meantime1 was in charge of a
 lad1 who accompanied  the teamster as  
an assistant4 ,the little boy lay still 
till nearly  night1 7in the hope        
probably that the teamster would        
return17 when he  started with his      
wagon4 ,after travelling some distance1 
the lost one  made his appearance1 when 
the ambush sprang upon him4 ,the poor   
fellow  was conducted back to the       
plantation4 ,he expected little mercy4  
,he  begged for himself1 in the most    
suplicating manner1 'pray massa give  me
 #ajj lashes and let me go4' ,he was    
then tied by the hands1 to a limb  of a 
large mulberry tree1 which grew in the  
yard1 so that his feet  were raised a   
few inches from the ground1 while a     

sharpened stick  was driven underneath  
that he might rest his weight on it1 or 
swing by  his hands4 ,in this condition 
#ajj lashes were laid on his bare body4 
,i  stood by and witnessed the whole1   
without as ,i recollect feeling the     
least compassion4 ,so hardening is the  
influence of slavery1 that it  very much
 destroys feeling for the slave4        
,,testimony ,,of ,,mr4 ,,hiram          
,,white--,a ,,native ,,of ,,north       
,,carolina      ,mr4 ,,white resided    
thirty-two years in ,chatham county1    
,north ,carolina1  and is now a member  
of the ,baptist ,church1 at ,otter      
,creek ,prairie1  ,illinois4    ,about  
the #bjth ,december #ahcj1 a report was 
raised that the slaves in  ,chatham     
county1 ,north ,carolina1 were going to 
rise on ,christmas day1  in consequence 
of which a considerable commotion ensued
 among the  inhabitants2 orders were    
given by the ,governor to the militia   
captains1 to appoint patrolling captains
 in each district1 and orders  were     

given for every man subject to military 
duty to patrol as their  captains should
 direct4 ,i went two nights in          
succession1 and after  that refused to  
patrol at all4 ,the reason why ,i       
refused was this1  orders were given to 
search every negro house for books or   
prints of  any kind1 and ,bibles and    
,hymn books were particularly mentioned4
  ,and should we find any1 our orders   
were to inflict punishment by  whipping 
the slave until he informed who gave    
them to him1 or how  they came by them4 
,as regards the comforts of the slaves  
in the vicinity of my residence1  ,i can
 say they had nothing that would bear   
that name4 ,it is true1 the  slaves in  
general1 of a good crop year1 were      
tolerably well fed1 but  of a bad crop  
year1 they were1 as a general thing1 cut
 short of their  allowance4 ,their      
houses were pole cabins1 without loft or
 floor4 ,their  beds were made of what  
is there called broom-straw4 ,the men   
more  commonly sleep on benches4 ,their 

clothing would compare well with  their 
lodging4 ,whipping was common4 ,it was  
hardly possible for a man  with a common
 pair of ears1 if he was out of his     
house but a short  time on ,monday      
mornings1 to miss of hearing the sound  
of the lash1 and  the cries of the      
sufferers pleading with their masters to
 desist4  ,these scenes were more common
 throughout the time of my residence    
there1 from #agii to #ahca4    ,mr4     
,hedding of ,chatham county1 held a     
slave woman4 ,i traveled past  ,heddings
 as often as once in two weeks during   
the winter of #ahbh1 and  always saw her
 clad in a single cotton dress1 sleeves 
came half way to  the elbow1 and in     
order to prevent her running away1 a    
child1 supposed  to be about seven years
 of age1 was connected with her by a    
long chain  fastened round her neck1 and
 in this situation she was compelled all
  the day to grub up the roots of shrubs
 and sapplings to prepare ground  for   
the plough4 ,it is not uncommon for     

slaves to make up on ,sundays  what they
 are not able to perform through the    
week of their tasks4    ,at the time of 
the rumored insurrection above named1   
,chatham jail was  filled with slaves   
who were said to have been concerned in 
the plot4  ,without the least evidence  
of it1 they were punished in divers     
ways2  some were whipped1 some had their
 thumbs screwed in a vice to make  them 
confess1 but no proof satisfactory was  
ever obtained that the  negroes had ever
 thought of an insurrection1 nor did any
 so far as ,i  could learn1 acknowledge 
that an insurrection had ever been      
projected4  ,from this time forth1 the  
slaves were prohibited from assembling  
together for the worship of ,god1 and   
many of those who had previously  been  
authorized to preach the gospel were    
prohibited4    ,amalgamation was common4
 ,there was scarce a family of slaves   
that had  females of mature age where   
there were not some mulatto children4   
,,hiram  ,,white    ,otter ,creek       

,prairie1 ,jan4 #bb1 #ahci4             
,,testimony ,,of ,,mr4 ,,john ,m4       
,,nelson--,a ,,native ,,of ,,virginia4  
,extract of a letter1 dated ,january #c1
 #ahci1 from ,john ,m4 ,nelson1 ,esq41  
of ,hillsborough4 ,mr4 ,nelson removed  
from ,virginia to ,highland county1     
,ohio1 many years since1 where he is    
extensively known and respected4    ,i  
was born and raised in ,augusta county1 
,virginia2 my father was an  elder in   
the ,presbyterian ,church1 and was owner
 of about twenty  slaves2 he was what   
was generally termed a good master4 ,his
 slaves  were generally tolerably well  
fed and clothed1 and not over worked1   
they were sometimes permitted to attend 
church1 and called in to  family        
worship2 few of them1 however1 availed  
themselves of these  privileges4 ,on    
some occasions ,i have seen him whip    
them severely1  particularly for the    
crime of trying to obtain their liberty1
 or for  what was called1 running away4 
,for this they were scourged more       

severely than for any thing else4 ,after
 they have been retaken1 ,i have  seen  
them stripped naked and suspended by the
 hands1 sometimes to a  tree1 sometimes 
to a post1 until their toes barely      
touched the ground1  and whipped with a 
cowhide until the blood dripped from    
their backs4 ,a  boy named ,jack1       
particularly1 ,i have seen served in    
this way more than  once4 ,when ,i was  
quite a child1 ,i recollect it grieved  
me very much to  see one tied up to be  
whipped1 and ,i used to intercede with  
tears in  their behalf1 and mingle my   
cries with theirs1 and feel almost      
willing  to take part of the punishment2
 ,i have been severely rebuked by my    
father for this kind of sympathy4 ,yet1 
such is the hardening nature of  such   
scenes1 that from this kind of          
commiseration for the suffering  slave1 
,i became so blunted that ,i could not  
only witness their stripes  with        
composure1 but myself inflict them1 and 
that without remorse4  ,one case ,i have

 often looked back to with sorrow and   
contrition1  particularly since ,i have 
been convinced that negroes are men4    
,when  ,i was perhaps fourteen or       
fifteen years of age1 ,i undertook to   
correct  a young fellow named ,ned1 for 
some supposed offence2 ,i think it was  
leaving a bridle out of its proper      
place2 he being larger and stronger     
than myself took hold of my arms and    
held me1 in order to prevent my         
striking him2 this ,i considered the    
height of insolence1 and cried for      
help1 when my father and mother both    
came running to my rescue4 ,my  father  
stripped and tied him1 and took him into
 the orchard1 where  switches were      
plenty1 and directed me to whip him2    
when one switch  wore out he supplied me
 with others4 ,after ,i had whipped him 
a while1  he fell on his knees to       
implore forgiveness1 and ,i kicked him  
in the  face2 my father said1 don't kick
 him1 but whip him2 this ,i did until   
his back was literally covered with     

welts4 ,i know ,i have repented1  and   
trust ,i have obtained pardon for these 
things4    ,my father owned a woman1 7we
 used to call aunt ,grace17 she was     
purchased in ,old ,virginia4 ,she has   
told me that her old master1 in his     
will1 gave her her freedom1 but at his  
death1 his sons had sold her  to my     
father3 when he bought her she          
manifested some unwillingness to  go    
with him1 when she was put in irons and 
taken by force4 ,this was  before ,i was
 born2 but ,i remember to have seen the 
irons1 and was told  that was what they 
had been used for4 ,aunt ,grace is still
 living1 and  must be between seventy   
and eighty years of age2 she has1 for   
the last  forty years1 been an exemplary
 ,christian4 ,when ,i was a youth ,i    
took  some pains to learn her to read2  
this is now a great consolation to  her4
 ,since age and infirmity have rendered 
her of little value to her  owners1 she 
is permitted to read as much as she     
pleases2 this she  can do1 with the aid 

of glasses1 in the old family ,bible1   
which is  almost the only book she has  
ever looked into4 ,this with some little
  mending for the black children1 is all
 she does2 she is still held as  a      
slave4 ,i well remember what a          
heart-rending scene there was in the    
family when my father sold her husband2 
this was1 ,i suppose1  thirty-five years
 ago4 ,and yet my father was considered 
one of the  best of masters4 ,i know of 
few who were better1 but of many who    
were  worse4    ,the last time ,i saw my
 father1 which was in the fall of #ahcb1
 he  promised me that he would free all 
his slaves at his death4 ,he died       
however without doing it2 and ,i have   
understood since1 that he omitted  it1  
through the influence of ,rev4 ,dr4     
,speece1 a ,presbyterian minister1  who 
lived in the family1 and was a warm     
friend of the ,colonization  ,society4  
,about the year #ahji or #aj1 ,i became 
a student of ,rev4 ,george ,bourne2  he 
was the first abolitionist ,i had ever  

seen1 and the first ,i had  ever heard  
pray or plead for the oppressed1 which  
gave me the first  misgivings about the 
innocence of slaveholding4 ,i received  
impressions from ,mr4 ,bourne which ,i  
could not get rid of1#f and  determined 
in my own mind that when ,i settled in  
life1 it should be in  a free state2    
this determination ,i carried into      
effect in #ahac1 when ,i  removed to    
this place1 which ,i supposed at that   
time1 to be all the  opposition to      
slavery that was necessary1 but the     
moment ,i became  convinced that all    
slaveholding was in itself sinful1 ,i   
became an  abolitionist1 which was about
 four years ago4    ,footnote #f3 ,mr4  
,bourne resided seven years in          
,virginia1 in perils  among false       
brethren2 fiercely persecuted for his   
faithful testimony  against slavery4    
,more than twenty years since he        
published a work  entitled ',the ,book  
and ,slavery irreconcileable4'          
,,testimony ,,of ,,angelina ,,grimk     

,,weld4    ,mrs4 ,weld is the youngest  
daughter of the late ,judge ,grimk1 of  
the  ,supreme ,court of ,south          
,carolina1 and a sister of the late     
,hon4 ,thomas  ,s4 ,grimk1 of           
,charleston4    ,fort ,lee1 ,bergen     
,co41 ,new ,jersey1 ,fourth month #fth1 
#ahci4    ,i sit down to comply with thy
 request1 preferred in the name of the  
,executive ,committee of the ,american  
,anti-,slavery ,society4 ,the           
responsibility laid upon me by such a   
request1 leaves me no option4  ,while ,i
 live1 and slavery lives1 ,i must       
testify against it4 ,if ,i  should hold 
my peace1 the stone would cry out of the
 wall1 and the  beam out of the timber  
would answer it4 ,but though ,i feel a  
necessity  upon me1 and a woe unto me1  
if ,i withhold my testimony1 ,i give it 
with a heavy heart4 ,my flesh crieth    
out1 if it be possible1 let  this cup   
pass from me2 but1 ,father1 thy will be 
done1 is1 ,i  trust1 the breathing of my
 spirit4 ,oh1 the slain of the daughter 

of my  people6 they lie in all the ways2
 their tears fall as the rain1 and  are 
their meat day and night2 their blood   
runneth down like water2  their         
plundered hearths are desolate2 they    
weep for their husbands and  children1  
because they are not2 and the proud     
waves do continually go  over them1     
while no eye pitieth1 and no man careth 
for their souls4    ,but it is not alone
 for the sake of my poor brothers and   
sisters in  bonds1 or for the cause of  
truth1 and righteousness1 and humanity1 
that ,i testify2 the deep yearnings of  
affection for the mother that  bore me1 
who is still a slaveholder1 both in fact
 and in heart2 for my  brothers and     
sisters1 7a large family circle17 and   
for my numerous  other slaveholding     
kindred in ,south ,carolina1 constrain  
me to speak3  for even were slavery no  
curse to its victims1 the exercise of   
arbitrary power works such fearful ruin 
upon the hearts of  slaveholders1 that  
,i should feel impelled to labor and    

pray for its  overthrow with my last    
energies and latest breath4    ,i think 
it important to premise1 that ,i have   
seen almost nothing of  slavery on      
plantations4 ,my testimony will have    
respect exclusively  to the treatment of
 house-servants1 and chiefly those      
belonging to  the first families in the 
city of ,charleston1 both in the        
religious  and in the fashionable world4
 ,and here let me say1 that the         
treatment  of plantation slaves cannot  
be fully known1 except by the poor      
sufferers themselves1 and their drivers 
and overseers4 ,in a multitude  of      
instances1 even the master can know very
 little of the actual  condition of his 
own field-slaves1 and his wife and      
daughters far  less4 ,a few facts       
concerning my own family will show this4
 ,our  permanent residence was in       
,charleston2 our country-seat           
7,bellemont17  was #bjj miles distant1  
in the north-western part of the state2 
where1  for some years1 our family spent

 a few months annually4 ,our  plantation
 was three miles from this family       
mansion4 ,there1 all the  field-slaves  
lived and worked4 ,occasionally1 once a 
month1 perhaps1  some of the family     
would ride over to the plantation1 but  
,i never  visited the fields where the  
slaves were at work1 and knew almost    
nothing of their condition2 but this ,i 
do know1 that the overseers who  had    
charge of them1 were generally          
unprincipled and intemperate men4  ,but 
,i rejoice to know1 that the general    
treatment of slaves in that  region of  
country1 was far milder than on the     
plantations in the lower  country4      
,throughout all the eastern and middle  
portions of the state1 the  planters    
very rarely reside permanently on their 
plantations4 ,they  have almost         
invariably two residences1 and spend    
less than half the  year on their       
estates4 ,even while spending a few     
months on them1  politics1 field-sports1
 races1 speculations1 journeys1 visits1 

company1 literary pursuits1 c41 absorb  
so much of their time1 that  they must1 
to a considerable extent1 take the      
condition of their  slaves on trust1    
from the reports of their overseers4 ,i 
make this  statement1 because these     
slaveholders 7the wealthier class17 are1
 ,i  believe1 almost the only ones who  
visit the north with their              
families2--and northern opinions of     
slavery are based chiefly on their      
testimony4    ,but not to dwell on      
preliminaries1 ,i wish to record my     
testimony to  the faithfulness and      
accuracy with which my beloved sister1  
,sarah ,m4  ,grimk1 has1 in her         
'narrative and testimony1' on a         
preceding page1  described the condition
 of the slaves1 and the effect upon the 
hearts  of slaveholders1 7even the      
best17 caused by the exercise of        
unlimited  power over moral agents4 ,of 
the particular acts which she has       
stated1 ,i have no personal knowledge1  
as they occurred before my  remembrance2

 but of the spirit that prompted them1  
and that constantly  displays itself in 
scenes of similar horror1 the           
recollections of my  childhood1 and the 
effaceless imprint upon my riper years1 
with the  breaking of my heart-strings1 
when1 finding that ,i was powerless to  
shield the victims1 ,i tore myself from 
my home and friends1 and became  an     
exile among strangers--all these throng 
around me as witnesses1 and  their      
testimony is graven on my memory with a 
pen of fire4    ,why ,i did not become  
totally hardened1 under the daily       
operation of  this system1 ,god only    
knows2 in deep solemnity and gratitude1 
,i say1  it was the ,lord's doing1 and  
marvellous in mine eyes4 ,even before my
  heart was touched with the love of    
,christ1 ,i used to say1 ,oh that ,i    
had the wings of a dove1 that ,i might  
flee away and be at rest2 for ,i  felt  
that there could be no rest for me in   
the midst of such outrages  and         
pollutions4 ,and yet ,i saw nothing of  

slavery in its most vulgar  and         
repulsive forms4 ,i saw it in the city1 
among the fashionable and  the          
honorable1 where it was garnished by    
refinement1 and decked out  for show4 ,a
 few facts will unfold the state of     
society in the circle  with which ,i was
 familiar far better than any general   
assertions ,i can  make4    ,i will     
first introduce the reader to a woman of
 the highest  respectability--one who   
was foremost in every benevolent        
enterprise1  and stood for many years1  
,i may say1 at the head of the          
fashionable  ,elite of the city of      
,charleston1 and afterwards at the head 
of the  moral and religious female      
society there4 ,it was after she had    
made a  profession of religion1 and     
retired from the fashionable world1 that
 ,i  knew her2 therefore ,i will present
 her in her religious character4  ,this 
lady used to keep cowhides1 or small    
paddles1 7called 'pancake  sticks1'7 in 
four different apartments in her house2 

so that when she  wished to punish1 or  
to have punished1 any of her slaves1 she
 might  not have the trouble of sending 
for an instrument of torture4 ,for many 
years1 one or other1 and often more of  
her slaves1 were flogged  every day2    
particularly the young slaves about the 
house1 whose  faces were slapped1 or    
their hands beat with the 'pancake      
stick2 for  every trifling offence--and 
often for no fault at all4 ,but the     
floggings were not all2 the scolding1   
and abuse daily heaped upon them  all1  
were worse3 'fools' and 'liars1' 'sluts'
 and 'husseys1'  'hypocrites' and       
'good-for-nothing creatures'2 were the  
common  epithets with which her mouth   
was filled1 when addressing her slaves1 
adults as well as children4 ,very often 
she would take a position at  her       
window1 in an upper story1 and scold at 
her slaves while working  in the garden1
 at some distance from the house1 7a    
large yard  intervening17 and           
occasionally order a flogging4 ,i have  

known her thus  on the watch1 scolding  
for more than an hour at a time1 in so  
loud a  voice that the whole            
neighborhood could hear her2 and this   
without the  least apparent feeling of  
shame4 ,indeed1 it was no disgrace among
  slaveholders1 and did not in the least
 injure her standing1 either as  a lady 
or a ,christian1 in the aristocratic    
circle in which she moved4  ,after the  
'revival' in ,charleston1 in #ahbe1 she 
opened her house to  social             
prayer-meetings4 ,the room in which they
 were held in the  evening1 and where   
the voice of prayer was heard around the
 family  altar1 and where she herself   
retired for private devotion thrice each
  day1 was the very place in which1 when
 her slaves were to be whipped  with the
 cowhide1 they were taken to receive the
 infliction2 and the  wail of the       
sufferer would be heard1 where1 perhaps 
only a few hours  previous1 rose the    
voices of prayer and praise4 ,this      
mistress would  occasionally send her   

slaves1 male and female1 to the         
,charleston  work-house to be punished4 
,one poor girl1 whom she sent there to  
be  flogged1 and who was accordingly    
stripped naked and whipped1 showed  me  
the deep gashes on her back--,i might   
have laid my whole finger in            
them--large pieces of flesh had actually
 been cut out by the  torturing lash4   
,she sent another female slave there1 to
 be imprisoned  and worked on the       
tread-mill4 ,this girl was confined     
several days1 and  forced to work the   
mill while in a state of suffering from 
another  cause4 ,for ten days or two    
weeks after her return1 she was lame1   
from  the violent exertion necessary to 
enable her to keep the step on the      
machine4 ,she spoke to me with intense  
feeling of this outrage upon  her1 as a 
woman4 ,her men servants were sometimes 
flogged there2 and  so exceedingly      
offensive has been the putrid flesh of  
their lacerated  backs1 for days after  
the infliction1 that they would be kept 

out of  the house--the smell arising    
from their wounds being too horrible to 
be endured4 ,they were always stiff and 
sore for some days1 and not in  a       
condition to be seen by visitors4       
,this professedly ,christian woman was a
 most awful illustration of the  ruinous
 influence of arbitrary power upon the  
temper--her bursts of  passion upon the 
heads of her victims were dreaded even  
by her own  children1 and very often1   
all the pleasure of social intercourse  
around the domestic board1 was destroyed
 by her ordering the cook into  her     
presence1 and storming at him1 when the 
dinner or breakfast was  not prepared to
 her taste1 and in the presence of all  
her children1  commanding the waiter to 
slap his face4 ,fault-finding1 was with 
her  the constant accompaniment of every
 meal1 and banished that peace  which   
should hover around the social board1   
and smile on every face4  ,it was common
 for her to order brothers to whip their
 own sisters1 and  sisters their own    

brothers1 and yet no woman visited among
 the poor  more than she did1 or gave   
more liberally to relieve their wants4  
,this may seem perfectly unaccountable  
to a northerner1 but these  seeming     
contradictions vanish when we consider  
that over them she  possessed no        
arbitrary power1 they were always       
presented to her mind  as unfortunate   
sufferers1 towards whom her sympathies  
most freely  flowed2 she was ever ready 
to wipe the tears from their eyes1 and  
open wide her purse for their relief1   
but the others were her  vassals1 thrust
 down by public opinion beneath her     
feet1 to be at  her beck and call1 ever 
ready to serve in all humility1 her1    
whom ,god  in his providence had set    
over them--it was their duty to abide in
  abject submission1 and hers to compel 
them to do so--it was thus  that she    
reasoned4 ,except at family prayers1    
none were permitted to  sit in her      
presence1 but the seamstresses and      
waiting maids1 and  they1 however       

delicate might be their circumstances1  
were forced to  sit upon low stools1    
without backs1 that they might be       
constantly  reminded of their           
inferiority4 ,a slave who waited in the 
house1 was  guilty on a particular      
occasion of going to visit his wife1 and
 kept  dinner waiting a little1 7his    
wife was the slave of a lady who lived  
at a little distance47  ,when the family
 sat down to the table1 the  mistress   
began to scold the waiter for the       
offence--he attempted to  excuse        
himself--she ordered him to hold his    
tongue--he ventured  another apology2   
her son then rose from the table in a   
rage1 and beat  the face and ears of the
 waiter so dreadfully that the blood    
gushed  from his mouth1 and nose1 and   
ears4 ,this mistress was a professor of 
religion2 her daughter who related the  
circumstance1 was a fellow  member of   
the ,presbyterian church with the poor  
outraged  slave--instead of feeling     
indignation at this outrageous abuse of 

her  brother in the church1 she         
justified the deed1 and said he got just
  what he deserved4  ,i solemnly believe
 this to be a true picture of           
slaveholding religion4    ,the following
 is another illustration of it3    ,a   
mistress in ,charleston sent a grey     
headed female slave to the  workhouse1  
and had her severely flogged4 ,the poor 
old woman went to  an acquaintance of   
mine and begged her to buy her1 and told
 her how  cruelly she had been whipped4 
,my friend examined her lacerated back1 
and out of compassion did purchase her4 
,the circumstance was  mentioned to one 
of the former owner's relatives1 who    
asked her if it  were true4 ,the        
mistress told her it was1 and said that 
she had made  the severe whipping of    
this aged woman a subject of prayer1 and
 that  she believed she had done right  
to have it inflicted upon her4 ,the     
last 'owner' of the poor old slave1 said
 she1 had no fault to find  with her as 
a servant4    ,i remember very well that

 when ,i was a child1 our next door     
neighbor  whipped a young woman so      
brutally1 that in order to escape his   
blows  she rushed through the           
drawing-room window in the second story1
 and  fell upon the street pavement     
below and broke her hip4 ,this          
circumstance produced no excitement or  
inquiry4    ,the following circumstance 
occurred in ,charleston1 in #ahbh3    ,a
 slaveholder1 after flogging a little   
girl about thirteen years old1  set her 
on a table with her feet fastened in a  
pair of stocks4 ,he then  locked the    
door and took out the key4 ,when the    
door was opened she  was found dead1    
having fallen from the table4 ,when ,i  
asked a  prominent lawyer1 who belonged 
to one of the first families in the     
,state1 whether the murderer of this    
helpless child could not be  indicted1  
he coolly replied1 that the slave was   
,mr4 ----'s property1  and if he chose  
to suffer the loss1 no one else had any 
thing to do  with it4 ,the loss of human

 life1 the distress of the parents and  
other relatives of the little girl1     
seemed utterly out of his  thoughts3 it 
was the loss of property only that      
presented itself to  his mind4    ,i    
knew a gentleman of great benevolence   
and generosity of character1  so        
essentially to injure the eye of a      
little boy1 about ten years old1  as to 
destroy its sight1 by the blow of a     
cowhide1 inflicted whilst he  was       
whipping him4#g  ,i have heard the same 
individual speak of  breaking down the  
spirit of a slave under the lash as     
perfectly  right4    ,footnote #g3 ,the 
,jewish law would have set this servant 
free1 for his  eye's sake1 but he was   
held in slavery and sold from hand to   
hand1  although1 besides this title to  
his liberty according to ,jewish law1   
he was a mulatto1 and therefore free    
under the ,constitution of the  ,united 
,states1 in whose preamble our fathers  
declare that they  established it       
expressly to secure the blessings of    

liberty to  themselves and their        
posterity4--,ed4    ,i also know that an
 aged slave of his1 7by marriage17 was  
allowed to  get a scanty and precarious 
subsistence1 by begging in the streets  
of  ,charleston--he was too old to work1
 and therefore his allowance was        
stopped1 and he was turned out to make  
his living by begging4    ,when ,i was  
about thirteen years old1 ,i attended a 
seminary1 in  ,charleston1 which was    
superintended by a man and his wife of  
superior  education4 ,they had under    
their instruction the daughters of      
nearly  all the aristocracy4 ,their     
cruelty to their slaves1 both male and  
female1 ,i can never forget4 ,i remember
 one day there was called into  the     
school room to open a window1 a boy     
whose head had been shaved in  order to 
disgrace him1 and he had been so        
dreadfully whipped that he  could hardly
 walk4 ,so horrible was the impression  
produced upon my  mind by his           
heart-broken countenance and crippled   

person that ,i  fainted away4 ,the sad  
and ghastly countenance of one of their 
female  mulatto slaves who used to sit  
on a low stool at her sewing in the     
piazza1 is now fresh before me4 ,she    
often told me1 secretly1 how  cruelly   
she was whipped when they sent her to   
the work house4 ,i had  known so much of
 the terrible scourgings inflicted in   
that house of  blood1 that when ,i was  
once obliged to pass it1 the very sight 
smote  me with such horror that my limbs
 could hardly sustain me4 ,i felt as  if
 ,i was passing the precincts of hell4  
,a friend of mine who lived in  the     
neighborhood1 told me she often heard   
the screams of the slaves  under their  
torture4    ,i once heard a physician of
 a high family1 and of great            
respectability  in his profession1 say1 
that when he sent his slaves to the     
work-house  to be flogged1 he always    
went to see it done1 that he might be   
sure  they were properly1 i4e4 severely 
whipped4 ,he also related the  following

 circumstance in my presence4 ,he had   
sent a youth of about  eighteen to this 
horrible place to be whipped and        
afterwards to be  worked upon the       
treadmill4 ,from not keeping the step1  
which probably  he ,,could ,,not do1 in 
consequence of the lacerated state of   
his body2  his arm got terribly torn1   
from the shoulder to the wrist4 ,this   
physician said1 he went every day to    
attend to it himself1 in order  that he 
might use those restoratives1 which     
would inflict the  greatest possible    
pain4 ,this poor boy1 after being       
imprisoned there  for some weeks1 was   
then brought home1 and compelled to wear
 iron  clogs on his ankles for one or   
two months4 ,i saw him with those irons 
on one day when ,i was at the house4    
,this man was1 when young1  remarkable  
in the fashionable world for his elegant
 and fascinating  manners1 but the      
exercise of the slaveholder's power has 
thrown the  fierce air of tyranny even  
over these4    ,i heard another man of  

equally high standing say1 that he      
believed he  suffered far more than his 
waiter did whenever he flogged him for  
he  felt the exertion for days          
afterward1 but he could not let his     
servant go on in the neglect of his     
business1 it was his duty to  chastise  
him4 ,his duty to flog this boy of      
seventeen so severely  that he felt the 
exertion for days after6 and yet he     
never felt it  to be his duty to        
instruct him1 or have him instructed1   
even in the  common principles of       
morality4 ,i heard the mother of this   
man say it  would be no surprise to her1
 if he killed a slave some day1 for1    
that1  when transported with passion he 
did not seem to care what he did4 ,he   
once broke a large stick over the back  
of a slave and at another  time the     
ivory butt-end of a long coach whip over
 the head of  another4 ,this last was   
attacked with epileptic fits some months
 after1  and has ever since been subject
 to them1 and occasionally to violent   

fits of insanity4    ,southern          
mistresses sometimes flog their slaves  
themselves though  generally one slave  
is compelled to flog another4 ,whilst   
staying at a  friend's house some years 
ago1 ,i one day saw the mistress with a 
cow-hide in her hand1 and heard her     
scolding in an under tone1 her  waiting 
man1 who was about twenty-five years    
old4 ,whether she actually  inflicted   
the blows ,i do not know1 for ,i        
hastened out of sight and  hearing4 ,it 
was not the first time ,i had seen a    
mistress thus engaged4  ,i knew she was 
a cruel mistress1 and had heard her     
daughters  disputing1 whether their     
mother did right or wrong1 to send the  
slave  children1 7whom she sent out to  
sweep chimneys7 to the work house to  be
 whipped if they did not bring in their 
wages regularly4 ,this woman  moved in  
the most fashionable circle in          
,charleston4 ,the income of this  family
 was derived mostly from the hire of    
their slaves1 about one  hundred in     

number4 ,their luxuries were            
blood-bought luxuries indeed4  ,and yet 
what stranger would ever have inferred  
their cruelties from  the courteous     
reception and bland manners of the      
parlor4 ,every thing  cruel and         
revolting is carefully concealed from   
strangers1 especially  those from the   
north4 ,take an instance4 ,i have known 
the master and  mistress of a family    
send to their friends to borrow servants
 to  wait on company1 because their own 
slaves had been so cruelly flogged  in  
the work house1 that they could not walk
 without limping at every  step1 and    
their putrified flesh emitted such an   
intolerable smell that  they were not   
fit to be in the presence of company4   
,how can  northerners know these things 
when they are hospitably received at    
southern tables and firesides8 ,i repeat
 it1 no one who has not been an         
integral part of a slaveholding         
community1 can have any idea of its     
abominations4 ,it is a whited sepulchre 

full of dead men's bones and  all       
uncleanness4 ,blessed be ,god1 the      
,angel of ,truth has descended  and     
rolled away the stone from the mouth of 
the sepulchre1 and sits  upon it4 ,the  
abominations so long hidden are now     
brought forth before  all ,israel and   
the sun4 ,yes1 the ,angel of ,truth sits
 upon this  stone1 and it can never be  
rolled back again4    ,the utter        
disregard of the comfort of the slaves1 
in little things1  can scarcely be      
conceived by those who have not been a  
component  part of slaveholding         
communities4 ,take a few particulars out
 of  hundreds that might be named4 ,in  
,south ,carolina musketoes swarm in     
myriads1 more than half the year--they  
are so excessively annoying at  night1  
that no family thinks of sleeping       
without nets or  musketoe-bars hung over
 their bedsteads1 yet slaves are never  
provided with them1 unless it be the    
favorite old domestics who get  the     
cast-off pavilions2 and yet these very  

masters and mistresses will  be so kind 
to their horses as to provide them with 
fly nets4  ,bedsteads and bedding too1  
are rarely provided for any of the      
slaves--if the waiters and coachmen1    
waiting maids1 cooks1 washers1  c41 have
 beds at all1 they must generally get   
them for themselves4  ,commonly they lie
 down at night on the bare floor1 with a
 small  blanket wrapped round them in   
winter1 and in summer a coarse osnaburg 
sheet1 or nothing4 ,old slaves generally
 have beds1 but it is because  when     
younger they have provided them for     
themselves4    ,only two meals a day are
 allowed the house slaves--the first at 
twelve o'clock4 ,if they eat before this
 time1 it is by stealth1 and ,i  am sure
 there must be a good deal of suffering 
among them from  hunger1 and            
particularly by children4 ,besides this1
 they are often  kept from their meals  
by way of punishment4 ,no table is      
provided for  them to eat from4 ,they   
know nothing of the comfort and pleasure

 of  gathering round the social         
board--each takes his plate or tin pan  
and  iron spoon and holds it in the hand
 or on the lap4 ,i never saw  slaves    
seated round a table to partake of any  
meal4    ,as the general rule1 no lights
 of any kind1 no firewood--no towels1   
basins1 or soap1 no tables1 chairs1 or  
other furniture1 are provided4  ,wood   
for cooking and washing for the family  
is found1 but when the  master's work is
 done1 the slave must find wood for     
himself if he has  a fire4 ,i have      
repeatedly known slave children kept the
 whole winter's  evening1 sitting on the
 stair-case in a cold entry1 just to be 
at hand  to snuff candles or hand a     
tumbler of water from the side-board1 or
 go  on errands from one room to        
another4 ,it may be asked why they were 
not  permitted to stay in the parlor1   
when they would be still more at  hand4 
,i answer1 because waiters are not      
allowed to sit in the  presence of their
 owners1 and as children who were kept  

running all  day1 would of course get   
very tired of standing for two or three 
hours1 they were allowed to go into the 
entry and sit on the staircase  until   
rung for4 ,another reason is1 that even 
slaveholders at times  find the presence
 of slaves very annoying2 they cannot   
exercise entire  freedom of speech      
before them on all subjects4    ,i have 
also known instances where seamstresses 
were kept in cold  entries to work by   
the stair case lamps for one or two     
hours1 every  evening in winter--they   
could not see without standing up all   
the  time1 though the work was often too
 large and heavy for them to sew  upon  
it in that position without great       
inconvenience1 and yet they  were       
expected to do their work as well with  
their cold fingers1 and  standing up1 as
 if they had been sitting by a          
comfortable fire and  provided with the 
necessary light4 ,house slaves suffer a 
great deal  also from not being allowed 
to leave the house without permission4  

,if  they wish to go even for a draught 
of water1 they must ask leave1  and if  
they stay longer than the mistress      
thinks necessary1 they are  liable to be
 punished1 and often are scolded or     
slapped1 or kept from  going down to the
 next meal4    ,it frequently happens   
that relatives1 among slaves1 are       
separated for  weeks or months1 by the  
husband or brother being taken by the   
master  on a journey1 to attend on his  
horses and himself4--,when they return1 
the white husband seeks the wife of his 
love2 but the black husband  must wait  
to see his wife1 until mistress pleases 
to let her  chambermaid leave her room4 
,yes1 such is the despotism of slavery1 
that wives and sisters dare not run to  
meet their husbands and  brothers after 
such separations1 and hours sometimes   
elapse before  they are allowed to meet2
 and1 at times1 a fiendish pleasure is  
taken  in keeping them asunder--this    
furnishes an opportunity to vent        
feelings of spite for any little neglect

 of duty4    ,the sufferings to which   
slaves are subjected by separations of  
various  kinds1 cannot be imagined by   
those unacquainted with the working out 
of the system behind the curtain4 ,take 
the following instances4                
,chambermaids and seamstresses often    
sleep in their mistresses'  apartments1 
but with no bedding at all4 ,i know an  
instance of a woman  who has been       
married eleven years1 and yet has never 
been allowed to  sleep out of her       
mistress's chamber4--,this is a great   
hardship to  slaves4 ,when we consider  
that house slaves are rarely allowed    
social  intercourse during the day1 as  
their work generally separates  them2   
the barbarity of such an arrangement is 
obvious4 ,it is  peculiarly a hardship  
in the above case1 as the husband of the
 woman  does not belong to her owner2   
and because he is subject to  dreadful  
attacks of illness1 and can have but    
little attention from  his wife in the  
day4 ,and yet her mistress1 who is an   

old lady1 gives  her the highest        
character as a faithful servant1 and    
told a friend of  mine1 that she was    
entirely dependent upon her for all her 
comforts2 she dressed and undressed her1
 gave her all her food1 and  was so     
necessary to her that she could not do  
without her4 ,i may  add1 that this     
couple are tenderly attached to each    
other4    ,i also know an instance in   
which the husband was a slave and the   
wife  was free3 during the illness of   
the former1 the latter was allowed  to  
come and nurse him2 she was obliged to  
leave the work by which she  had made a 
living1 and come to stay with her       
husband1 and thus lost  weeks of her    
time1 or he would have suffered for want
 of proper  attention2 and yet his owner
 made her no compensation for her       
services4 ,he had long been a faithful  
and a favorite slave1 and his  owner was
 a woman very benevolent to the poor    
whites4--,she went a  great deal among  
these1 as a visiting commissioner of the

 ,ladies'  ,benevolent ,society1 and was
 in the constant habit of paying the    
relatives of the poor whites for nursing
 their husbands1 fathers1  and other    
relations2 because she thought it very  
hard1 when their time  was taken up1 so 
that they could not earn their daily    
bread1 that they  should be left to     
suffer4 ,now1 such is the stupifying    
influence of the  chattel principle on  
the minds of slaveholders1 that ,i do   
not  suppose it ever occurred to her    
that this poor colored wife ought to  be
 paid for her services1 and particularly
 as she was spending her  time and      
strength in taking care of her property4
 ,she no doubt  only thought how kind   
she was1 to allow her to come and stay  
so long  in her yard2 for1 let it be    
kept in mind1 that slaveholders have    
unlimited power to separate husbands and
 wives1 parents and children1  however  
and whenever they please2 and if this   
mistress had chosen to  do it1 she could
 have debarred this woman from all      

intercourse with  her husband1 by       
forbidding her to enter her premises4   
,persons who own plantations and yet    
live in cities1 often take  children    
from their parents as soon as they are  
weaned1 and send them  into the country2
 because they do not want the time of   
the mother  taken up by attendance upon 
her own children1 it being too valuable 
to  the mistress4 ,as a favor1 she is1  
in some cases1 permitted to go to  see  
them once a year4 ,so1 on the other     
hand1 if field slaves happen to  have   
children of an age suitable to the      
convenience of the master1  they are    
taken from their parents and brought to 
the city4 ,parents are  almost never    
consulted as to the disposition to be   
made of their  children2 they have as   
little control over them1 as have       
domestic  animals over the disposal of  
their young4 ,every natural and social  
feeling and affection are violated with 
indifference2 slaves are  treated as    
though they did not possess them4       

,another way in which the feelings of   
slaves are trifled with and often       
deeply wounded1 is by changing their    
names2 if1 at the time they are  brought
 into a family1 there is another slave  
of the same name2 or if  the owner      
happens1 for some other reason1 not to  
like the name of the  new comer4 ,i have
 known slaves very much grieved at      
having the names  of their children thus
 changed1 when they had been called     
after a dear  relation4 ,indeed it would
 be utterly impossible to recount the   
multitude of ways in which the heart of 
the slave is continually  lacerated by  
the total disregard of his feelings as a
 social being and  a human creature4    
,the slave suffers also greatly from    
being continually watched4 ,the  system 
of espionage which is constantly kept up
 over slaves is the  most worrying and  
intolerable that can be imagined4 ,many 
mistresses  are1 in fact1 during the    
absence of their husbands1 really their 
drivers2 and the pleasure of returning  

to their families often1 on the  part of
 the husband1 is entirely destroyed by  
the complaints preferred  against the   
slaves when he comes home to his meals4 
,a mistress of my acquaintance asked her
 servant boy1 one day1 what was  the    
reason she could not get him to do his  
work whilst his master was  away1 and   
said to him1 ,your master works a great 
deal harder than you  do2 he is at his  
office all day1 and often has to study  
his law cases  at night4 ,master1 said  
the boy1 is working for himself1 and for
  you1 ma'am1 but ,i am working for him4
 ,the mistress turned and  remarked to a
 friend1 that she was so struck with the
 truth of the  remark1 that she could   
not say a word to him4 ,but ,i          
forbear--the  sufferings of the slaves  
are not only innumerable1 but they are  
indescribable4 ,i may paint the agony of
 kindred torn from each  other's arms1  
to meet no more in time2 ,i may depict  
the inflictions of  the blood-stained   
lash1 but ,i cannot describe the daily1 

hourly1  ceaseless torture1 endured by  
the heart that is constantly trampled   
under the foot of despotic power4 ,this 
is a part of the horrors of  slavery    
which1 ,i believe1 no one has ever      
attempted to delineate2 ,i  wonder not  
at it1 it mocks all power of language4  
,who can describe the  anguish of that  
mind which feels itself impaled upon the
 iron of  arbitrary power--its living1  
writhing1 helpless victim6 every human  
susceptibility tortured1 its sympathies 
torn1 and stung1 and  bleeding--always  
feeling the death-weapon in its heart1  
and yet not so  deep as to kill that    
humanity which is made the curse of ,its
  existence4    ,in the course of my    
testimony ,i have entered somewhat into 
the  minutiae of slavery1 because this  
is a part of the subject often          
overlooked1 and cannot be appreciated by
 any but those who have been  witnesses1
 and entered into sympathy with the     
slaves as human beings4  ,slaveholders  
think nothing of them1 because they     

regard their slaves  as property1 the   
mere instruments of their convenience   
and pleasure4  ,one who is a slaveholder
 at heart never recognises a human being
 in a  slave4    ,as thou hast asked me 
to testify respecting the physical      
condition  of the slaves merely1 ,i say 
nothing of the awful neglect of their   
minds and souls and the systematic      
effort to imbrute them4 ,a wrong  and an
 impiety1 in comparison with which all  
the other unutterable  wrongs of slavery
 are but as the dust of the balance4    
,,angelina ,g4 ,,weld4                  
,,general ,,testimony    ,,to ,,the     
,,cruelties ,,inflicted ,,upon ,,slaves4
      ,before presenting to the reader  
particular details of the cruelties     
inflicted upon ,american slaves1 we will
 present in brief the  well-weighed     
declarations of slaveholders and other  
residents of slave  states1 testifying  
that the slaves are treated with        
barbarous  inhumanity4 ,all details and 
particulars will be drawn out under     

their appropriate heads4 ,we propose in 
this place to present testimony  of a   
general character--the solemn           
declarations of slaveholders and        
others1 that the slaves are treated with
 great cruelty4    ,to discredit the    
testimony of witnesses who insist upon  
convicting  themselves1 would be an     
anomalous scepticism4      ,to show that
 ,american slavery has always had one   
uniform character  of diabolical        
cruelty1 we will go back one hundred    
years1 and prove it  by unimpeachable   
witnesses1 who have given their         
deliberate testimony  to its horrid     
barbarity1 from #agci to #ahci4         
,,testimony ,,of ,,rev4 ,,george        
,,whitefield4    ,in a letter written by
 him in ,georgia1 and addressed to the  
slaveholders of ,maryland1 ,virginia1   
,north and ,south ,carolina and         
,georgia1 in #agci4--,see ,benezet's    
,caution to ,great ,britain and her     
,colonies4    ,as ,i lately passed      
through your provinces on my way hither1

 ,i was  sensibly touched with a        
fellow-feeling of the miseries of the   
poor  negroes4    ,sure ,i am1 it is    
sinful to use them as bad1 nay worse    
than if they  were brutes2 and whatever 
particular exceptions there may be1 7as 
,i  would charitably hope there are     
some17 ,i fear the generality of  you   
that own negroes are liable to such a   
charge4 ,not to mention  what numbers   
have been given up to the inhuman usage 
of cruel  taskmasters1 who by their     
unrelenting scourges1 have ploughed     
their  backs and made long furrows1 and 
at length brought them to the grave6    
,the blood of them1 spilt for these many
 years1 in your respective  provinces1  
will ascend up to heaven against you6   
,the following is  the testimony of the 
celebrated ,,john ,,woolman1 an eminent 
minister of  the ,society of ,friends1  
who traveled extensively in the slave   
state4  ,we copy it from a ,memoir of   
,,john ,,woolman1 chiefly extracted from
 a  ,journal of his ,life and ,travels4 

,it was published in ,philadelphia1 by  
the ,society of ,friends4    ,the       
following reflections1 were written in  
#ageg1 while he was  traveling on a     
religious account among slaveholders4   
,many of the white people in these      
provinces1 take little or no care  of   
negro marriages2 and when negroes marry1
 after their own way1 some  make so     
little account of those marriages1 that1
 with views of outward  interest1 they  
often part men from their wives1 by     
selling them far  asunder2 which is     
common when estates are sold by         
executors at vendue4    ,many whose     
labor is heavy1 being followed at their 
business in the  field by a man with a  
whip1 hired for that purpose1--have1 in 
common1  little else allowed them but   
one peck of ,indian corn and some salt  
for one week1 with a few potatoes4 7,the
 potatoes they commonly raise  by their 
labor on the first day of the week47    
,the correction ensuing  on their       
disobedience to overseers1 or           

slothfulness in business1 is  often very
 severe1 and sometimes desperate4 ,men  
and women have  many times scarce       
clothes enough to hide their            
nakedness--and boys  and girls1 ten and 
twelve years old1 are often quite naked 
among  their masters' children4 ,some   
use endeavors to instruct those 7negro  
children7 they have in reading2 but in  
common1 this is not only  neglected1 but
 disapproved4--p4 #ab4      ,,testimony 
,,of ,,the ',,maryland ,,journal ,,and  
,,baltimore ,,advertiser1' ,,of ,,may   
#cj1 #aghh4      ,in the ordinary course
 of the business of the country1 the    
punishment  of relations frequently     
happens on the same farm1 and in view of
 each  other3 the father often sees his 
beloved son--the son his venerable      
sire--the mother her much loved         
daughter--the daughter her  affectionate
 parent--the husband sees the wife of   
his bosom1 and she  the husband of her  
affection1 cruelly bound up without     
delicacy or  mercy1 and without daring  

to interpose in each other's behalf1 and
  punished with all the extremity of    
incensed rage1 and all the rigor  of    
unrelenting severity4 ,let us reverse   
the case1 and suppose it ours3  ,,all   
,,is ,,silent ,,horror6      ,,testimony
 ,,of ,,the ,,hon4 ,,william ,,pinckney1
 ,,of ,,maryland4      ,in a speech     
before the ,maryland ,house of          
,delegates1 in #aghi1 ,mr4 ,p4  calls   
slavery in that state1 a speaking       
picture of abominable  oppression2 and  
adds3 ,it will not do thus to 444 act   
like  unrelenting tyrants1 perpetually  
sermonizing it with liberty as our      
text1 and actual oppression for our     
commentary4 ,is she ,maryland  not 444  
the foster mother of petty despots1--the
 patron of wanton  oppression8          
,extract from a speech of ,mr4 ,,rice1  
in the ,convention for forming the      
,constitution of ,kentucky1 in #agij3   
,the master may1 and often does1 inflict
 upon him all the severity of           
punishment the human body is capable of 

bearing4    ,president ,edwards1 the    
,younger1 in a sermon before the        
,connecticut  ,abolition ,society1      
#agia1 says3    ,from these drivers1 for
 every imagined1 as well as real neglect
 or  want of exertion1 they receive the 
lash--the smack of which is all day     
long in the ears of those who are on the
 plantation or in the  vicinity2 and it 
is used with such dexterity and         
severity1 as not only  to lacerate the  
skin1 but to tear out small portions of 
the flesh at  almost every stroke4      
,this is the general treatment of the   
slaves4 ,but many individuals  suffer   
still more severely4 ,many1 many are    
knocked down2 some have  their eyes     
beaten out3 some have an arm or a leg   
broken1 or chopped  off2 and many1 for a
 very small1 or for no crime at all1    
have been  beaten to death1 merely to   
gratify the fury of an enraged master or
  overseer4    ,extract from an oration1
 delivered at ,baltimore1 ,july #d1     
#agig1 by  ,,george ,,buchanan1 ,m4,d41 

member of the ,american ,philosophical  
,society4    ,their situation 7the      
slaves'7 is insupportable2 misery       
inhabits  their cabins1 and pursues them
 in the field4 ,inhumanly beaten1 they  
often fall sacrifices to the turbulent  
tempers of their masters6 ,who  is      
there1 unless inured to savage          
cruelties1 that can hear of the  inhuman
 punishments daily inflicted upon the   
unfortunate blacks1  without feeling for
 them8 ,can a man who calls himself a   
,christian1  coolly and deliberately tie
 up1 thumb-screw1 torture with pincers1 
and beat unmercifully a poor slave1 for 
perhaps a trifling neglect of  duty8--p4
 #ad4      ,,testimony ,,of ,,hon4      
,,john ,,randolph1 ,,of ,,roanoke--,a   
,,slaveholder4      ,in one of his      
,congressional speeches1 ,mr4 ,r4 says3 
,avarice alone can  drive1 as it does   
drive1 this infernal traffic1 and the   
wretched  victims of it1 like so many   
post-horses whipped to death in a mail  
coach4 ,ambition has its cover-sluts in 

the pride1 pomp1 and  circumstance of   
glorious war2 but where are the trophies
 of avarice8  ,the hand-cuff2 the       
manacle1 the blood-stained cowhide6     
,,major ,,stoddard1 of the ,united      
,states' army1 who took possession of   
,louisiana in behalf of the ,united     
,states1 under the cession of #ahjd1  in
 his ,sketches of ,louisiana1 page #ccb1
 says3    ,the feelings of humanity are 
outraged--the most odious tyranny       
exercised in a land of freedom1 and     
hunger and nakedness prevail  amidst    
plenty4 99 99 99 ,cruel1 and even       
unusual punishments are daily  inflicted
 on these wretched creatures1 enfeebled 
with hunger1 labor  and the lash4 ,the  
scenes of misery and distress constantly
 witnessed  along the coast of the      
,delta1 of the ,mississippi1 the wounds 
and  lacerations occasioned by          
demoralized masters and overseers1      
torture  the feelings of the passing    
stranger1 and wring blood from the      
heart4    ,though only the third of the 

following series of resolutions is      
directly relevant to the subject now    
under consideration1 we insert  the     
other resolutions1 both because they are
 explanatory of the third1  and also    
serve to reveal the public sentiment of 
,indiana1 at the date  of the           
resolutions4 ,as a large majority of the
 citizens of ,indiana at  that time1    
were natives of slave states1 they well 
knew the actual  condition of the       
slaves4    #a4 ,,resolved ,,unanimously1
 by the ,legislative ,council and ,house
 of  ,representatives of ,indiana       
,territory1 that a suspension of the    
sixth  article of compact between the   
,united ,states and the territories and 
states north west of the river ,ohio1   
passed the #acth day of ,january1       
#aghc1 for the term of ten years1 would 
be highly advantageous to the           
territory1 and meet the approbation of  
at least nine-tenths of the  good       
citizens of the same4    #b4 ,,resolved 
,,unanimously1 that the abstract        

question of liberty and  slavery1 is not
 considered as involved in a suspension 
of the said  article1 inasmuch as the   
number of slaves in the ,united ,states 
would  not be augmented by the measure4 
#c4 ,,resolved ,,unanimously1 that the  
suspension of the said article  would be
 equally advantageous to the territory1 
to the states from  whence the negroes  
would be brought1 and to the negroes    
themselves4  ,the states which are      
overburthened with negroes which they   
cannot  comfortably support2 99 99 and  
,,the ,,negro ,,himself ,,would         
,,exchange ,a ,,scanty  ,,pittance ,,of 
,,the ,,coarsest ,,food1 for a plentiful
 and nourishing diet2  and a situation  
which admits not the most distant       
prospect of  emancipation1 for one which
 presents no considerable obstacle to   
his  wishes4    #d4 ,,resolved          
,,unanimously1 that a copy of these     
resolutions be  delivered to the        
delegate to ,congress from this         
territory1 and that he  be1 and he      

hereby is1 instructed to use his best   
endeavors to obtain a  suspension of the
 said article4    ,j4,b4 ,,thomas1      
,speaker of the ,house of               
,representatives4    ,,pierre ,,minard1 
,president pro tem4 of the ,legislative 
,council4  ,vincennes1 ,dec4 #bj1 #ahjf4
    ,forwarded to the ,speaker the      
,united ,states' ,senate1 by ,,william  
,,henry  ,,harrison1                    
,governor--,american ,state ,papers vol 
#a4 p4 #dfg4      ,,monsieur ,c4,c4     
,,robin1 who resided in ,louisiana from 
#ahjb to #ahjf1 and  published a volume 
containing the results of his           
observations there1  thus speaks of the 
condition of the slaves3    ,while they 
are at labor1 the manager1 the master1  
or the driver has  commonly the whip in 
hand to strike the idle4 ,but those of  
the negroes  who are judged guilty of   
serious faults1 are punished twenty1    
twenty-five1 forty1 fifty1 or one       
hundred lashes4 ,the manner of this     
cruel execution is as follows3 four     

stakes are driven down1 making a  long  
square2 the culprit is extended naked   
between these stakes1 face  downwards2  
his hands and his feet are bound        
separately1 with strong  cords1 to each 
of the stakes1 so far apart that his    
arms and legs1  stretched in the form of
 ,st4 ,andrew's cross1 give the poor    
wretch no  chance of stirring4 ,then the
 executioner1 who is ordinarily a negro1
  armed with the long whip of a         
coachman1 strikes upon the reins and    
thighs4 ,the crack of his whip resounds 
afar1 like that of an angry  cartman    
beating his horses4 ,the blood flows1   
the long wounds cross  each other1      
strips of skin are raised without       
softening either the  hand of the       
executioner or the heart of the master1 
who cries 'sting  him harder4'    ,the  
reader is moved2 so am ,i3 my agitated  
hand refuses to trace the  bloody       
picture1 to recount how many times the  
piercing cry of pain has  interrupted my
 silent occupations2 how many times ,i  

have shuddered at  the faces of those   
barbarous masters1 where ,i saw         
inscribed the number  of victims        
sacrificed to their ferocity4    ,the   
women are subjected to these punishments
 as rigorously as the  men--not even    
pregnancy exempts them2 in that case1   
before binding  them to the stakes1 a   
hole is made in the ground to           
accommodate the  enlarged form of the   
victim4    ,it is remarkable that the   
white creole women are ordinarily more  
inexorable than the men4 ,their slow and
 languid gait1 and the trifling         
services which they impose1 betoken only
 apathetic indolence2 but  should the   
slave not promptly obey1 should he even 
fail to divine the  meaning of their    
gestures1 or looks1 in an instant they  
are armed with  a formidable whip2 it is
 no longer the arm which cannot sustain 
the  weight of a shawl or a reticule--it
 is no longer the form which but  feebly
 sustains itself4 ,they themselves order
 the punishment of one of  these poor   

creatures1 and with a dry eye see their 
victim bound to  four stakes2 they count
 the blows1 and raise a voice of menace1
 if the  arm that strikes relaxes1 or if
 the blood does not flow in sufficient  
abundance4 ,their sensibility changed to
 fury must needs feed itself  for a     
while on the hideous spectacle2 they    
must1 as if to revive  themselves1 hear 
the piercing shrieks1 and see the flow  
of fresh  blood2 there are some of them 
who1 in their frantic rage1 pinch and   
bite their victims4    ,it is by no     
means wonderful that the laws designed  
to protect the  slave1 should be little 
respected by the generality of such     
masters4 ,i  have seen some masters pay 
those unfortunate people the miserable  
overcoat which is their due2 but others 
give them nothing at all1 and  do not   
even leave them the hours and ,sundays  
granted to them by law4 ,i  have seen   
some of those barbarous masters leave   
them1 during the  winter1 in a state of 
revolting nudity1 even contrary to their

 own  true interests1 for they thus     
weaken and shorten the lives upon which 
repose the whole of their own fortunes4 
,i have seen some of those  negroes     
obliged to conceal their nakedness with 
the long moss of the  country4 ,the sad 
melancholy of these wretches1 depicted  
upon their  countenances1 the flight of 
some1 and the death of others1 do not   
reclaim their masters2 they wreak upon  
those who remain1 the vengeance  which  
they can no longer exercise upon the    
others4      ,,whitman ,,mead1 ,esq4 of 
,new ,york1 in his journal1 published   
nearly a  quarter of a century ago1     
under date of    ,,savannah1 ,january   
#bh1 #ahag4    ,to one not accustomed to
 such scenes as slavery presents1 the   
condition of the slaves is impressively 
shocking4 ,in the course of  my walks1  
,i was every where witness to their     
wretchedness4 ,like the  brute creatures
 of the north1 they are driven about at 
the pleasure of  all who meet them3 half
 naked and half starved1 they drag out a

  pitiful existence1 apparently almost  
unconscious of what they suffer4  ,a    
threat accompanies every command1 and a 
bastinado is the usual  reward of       
disobedience4        ,,testimony ,,of   
,,rev4 ,,john ,,rankin1    ,a native of 
,tennessee1 educated there1 and for a   
number of years a  preacher in slave    
states--now pastor of a church in       
,ripley1 ,ohio4    ,many poor slaves are
 stripped naked1 stretched and tied     
across  barrels1 or large bags1 and     
tortured with the lash during hours1 and
  even whole days1 until their flesh is 
mangled to the very bones4  ,others are 
stripped and hung up by the arms1 their 
feet are tied  together1 and the end of 
a heavy piece of timber is put between  
their  legs in order to stretch their   
bodies1 and so prepare them for the     
torturing lash--and in this situation   
they are often whipped until  their     
bodies are covered with blood and       
mangled flesh--and in order  to add the 
greatest keenness to their sufferings1  

their wounds are  washed with liquid    
salt6 ,and some of the miserable        
creatures are  permitted to hang in that
 position until they actually expire2   
some  die under the lash1 others linger 
about for a time1 and at length die  of 
their wounds1 and many survive1 and     
endure again similar torture4  ,these   
bloody scenes are constantly exhibiting 
in every slave holding                  
country--thousands of whips are every   
day stained in ,african blood6  ,even   
the poor females are not permitted to   
escape these shocking                   
cruelties4--,rankin's ,letters4         
,these letters were published fifteen   
years ago4--,they were addressed  to a  
brother in ,virginia1 who was a         
slaveholder4      ,,testimony ,,of ,,the
 ,,american ,,colonization ,,society4   
,we have heard of slavery as it exists  
in ,asia1 and ,africa1 and  ,turkey--we 
have heard of the feudal slavery under  
which the peasantry  of ,europe have    
groaned from the days of ,alaric until  

now1 but  excepting only the horrible   
system of the ,west ,india ,islands1 we 
have  never heard of slavery in any     
country1 ancient or modern1 ,pagan1     
,mohammedan1 or ,christian6 so terrible 
in its character1 as the  slavery which 
exists in these ,united                 
,states4--,seventh ,report  ,american   
,colonization ,society1 #ahbd4          
,,testimony ,,of ,,the ,,gradual        
,,emancipation ,,society ,,of ,,north   
,,carolina4      ,signed by ,moses      
,swain1 ,president1 and ,william ,swain1
 ,secretary4    ,in the eastern part of 
the state1 the slaves considerably      
outnumber  the free population4 ,their  
situation is there wretched beyond      
description4 ,impoverished by the       
mismanagement which we have already     
attempted to describe1 the master1      
unable to support his own grandeur  and 
maintain his slaves1 puts the           
unfortunate wretches upon short         
allowances1 scarcely sufficient for     
their sustenance1 so that a great  part 

of them go half naked and half starved  
much of the time4  ,generally1          
throughout the state1 the ,african is an
 abused1 a  monstrously outraged        
creature4--,see ,minutes of the         
,american  ,convention1 convened in     
,baltimore1 ,oct4 #be1 #ahbf4           
,,from ,,niles' ,,baltimore ,,register  
,,for #ahbi1 ,,vol #ce1 p4 #d4          
,dealing in slaves has become a large   
business4 ,establishments are  made at  
several places in ,maryland and         
,virginia1 at which they are  sold like 
cattle4 ,these places of deposit are    
strongly built1 and well  supplied with 
iron thumb-screws and gags1 and         
ornamented with  catskins and other     
whips--often times bloody4    ,judge    
,,ruffin1 of the ,supreme ,court of     
,north ,carolina1 in one of his         
judicial decisions1 says--,the slave1 to
 remain a slave1 must feel  that there  
is ,,no ,,appeal ,,from ,,his ,,master4 
,no man can anticipate the  provocations
 which the slave would give1 nor the    

consequent wrath of  the master1        
prompting him to ,,bloody ,,vengeance on
 the turbulent  traitor1 a vengeance    
generally practiced with impunity1 by   
reason of  its ,,privacy4--,see         
,wheeler's ,law of ,slavery p4 #bdg4    
,,mr4 ,,moore1 of ,,virginia1 in his    
speech before the ,legislature of that  
state1 ,jan4 #ae1 #ahcb1 says3 ,it must 
be confessed1 that although the         
treatment of our slaves is in the       
general1 as mild and humane as it  can  
be1 that it must always happen1 that    
there will be found hundreds  of        
individuals1 who1 owing either to the   
natural ferocity of their  dispositions1
 or to the effects of intemperance1 will
 be guilty of  cruelty and barbarity    
towards their slaves1 which is almost   
intolerable1 and at which humanity      
revolts4          ,,testimony ,,of ,b4  
,,swain1 ,,esq41 ,,of ,,north           
,,carolina4      ,let any man of spirit 
and feeling1 for a moment cast his      
thoughts  over this land of             

slavery--think of the nakedness of some1
 the  hungry yearnings of others1 the   
flowing tears and heaving sighs of      
parting relations1 the wailings and wo1 
the bloody cut of the keen  lash1 and   
the frightful scream that rends the very
 skies--and all  this to gratify        
ambition1 lust1 pride1 avarice1 vanity1 
and other  depraved feelings of the     
human heart4444 ,,the ,,worst ,,is ,,not
 ,,generally  ,,known4 ,were all the    
miseries1 the horrors of slavery1 to    
burst at once  into view1 a peal of     
seven-fold thunder could scarce strike  
greater  alarm4--,see ,swain's ,address1
 #ahcj4          ,,testimony ,,of ,,dr4 
,,james ,c4 ,,finley1      ,son of ,dr4 
,finley1 one of the founders of the     
,colonization ,society1  and brother of 
,r4,s4 ,finley1 agent of the ,american  
,colonization  ,society4 ,dr4 ,j4,c4    
,finley was formerly one of the editors 
of the  ,western ,medical ,journal1 at  
,cincinnati1 and is well known in the   
west  as utterly hostile to immediate   

abolition4    ,in almost the last       
conversation ,i had with you before ,i  
left  ,cincinnati1 ,i promised to give  
you some account of some scenes of      
atrocious cruelty towards slaves1 which 
,i witnessed while ,i lived at  the     
south4 ,i almost regret having made the 
promise1 for not only are  they so      
atrocious that you will with difficulty 
believe them1 but ,i  also fear that    
they will have the effect of driving you
 into that  abolitionism1 upon the      
borders of which you have been so long  
hesitating4 ,the people of the north are
 ignorant of the horrors of  slavery--of
 the atrocities which it commits upon   
the unprotected  slave4   99     99     
99    ,i do not know that any thing     
could be gained by particularizing the  
scenes of horrible barbarity1 which fell
 under my observation during  my short  
residence in one of the wealthiest1 most
 intelligent1 and  most moral parts of  
,georgia4 ,their number and atrocity are
 such1  that ,i am confident they would 

gain credit with none but               
abolitionists4 ,every thing will be     
conveyed in the remark1 that in a  state
 of society calculated to foster the    
worst passions of our  nature1 the slave
 derives no protection either from law  
or public  opinion1 and that ,,all the  
cruelties which the ,russians are       
reported  to have acted towards the     
,poles1 after their late subjugation1   
,,are  ,,scenes ,,of ,,every-,,day      
,,occurrence in the southern states4    
,this statement1  incredible as it may  
seem1 falls short1 very far short of the
 truth4    ,the foregoing is extracted  
from a letter written by ,dr4 ,finley to
 ,rev4  ,asa ,mahan1 his former pastor1 
then of ,cincinnati1 now ,president of  
,oberlin ,seminary4      ,,testimony    
,,of ,,rev4 ,,william ,t4 ,,allan1 ,,of 
,,illinois1 ,son of a  ,slaveholder1    
,rev4 ,dr4 ,allan of ,huntsville1 ,ala4 
,at our house it is so common to hear   
their 7the slaves'7 screams1  that we   
think nothing of it3 and lest any one   

should think that in  general the slaves
 are well treated1 let me be distinctly 
understood3--cruelty is the rule1 and   
kindness the exception4    ,extract of a
 letter dated ,july #b;d1 #ahcd1 from   
,mr4 ,,nathan ,,cole1 of ,st4  ,louis1  
,missouri1 to ,arthur ,tappan1 ,esq4 of 
this city3    ,i am not an advocate of  
the immediate and unconditional         
emancipation  of the slaves of our      
country1 yet no man has ever yet        
depicted the  wretchedness of the       
situation of the slaves in colors as    
dark for the  truth4444 ,i know that    
many good people are not aware of the   
treatment to which slaves are usually   
subjected1 nor have they any  just idea 
of the extent of the evil4              
,,testimony ,,of ,,rev4 ,,james ,a4     
,,thome1 ,a native of ,kentucky--,son of
 ,arthur  ,thome ,esq41 till recently a 
,slaveholder4    ,slavery is the parent 
of more suffering than has flowed from  
any one  source since the date of its   
existence4 ,such sufferings too6        

,sufferings inconceivable and           
innumerable--unmingled wretchedness     
from the ties of nature rudely broken   
and destroyed1 the acutest  bodily      
tortures1 groans1 tears and blood--lying
 forever in weariness  and painfulness1 
in watchings1 in hunger and in thirst1  
in cold and  nakedness4    ,brethren of 
the ,north1 be not deceived4 ,these     
sufferings still  exist1 and despite the
 efforts of their cruel authors to hush 
them  down1 and confine them within the 
precincts of their own plantations1     
they will ever and anon1 struggle up and
 reach the ear of  humanity4--,mr4      
,thome's ,speech at ,new ,york1 ,may1   
#ahcd4      ,,testimony ,,of ,,the      
,,maryville 7,,tennessee7               
,,intelligencer1 ,,of ,,oct4 #d1 #ahce4 
,the ,editor1 in speaking of the        
sufferings of the slaves which are      
taken by the internal trade to the      
,south ,west1 says3    ,place yourself  
in imagination1 for a moment1 in their  
condition4  ,with heavy galling chains1 

riveted upon your person2 half-naked1   
half-starved2 your back lacerated with  
the 'knotted ,whip2'  traveling to a    
region where your condition through time
 will be  second only to the wretched   
creatures in ,hell4    ,this depicting  
is not visionary4 ,would to ,god that it
 was4      ,,testimony ,,of ,,the       
,,presbyterian ,,synod ,,of ,,kentucky2 
,a large majority of  whom are          
slaveholders4    ,this system licenses  
and produces great cruelty4             
,mangling1 imprisonment1 starvation1    
every species of torture1 may be        
inflicted upon him1 7the slave17 and he 
has no redress4    ,there are now in our
 whole land two millions of human       
beings1  exposed1 defenceless1 to every 
insult1 and every injury short of       
maiming or death1 which their fellow men
 may choose to inflict4 ,they  suffer   
all that can be inflicted by wanton     
caprice1 by grasping  avarice1 by brutal
 lust1 by malignant spite1 and by insane
 anger4  ,their happiness is the sport  

of every whim1 and the prey of every    
passion that may1 occasionally1 or      
habitually1 infest the master's  bosom4 
,if we could calculate the amount of wo 
endured by ill-treated  slaves1 it would
 overwhelm every compassionate heart--it
 would move  even the obdurate to       
sympathy4 ,there is also a vast sum of  
suffering  inflicted upon the slave by  
humane masters1 as a punishment for that
  idleness and misconduct which slavery 
naturally produces4    ,brutal stripes  
and all the varied kinds of personal    
indignities1  are not the only species  
of cruelty which slavery licenses4      
,,testimony ,,of ,,the ,,rev4 ,n4,h4    
,,harding1 ,pastor of the ,presbyterian 
,church1  in ,oxford1 ,north ,carolina1 
a slaveholder4    ,i am greatly         
surprised that you should in any form   
have been the  apologist of a system so 
full of deadly poison to all holiness   
and  benevolence as slavery1 the        
concocted essence of fraud1 selfishness1
  and cold hearted tyranny1 and the     

fruitful parent of unnumbered evils1    
both to the oppressor and the oppressed1
 ,,the ,,one ,,thousandth ,,part ,,of   
,,which ,,has ,,never ,,been ,,brought  
,,to ,,light4    ,,mr4 ,,asa ,a4        
,,stone1 a theological student1 who     
lived near ,natchez1  7,mi417 in #ahcd  
and #e1 sent the following with other   
testimony1 to be  published under his   
own name1 in the ,n4,y4 ,evangelist1    
while he was  still residing there4     
,floggings for all offences1 including  
deficiencies in work1 are  frightfully  
common1 and most terribly severe4       
,rubbing with salt and red pepper is    
very common after a severe  whipping4   
,,testimony ,,of ,,rev4 ,,phineas       
,,smith1 ,centreville1 ,allegany ,co41  
,n4,y4 who  lived four years at the     
,south4    ,they are badly clothed1     
badly fed1 wretchedly lodged1           
unmercifully  whipped1 from month to    
month1 from year to year1 from childhood
 to old  age4      ,,rev4 ,,joseph ,m4  
,,sadd1 ,castile1 ,genessee ,,co4 ,n4,y4

 who was till recently  a preacher in   
,missouri1 says1    ,it is true that    
barbarous cruelties are inflicted upon  
them1 such as  terrible lacerations with
 the whip1 and excruciating tortures are
  sometimes experienced from the thumb  
screw4      ,extract of a letter from   
,,sarah ,m4 ,,grimk1 dated #dth ,month1 
#bnd1 #ahci    ,if the following        
extracts from letters which ,i have     
received from  ,south ,carolina1 will be
 of any use thou art at liberty to      
publish  them4 ,i need not say1 that the
 names of the writers are withheld of   
necessity1 because such sentiments if   
uttered at the south would peril  their 
lives4      ,,extracts    --,south      
,carolina1 #dth ,month1 #eth1 #ahce4    
,with regard to slavery ,i  must        
confess1 though we had heard a great    
deal on the subject1 we  found on coming
 ,south the half1 the worst half too1   
had not been  told us2 not that we have 
ourselves seen much oppression1 though  
truly  we have felt its deadening       

influence1 but the accounts we have     
received from every tongue that nobly   
dares to speak upon the subject1  are   
indeed deplorable4 ,to quote the        
language of a lady1 who with  true      
,southern hospitality1 received us at   
her mansion4 ,the northern  people don't
 know anything of slavery at all1 they  
think it is  perpetual bondage merely1  
but of the depth of degradation that    
that word involves1 they have no        
conception2 if they had any just idea   
of it1 they would ,i am sure use every  
effort until an end was put to  such a  
shocking system4'    ,another friend    
writing from ,south ,carolina1 and who  
sustains herself  the legal relation of 
slaveholder1 in a letter dated ,april   
#dth1 #ahch1  says--',i have some time  
since1 given you my views on the subject
 of  slavery1 which so much engrosses   
your attention4 ,i would most  willingly
 forget what ,i have seen and heard in  
my own family1 with  regard to the      
slaves4 ,i shudder when ,i think of it1 

and increasingly  feel that slavery is a
 curse since it leads to such cruelty4' 
,,punishments4      ,i4 ,,floggings4    
,the slaves are terribly lacerated with 
whips1 paddles1 c42 red pepper  and salt
 are rubbed into their mangled flesh2   
hot brine and turpentine  are poured    
into their gashes2 and innumerable other
 tortures inflicted  upon them4    ,we  
will in the first place1 prove by a     
cloud of witnesses1 that the  slaves are
 whipped with such inhuman severity1 as 
to lacerate and  mangle their flesh in  
the most shocking manner1 leaving       
permanent  scars and ridges2 after      
establishing this1 we will present a    
mass of  testimony1 concerning a great  
variety of other tortures4 ,the         
testimony1 for the most part1 will be   
that of the slaveholders  themselves1   
and in their own chosen words4 ,a large 
portion of it will  be taken from the   
advertisements1 which they have         
published in their  own newspapers1     
describing by the scars on their bodies 

made by the  whip1 their own runaway    
slaves4 ,to copy these advertisements   
entire  would require a great amount of 
space1 and flood the reader with a  vast
 mass of matter irrelevant to the point 
before us2 we shall  therefore insert   
only so much of each1 as will           
intelligibly set forth  the precise     
point under consideration4 ,in the      
column under the word  witnesses1 will  
be found the name of the individual1 who
 signs the  advertisement1 or for whom  
it is signed1 with his or her place of  
residence1 and the name and date of the 
paper1 in which it appeared1  and       
generally the name of the place where it
 is published4 ,opposite  the name of   
each witness1 will be an extract1 from  
the advertisement1  containing his or   
her testimony4      ,mr4 ,d4 ,judd1     
jailor1 ,davidson ,co41 ,tennessee1 in  
the ,nashville  ,banner1 ,dec4 #ajth1   
#ahch4    ,committed to jail as a       
runaway1 a negro woman named ,martha1   
#ag or #ah  years of age1 has numerous  

scars of the whip on her back4      ,mr4
 ,robert ,nicoll1 ,dauphin st4 between  
,emmanuel and ,conception st's1         
,mobile1 ,alabama1 in the ,mobile       
,commercial ,advertiser4    ,ten dollars
 reward for my woman ,siby1 very much   
scarred about the  neck and ears by     
whipping4      ,mr4 ,bryant ,johnson1   
,fort ,valley ,houston ,co41 ,georgia1  
in the ,standard  of ,union1            
,milledgeville ,ga4 ,oct4 #b1 #ahch4    
,ranaway1 a negro woman1  named ,maria1 
some scars on her back occasioned by the
 whip4      ,mr4 ,james ,t4 ,de         
,jarnett1 ,vernon1 ,autauga ,co41       
,alabama1 in the  ,pensacola ,gazette1  
,july #ad1 #ahch4    ,stolen a negro    
woman1 named ,celia4 ,on examining her  
back you will  find marks caused by the 
whip4      ,maurice ,y4 ,garcia1        
,sheriff of the ,county of ,jefferson1  
,la41 in the  ,new ,orleans ,bee1       
,august1 #ad1 #ahch4    ,lodged in jail1
 a mulatto boy1 having large marks of   
the whip1 on  his shoulders and other   

parts of his body4      ,r4,j4 ,bland1  
,sheriff of ,claiborne ,co1 ,miss41 in  
the ,charleston 7,s4,c47  ,courier4     
,august1 #bh1 #ahch4    ,was committed a
 negro boy1 named ,tom1 is much marked  
with the  whip4      ,mr4 ,james ,noe1  
,red ,river ,landing1 ,la41 in the      
,sentinel1 ,vicksburg1  ,miss41 ,august 
#bb1 #ahcg4    ,ranaway1 a negro fellow 
named ,dick--has many scars on his back 
from  being whipped4      ,william      
,craze1 jailor1 ,alexandria1 ,la4 in the
 ,planter's  ,intelligencer4 ,sept4 #bf1
 #ahch4    ,committed to jail1 a negro  
slave--his back is very badly scarred4  
,john ,a4 ,rowland1 jailor1 ,lumberton1 
,north ,carolina1 in the  ,fayetteville 
7,n4,c47 ,observer1 ,june #bj1 #ahch4   
,committed1 a mulatto fellow--his back  
shows lasting impressions of  the whip1 
and leaves no doubt of his being ,a     
,,slave      ,j4,k4 ,roberts1 sheriff1  
,blount county1 ,ala41 in the           
,huntsville  ,democrat1 ,dec4 #i1 #ahci4
    ,committed to jail1 a negro man--his

 back much marked by the whip4      ,mr4
 ,h4 ,varillat1 ,no4 #bc ,girod street1 
,new ,orleans--in the ,commercial       
,bulletin1 ,august #bg1 #ahch4          
,ranaway1 the negro slave named         
,jupiter--has a fresh mark of a  cowskin
 on one of his cheeks4      ,mr4        
,cornelius ,d4 ,tolin1 ,augusta1 ,ga41  
in the ,chronicle and ,sentinel1  ,oct4 
#ah1 #ahch4    ,ranaway1 a negro man    
named ,johnson--he has a great many     
marks of the  whip on his back4         
,w4,h4 ,brasseale1 sheriff2 ,blount     
county1 ,ala41 in the ,huntsville       
,democrat1 ,june #i1 #ahch4             
,committed to jail1 a negro slave named 
,james--much scarred with a  whip on his
 back4      ,mr4 ,robert ,beasley1      
,macon1 ,ga41 in the ,georgia           
,messenger1 ,july #bg1  #ahcg4          
,ranaway1 my man ,fountain--he is marked
 on the back with the whip4      ,mr4   
,john ,wotton1 ,rockville1 ,montgomery  
county1 ,maryland1 in the  ,baltimore   
,republican1 ,jan4 #ac1 #ahch4          

,ranaway1 ,bill--has several ,,large    
,,scars on his back from a severe       
whipping in early life4      ,d4,s4     
,bennett1 sheriff1 ,natchitoches1 ,la41 
in the ,herald1 ,july #ba1  #ahch4      
,committed to jail1 a negro boy who     
calls himself ,joe--said negro  bears   
marks of the whip4      ,messrs4 ,c4,c4 
,whitehead1 and ,r4,a4 ,evans1 ,marion1 
,georgia1 in the  ,milledgeville 7,ga47 
,standard of ,union1 ,june #bf1 #ahch4  
,ranaway1 negro fellow ,john--from being
 whipped1 has scars on his  back1 arms1 
and thighs4      ,mr4 ,samuel ,stewart1 
,greensboro'1 ,ala41 in the ,southern   
,advocate1  ,huntsville1 ,jan4 #f1      
#ahch4    ,ranaway1 a boy named         
,jim--with the marks of the whip on the 
small  of the back1 reaching round to   
the flank4      ,mr4 ,john ,walker1 ,no4
 #f1 ,banks' ,arcade ,new ,orleans1 in  
the ,bulletin1  ,august #aa1 #ahch4     
,ranaway1 the mulatto boy               
,quash--considerably marked on the back 
and  other places with the lash4        

,mr4 ,jesse ,beene1 ,cahawba1 ,ala41 in 
the ,state ,intelligencer1  ,tuskaloosa1
 ,dec4 #be1 #ahcg4    ,ranaway1 my negro
 man ,billy--he has the marks of the    
whip4      ,mr4 ,john ,turner1          
,thomaston1 ,upson county1 ,georgia--in 
the ,standard of  ,union1               
,milledgeville1 ,june #bf1 #ahch4       
,left1 my negro man named ,george--has  
marks of the whip very plain on  his    
thighs4      ,james ,derrah1 deputy     
sheriff2 ,claiborne county1 ,mi41 in the
 ,port  ,gibson ,correspondent1 ,april  
#ae1 #ahcg4    ,committed to jail1 negro
 man ,toy--he has been badly whipped4   
,s4,b4 ,murphy1 sheriff1 ,wilkinson     
county1 ,georgia--in the ,milledgeville 
,journal1 ,may #ae1 #ahch4    ,brought  
to jail1 a negro man named ,george--he  
has a great many scars  from the lash4  
,mr4 ,l4,e4 ,cooner1 ,branchville       
,orangeburgh ,district1 ,south          
,carolina--in  the ,macon ,messenger1   
,may #be1 #ahcg4    ,one hundred dollars
 reward1 for my negro ,glasgow1 and     

,kate1 his wife4  ,glasgow is #bd years 
old--has marks of the whip on his back4 
,kate is  #bf--;has a scar on her cheek1
 and several marks of a whip4      ,john
 ,h4 ,hand1 jailor1 parish of ,west     
,feliciana1 ,la41 in the ,st4           
,francisville ,journal1 ,july #f1 #ahcg 
,committed to jail1 a negro boy named   
,john1 about #ag years old--his  back   
badly marked with the whip1 his upper   
lip and chin severely  bruised4         
,the preceding are extracts from        
advertisements published in southern    
papers1 mostly in the year #ahch4 ,they 
are the mere samples of  hundreds of    
similar ones published during the same  
period1 with which1  as the preceding   
are quite sufficient to show the        
commonness of  inhuman floggings in the 
slave states1 we need not burden the    
reader4    ,the foregoing testimony is1 
as the reader perceives1 that of the    
slaveholders themselves1 voluntarily    
certifying to the outrages which  their 
own hands have committed upon           

defenceless and innocent men and  women1
 over whom they have assumed authority4 
,we have given to their  testimony      
precedence over that of all other       
witnesses1 for the reason  that when men
 testify against themselves they are    
under no  temptation to exaggerate4     
,we will now present the testimony of a 
large number of individuals1  with their
 names and residences1--persons who     
witnessed the  inflictions to which they
 testify4 ,many of them have been       
slaveholders1 and all residents for     
longer or shorter periods in  slave     
states4      ,rev4 ,,john ,h4 ,,curtiss1
 a native of ,deep ,creek1 ,norfolk     
county1  ,virginia1 now a local preacher
 of the ,methodist ,episcopal ,church in
  ,portage co41 ,ohio1 testifies as     
follows3--    ,in #ahbi or #cj1 one of  
my father's slaves was accused of taking
 the  key to the office and stealing    
four or five dollars3 he denied it4 ,a  
constable by the name of ,hull was      
called2 he took the ,negro1 very        

deliberately tied his hands1 and whipped
 him till the blood ran freely  down his
 legs4 ,by this time ,hull appeared     
tired1 and stopped2 he then  took a     
rope1 put a slip noose around his neck1 
and told the negro he  was going to kill
 him1 at the same time drew the rope and
 began  whipping3 the ,negro fell2 his  
cheeks looked as though they would burst
  with strangulation4 ,hull whipped and 
kicked him1 till ,i really thought  he  
was going to kill him2 when he ceased1  
the negro was in a complete  gore of    
blood from head to foot4      ,mr4      
,,david ,,hawley1 a class-leader in the 
,methodist ,church1 at ,st4  ,alban's1  
,licking county1 ,ohio1 who moved from  
,kentucky to ,ohio in  #ahca1 testifies 
as follows3--    ,in the year #ahba or  
#b1 ,i saw a slave hung for killing his 
master4 ,the  master had whipped the    
slave's mother to ,,death1 and1 locking 
him in a  room1 threatened him with the 
same fate2 and1 cowhide in hand1 had    
begun the work1 when the slave joined   

battle and slew the master4             
,,samuel ,,ellison1 a member of the     
,society of ,friends1 formerly of       
,southampton county1 ,virginia1 now of  
,marlborough1 ,stark county1 ,ohio1     
gives the following testimony3--        
,while a resident of ,southampton       
county1 ,virginia1 ,i knew two men1     
after having been severely treated1     
endeavor to make their escape4 ,in  this
 they failed--were taken1 tied to trees1
 and whipped to death by  their         
overseer4 ,i lived a mile from the negro
 quarters1 and1 at that  distance1 could
 frequently hear the screams of the poor
 creatures when  beaten1 and could also 
hear the blows given by the overseer    
with some  heavy instrument4      ,major
 ,,horace ,,nye1 of ,putnam1 ,ohio1     
gives the following testimony of  ,mr4  
,wm4 ,armstrong1 of that place1 a       
captain and supercargo of boats         
descending the ,mississippi river3--    
,at ,bayou ,sarah1 ,i saw a slave staked
 out1 with his face to the  ground1 and 

whipped with a large whip1 which laid   
open the flesh for  about two and a half
 inches every stroke4 ,i stayed about   
five  minutes1 but could stand it no    
longer1 and left them whipping4         
,mr4 ,,stephen ,e4 ,,maltby1 inspector  
of provisions1 ,skeneateles1 ,new ,york1
  who has resided in ,alabama1 speaking 
of the condition of the slaves1  says3--
    ,i have seen them cruelly whipped4  
,i will relate one instance4 ,one       
,sabbath morning1 before ,i got out of  
my bed1 ,i heard an outcry1 and  got up 
and went to the window1 when ,i saw some
 six or eight boys1 from  eight to      
twelve years of age1 near a rack 7made  
for tying horses7 on  the public square4
 ,a man on horseback rode up1 got off   
his horse1 took  a cord from his pocket1
 tied one of the boys by the thumbs to  
the  rack1 and with his horsewhip lashed
 him most severely4 ,he then untied  him
 and rode off without saying a word4    
,it was a general practice1 while ,i was
 at ,huntsville1 ,alabama1 to  have a   

patrol every night2 and1 to my          
knowledge1 this patrol was in  the habit
 of traversing the streets with         
cow-skins1 and1 if they found  any      
slaves out after eight o'clock without a
 pass1 to whip them until  they were out
 of reach1 or to confine them until     
morning4      ,mr4 ,j4,g4 ,,baldwin1 of 
,middletown1 ,connecticut1 a member of  
the  ,methodist ,episcopal ,church1     
gives the following testimony3--    ,i  
traveled at the south in #ahbg3 when    
near ,charlotte1 ,n4,c4 a free  colored 
man fell into the road just ahead of me1
 and went on  peaceably4--,when passing 
a public-house1 the landlord ran out    
with a  large cudgel1 and applied it to 
the head and shoulders of the man with  
such force as to shatter it in pieces4  
,when the reason of his conduct  was    
asked1 he replied1 that he owned slaves1
 and he would not permit  free blacks to
 come into his neighborhood4    ,not    
long after1 ,i stopped at a public-house
 near ,halifax1 ,n4,c41  between nine   

and ten o'clock ,p4,m41 to stay over    
night4 ,a slave sat  upon a bench in the
 bar-room asleep4 ,the master came in1  
seized a  large horsewhip1 and1 without 
any warning or apparent provocation1    
laid it over the face and eyes of the   
slave4 ,the master cursed1 swore1  and  
swung his lash--the slave cowered and   
trembled1 but said not a  word4 ,upon   
inquiry the next morning1 ,i ascertained
 that the only  offence was falling     
asleep1 and this too in consequence of  
having been  up nearly all the previous 
night1 in attendance upon company4      
,rev4 ,,joseph ,m4 ,,sadd1 of ,castile1 
,n4,y41 who has lately left ,missouri1  
where he was pastor of a church for some
 years1 says3--    ,in one case1 near   
where we lived1 a runaway slave1 when   
brought back1  was most cruelly         
beaten--bathed in the usual liquid--laid
 in the  sun1 and a physician employed  
to heal his wounds3--then the same      
process of punishment and healing was   
repeated1 and repeated  again1 and then 

the poor creature was sold for the ,new 
,orleans  market4 ,this account we had  
from the physician himself4      ,,mr4  
,,abraham ,,bell1 of ,poughkeepsie1 ,new
 ,york1 a member of the ,scotch         
,presbyterian ,church1 was employed1 in 
#ahcg and #ch1 in levelling and  grading
 for a rail-road in the state of        
,georgia3 he had under his  direction1  
during the whole time1 thirty slaves4   
,mr4 ,b4 gives the  following           
testimony3--    ,all the slaves had     
their backs scarred1 from the           
oft-repeated  whippings they had        
received4      ,mr4 ,,alonzo ,,barnard1 
of ,farmington1 ,ohio1 who was in       
,mississippi in  #ahcg and #h1 says3--  
,the slaves were often severely whipped4
 ,i saw one woman very  severely whipped
 for accidentally cutting up a stalk of 
cotton4#h  ,when they were whipped they 
were commonly held down by four men3 if 
these could not confine them1 they were 
fastened by stakes driven  firmly into  
the ground1 and then lashed often so as 

to draw blood at  each blow4 ,i saw one 
woman who had lately been delivered of a
 child in  consequence of cruel         
treatment4    ,footnote #h3 ,mr4        
,cornelius ,johnson1 of ,farmington1    
,ohio1 was also a  witness to this      
inhuman outrage upon an unprotected     
woman1 for the  unintentional           
destruction of a stalk of cotton6 ,in   
his testimony he is  more particular1   
and says1 that the number of lashes     
inflicted upon  her by the overseer was 
,,one ,,hundred ,,and ,,fifty4          
,rev4 ,h4 ,,lyman1 late pastor of the   
,free ,presbyterian ,church at ,buffalo1
  ,n4,y4 says3--    ,there was a steam  
cotton press1 in the vicinity of my     
boarding-house  at ,new ,orleans1 which 
was driven night and day1 without       
intermission4  ,my curiosity led me to  
look at the interior of the             
establishment4  ,there ,i saw several   
slaves engaged in rolling cotton bags1  
fastening  ropes lading carts1 c4       
,the presiding genius of the place was a

 driver1 who held a rope four  feet long
 in his hand1 which he wielded with     
cruel dexterity4 ,he used  it in single 
blows1 just as the men were lifting to  
tighten the bale  cords4 ,it seemed to  
me that he was desirous to edify me with
 a  specimen of his authority2 at any   
rate the cruelty was horrible4      ,mr4
 ,,john ,,vance1 a member of the        
,baptist ,church1 in ,st4 ,albans1      
,licking  county1 ,ohio1 who moved from 
,culpepper county1 ,va41 his native     
state  in #ahad1 testifies as follows3--
    ,in #ahbf1 ,i saw a woman by the    
name of ,mallix1 flog her female slave  
with a horse-whip so horribly that she  
was washed in salt and water  several   
days1 to keep her bruises from          
mortifying4    ,in #ahaa1 ,i was        
returning from mill1 in ,shenandoah     
county1 when ,i  heard the cry of       
murder1 in the field of a man named     
,painter4 ,i rode  to the place to see  
what was going on4 ,two men1 by the     
names of ,john  ,morgan and ,michael    

,siglar1 had heard the cry and came     
running to the  place4 ,i saw ,painter  
beating a negro with a tremendous club1 
or small  handspike1 swearing he would  
kill him3 but he was rescued by ,morgan 
and ,siglar4 ,i learned that ,painter   
had commenced flogging the slave  for   
not getting to work soon enough4 ,he had
 escaped1 and taken refuge  under a pile
 of rails that were on some timbers up a
 little from the  ground4 ,the master   
had put fire to one end1 and stood at   
the other  with his club1 to kill him as
 he came out4 ,the pile was still       
burning4  ,painter said he was a        
turbulent fellow and he would kill him4 
,the  apprehension of ,p4 was ,,talked  
,,about1 but1 as a compromise1 the negro
  was sold to another man4              
,,extract ,,from ,,the ,,published      
,,journal ,,of ,,the ,,late ,,wm4       
,,saver1 of  ,philadelphia1 an eminent  
minister of the ,religious ,society of  
,friends3--    #fth mo4 #bb;d1 #agia4   
,we passed on to ,augusta1 ,georgia4    

,they can  scarcely tolerate us1 on     
account of our abhorrence of slavery4   
,on the  #bhth we got to ,savannah1 and 
lodged at one ,blount's1 a hard-hearted 
slaveholder4 ,one of his lads1 aged     
about fourteen1 was ordered to go  and  
milk the cow3 and falling asleep1       
through weariness1 the master  called   
out and ordered him a flogging4 ,i asked
 him what he meant by a  flogging4 ,he  
replied1 the way we serve them here is1 
we cut their  backs until they are raw  
all over1 and then salt them4 ,upon this
 my  feelings were roused2 ,i told him  
that was too bad1 and queried 99if it   
were possible2 he replied it was1 with  
many curses upon the blacks4 ,at  supper
 this unfeeling wretch craved a         
blessing6    ,next morning ,i heard some
 one begging for mercy1 and also the    
lash as  of a whip4 ,not knowing whence 
the sound came1 ,i rose1 and presently  
found the poor boy tied up to a post1   
his toes scarcely touching the  ground1 
and a negro whipper4 ,he had already cut

 him in an unmerciful  manner1 and the  
blood ran to his heels4 ,i stepped in   
between them1 and  ordered him untied   
immediately1 which1 with some reluctance
 and  astonishment1 was done4 ,returning
 to the house ,i saw the landlord1 who  
then showed himself in his true colors1 
the most abominably wicked man  ,i ever 
met with1 full of horrid execrations and
 threatenings upon all  northern people2
 but ,i did not spare him2 which        
occasioned a bystander  to say1 with an 
oath1 that ,i should be popped over4 ,we
 left them1  and were in full           
expectation of their way-laying or      
coming after us1  but the ,lord         
restrained them4 ,the next house we     
stopped at we found  the same wicked    
spirit4      ,col4 ,,elijah ,,ellsworth1
 of ,richfield1 ,ohio1 gives the        
following  testimony3--    ,eight or ten
 years ago ,i was in ,putnam county1 in 
the state of  ,georgia1 at a ,mr4       
,slaughter's1 the father of my brother's
 wife4 ,a  negro1 that belonged to ,mr4 

,walker1 7,i believe17 was accused of   
stealing a pedlar's trunk4 ,the negro   
denied1 but1 without ceremony1  was     
lashed to a tree--the whipping          
commenced--six or eight men took        
turns--the poor fellow begged for mercy1
 but without effect1 until he  was      
literally cut to pieces1 from his       
shoulders to his hips1 and  covered with
 a gore of blood4 ,when he said the     
trunk was in a stack of  fodder1 he was 
unlashed4 ,they proceeded to the stack1 
but found no  trunk4 ,they asked the    
poor fellow1 what he lied about it for2 
he said1  ,lord1 ,massa1 to keep from   
being whipped to death2 ,i know nothing 
about the trunk4 ,they commenced the    
whipping with redoubled vigor1  until ,i
 really supposed he would be whipped to 
death on the spot2 and  such shrieks and
 crying for mercy6 ,again he            
acknowledged1 and again  they were      
defeated in finding1 and the same reason
 given as before4  ,some were for       
whipping again1 others thought he would 

not survive  another1 and they ceased4  
,about two months after1 the trunk was  
found1  and it was then ascertained who 
the thief was3 and the poor fellow1     
after being nearly beat to death1 and   
twice made to lie about it1 was  as     
innocent as ,i was4      ,the following 
statements are furnished by ,major      
,,horace ,,nye1 of ,putnam1  ,muskingum 
county1 ,ohio4    ,in the summer of     
#ahcg1 ,mr4 ,,john ,h4 ,,moorehead1 a   
partner of mine1  descended the         
,mississippi with several boat loads of 
flour4 ,he told me  that floating in a  
place in the ,mississippi1 where he     
could see for  miles a head1 he         
perceived a concourse of people on the  
bank1 that for  at least a mile and a   
half above he saw them1 and heard the   
screams of  some person1 and from a     
great distance1 the crack of a whip1 he 
run  near the shore1 and saw them       
whipping a black man1 who was on the    
ground1 and at that time nearly unable  
to scream1 but the whip  continued to be

 applied without intermission1 as long  
as he was in  sight1 say from one mile  
and a half1 to two miles below--he      
probably  saw and heard them for one    
hour in all4 ,he expressed the opinion  
that  the man could not survive4        
,about four weeks since ,i had a        
conversation with ,mr4 ,porter1 a       
respectable citizen of ,morgan county of
 this state1 of about fifty  years of   
age4 ,he told me that he formerly       
traveled about five years in  the       
southern states1 and that on one        
occasion he stopped at a private  house1
 to stay all night2 7,i think it was in 
,virginia17 while he was  conversing    
with the man1 his wife came in1 and     
complained that the  wench had broken   
some article in the kitchen1 and that   
she must be  whipped4 ,he took the woman
 into the door yard1 stripped her       
clothes  down to her hips--tied her     
hands together1 and drawing them up to a
  limb1 so that she could just touch the
 ground1 took a very large  cowskin     

whip1 and commenced flogging2 he said   
that every stroke at  first raised the  
skin1 and immediately the blood came    
through2 this he  continued1 until the  
blood stood in a puddle down at her     
feet4 ,he then  turned to my informant  
and said1 ',well1 ,yankee1 what do you  
think of  that8'      ,,extract ,,of ,a 
,,letter ,,from ,,mr4 ,w4 ,,dustin1 a   
member of the ,methodist  ,episcopal    
,church1 and1 when the letter was       
written1 #ahce1 a student of  ,marietta 
,college1 ,ohio4    ,i find by looking  
over my journal that the murdering1     
which ,i spoke  of yesterday1 took place
 about the first of ,june1 #ahcd4       
,without commenting upon this act of    
cruelty1 or giving vent to my own       
feelings1 ,i will simply give you a     
statement of the fact1 as known  from   
personal observation4    ,dr4 ,k4 a man 
of wealth1 and a practising physician in
 the county of  ,yazoo1 state of        
,mississippi1 personally known to me1   
having lived in  the same neighborhood  

more than twelve months1 after having   
scourged  one of his negroes for running
 away1 declared with an oath1 that if he
  ran away again1 he would kill him4    
,the negro1 so soon as an  opportunity  
offered1 ran away again4 ,he was caught 
and brought back4  ,again he was        
scourged1 until his flesh1 mangled and  
torn1 and thick  mingled with the       
clotted blood1 rolled from his back4 ,he
 became  apparently insensible1 and     
beneath the heaviest stroke would       
scarcely  utter a groan4 ,the master got
 tired1 laid down his whip and nailed   
the  negro's ear to a tree2 in this     
condition1 nailed fast to the rugged    
wood1 he remained all night6    ,suffice
 it to say1 in the conclusion1 that the 
next day he was found  ,,dead6    ,well1
 what did they do with the master8 ,the 
sum total of it is this3  he was taken  
before a magistrate and gave bonds1 for 
his appearance at  the next court4      
,well1 to be sure he had plenty of cash1
 so he paid up  his bonds and moved     

away1 and there the matter ended4    ,if
 the above fact will be of any service  
to you in exhibiting to the  world the  
condition of the unfortunate negroes1   
you are at liberty to  make use of it in
 any way you think best4    ,yours1     
fraternally1 ,m4 ,,dustin4      ,mr4    
,,alfred ,,wilkinson1 a member of the   
,baptist ,church in ,skeneateles1       
,n4,y4 and the assessor of that town1   
has furnished the following3    ,i went 
down the ,mississippi in ,december1     
#ahch and saw twelve of  fourteen       
negroes punished on one plantation1 by  
stretching them on a  ladder and tying  
them to it2 then stripping off their    
clothes1 and  whipping them on the naked
 flesh with a heavy whip1 the lash seven
 or  eight feet long3 most of the       
strokes cut the skin4 ,i understood they
  were whipped for not doing the tasks  
allotted to them4      ,,from ,,the     
,,philanthropist1 ,cincinnati1 ,ohio1   
,feb4 #bf1 #ahci4    ,a very intelligent
 lady the widow of a highly respectable 

preacher of  the gospel of the          
,presbyterian ,church1 formerly a       
resident of a free  state1 and a        
colonizationist1 and a strong           
antiabolitionist1 who1  although an     
enemy to slavery1 was opposed to        
abolition on the ground  that it was for
 carrying things too rapidly1 and       
without regard to  circumstances1 and   
especially who believed that            
abolitionists  exaggerated with regard  
to the evils of slavery1 and used to say
 that  such men ought to go to slave    
states and see for themselves1 to be    
convinced that they did the slaveholders
 injustice1 has gone and seen  for      
herself4 ,hear her testimony4           
,kentucky1 ,dec4 #be1 #ahce4    ,dear   
,mrs4 ,w4--,i am still in the land of   
oppression and cruelty1 but  hope soon  
to breathe the air of a free state4 ,my 
soul is sick of  slavery1 and ,i rejoice
 that my time is nearly expired3 but the
 scenes  that ,i have witnessed have    
made an impression that never can be    

effaced1 and have inspired me with the  
determination to unite my  feeble       
efforts with those who are laboring to  
suppress this horrid  system4 ,i am now 
an abolitionist4 ,you will cease to be  
surprised  at this1 when ,i inform you1 
that ,i have just seen a poor slave who 
was  beaten by his inhuman master until 
he could neither walk nor stand4 ,i  saw
 him from my window carried from the    
barn where he had been  whipped to the  
cabin1 by two negro men2 and he now lies
 there1 and if  he recovers1 will be a  
sufferer for months1 and probably for   
life4 ,you  will doubtless suppose that 
he committed some great crime2 but it   
was  not so4 ,he was called upon by a   
young man 7the son of his master17 to   
do something1 and not moving as quickly 
as his young master wished him  to do1  
he drove him to the barn1 knocked him   
down1 and jumped upon  him1 stamped1 and
 then cowhided him until he was almost  
dead4 ,this is  not the first act of    
cruelty that ,i have seen1 though it is 

the  worst2 and ,i am convinced that    
those who have described the  cruelties 
of slaveholders1 have not exaggerated4  
,,extract ,,of ,a ,,letter ,,from       
,,gerrit ,,smith1 ,esq41 of ,peterboro'4
 ,n4,y4  ,peterboro'1 ,december #a1     
#ahch4    ,to the ,editor of the ,union 
,herald3 ,my dear ,sir3--,you will be   
happy  to hear1 that the two fugitive   
slaves1 to whom in the brotherly love   
of your heart1 you gave the use of your 
horse1 are still making  undisturbed    
progress towards the monarchical land   
whither  republican slaves escape for   
the enjoyment of liberty4 ,they had     
eaten their breakfast1 and were seated  
in my wagon1 before day-dawn1  this     
morning4    ,fugitive slaves have before
 taken my house in their way1 but never 
any1 whose lips and persons made so     
forcible an appeal to my  sensibilities1
 and kindled in me so much abhorrence of
 the  hell-concocted system of ,american
 slavery4    ,the fugitives exhibited   
their bare backs to myself and a number 

of my  neighbors4 ,williams' back is    
comparatively scarred4 ,but1 ,i speak   
within bounds1 when ,i say1 that        
one-third to one-half of the whole      
surface of the back and shoulders of    
poor ,scott1 consists of scars  and     
wales resulting from innumerable gashes4
 ,his natural complexion  being yellow  
and the callous places being nearly     
black1 his back and  shoulders remind   
you of a spotted animal4    ,the        
,,louisville ,,reporter 7,kentucky17    
,jan4 #ae1 #ahci1 contains the report   
of a trial for inhuman treatment of a   
female slave4 ,the following is  some of
 the testimony given in court4    ,dr4  
,,constant testified that he saw ,mrs4  
,maxwell at the kitchen door1  whipping 
the negro severely1 without being       
particular whether she  struck her in   
the face or not4 ,the negro was         
lacerated by the whip1  and the blood   
flowing4 ,soon after1 on going down the 
steps1 he saw  quantities of blood on   
them1 and on returning1 saw them again4 

,she had  been thinly clad--barefooted  
in very cold weather4 ,sometimes she had
  shoes--sometimes not4 ,in the         
beginning of the winter she had linsey  
dresses1 since then1 calico ones4       
,during the last four months1 had       
noticed many scars on her person4 ,at   
one time had one of her eyes tied  up   
for a week4 ,during the last three      
months seemed declining1 and had  become
 stupified4 ,mr4 ,winters was passing   
along the street1 heard  cries1 looked  
up through the window that was hoisted1 
saw the boy  whipping her1 as much as   
forty or fifty licks1 while he staid4   
,the  girl was stripped down to the     
hips4 ,the whip seemed to be a cow-hide4
  ,whenever she turned her face to him1 
he would hit her across the face  either
 with the butt end or small end of the  
whip to make her turn her  back round   
square to the lash1 that he might get a 
fair blow at her4    ,mr4 ,say had      
noticed several wounds on her person1   
chiefly bruises4    ,captain ,porter1   

keeper of the work-house1 into which    
,milly had been  received1 thought the  
injuries on her person very bad--some of
 them  appeared to be burns--some       
bruises or stripes1 as of a cow-hide4   
,,letter ,,of ,,rev4 ,,john ,,rankin1 of
 ,ripley1 ,ohio1 to the ,editor of the  
,philanthropist4    ,,ripley1 ,feb4 #bj1
 #ahci4    ,some time since1 a member of
 the ,presbyterian ,church of ,ebenezer1
  ,brown county1 ,ohio1 landed his boat 
at a point on the ,mississippi4 ,he  saw
 some disturbance among the colored     
people on the bank4 ,he stepped  up1 to 
see what was the matter4 ,a black man   
was stretched naked on  the ground2 his 
hands were tied to a stake1 and one held
 each foot4 ,he  was doomed to receive  
fifty lashes2 but by the time the       
overseer had  given him twenty-five with
 his great whip1 the blood was standing 
round the wretched victim in little     
puddles4 ,it appeared just as if it  had
 rained blood4--,another observer       
stepped up1 and advised to defer  the   

other twenty-five to another time1 lest 
the slave might die2 and  he was        
released1 to receive the balance when he
 should have so  recruited as to be able
 to bear it and live4 ,the offence was1 
coming  one hour too late to work4      
,mr4 ,,rankin1 who is a native of       
,tennessee1 in his letters on slavery1  
published fifteen years since1 says3    
,a respectable gentleman1 who is now a  
citizen of ,flemingsburg1  ,fleming     
county1 ,kentucky1 when in the state of 
,south ,carolina1 was  invited by a     
slaveholder1 to walk with him and take a
 view of his  farm4 ,he complied with   
the invitation thus given1 and in their 
walk  they came to the place where the  
slaves were at work1 and found the      
overseer whipping one of them very      
severely for not keeping pace with  his 
fellows--in vain the poor fellow alleged
 that he was sick1 and  could not work4 
,the master seemed to think all was well
 enough1 hence  he and the gentleman    
passed on4 ,in the space of an hour they

 returned  by the same way1 and found   
that the poor slave1 who had been       
whipped  as they first passed by the    
field of labor1 was actually dead6 ,this
 ,i  have from unquestionable authority4
    ,extract of a letter from a ,,member
 ,,of ,,congress1 to the ,editor of the 
,new ,york ,american1 dated ,washington1
 ,feb4 #ah1 #ahci4 ,the name of the     
writer is with the ,executive ,committee
 of the ,american ,anti-,slavery        
,society4    ,three days ago1 the       
inhabitants in the vicinity of the new  
,patent  ,building were alarmed by an   
outcry in the street1 which proved to be
  that of a slave who had just been     
knocked down with a brick-bat by his    
pursuing master4 ,prostrate on the      
ground1 with a large gash in his  head1 
the poor slave was receiving the blows  
of his master on one  side1 and the     
kicks of his master's son on the other4 
,his cries  brought a few individuals to
 the spot2 but no one dared to          
interfere1  save to exclaim--,you will  

kill him--which was met by the response1
 ,he  is mine1 and ,i have a right to do
 what ,i please with him4 ,the          
heart-rending scene was closed from     
public view by dragging the poor        
bruised and wounded slave from the      
public street into his master's  stable4
 ,what followed is not known4 ,the      
outcries were heard by members  of      
,congress and others at the distance of 
near a quarter of a mile  from the      
scene4    ,and now1 perhaps1 you will   
ask1 is not the city aroused by this    
flagrant cruelty and breach of the      
peace8 ,i answer--not at all4 ,every    
thing is quiet4 ,if the occurrence is   
mentioned at all1 it is spoken of  in   
whispers4    ,from the ,mobile          
,examiner1 ,august #a1 #ahcg4           
,,police ,,report--,,mayor',s ,,office4 
,saturday morning1 ,august #ab1 #ahcg4  
,his ,honor the ,mayor presiding4       
,mr4 ,,miller1 of the foundry1 brought  
to the office this morning a  small     
negro girl aged about eight or ten      

years1 whom he had taken into  his house
 some time during the previous night4   
,she had crawled under  the window of   
his bed room to screen herself from the 
night air1 and  to find a warmer shelter
 than the open canopy of heaven         
afforded4 ,of  all objects of pity that 
have lately come to our view1 this poor 
little girl most needs the protection of
 authority1 and the sympathies  of the  
charitable4 ,from the cruelty of her    
master and mistress1 she  has been      
whipped1 worked and starved1 until she  
is now a breathing  skeleton1 hardly    
able to stand upon her feet4    ,the    
back of the poor little sufferer1 7which
 we ourselves saw17 was  actually cut   
into strings1 and so perfectly was the  
flesh worn from  her limbs1 by the      
wretched treatment she had received1    
that every  joint showed distinctly its 
crevices and protuberances through the  
skin4 ,her little lips clung closely    
over her teeth--her cheeks were  sunken 
and her head narrowed1 and when her eyes

 were closed1 the lids  resembled film  
more than flesh or skin4    ,we would   
desire of our northern friends such as  
choose to publish to  the world their   
own version of the case we have related1
 not to forget  to add1 in conclusion1  
that the owner of this little girl is a 
foreigner1 speaks against slavery as an 
institution1 and reads his  ,bible to   
his wife1 with the view of finding      
proofs for his opinions4      ,rev4     
,,william ,,scales1 of ,lyndon1         
,vermont1 gives the following testimony 
in a recent letter3    ,i had a         
class-mate at the ,andover ,theological 
,seminary1 who spent a  season at the   
south1--in ,georgia1 ,i think--who      
related the following  fact in an       
address before the ,seminary4 ,it       
occasioned very deep  sensation on the  
part of opponents4 ,the gentleman was   
,mr4 ,julius ,c4  ,anthony1 of ,taunton1
 ,mass4 ,he graduated at the ,seminary  
in #ahce4 ,i do  not know where he is   
now settled4 ,i have no doubt of the    

fact1 as be  was an eye-witness of it4  
,the man with whom he resided had a very
  athletic slave--a valuable fellow--a  
blacksmith4 ,on a certain day a  small  
strap of leather was missing4 ,the man's
 little son accused this  slave of      
stealing it4 ,he denied the charge1     
while the boy most  confidently asserted
 it4 ,the slave was brought out into the
 yard and  bound--his hands below his   
knees1 and a stick crossing his knees1  
so  that he would lie upon either side  
in form of the letter ,s4 ,one of the   
overseers laid on fifty lashes--he still
 denied the theft--was turned  over and 
fifty more put on4 ,sometimes the master
 and sometimes the  overseers           
whipping--as they relieved each other to
 take breath4 ,then  he was for a time  
left to himself1 and in the course of   
the day  received ,,four ,,hundred      
,,lashes--still denying the charge1     
,next morning  ,mr4 ,anthony walked     
out--the sun was just rising--he saw the
 man  greatly enfeabled1 leaning against

 a stump4 ,it was time to go to         
work--he attempted to rise1 but fell    
back--again attempted1 and again  fell  
back--still making the attempt1 and     
still falling back1 ,mr4  ,anthony      
thought1 nearly twenty times before he  
succeeded in  standing--he then         
staggered off to his shop4 ,in course of
 the morning  ,mr4 ,a4 went to the door 
and looked in4 ,two overseers were      
standing by4  ,the slave was feverish   
and sick--his skin and mouth dry and    
parched4  ,he was very thirsty4 ,one of 
the overseers1 while ,mr4 ,a1 was       
looking at  him1 inquired of the other  
whether it were not best to give him a  
little water4 ',no4 damn him1 he will do
 well enough1' was the reply  from the  
other overseer4 ,this was all the relief
 gained by the poor  slave4 ,a few days 
after1 the slaveholder's son confessed  
that he  stole the strap himself4       
,rev4 ,d4,c4 ,,eastman1 a minister of   
the ,methodist ,episcopal church at     
,bloomingburg1 ,fayette county1 ,ohio1  

has just forwarded a letter1 from  which
 the following is an extract3           
,,george ,,roebuck1 an old and          
respectable farmer1 near ,bloomingburg1 
,fayette county1 ,ohio1 a member of the 
,methodist ,episcopal church1  says1    
that almost forty-three years ago1 he   
saw in ,bath county1  ,virginia1 a slave
 girl with a sore between the shoulders 
of the size  and shape of a smoothing   
iron4 ,the girl was 'owned' by one      
,m',neil4 ,a  slaveholder who boarded at
 ,m',neil's stated that ,mrs4 ,m',neil  
had placed  the aforesaid iron when hot1
 between the girl's shoulders1 and      
produced the sore4    ,roebuck was once 
at this ,m',neil's father's1 and whilst 
the old man  was at morning prayer1 he  
heard the son plying the whip upon a    
slave  out of doors4      ,,eli ,,west1 
of ,concord township1 ,fayette county1  
,ohio1 formerly of  ,north ,carolina1 a 
farmer and an exhorter in the ,methodist
 ,protestant  church1 says1 that many   
years since he went to live with an     

uncle who  owned about fifty negroes4   
,soon after his arrival1 his uncle      
ordered  his waiting boy1 who was naked1
 to be tied--his hands to horse rack1   
and his feet together1 with a rail      
passed between his legs1 and held  down 
by a person at each end4 ,in this       
position he was whipped1 from  neck to  
feet1 till covered with blood2 after    
which he was salted4    ,his uncle's    
slaves received one quart of corn each  
day1 and that  only1 and were allowed   
one hour each day to cook and eat it4   
,they had  no meat but once in the year4
 ,such was the general usage in that    
country4    ,west1 after this1 lived one
 year with ,esquire ,starky and mother4 
,they  had two hundred slaves1 who      
received the usual treatment of         
starvation1 nakedness1 and the cowhide4 
,they had one lively negro  woman who   
bore no children4 ,for this neglect1 her
 mistress had her  back made naked and a
 severe whipping inflicted4 ,but as she 
continued  barren1 she was sold to the  

'negro buyers4'      ,,thomas           
,,larrimer1 a deacon in the             
,presbyterian church at ,bloomingburg1  
,fayette county1 ,ohio1 and a           
respectable farmer1 says1 that in       
,april1  #ahcg1 as he was going down the
 ,mississippi river1 about fifty miles  
below ,natchez1 he saw ahead1 on the    
left side of the river1 a colored       
person tied to a post1 and a man with a 
driver's whip1 the lash about  eight or 
ten feet long4 ,with this the man       
commenced1 with much  deliberation1 to  
whip1 with much apparent force1 and     
continued till he  got out of sight4    
,when coming up the river forty or fifty
 miles below ,vicksburg1 a  ,judge      
,owens came on board the steamboat4 ,he 
was owner of a cotton  plantation below 
there1 and on being told of the above   
whipping1 he  said that slaves were     
often whipped to death for great        
offences1 such  as stealing1 c4--but    
that when death followed1 the overseers 
were  generally severely reproved6      

,about the same time1 he spent a night  
at ,mr4 ,casey's1 three miles  from     
,columbia1 ,south ,carolina4 ,whilst    
there they heard him giving  orders as  
to what was to be done1 and amongst     
other things1 ,that  nigger must be     
buried4 ,on inquiry1 he learnt that a   
gentleman  traveling with a servant1 had
 a short time previous called there1 and
  said his servant had just been taken  
ill1 and he should be under the         
necessity of leaving him4 ,he did so4   
,the slave became worst1 and  ,casey    
called in a physician1 who pronounced it
 an old case1 and said  that he must    
shortly die4 ,the slave said1 if that   
was the case he  would now tell the     
truth4 ,he had been attacked1 a long    
time since1  with a difficulty in the   
side--his master swore he would 'have   
his own  out of him' and started off to 
sell him1 with a threat to kill him if  
he told he had been sick1 more than a   
few days4 ,they saw them making  a rough
 plank box to bury him in4    ,in       

,march1 #ahcc1 twenty-five or thirty    
miles south of ,columbia1 on the  great 
road through ,sumpterville district1    
they saw a large company of  female     
slaves carrying rails and building      
fence4 ,three of them were  far advanced
 in pregnancy4    ,in the month of      
,january1 #ahch1 he put up with a drove 
of mules and  horses1 at one ,adams'1 on
 the ,drovers' road1 near the south     
border of  ,kentucky4 ,his son-in-law1  
who had lived in the south1 was there4  
,in  conversation about picking cotton1 
he said1 'some hands cannot get the     
sleight of it4 ,i have a girl who to-day
 has done as good a day's work  at      
grubbing as any man1 but ,i could not   
make her a hand at  cotton-picking4 ,i  
whipped her1 and if ,i did it once ,i   
did it five  hundred times1 but ,i found
 she could not2 so ,i put her to        
carrying  rails with the men4 ,after a  
few days ,i found her shoulders were so 
raw that every rail was bloody as she   
laid it down4 ,i asked her if  she would

 not rather pick cotton than carry      
rails4 ',no1' said she1 ',i  don't get  
whipped now4'      ,,william ,a4        
,,ustick1 an elder of the ,presbyterian 
church at  ,bloomingburg1 and ,mr4      
,g4,s4 ,fullerton1 a merchant and member
 of the  same church1 were with ,deacon 
,larrimer on this journey1 and are      
witnesses to the preceding facts4       
,mr4 ,,samuel ,,hall1 a teacher in      
,marietta ,college1 ,ohio1 and formerly 
secretary of the ,colonization society  
in that village1 has recently           
communicated the facts that follow4 ,we 
quote from his letter4      ,the        
following horrid flagellation was       
witnessed in part1 till his  soul was   
sick1 by ,,mr4 ,,glidden1 an inhabitant 
of ,marietta1 ,ohio1 who  went down the 
,mississippi river1 with a boat load of 
produce in the  autumn of #ahcg2 it took
 place at what is called ',matthews' or 
',matheses ,bend' in ,december1 #ahcg4  
,mr4 ,g4 is worthy of credit4    ,a     
negro was tied up1 and flogged until the

 blood ran down and filled  his shoes1  
so that when he raised either foot and  
set it down again1  the blood would run 
over their tops4 ,i could not look on   
any longer1  but turned away in horror2 
the whipping was continued to the number
 of  #ejj lashes1 as ,i understood2 a   
quart of spirits of turpentine was then 
applied to his lacerated body4 ,the same
 negro came down to my boat1 to  get    
some apples1 and was so weak from his   
wounds and loss of blood1  that he could
 not get up the bank1 but fell to the   
ground4 ,the crime  for which the negro 
was whipped1 was that of telling the    
other  negroes1 that the overseer had   
lain with his wife4    ,mr4 ,hall       
adds3--    ,the following statement is  
made by a young man from ,western       
,virginia4  ,he is a member of the      
,presbyterian ,church1 and a student in 
,marietta  ,college4 ,all that prevents 
the introduction of his name1 is the    
peril to his life1 which would probably 
be the consequence1 on his  return to   

,virginia4 ,his character for integrity 
and veracity is above  suspicion4    ,on
 the night of the great meteoric shower1
 in ,nov4 #ahcc4 ,i was at  ,remley's   
tavern1 #ab miles west of ,lewisburg1   
,greenbrier ,co41 ,virginia4  ,a drove  
of #ej or #fj negroes stopped at the    
same place that night4  ,they usually   
'camp out1' but as it was excessively   
muddy1 they were  permitted to come into
 the house4 ,so far as my knowledge     
extends1  'droves1' on their way to the 
south1 eat but twice a day1 early in the
  morning and at night4 ,their supper   
was a compound of 'potatoes and  meal1' 
and was1 without exception1 the         
dirtiest1 blackest looking  mess ,i ever
 saw4 ,i remarked at the time that the  
food was not as  clean1 in appearance1  
as that which was given to a drove of   
hogs1 at  the same place the night      
previous4 ,such as it was1 however1 a   
black  woman brought it on her head1 in 
a tray or trough two and a half feet    
long1 where the men and women were      

promiscuously herded4 ,the slaves       
rushed up and seized it from the trough 
in handfulls1 before the woman  could   
take it off her head4 ,they jumped at it
 as if half-famished4    ,they slept on 
the floor of the room which they were   
permitted to  occupy1 lying in every    
form imaginable1 males and females1     
promiscuously4 ,they were so thick on   
the floor1 that in passing  through the 
room it was necessary to step over them4
    ,there were three drivers1 one of   
whom staid in the room to watch the     
drove1 and the other two slept in an    
adjoining room4 ,each of the  latter    
took a female from the drove to lodge   
with him1 as is the  common practice of 
the drivers generally4 ,there is no     
doubt about this  particular instance1  
for they were seen together4 ,the mud   
was so  thick on the floor where this   
drove slept1 that it was necessary to   
take a shovel1 the next morning1 and    
clear it out4 ,six or eight in  this    
drove were chained2 all were for the    

south4    ,in the autumn of the same    
year ,i saw a drove of upwards of a     
hundred1  between #dj and #ej of them   
were fastened to one chain1 the links   
being  made of iron rods1 as thick in   
diameter as a man's little finger4 ,this
  drove was bound westward to the ,ohio 
river1 to be shipped to the  south4 ,i  
have seen many droves1 and more or less 
in each1 almost  without exception1 were
 chained4 ,i never saw but one drove1   
that went  on their way making merry4   
,in that one they were blowing horns1   
singing1 c41 and appeared as if they had
 been drinking whisky4    ,they         
generally appear extremely dejected4 ,i 
have seen in the course  of five years1 
on the road near where ,i reside1 #ab or
 #ae droves at  least1 passing to the   
south4 ,they would average #dj in each  
drove4 ,near  the first of ,january1    
#ahcd1 ,i started about sunrise to go to
  ,lewisburg4 ,it was a bitter cold     
morning4 ,i met a drove of negroes1 #cj 
or #dj in number1 remarkably ragged and 

destitute of clothing4 ,one  little boy 
particularly excited my sympathy4 ,he   
was some distance  behind the others1   
not being able to keep up with the rest4
 ,although  he was shivering with cold  
and crying1 the driver was pushing him  
up  in a trot to overtake the main gang4
 ,all of them looked as if they  were   
half-frozen4 ,there was one remarkable  
instance of tyranny1  exhibited by a    
boy1 not more than eight years old1 that
 came under my  observation1 in a family
 by the name of ,d----n1 six miles from 
,lewisburg4 ,this youngster would swear 
at the slaves1 and exert all the        
strength he possessed1 to flog or beat  
them1 with whatever instrument  or      
weapon he could lay hands on1 provided  
they did not obey him  instanter4 ,he   
was encouraged in this by his father1   
the master of  the slaves4 ,the slaves  
often fled from this young tyrant in    
terror4    ,mr4 ,hall adds3--    ,the   
following extract is from a letter1 to a
 student in ,marietta  ,college1 by his 

friend in ,alabama4 ,with the writer1   
,mr4 ,isaac ,knapp1 ,i  am perfectly    
acquainted4 ,he was a student in the    
above ,college1 for  the space of one   
year1 before going to ,alabama1 was     
formerly a  resident of ,dummerston1    
,vt4 ,he is a professor of religion1 and
 as  worthy of belief as any member of  
the community4 ,mr4 ,k4 has returned    
from the ,south1 and is now a member of 
the same college4    ,in ,jan4 7#ahch7 a
 negro of a widow ,phillips1 ranaway1   
was taken up1  and confined in ,pulaski 
jail4 ,one ,gibbs1 overseer for ,mrs4   
,p41 mounted  on horseback1 took him    
from confinement1 compelled him to run  
back to  ,elkton1 a distance of fifteen 
miles1 whipping him all the way4 ,when  
he  reached home1 the negro exhausted   
and worn out1 exclaimed1 'you have      
broke my heart1' i4e4 you have killed   
me4 ,for this1 ,gibbs flew into a       
violent passion1 tied the negro to a    
stake1 and1 in the language of a        
witness1 'cut his back to mince-meat4'  

,but the fiend was not  satisfied with  
this4 ,he burnt his legs to a blister1  
with hot embers1  and then chained him  
naked1 in the open air1 weary with      
running1  weak from the loss of blood1  
and smarting from his burns4 ,it was a  
cold night--and in the morning the negro
 was dead4 ,yet this monster  escaped   
without even the shadow of a trial4     
',the negro1' said the  doctor1 'died1  
by--he knew not what2 any how1 ,gibbs   
did not kill  him4'#i  ,a short time    
since1 7the letter is dated1 ,april1    
#ahch47  ',gibbs whipped another negro  
unmercifully because the horse1 with    
which he was ploughing1 broke the reins 
and ran4 ,he then raised his  whip      
against ,mr4 ,bowers1 7son of ,mrs4 ,p47
 who shot him4 ,since ,i came  here1' 7a
 period of about six months17 there have
 been eight white men  and two negroes  
killed1 within #cj miles of me4         
,footnote #i3 ,mr4 ,knapp1 gives me some
 further verbal particulars about  this 
affair4 ,he says that his informant saw 

the negro dead the next  morning1 that  
his legs were blistered1 and that the   
negroes affirmed  that ,gibbs compelled 
them to throw embers upon him4 ,but     
,gibbs denied  it1 and said the         
blistering was the effect of frost1 as  
the negro was  much exposed to before   
being taken up4 ,mr4 ,bowers1 a son of  
,mrs4  ,phillips by a former husband1   
attempted to have ,gibbs brought to     
justice1 but his mother justified       
,gibbs1 and nothing was therefore  done 
about it4 ,the affair took place in     
,upper ,elkton1 ,tennessee1 near  the   
,alabama line4    ,the following is from
 ,mr4 ,knapp's own lips1 taken down a   
day or two  since4    ,mr4 ,buster1 with
 whom ,i boarded1 in ,limestone ,co41   
,ala41 related to me  the following     
incident3 ',george a slave belonging to 
one of the  estates in my neighborhood1 
was lurking about my residence without a
  pass4 ,we were making preparations to 
give him a flogging1 but he  escaped    
from us4 ,not long afterwards1 meeting a

 patrol which had just  taken a negro in
 custody without a pass1 ,i inquired1   
,who have you  there8 on learning that  
it was ,george1 well1 ,i rejoined1 there
 is a  small matter between him and     
myself that needs adjustment1 so give me
  the raw hide1 which ,i accordingly    
took1 and laid #fj strokes on his  back1
 to the utmost of my strength4' ,i was  
speaking of this barbarity1  afterwards1
 to ,mr4 ,bradley1 an overseer of the   
,rev4 ,mr4 ,donnell1 who  lives in the  
vicinity of ,moresville1 ,ala41 ',oh1'  
replied he1 'we  consider that a very   
light whipping here' ,mr4 ,bradley is a 
professor  of religion1 and is esteemed 
in that vicinity a very pious1 exemplary
  ,christian4'      ,,extract ,,of ,a   
,,letter ,,from ,,rev4 ,c4 ,,stewart    
,,renshaw1 of ,quincy1 ,illinois1  dated
 ,jan4 #a1 #ahci4    ,i do not feel at  
liberty to disclose the name of the     
brother who has  furnished the following
 facts4 ,he is highly esteemed as a man 
of  scrupulous veracity4 ,i will confirm

 my own testimony by the  certificate of
 ,judge ,snow and ,mr4 ,keyes1 two of   
the oldest and most  respectable        
settlers in ,quincy4    ,quincy1 ,dec4  
#bi1 #ahch    ,dear ,sir1--,we have been
 long acquainted with the ,christian    
brother  who has named to you some facts
 that fell under his observation while  
a resident of slave states4 ,he is a    
member of a ,christian church1 in  good 
standing2 and is a man of strict        
integrity of character4    ,henry ,h4   
,snow1 ,willard ,keyes4  ,rev4 ,c4      
,stewart ,renshaw4      ,my informant   
spent thirty years of his life in       
,kentucky and ,missouri4  ,whilst in    
,kentucky he resided in ,hardin co4 ,i  
noted down his testimony  very nearly in
 his own words1 which will account for  
their  evidence-like form4 ,on the      
general condition of the slaves in      
,kentucky1 through ,hardin co41 he said1
 their houses were very  uncomfortable1 
generally without floors1 other than the
 earth3 many  had puncheon floors1 but  

he never remembers to have seen a plank 
floor4 ,in regard to clothing they were 
very badly off4 ,in summer  they cared  
little for clothing2 but in winter they 
almost froze4 ,their  rags might hide   
their nakedness from the sun in summer1 
but would not  protect them from the    
cold in winter4 ,their bed-clothes were 
tattered  rags1 thrown into a corner by 
day1 and drawn before the fire by night4
  ',the only thing1' said he1 'to which 
,i can compare them1 in winter1 is      
stock without a shelter4'    ,he made   
the following comparison between the    
condition of slaves in  ,kentucky and   
,missouri4 ,so far as he was able to    
compare them1 he said1  that in         
,missouri the slaves had better         
quarters-but are not so well  clad1 and 
are more severely punished than in      
,kentucky4 ,in both states1  the slaves 
are huddled together1 without           
distinction of sex1 into the  same      
quarter1 till it is filled1 then another
 is built2 often two or  three families 

in a log hovel1 twelve feet square4     
,it is proper to state1 that the sphere 
of my informant's observation  was      
mainly in the region of ,hardin co41    
,kentucky1 and the eastern part  of     
,missouri1 and not through those states 
generally4    ,whilst at ,st4 ,louis1 a 
number of years ago1 as he was going to 
work  with ,mr4 ,henry ,males1 and      
another carpenter1 they heard groans    
from a  barn by the road-side3 they     
stopped1 and looking through the cracks 
of  the barn1 saw a negro bound hand and
 foot to a post1 so that his toes  just 
touched the ground2 and his master1     
,captain ,thorpe1 was  inflicting       
punishment2 he had whipped him till     
exhausted1--rested  himself1 and        
returned again to the punishment4 ,the  
wretched sufferer  was in a most        
pitiable condition1 and the warm blood  
and dry dust of  the barn had formed a  
mortar up to his instep4 ,mr4 ,males    
jumped the  fence1 and remonstrated so  
effectually with ,capt4 ,thorpe1 that he

  ceased the punishment4 ,it was six    
weeks before that slave could put on    
his shirt6    ,john ,mackey1 a rich     
slaveholder1 lived near ,clarksville1   
,pike co41  ,missouri1 some years since4
 ,he whipped his slave ,billy1 a boy    
fourteen  years old1 till he was sick   
and stupid2 he then sent him home4      
,then1  for his stupidity1 whipped him  
again1 and fractured his skull with an  
axe-helve4 ,he buried him away in the   
woods2 dark words were whispered1  and  
the body was disinterred4 ,a coroner's  
inquest was held1 and ,mr4 ,r4          
,anderson1 the coroner1 brought in a    
verdict of death from fractured  skull1 
occasioned by blows from an axe-handle1 
inflicted by ,john  ,mackey4 ,the case  
was brought into court1 but ,mackey was 
rich1 and his  murdered victim was his  
,,slave2 after expending about #ejj be  
walked  free4    ,one ,mrs4 ,mann1      
living near ----1 in ---- co41 ,missouri
 was known to  be very cruel to her     
slaves4 ,she had a bench made purposely 

to whip  them upon2 and what she called 
her six pound paddle1 an instrument  of 
prodigious torture1 bored through with  
holes2 this she would wield  with both  
hands as she stood over her prostrate   
victim4    ,she thus punished a hired   
slave woman named ,fanny1 belonging to  
,mr4  ,charles ,trabue1 who lives neat  
,palmyra1 ,marion co41 ,missouri2 on the
  morning after the punishment ,fanny   
was a corpse2 she was silently and      
quickly buried1 but rumor was not so    
easily stopped4 ,mr4 ,trabue heard  of  
it1 and commenced suit for his property4
 ,the murdered slave was  disinterred1  
and an inquest held2 her back was a mass
 of jellied  muscle2 and the coroner    
brought in a verdict of death by the    
'six  pound paddle4'  ,mrs4 ,mann fled  
for a few months1 but returned again1   
and her friends found means to protract 
the suit4    ,this same ,mrs4 ,mann had 
another hired slave woman living with   
her1  called ,patterson's ,fanny1 she   
belonged to a ,mr4 ,patterson2 she had a

  young babe with her1 just beginning to
 creep4 ,one day1 after washing1  whilst
 a tub of rinsing water yet stood in the
 kitchen1 ,mrs4 ,mann came  out in      
haste1 and sent ,fanny to do something  
out of doors4 ,fanny tried  to beg      
off--she was afraid to leave her babe1  
lest it should creep to  the tub and get
 hurt--,mrs4 ,m4 said she would watch   
the babe1 and sent  her off4 ,she went  
with much reluctance1 and heard the     
child struggle  as she went out the     
door4 ,fearing lest ,mrs4 ,m4 should    
leave the babe  alone1 she watched the  
room1 and soon saw her pass out of the  
opposite  door4 ,immediately ,fanny     
hurried in1 and looked around for her   
babe1  she could not see it1 she looked 
at the tub--there her babe was          
floating1 a strangled corpse4 ,the poor 
woman gave a dreadful scream2  and ,mrs4
 ,m4 rushed into the room1 with her     
hands raised1 and  exclaimed1 ',heavens1
 ,fanny6 have you drowned your child8'  
,it was vain  for the poor bereaved one 

to attempt to vindicate herself3 in vain
 she  attempted to convince them that   
the babe had not been alone a moment1   
and could not have drowned itself2 and  
that she had not been in the  house a   
moment1 before she screamed at          
discovering her drowned babe4  ,all was 
false6 ,mrs4 ,mann declared it was all  
pretence--that ,fanny had  drowned her  
own babe1 and now wanted to lay the     
blame upon her6 and  ,mrs4 ,mann was a  
white woman--of course her word was more
 valuable than  the oaths of all the    
slaves of ,missouri4 ,no evidence but   
that of  slaves could be obtained1 or   
,mr4 ,patterson would have prosecuted   
for  his 'loss of property4'  ,as it    
was1 every one believed ,mrs4 ,m4       
guilty1  though the affair was soon     
hushed up4      ,extract of a letter    
from ,col4 ,,thomas ,,rogers1 a native  
of ,kentucky1 now  an elder in the      
,presbyterian ,church at ,new           
,petersburg1 ,highland co41  ,ohio4     
,when a boy1 in ,bourbon co41 ,kentucky1

 my father lived near a  slaveholder of 
the name of ,clay1 who had a large      
number of slaves2 ,i  remember being    
often at their quarters2 not one of     
their shanties1 or  hovels1 had any     
floor but the earth4 ,their clothing was
 truly neither  fit for covering nor    
decency4 ,we could distinctly1 of a     
still morning1  hear this man whipping  
his blacks1 and hear their screams from 
my  father's farm2 this could be heard  
almost any still morning about the  dawn
 of day4 ,it was said to be his usual   
custom to repair1 about the  break of   
day1 to their cabin doors1 and1 as the  
blacks passed out1 to  give them as many
 strokes of his cowskin as opportunity  
afforded2 and  he would proceed in this 
manner from cabin to cabin until they   
were  all out4 ,occasionally some of his
 slaves would abscond1 and upon being   
retaken they were punished severely2 and
 some of them1 it is believed1  died in 
consequence of the cruelty of their     
usage4 ,i saw one of this  man's slaves1

 about seventeen years old1 wearing a   
collar1 with long  iron horns extending 
from his shoulders far above his head4  
,in the winter of #ahbh-bi ,i traveled  
through part of the states of  ,maryland
 and ,virginia to ,baltimore4 ,at ,frost
 ,town1 on the national  road1 ,i put up
 for the night4 ,soon after1 there came 
in a slaver with  his drove of slaves2  
among them were two young men1 chained  
together4  ,the bar room was assigned to
 them for their place of lodging--those 
in  chains were guarded when they had to
 go out4 ,i asked the 'owner' why  he   
kept these men chained2 he replied1 that
 they were stout young  fellows1 and    
should they rebel1 he and his son would 
not be able to  manage them4 ,i then    
left the room1 and shortly after heard a
  scream1 and when the landlady inquired
 the cause1 the slaver coolly  told her 
not to trouble herself1 he was only     
chastising one of his  women4 ,it       
appeared that three days previously her 
child had died on  the road1 and been   

thrown into a hole or crevice in the    
mountain1 and  a few stones thrown over 
it2 and the mother weeping for her child
 was  chastised by her master1 and told 
by him1 she 'should have something  to  
cry for4' ,the name of this man ,i can  
give if called for4    ,when engaged in 
this journey ,i spent about one month   
with my  relations in ,virginia4 ,it    
being shortly after new year1 the time  
of  hiring was over2 but ,i saw the     
pounds1 and the scaffolds which         
remained of the pounds1 in which the    
slaves had been penned up    ,m4        
,,george ,w4 ,,westgate1 of ,quincy1    
,illinois1 who lived in the             
southwestern slave states a number of   
years1 has furnished the  following     
statement4    ,the great mass of the    
slaves are under drivers and overseers4 
,i never  saw an overseer without a     
whip2 the whip usually carried is a     
short  loaded stock1 with a heavy lash  
from five to six feet long4 ,when they  
whip a slave they make him pull off his 

shirt1 if he has one1 then  make him lie
 down on his face1 and taking their     
stand at the length of  the lash1 they  
inflict the punishment4 ,whippings are  
so universal  that a negro that has not 
been whipped is talked of in all the    
region  as a wonder4 ,by whipping ,i do 
not mean a few lashes across the        
shoulders1 but a set flogging1 and      
generally lying down4    ,on sugar      
plantations generally1 and on some      
cotton plantations1 they  have negro    
drivers1 who are in such a degree       
responsible for their  gang1 that if    
they are at fault1 the driver is        
whipped4 ,the result is1  the gang are  
constantly driven by him to the extent  
of the influence  of the lash2 and it is
 uniformly the case that gangs dread a  
negro  driver more than a white         
overseer4    ,i spent a winter on widow 
,culvert's plantation1 near ,rodney1    
,mississippi1 but was not in a situation
 to see extraordinary  punishments4     
,bellows1 the overseer1 for a trifling  

offence1 took one  of the slaves1       
stripped him1 and with a piece of       
burning wood applied  to his posteriors1
 burned him cruelly2 while the poor     
wretch screamed  in the greatest agony4 
,the principal preparation for          
punishment that  ,bellows had1 was      
single handcuffs made of iron1 with     
chains1 by which  the offender could be 
chained to four stakes on the ground4   
,these are  very common in all the lower
 country4 ,i noticed one slave on widow 
,calvert's plantation1 who was whipped  
from twenty-five to fifty lashes  every 
fortnight during the whole winter4 ,the 
expression 'whipped to  death1' as      
applied to slaves1 is common at the     
south4    ,several years ago ,i was     
going below ,new ,orleans1 in what is   
called  the ,plaquemine country1 and a  
planter sent down in my boat a runaway  
he had found in ,new ,orleans1 to his   
plantation at ,orange #e ,points4 ,as   
we came near the ,points he told me1    
with deep feeling1 that he  expected to 

be whipped almost to death3 pointing to 
a graveyard1 he  said1 ',there lie five 
who were whipped to death4' ,overseers  
generally  keep some of the women on the
 plantation2 ,i scarce know an exception
  to this4 ,indeed1 their intercourse   
with them is very much                  
promiscuous1--they show them not much1  
if any favor4 ,masters  frequently      
follow the example of their overseers in
 this thing4    ,,george ,w4 ,,westgate4
        ,,ii4 ,,tortures1 ,,by ,,iron   
,,collars1 ,,chains1 ,,fetters1         
,,handcuffs1 c4    ,the slaves are often
 tortured by iron collars1 with long    
prongs or  horns and sometimes bells    
attached to them--they are made to wear 
chains1 handcuffs1 fetters1 iron clogs1 
bars1 rings1 and bands of iron  upon    
their limbs1 iron masks upon their      
faces1 iron gags in their  mouths1 c4   
,in proof of this1 we give the testimony
 of slaveholders themselves1  under     
their own names2 it will be mostly in   
the form of extracts from  their own    

advertisements1 in southern newspapers1 
in which1 describing  their runaway     
slaves1 they specify the iron collars1  
handcuffs1  chains1 fetters1 c41 which  
they wore upon their necks1 wrists1     
ankles1 and other parts of their bodies4
 ,to publish the whole of  each         
advertisement1 would needlessly occupy  
space and tax the reader2  we shall     
consequently1 as heretofore1 give merely
 the name of the  advertiser1 the name  
and date of the newspaper containing the
  advertisement1 with the place of      
publication1 and only so much of the    
advertisement as will give the          
particular fact1 proving the truth of   
the assertion contained in the general  
head4      ,william ,toler1 sheriff of  
,simpson county1 ,mississippi1 in the   
,southern ,sun1 ,jackson1 ,mississippi1 
,september #bb1 #ahch4    ,was committed
 to jail1 a yellow boy named ,jim--had  
on a large lock  chain around his neck4 
,mr4 ,james ,r4 ,green1 in the ,beacon1 
,greensborough1 ,alabama1 ,august  #bc1 

#ahch4    ,ranaway1 a negro man named   
,squire--had on a chain locked with a   
house-lock1 around his neck4      ,mr4  
,hazlet ,loflano1 in the ,spectator1    
,staunton1 ,virginia1 ,sept4 #bg1       
#ahch4    ,ranaway1 a negro named       
,david--with some iron hobbles around   
each  ankle4      ,mr4 ,t4 ,enggy1 ,new 
,orleans1 ,gallatin street1 between     
,hospital and  ,barracks1 ,n4,o4 ,bee1  
,oct4 #bg1 #ahcg4    ,ranaway1 negress  
,caroline--had on a collar with one     
prong turned  down4      ,mr4 ,john     
,henderson1 ,washington1 county1 ,mi41  
in the ,grand ,gulf  ,advertiser1       
,august #bi1 #ahch4    ,ranaway1 a black
 woman1 ,betsey--had an iron bar on her 
right leg4      ,william ,dyer sheriff1 
,claiborne1 ,louisiana1 in the ,herald1 
,natchitoches1 7,la47 ,july #bf1 #ahcg4 
,was committed to jail1 a negro named   
,ambrose--has a ring of iron  around his
 neck4      ,mr4 ,owen ,cooke1 ,mary    
street1 between ,common and ,jackson    
streets1 ,new  ,orleans1 in the ,n4,o4  

,bee1 ,september #ab1 #ahcg4            
,ranaway1 my slave ,amos1 had a chain   
attached to one of his legs      ,h4,w4 
,rice1 sheriff1 ,colleton district1     
,south ,carolina1 in the  ,charleston   
,mercury1 ,september #a1 #ahch4         
,committed to jail1 a negro named       
,patrick1 about forty-five years old1   
and is handcuffed4      ,w4,p4 ,reeves1 
jailor1 ,shelby county1 ,tennessee1 in  
the ,memphis  ,enquirer1 ,june #ag1     
#ahcg4    ,committed to jail1 a         
negro--had on his right leg an iron band
 with  one link of a chain4      ,mr4   
,francis ,durett1 ,lexington1           
,lauderdale county1 ,ala41 in the       
,huntsville ,democrat1 ,august #bi1     
#ahcg4    ,ranaway1 a negro man named   
,charles--had on a drawing chain1       
fastened around his ankle with a house  
lock4      ,mr4 ,a4 ,murat1 ,baton      
,rouge1 in the ,new ,orleans ,bee1 ,june
 #bj1 #ahcg4    ,ranaway1 the negro     
,manuel1 much marked with irons4        
,mr4 ,jordan ,abbott1 in the ,huntsville

 ,democrat1 ,nov4 #ag1 #ahch4           
,ranaway1 a negro boy named ,daniel1    
about nineteen years old1 and was       
handcuffed4      ,mr4 ,j4 ,macoin1 ,no4 
#agg ,ann street1 ,new ,orleans1 in the 
,bee1 ,august  ll1 #ahch4    ,ranaway1  
the negress ,fanny--had on an iron band 
about her neck4      ,menard ,brothers1 
parish of ,bernard1 ,louisiana1 ,in the 
,n4,o4 ,bee1  ,august #ah1 #ahch4       
,ranaway1 a negro named ,john--having an
 iron around his right foot4            
,messrs4 ,j4,l4 and ,w4,h4 ,bolton1     
,shelby county1 ,tennessee1 in the      
,memphis ,enquirer1 ,june #g1 #ahcg4    
,absconded1 a colored boy named         
,peter--had an iron round his neck  when
 he went away4      ,h4 ,gridly1 sheriff
 of ,adams county1 ,mi41 in the ,memphis
 7,tenn47  ,times1 ,september1 #ahcd4   
,was committed to jail1 a negro boy--had
 on a large neck iron with a  huge pair 
of horns and a large bar or band of iron
 on his left leg4      ,mr4 ,lambre1 in 
the ,natchitoches 7,la47 ,herald1 ,march

 #bi1 #ahcg4    ,ranaway1 the negro boy 
,teams--he had on his neck an iron      
collar4      ,mr4 ,ferdinand ,lemos1    
,new ,orleans1 in the ,bee1 ,january    
#bi1 #ahch4    ,ranaway1 the negro      
,george--he had on his neck an iron     
collar1 the  branches of which had been 
taken off      ,mr4 ,t4,j4 ,de ,yampert1
 merchant1 ,mobile1 ,alabama1 of the    
firm of ,de  ,yampert1 ,king  ,co41 in  
the ,mobile ,chronicle1 ,june #ae1      
#ahch4    ,ranaway1 a negro boy about   
twelve years old--had round his neck a  
chain dog-collar1 with ',de ,yampert'   
engraved on it4      ,j4,h4 ,hand1      
jailor1 ,st4 ,francisville1 ,la41 in the
 ,louisiana  ,chronicle1 ,july #bf1     
#ahcg4    ,committed to jail1 slave     
,john--has several scars on his wrists1 
occasioned1 as he says1 by handcuffs4   
,mr4 ,charles ,curener1 ,new ,orleans1  
in the ,bee1 ,july #b1 #ahch4           
,ranaway1 the negro1 ,hown--has a ring  
of iron on his left foot4 ,also1        
,grise1 his wife1 having a ring and     

chain on the left leg4      ,mr4 ,p4,t4 
,manning1 ,huntsville1 ,alabama1 in the 
,huntsville ,advocate1  ,oct4 #bc1      
#ahch4    ,ranaway1 a negro boy named   
,james--said boy was ironed when he left
  me4      ,mr4 ,william ,l4 ,lambeth1  
,lynchburg1 ,virginia1 in the ,moulton  
,ala4  ,whig1 ,january #cj1 #ahcf4      
,ranaway1 ,jim--had on when he escaped a
 pair of chain handcuffs4      ,mr4     
,d4,f4 ,guex1 ,secretary of the ,steam  
,cotton ,press ,company1 ,new  ,orleans1
 in the ,commercial ,bulletin1 ,may #bg1
 #ahcg4    ,ranaway1 ,edmund            
,coleman--it is supposed he must have   
iron shackles  on his ankles4      ,mr4 
,francis ,durett1 ,lexington1 ,alabama1 
in the ,huntsville ,democrat1  ,march   
#h1 #ahch4    ,ranaway ----1 a          
mulatto--had on when he left1 a pair of 
handcuffs  and a pair of drawing chains4
      ,b4,w4 ,hodges1 jailor1 ,pike     
county1 ,alabama1 in the ,montgomery    
,advertiser1 ,sept4 #bi1 #ahcg4         
,committed to jail1 a man who calls his 

name ,john--he has a clog of  iron on   
his right foot which will weigh four or 
five pounds4      ,p4 ,bayhi captain of 
police1 in the ,n4,o4 ,bee1 ,june #i1   
#ahch4    ,detained at the police jail1 
the negro wench ,myra--has several marks
  of lashing1 and has irons on her feet4
      ,mr4 ,charles ,kernin1 parish of  
,jefferson1 ,louisiana1 in the ,n4,o4   
,bee1  ,august #aa1 #ahcg4    ,ranaway1 
,betsey--when she left she had on her   
neck an iron collar4      ,the foregoing
 advertisements are sufficient for our  
purpose1 scores of  similar ones may be 
gathered from the newspapers of the     
slave states  every month4    ,to the   
preceding testimony of slaveholders1    
published by themselves1  and vouched   
for by their own signatures1 we subjoin 
the following  testimony of other       
witnesses to the same point4    ,,john  
,m4 ,,nelson1 ,esq41 a native of        
,virginia1 now a highly respected       
citizen of highland county1 ,ohio1 and  
member of the ,presbyterian  ,church in 

,hillsborough1 in a recent letter states
 the following3--    ,in ,staunton1     
,va41 at the horse of ,mr4 ,robert      
,m',dowell1 a merchant of  that place1  
,i once saw a colored woman1 of         
intelligent and dignified  appearance1  
who appeared to be attending to the     
business of the house1  with an iron    
collar around her neck1 with horns or   
prongs extending  out on either side1   
and up1 until they met at something like
 a foot  above her head1 at which point 
there was a bell attached4 ,this yoke1  
as they called it1 ,i understood was to 
prevent her from running away1  or to   
punish her for having done so4 ,i had   
frequently seen men with  iron collars1 
but this was the first instance that ,i 
recollect to have  seen a female thus   
degraded4    ,major ,,horace ,,nye1 an  
elder in the ,presbyterian ,church at   
,putnam1  ,muskingum county1 ,ohio1 in a
 letter1 dated ,dec4 #e1 #ahch1 makes   
the  following statement3--    ,mr4 ,wm4
 ,armstrong1 of this place1 who is      

frequently employed by our  citizens as 
captain and supercargo of descending    
boats1 whose word may  be relied on1 has
 just made to me the following          
statement3--    ,while laying at        
,alexandria1 on ,red ,river1 ,louisiana1
 he saw a slave  brought to a           
blacksmith's shop and a collar of iron  
fastened round his  neck1 with two      
pieces rivetted to the sides1 meeting   
some distance  above his head4 ,at the  
top of the arch1 thus formed1 was       
attached a  large cow-bell1 the motion  
of which1 while walking the streets1    
made  it necessary for the slave to hold
 his hand to one of its sides1 to       
steady it4    ,in ,new ,orleans he saw  
several with iron collars1 with horns   
attached  to them4 ,the first he saw had
 three prongs projecting from the collar
  ten or twelve inches1 with the letter 
,s on the end of each4 ,he says  iron   
collars are quite frequent there4    ,to
 the preceding ,major ,nye adds3--      
,when ,i was about twelve years of age  

,i lived at ,marietta1 in this  state3  
,i knew little of slaves1 as there were 
few or none1 at that  time1 in the part 
of ,virginia opposite that place4 ,but  
,i remember  seeing a slave who had run 
away from some place beyond my knowledge
 at  that time3 he had an iron collar   
round his neck1 to which was a strap  of
 iron rivetted to the collar1 on each   
side1 passing over the top of  the head2
 and another strap1 from the back side  
to the top of the  first--thus inclosing
 the head on three sides4 ,i looked on  
while the  blacksmith severed the collar
 with a file1 which1 ,i think1 took him 
more than an hour4    ,rev4 ,,john      
,,dudley1 ,mount ,morris1 ,michigan1    
resided as a teacher at the  missionary 
station1 among the ,choctaws1 in        
,mississippi1 during the  years #ahcj   
and #ca4 ,in a letter just received ,mr4
 ,dudley says3--    ,during the time ,i 
was on missionary ground1 which was in  
#ahcj and #ca1  ,i was frequently at the
 residence of the agent1 who was a      

slaveholder4--,i never knew of his      
treating his own slaves with  cruelty2  
but the poor fellows who were escaping1 
and lodged with him  when detected1     
found no clemency4 ,i once saw there a  
fetter for 'the  d----d runaways1' the  
weight of which can be judged by its    
size4 ,it  was at least three inches    
wide1 half an inch thick1 and something 
over  a foot long4 ,at this time ,i saw 
a poor fellow compelled to work in the  
field1 at 'logging1' with such a galling
 fetter on his ankles4 ,to  prevent it  
from wearing his ankles1 a string was   
tied to the centre1  by which the victim
 suspended it when he walked1 with one  
hand1 and  with the other carried his   
burden4 ,whenever he lifted1 the fetter 
rested on his bare ankles4 ,if he lost  
his balance and made a misstep1  which  
must very often occur in lifting and    
rolling logs1 the torture  of his fetter
 was severe4 ,thus he was doomed to work
 while wearing the  torturing iron1 day 
after day1 and at night he was confined 

in the  runaways' jail4 ,some time after
 this1 ,i saw the same dejected1        
heart-broken creature obliged to wait on
 the other hands1 who were  husking     
corn4 ,the privilege of sitting with the
 others was too much  for him to enjoy2 
he was made to hobble from house to barn
 and barn to  house1 to carry food and  
drink for the rest4 ,he passed round the
 end  of the house where ,i was sitting 
with the agent3 he seemed to take no    
notice of me1 but fixed his eyes on his 
tormentor till he passed quite  by us4  
,mr4 ,,alfred ,,wilkinson1 member of the
 ,baptist ,church in ,skeneateles1      
,n4,y4 and an assessor of that town1    
testifies as follows 3--    ,i stayed in
 ,new ,orleans three weeks3 during that 
time there used to  pass by where ,i    
stayed a number of slaves1 each with an 
iron band  around his ankle1 a chain    
attached to it1 and an eighteen pound   
ball  at the end4 ,they were employed in
 wheeling dirt with a wheelbarrow2  they
 would put the ball into the barrow when

 they moved4--,i recollect  one day1    
that ,i counted nineteen of them1       
sometimes there were not as  many2 they 
were driven by a slave1 with a long     
lash1 as if they were  beasts4 ,these1  
,i learned1 were runaway slaves from the
 plantations  above ,new ,orleans4      
,there was also a negro woman1 that used
 daily to come to the market  with milk2
 she had an iron band around her neck1  
with three rods  projecting from it1    
about sixteen inches long1 crooked at   
the ends4    ,for the fact which follows
 we are indebted to ,mr4 ,,samuel       
,,hall1 a  teacher in ,marietta         
,college1 ,ohio4 ,we quote his letter4  
,mr4 ,curtis1 a journeyman              
cabinet-maker1 of ,marietta1 relates the
  following1 of which he was an eye     
witness4 ,mr4 ,curtis is every way      
worthy of credit4    ,in ,september1    
#ahcg1 at ',milligan's ,bend1' in the   
,mississippi river1 ,i  saw a negro with
 an iron band around his head1 locked   
behind with a  padlock4 ,in the front1  

where it passed the mouth1 there was a  
projection inward of an inch and a half1
 which entered the mouth4    ,the       
overseer told me1 he was so addicted to 
running away1 it did not  do any good to
 whip him for it4 ,he said he kept this 
gag constantly on  him1 and intended to 
do so as long as he was on the          
plantation3 so  that1 if he ran away1 he
 could not eat1 and would starve to     
death4 ,the  slave asked for drink in my
 presence2 and the overseer made him lie
  down on his back1 and turned water on 
his face two or three feet high1  in    
order to torment him1 as he could not   
swallow a drop4--,the slave  then asked 
permission to go to the river2 which    
being granted1 he  thrust his face and  
head entirely under the water1 that     
being the only  way he could drink with 
his gag on4 ,the gag was taken off when 
he took  his food1 and then replaced    
afterwards4      ,,extract ,,of ,a      
,,letter ,,from ,,mrs4 ,,sophia         
,,little1 of ,newport1 ,rhode ,island1  

daughter of ,hon4 ,asher ,robbins1      
senator in ,congress for that state4    
,there was lately found1 in the hold of 
a vessel engaged in the  southern trade1
 by a person who was clearing it out1 an
 iron collar1  with three horns         
projecting from it4 ,it seems that a    
young female  slave1 on whose slender   
neck was riveted this fiendish          
instrument of  torture1 ran away from   
her tyrant1 and begged the captain to   
bring her  off with him4 ,this the      
captain refused to do2 but unriveted the
 collar  from her neck1 and threw it    
away in the hold of the vessel4 ,the    
collar  is now at the anti-slavery      
office1 ,providence4 ,to the truth of   
these  facts ,mr4 ,william ,h4 ,reed1 a 
gentleman of the highest moral          
character1  is ready to vouch4    ,mr4  
,reed is in possession of many facts of 
cruelty witnessed by  persons of        
veracity2 but these witnesses are not   
willing to give their  names4 ,one case 
in particular he mentioned4 ,speaking   

with a certain  captain1 of the state of
 the slaves at the south1 the captain   
contended that their punishments were   
often very lenient2 and1 as an  instance
 of their excellent clemency1 mentioned1
 that in one instance1  not wishing to  
whip a slave1 they sent him to a        
blacksmith1 and had an  iron band       
fastened around him1 with three long    
projections reaching  above his head2   
and this he wore some time4             
,,extract ,,of ,a ,,letter ,,from ,,mr4 
,,jonathon ,f4 ,,baldwin1 of ,lorain    
county1  ,ohio4 ,mr4 ,b4 was formerly a 
merchant in ,massillon1 ,ohio1 and an   
elder  in the ,presbyterian ,church     
there4    ,dear ,brother1--,in          
conversation with ,judge ,lyman1 of     
,litchfield  county1 ,connecticut1 last 
,june1 he stated to me1 that several    
years  since he was in ,columbia1 ,south
 ,carolina1 and observing a colored man 
lying on the floor of a blacksmith's    
shop1 as he was passing it1 his         
curiosity led him in4 ,he learned the   

man was a slave and rather              
unmanageable4 ,several men were         
attempting to detach from his ankle an  
iron which had been bent around it4     
,the iron was a piece of a flat bar of  
the ordinary size from the  forge       
hammer1 and bent around the ankle1 the  
ends meeting1 and forming  a hoop of    
about the diameter of the leg4 ,there   
was one or more strings  attached to the
 iron and extending up around his neck1 
evidently so to  suspend it as to       
prevent its galling by its weight when  
at work1 yet  it had galled or griped   
till the leg had swollen out beyond the 
iron  and inflamed and suppurated1 so   
that the leg for a considerable         
distance above and below the iron1 was a
 mass of putrefaction1 the  most        
loathsome of any wound he had ever      
witnessed on any living  creature4 ,the 
slave lay on his back on the floor1 with
 his leg on an  anvil which sat also on 
the floor1 one man had a chisel used for
  splitting iron1 and another struck it 

with a sledge1 to drive it  between the 
ends of the hoop and separate it so that
 it might be taken  off4 ,mr4 ,lyman    
said that the man swung the sledge over 
his shoulders  as if splitting iron1 and
 struck many blows before he succeeded  
in  parting the ends of the iron at all1
 the bar was so large and  stubborn--at 
length they spread it as far as they    
could without  driving the chisel so low
 as to ruin the leg4 ,the slave1 a man  
of  twenty-five years1 perhaps1 whose   
countenance was the index of a mind  ill
 adapted to the degradations of slavery1
 never uttered a word or a  groan in all
 the process1 but the copious flow of   
sweat from every  pore1 the dreadful    
contractions and distortions of every   
muscle in his  body1 showed clearly the 
great amount of his sufferings2 and all 
this  while1 such was the diseased state
 of the limb1 that at every blow1  the  
bloody1 corrupted matter gushed out in  
all directions several  feet1 in such   
profusion as literally to cover a large 

area around the  anvil4 ,after various  
other fruitless attempts to spread the  
iron1 they  concluded it was necessary  
to weaken by filing before it could be  
got  off which he left them attempting  
to do4      ,mr4 ,,william ,,drown1 a   
well known citizen of ,rhode ,island1   
formerly of  ,providence1 who has       
traveled in nearly all the slave states1
 thus  testifies in a recent letter3    
,i recollect seeing large gangs of      
slaves1 generally a considerable  number
 in each gang1 being chained1 passing   
westward over the  mountains from       
,maryland1 ,virginia1 c4 to the ,ohio4  
,on that river ,i  have frequently seen 
flat boats loaded with them1 and their  
keepers  armed with pistols and dirks to
 guard them4    ,at ,new ,orleans ,i    
recollect seeing gangs of slaves that   
were driven  out every day1 the ,sabbath
 not excepted1 to work on the streets4  
,these had heavy chains to connect two  
or more together1 and some had  iron    
collars and yokes1 c4 ,the noise as they

 walked1 or worked in  their chains1 was
 truly dreadful6    ,rev4 ,,thomas      
,,savage1 pastor of the ,congregational 
,church at ,bedford1  ,new ,hampshire1  
who was for some years a resident of    
,mississippi and  ,louisiana1 gives the 
following fact1 in a letter dated       
,january #i1  #ahci4    ,in #ahai1 while
 employed as an instructor at ,second   
,creek1 near  ,natchez1 ,mississippi1 ,i
 resided on a plantation where ,i       
witnessed the  following circumstance4  
,one of the slaves was in the habit of  
running  away4 ,he had been repeatedly  
taken1 and repeatedly whipped1 with     
great severity1 but to no purpose4 ,he  
would still seize the first  opportunity
 to escape from the plantation4 ,at last
 his owner  declared1 ,i'll fix him1    
,i'll put a stop to his running away4   
,he  accordingly took him to a          
blacksmith1 and had an iron head-frame  
made for him1 which may be called       
lock-jaw1 from the use that was made  of
 it4 ,it had a lock and key1 and was so 

constructed1 that when on the  head and 
locked1 the slave could not open his    
mouth to take food1 and  the design was 
to prevent his running away4 ,but the   
device proved  unavailing4 ,he was soon 
missing1 and whether by his own         
desperate  effort1 or the aid of others1
 contrived to sustain himself with food2
  but he was at last taken1 and if my   
memory serves me1 his life was  soon    
terminated by the cruel treatment to    
which he was subjected4    ,the ,western
 ,luminary1 a religious paper published 
at ,lexington1  ,kentucky1 in an        
editorial article1 in the summer of     
#ahcc1 says3    ,a few weeks since we   
gave an account of a company of men1    
women and  children1 part of whom were  
manacled1 passing through our streets4  
,last week1 a number of slaves were     
driven through the main street of  our  
city1 among whom were a number manacled 
together1 two abreast1 all  connected   
by1 and supporting a heavy iron chain1  
which extended the  whole length of the 

line4    ,,testimony ,,of ,a            
,,virginian4    ,the name of this       
witness cannot be published1 as it would
 put him in  peril2 but his credibility 
is vouched for by the ,rev4 ,ezra       
,fisher1  pastor of the ,baptist        
,church1 ,quincy1 ,illinois1 and ,dr4   
,richard ,eels1  of the same place4     
,these gentlemen say of him1 ,we have   
great  confidence in his integrity1     
discretion1 and strict ,christian       
principle4  ,he says--    ,about five   
years ago1 ,i remember to have passed1  
in a single day1  four droves of slaves 
for the south west2 the largest drove   
had #cej  slaves in it1 and the smallest
 upwards of #bjj4 ,i counted #fh or #gj 
in  a single coffle4 ,the 'coffle chain'
 is a chain fastened at one  end to the 
centre of the bar of a pair of hand     
cuffs1 which are  fastened to the right 
wrist of one1 and the left wrist of     
another  slave1 they standing abreast1  
and the chain between them4 ,these are  
the head of the coffle4 ,the other end  

is passed through a ring in the  bolt of
 the next handcuffs1 and the slaves     
being manacled thus1 two  and two       
together1 walk up1 and the coffle chain 
is passed1 and they go  up towards the  
head of the coffle4 ,of course they are 
closer or wider  apart in the coffle1   
according to the number to be coffled1  
and to the  length of the chain4 ,i have
 seen ,,hundreds of droves and          
chain-coffles of this description1 and  
every coffle was a scene of  misery and 
wo1 of tears and brokenness of heart4   
,mr4 ,,samuel ,,hall a teacher in       
,marietta ,college1 ,ohio1 gives1 in a  
late  letter1 the following statement of
 a fellow student1 from ,kentucky1 of   
whom he says1 he is a professor of      
religion1 and worthy of entire          
confidence4    ,i have seen at least    
fifteen droves of 'human cattle1'       
passing by  us on their way to the      
south2 and ,i do not recollect an       
exception1  where there were not more or
 less of them chained together4         

,mr4 ,,george ,p4,c4 ,,hussey1 of       
,fayetteville1 ,franklin county1        
,pennsylvania1 writes thus3    ,i was   
born and raised in ,hagerstown1         
,washington county1 ,maryland1  where   
slavery is perhaps milder than in any   
other part of the slave  states2 and yet
 ,i have seen hundreds of colored men   
and women  chained together1 two by two1
 and driven to the south4 ,i have seen  
slaves tied up and lashed till the blood
 ran down to their heels4      ,mr4     
,,giddings1 member of ,congress from    
,ohio1 in his speech in the ,house  of  
,representatives1 ,feb4 #ac1 #ahci1 made
 the following statement3    ,on the    
beautiful avenue in front of the        
,capitol1 members of ,congress1  during 
this session1 have been compelled to    
turn aside from their  path1 to permit a
 coffle of slaves1 males and females1   
chained to  each other by their necks1  
to pass on their way to this national   
slave market4      ,testimony of ,,james
 ,k4 ,,paulding1 ,esq4 the present      

,secretary of the  ,united ,states'     
,navy4    ,in #ahag1 ,mr4 ,paulding     
published a work1 entitled ',letters    
from the  ,south1 written during an     
excursion in the summer of #ahaf4'  ,in 
the  first volume of that work1 page    
#abh1 ,mr4 ,p4 gives the following      
description3    ,the sun was shining out
 very hot--and in turning the angle of  
the  road1 we encountered the following 
group3 first1 a little cart drawn  by   
one horse1 in which five or six half    
naked black children were  tumbled like 
pigs together4 ,the cart had no         
covering1 and they seemed  to have been 
broiled to sleep4 ,behind the cart      
marched three black  women1 with head1  
neck and breasts uncovered1 and without 
shoes or  stockings3 next came three    
men1 bare-headed1 and chained together  
with an ox-chain4 ,last of all1 came a  
white man on horse back1  carrying his  
pistols in his belt1 and who1 as we     
passed him1 had the  impudence to look  
us in the face without blushing4 ,at a  

house where we  stopped a little further
 on1 we learned that he had bought these
  miserable beings in ,maryland1 and was
 marching them in this manner to  one of
 the more southern states4 ,shame on the
 ,state of ,maryland6 and ,i  say1 shame
 on the ,state of ,virginia6 and every  
state through which  this wretched      
cavalcade was permitted to pass6 ,i do  
say1 that when  they 7the slaveholders7 
permit such flagrant and indecent       
outrages  upon humanity as that ,i have 
described2 when they sanction a villain 
in thus marching half naked women and   
men1 loaded with chains1 without  being 
charged with any crime but that of being
 black from one  section of the ,united 
,states to another1 hundreds of miles in
 the face  of day1 they disgrace        
themselves1 and the country to which    
they  belong4#aj    ,footnote #aj3 ,the 
fact that ,mr4 ,paulding1 in the reprint
 of these  ,letters1 in #ahce1 struck   
out this passage with all others        
disparaging to slavery and its          

supporters1 does not impair the force   
of his testimony1 however much it may   
sink the man4 ,nor will the next        
generation regard with any more         
reverence1 his character as a prophet1  
because in the edition of #ahce1 two    
years after the ,american  ,antislavery 
,society was formed1 and when its       
auxiliaries were numbered  by hundreds1 
he inserted a prediction that such      
movements would be  made at the ,north1 
with most disastrous results4 ,wot ye   
not that such  a man as ,i can certainly
 divine6 ,mr4 ,paulding has already been
 taught  by ,judge ,jay1 that he who    
aspires to the fame of an oracle1       
without  its inspiration1 must resort to
 other expedients to prevent detection1 
than the clumsy one of antedating his   
responses4        ,,iii4 ,,brandings1   
,,maimings1 ,,guy-,,shot ,,wounds1 c4   
,the slaves are often branded with hot  
irons1 pursued with fire arms  and shot1
 hunted with dogs and torn by them1     
shockingly maimed with  knives1 dirks1  

c42 have their ears cut off1 their eyes 
knocked out1  their bones dislocated and
 broken with bludgeons1 their fingers   
and  toes cut off1 their faces and other
 parts of their persons disfigured  with
 scars and gashes1 besides those made   
with the lash4    ,we shall adopt1 under
 this head1 the same course as that     
pursued under  previous ones1--first    
give the testimony of the slaveholders  
themselves1 to the mutilations1 c4 by   
copying their own graphic  descriptions 
of them1 in advertisements published    
under their own  names1 and in          
newspapers published in the slave       
states1 and1  generally1 in their own   
immediate vicinity4 ,we shall1 as       
heretofore1  insert only so much of each
 advertisement as will be necessary to  
make  the point intelligible4      ,mr4 
,micajah ,ricks1 ,nash ,county1 ,north  
,carolina1 in the ,raleigh  ,standard1  
,july #ah1 #ahch4    ,ranaway1 a negro  
woman and two children2 a few days      
before she went  off1 ,i burnt her with 

a hot iron1 on the left side of her     
face1 ,i  tried to make the letter ,m4  
,mr4 ,asa ,b4 ,metcalf1 ,kingston1      
,adams ,co4 ,mi4 in the ,natchez        
,courier2'  ,june #ae1 #ahcb4           
,ranaway ,mary1 a black woman1 has a    
scar on her back and right arm  near the
 shoulder1 caused by a rifle ball4      
,mr4 ,william ,overstreet1 ,benton1     
,yazoo ,co4 ,mi4 in the ,lexington      
7,kentucky7 ,observer1 ,july #bb1 #ahch4
    ,ranaway a negro man named ,henry1  
his left eye out1 some scars from  a    
dirk on and under his left arm1 and much
 scarred with the whip4      ,mr4 ,r4,p4
 ,carney1 ,clark ,co4 ,ala41 in the     
,mobile ,register1 ,dec4 #bb1 #ahcb     
,one hundred dollars reward for a negro 
fellow ,pompey1 #dj years old1 he  is   
branded on the left jaw4      ,mr4 ,j4  
,guyler1 ,savannah ,georgia1 in the     
,republican1 ,april #ab1 #ahcg4         
,ranaway ,laman1 an old negro man1 grey1
 has only one eye4      ,j4,a4 ,brown1  
jailor1 ,charleston1 ,south ,carolina1  

in the ,mercury1 ,jan4  #ab1 #ahcg4     
,committed to jail a negro man1 has no  
toes on his left foot4      ,mr4 ,j4    
,scrivener1 ,herring ,bay1 ,anne        
,arundel ,co4 ,maryland1 in the         
,annapolis ,republican1 ,april #ah1     
#ahcg4    ,ranaway negro man ,elijah1   
has a scar on his left cheek1 apparently
  occasioned by a shot4      ,madame    
,burvant corner of ,chartres and        
,toulouse streets1 ,new ,orleans1  in   
the ,bee1 ,dec4 #ba1 #ahch4    ,ranaway 
a negro woman named ,rachel1 has lost   
all her toes except  the large one4     
,mr4 ,o4,w4 ,lains1 ,in the ,helena1    
7,ark47 ,journal1 ,june #a1 #ahcc4      
,ranaway ,sam1 he was shot a short time 
since1 through the hand1 and  has       
several shots in his left arm and side4 
,mr4 ,r4,w4 ,sizer1 in the ,grand ,gulf1
 ,mi4 ,advertiser1 ,july #h1 #ahcg4     
,ranaway my negro man ,dennis1 said     
negro has been shot in the left  arm    
between the shoulders and elbow1 which  
has paralyzed the left  hand4      ,mr4 

,nicholas ,edmunds1 in the ,petersburgh 
,va4 ,intelligencer1 ,may  #bb1 #ahch4  
,ranaway my negro man named ,simon1 he  
has been shot badly in his  back and    
right arm4      ,mr4 ,j4 ,bishop1       
,bishopville1 ,sumpter ,district1 ,south
 ,carolina1 in the  ,camden ,s4,c4      
,journal1 ,march #d1 #ahcg4    ,ranaway 
a negro named ,arthur1 has a            
considerable scar across his  breast and
 each arm1 made by a knife2 loves to    
talk much of the  goodness of ,god4     
,mr4 ,s4 ,neyle1 ,little ,ogeechee1     
,georgia1 in the ,savannah ,republican1 
,july #c1 #ahcg4    ,ranaway ,george1 he
 has a sword cut lately received on his 
left  arm4      ,mrs4 ,sarah ,walsh1    
,mobile1 ,ala4 in the ,georgia ,journal1
 ,march #bg1  #ahcg4    ,twenty five    
dollars reward for my man ,isaac1 he has
 a scar on his  forehead caused by a    
blow1 and one on his back made by a shot
 from  a pistol4      ,mr4 ,j4,p4       
,ashford1 ,adams ,co4 ,mi4 in the       
,natchez ,courier1 ,august #bd1  #ahch4 

,ranaway a negro girl called ,mary1 has 
a small scar over her eye1 a  good many 
teeth missing1 the letter ,a is branded 
on her cheek and  forehead4      ,mr4   
,ely ,townsend1 ,pike ,co4 ,ala4 in the 
,pensacola ,gazette1 ,sep4 #af1  #ahcg4 
,ranaway negro ,ben1 has a scar on his  
right hand1 his thumb and fore  finger  
being injured by being shot last fall1 a
 part of the bone  came out1 he has also
 one or two large scars on his back and 
hips4      ,s4,b4 ,murphy1 jailer1      
,irvington1 ,ga4 in the ,milledgeville  
,journal1  ,may #bi1 #ahch4             
,committed a negro man1 is very badly   
shot in the right side and  right hand4 
,mr4 ,a4 ,luminais1 ,parish of ,st4     
,john ,louisiana1 in the ,new ,orleans  
,bee1 ,march #c1 #ahch4    ,detained at 
the jail1 a mulatto named ,tom1 has a   
scar on the right  cheek and appears to 
have been burned with powder on the     
face4      ,mr4 ,isaac ,johnson1        
,pulaski ,co4 ,georgia1 in the          
,milledgeville  ,journal1 ,june #ai1    

#ahch4    ,ranaway a negro man named    
,ned1 three of his fingers are drawn    
into  the palm of his hand by a cut1 has
 a scar on the back of his neck  nearly 
half round1 done by a knife4      ,mr4  
,thomas ,hudnall1 ,madison ,co4 ,mi4 in 
the ,vicksburg ,register1  ,september   
#e1 #ahch4    ,ranaway a negro named    
,hambleton1 limps on his left foot where
 he  was shot a few weeks ago1 while    
runaway4      ,mr4 ,john ,mc,murrain1   
,columbus1 ,ga4 in the ,southern ,sun1  
,august #g1  #ahch4    ,ranaway a negro 
boy named ,mose1 he has a wound in the  
right  shoulder near the back bone1     
which was occasioned by a rifle shot4   
,mr4 ,moses ,orme1 ,annapolis1          
,maryland1 in the ,annapolis            
,republican1  ,june #bj1 #ahcg4         
,ranaway my negro man ,bill1 he has a   
fresh wound in his head above  his ear4 
,william ,strickland1 ,jailor1 ,kershaw 
,district1 ,s4,c4 in the ,camden  ,s4,c4
 ,courier1 ,july #h1 #ahcg4             
,committed to jail a negro1 says his    

name is ,cuffee1 he is lame in one      
knee1 occasioned by a shot4      ,the   
,editor of the ,grand ,gulf ,advertiser1
 ,dec4 #g1 #ahch4    ,ranaway ,joshua1  
his thumb is off of his left hand4      
,mr4 ,william ,bateman1 in the ,grand   
,gulf ,advertiser1 ,dec4 #g1 #ahch4     
,ranaway ,william1 scar over his left   
eye1 one between his eye brows1  one on 
his breast1 and his right leg has been  
broken4      ,mr4 ,b4,g4 ,simmons1 in   
the ,southern ,argus1 ,may #cj1 #ahcg4  
,ranaway ,mark1 his left arm has been   
broken4      ,mr4 ,james ,artop1 in the 
,macon ,ga4 ,messenger1 ,may #be1 #ahcg4
    ,ranaway1 ,caleb1 #ej years old1 has
 an awkward gait occasioned by his      
being shot in the thigh4      ,j4,l4    
,jolley1 ,sheriff of ,clinton1 ,co4 ,mi4
 in the ,clinton ,gazette1  ,july #bc1  
#ahcf4    ,was committed to jail a negro
 man1 says his name is ,josiah1 his back
  very much scarred by the whip1 and    
branded on the thigh and hips1 in  three
 or four places1 thus 7,j4,m47 the rim  

of his right ear has been  bit or cut   
off4      ,mr4 ,thomas ,ledwith1        
,jacksonville ,east ,florida1 in the    
,charleston  ,s4,c4 ,courier1 ,sept4 #a1
 #ahch4    ,fifty dollars reward1 for my
 fellow ,edward1 he has a scar on the   
corner of his mouth1 two cuts on and    
under his arm1 and the letter  ,e on his
 arm4      ,mr4 ,joseph ,james1 ,sen41  
,pleasant ,ridge1 ,paulding ,co4 ,ga41  
in the  ,milledgeville ,union1 ,nov4 #g1
 #ahcg4    ,ranaway1 negro boy ,ellie1  
has a scar on one of his arms from the  
bite of a dog4      ,mr4 ,w4 ,riley1    
,orangeburg ,district1 ,south ,carolina1
 in the ,columbia  ,s4,c4 ,telescope1   
,nov4 #aa1 #ahcg4    ,ranaway a negro   
man1 has a scar on the ankle produced by
 a burn1  and a mark on his arm         
resembling the letter ,s4      ,mr4     
,samuel ,mason1 ,warren ,co1 ,mi4 in the
 ,vicksburg ,register1 ,july #ah1       
#ahch4    ,ranaway1 a negro man named   
,allen1 he has a scar on his breast1    
also a  scar under the left eye1 and has

 two buck shot in his right arm4        
,mr4 ,f4,l4,c4 ,edwards1 in the         
,southern ,telegraph1 ,sept4 #be1 #ahcg 
,ranaway from the plantation of ,james  
,surgette1 the following negroes1       
,randal1 has one ear cropped2 ,bob1 has 
lost one eye1 ,kentucky ,tom1  has one  
jaw broken4      ,mr4 ,stephen ,m4      
,jackson1 in the ,vicksburg ,register1  
,march #aj1 #ahcg4    ,ranaway1         
,anthony1 one of his ears cut off1 and  
his left hand cut  with an axe4         
,philip ,honerton1 deputy sheriff of    
,halifax ,co4 ,virginia1 ,jan4 #ahcg4   
,was committed1 a negro man1 has a scar 
on his right side by a burn1  one on his
 knee1 and one on the calf of his leg by
 the bite of a  dog4      ,stearns  ,co4
 ,no4 #bh1 ,new ,levee1 ,new ,orleans1  
in the ,bee1 ,march #bb1  #ahcg4        
,absconded1 the mulatto boy ,tom1 his   
fingers scarred on his right  hand1 and 
has a scar on his right cheek      ,mr4 
,john ,w4 ,walton1 ,greensboro1 ,ala4 in
 the ,alabama ,beacon1 ,dec4 #ac1       

#ahch4    ,ranaway my black boy         
,frazier1 with a scar below and one     
above his  right ear4      ,mr4 ,r4     
,furman1 ,charleston1 ,s4,c4 in the     
,charleston ,mercury ,jan4 #ab1  #ahci4 
,ranaway1 ,dick1 about #ai1 has lost the
 small toe of one foot4      ,mr4 ,john 
,tart1 ,sen4 in the ,fayetteville ,n4,c4
 ,observer1 ,dec4 #bf1  #ahch    ,stolen
 a mulatto boy1 ten years old1 he has a 
scar over his eye  which was made by an 
axe4      ,mr4 ,richard ,overstreet1    
,brook ,neal1 ,campbell ,co4 ,virginia1 
in the  ,danville ,va4 ,reporter1 ,dec4 
#ba1 #ahch4    ,absconded my negro man  
,coleman1 has a very large scar on one  
of his  legs1 also one on each arm1 by a
 burn1 and his heels have been  frosted4
      ,the editor of the ,new ,orleans  
,bee in that paper1 ,august #bg1 #ahcg4 
,fifty dollars reward1 for the negro    
,jim ,blake--has a piece cut out  of    
each ear1 and the middle finger of the  
left hand cut off to the  second joint4 
,mr4 ,bryant ,jonson1 ,port ,valley1    

,houston county1 ,georgia1 in the       
,milledgeville ,union1 ,oct4 #b1 #ahch4 
,ranaway1 a negro woman named           
,maria--has a scar on one side of her   
cheek1 by a cut--some scars on her back4
      ,mr4 ,leonard ,miles1 ,steen's    
,creek1 ,rankin county1 ,mi4 in the     
,southern  ,sun1 ,sept4 #bb1 #ahch      
,ranaway1 ,gabriel--has two or three    
scars across his neck made with  a      
knife4      ,mr4 ,bezou1 ,new ,orleans1 
in the ,bee ,may #bc1 #ahch4            
,ranaway1 the mulatto wench ,mary--has a
 cut on the left arm1 a scar  on the    
shoulder1 and two upper teeth missing4  
,mr4 ,james ,kimborough1 ,memphis1      
,tenn4 in the ,memphis ,enquirer ,july  
#ac1 #ahch4    ,ranaway1 a negro boy1   
named ,jerry--has a scar on his right   
check  two inches long1 from the cut of 
a knife4      ,mr4 ,robert ,beasley1    
,macon1 ,georgia1 in the ,georgia       
,messenger1 ,july  #bg1 #ahcg4          
,ranaway1 my man ,fountain--has holes in
 his ears1 a scar on the  right side of 

his forehead--has been shot in the hind 
parts of his  legs--is marked on the    
back with the whip4      ,mr4 ,b4,g4    
,barrer1 ,st4 ,louis1 ,missouri1 in the 
,republican1 ,sept4 #f1  #ahcg4         
,ranaway1 a negro man named ,jarret--has
 a scar on the under part of  one of his
 arms1 occasioned by a wound from a     
knife4      ,mr4 ,john ,d4 ,turner1 near
 ,norfolk1 ,virginia1 in the ,norfolk   
,herald1  ,june #bg1 #ahch4    ,ranaway1
 a negro by the name of ,joshua--he has 
a cut across one of  his ears1 which he 
will conceal as much as possible--one of
 his  ankles is enlarged by an ulcer4   
,mr4 ,william ,stansell1 ,picksville1   
,ala4 in the ,huntsville ,democrat1     
,august #bi1 #ahcg4    ,ranaway1 negro  
boy ,harper--has a scar on one of his   
hips in the form  of a ,g4      ,hon4   
,ambrose ,h4 ,sevier ,senator1 in       
,congress1 from ,arkansas in the        
,vicksburg ,register1 of ,oct4 #ah4     
,ranaway1 ,bob1 a slave--has a scar     
across his breast1 another on the  right

 side of his head--his back is much     
scarred with the whip4      ,mr4 ,r4,a4 
,greene1 ,milledgeville1 ,georgia1 in   
the ,macon ,messenger ,july  #bg1 #ahcg4
    ,two hundred and fifty dollars      
reward1 for my negro man ,jim--he is    
much marked with shot in his right      
thigh1--the shot entered on the         
outside1 half way between the hip and   
knee joints4      ,benjamin ,russel1    
deputy sheriff1 ,bibb county1 ,ga4 in   
the ,macon  ,telegraph1 ,december #be1  
#ahcg4    ,brought to jail1 ,john--left 
ear cropt4      ,hon4 ,h ,hitchcock1    
,mobile1 judge of the ,supreme ,court1  
in the  ,commercial ,register1 ,oct4    
#bg1 #ahcg4    ,ranaway1 the slave      
,ellis--he has lost one of his ears4    
,mrs4 ,elizabeth ,l4 ,carter1 near      
,groveton1 ,prince ,william county1     
,virginia1 in the ,national             
,intelligencer1 ,washington1 ,d4,c4     
,june #aj1  #ahcg4    ,ranaway1 a negro 
man1 ,moses--he has lost a part of one  
of his  ears4      ,mr4 ,william ,d4    

,buckels1 ,natchez1 ,mi4 in the ,natchez
 ,courier1 ,july  #bh1 #ahch4    ,taken 
up1 a negro man--is very much scarred   
about the face and  body1 and has the   
left ear bit off4      ,mr4 ,walter ,r4 
,english1 ,monroe county1 ,ala4 in the  
,mobile ,chronicle1  ,sept4 #b1 #ahcg4  
,ranaway1 my slave ,lewis--he has lost a
 piece of one ear1 and a  part of one of
 his fingers1 a part of one of his toes 
is also  lost4      ,mr4 ,james         
,saunders1 ,grany ,spring1 ,hawkins     
county1 ,tenn4 in the  ,knoxville       
,register1 ,june #f1 #ahch4    ,ranaway1
 a black girl named ,mary--has a scar on
 her cheek1 and the  end of one of her  
toes cut off4      ,mr4 ,john ,jenkins1 
,st ,joseph's1 ,florida1 captain of the 
steamboat  ,ellen1 ,apalachicola        
,gazette1 ,june #g1 #ahch4    ,ranaway1 
the negro boy ,caesar--he has but one   
eye4      ,mr4 ,peter ,hanson1          
,lafayette city1 ,la41 in the ,new      
,orleans ,bee1 ,july  #bh1 #ahch4       
,ranaway1 the negress ,martha--she has  

lost her right eye4      ,mr4 ,orren    
,ellis1 ,georgeville1 ,mi4 in the ,north
 ,alabamian1 ,sept4 #ae1  #ahcg4        
,ranaway1 ,george--has had the lower    
part of one of his ears bit  off4       
,mr4 ,zadock ,sawyer1 ,cuthbert1        
,randolph county1 ,georgia1 in the      
,milledgeville ,union1 ,oct4 #i1 #ahch4 
,ranaway1 my negro ,tom--has a piece bit
 off the top of his right  ear1 and his 
little finger is stiff4      ,mr4       
,abraham ,gray1 ,mount ,morino1 ,pike   
county1 ,ga4 in the ,milledgeville      
,union1 ,oct4 #i1 #ahch4    ,ranaway1 my
 mulatto woman ,judy--she has had her   
right arm broke4      ,s4,b4 ,tuston1   
jailer1 ,adams county1 ,mi4 in the      
,natchez ,courier1 ,june  #ae1 #ahch4   
,was committed to jail1 a negro man     
named ,bill--has had the thumb of  his  
left hand split4    ,mr4 ,joshua        
,antrim1 ,nineveh1 ,warren county1      
,virginia1 in the  ,winchester          
,virginian1 ,july #aa1 #ahcg4           
,ranaway1 a mulatto man named ,joe--his 

fingers on the left hand are  partly    
amputated4      ,j4,b4 ,randall1 jailor1
  ,marietta1 ,cobb county1 ,ga41 in the 
,southern  ,recorder2 ,nov4 #f1 #ahch4  
,lodged in jail1 a negro man named      
,jupiter--is very lame in his left  hip1
 so that he can hardly walk--has lost a 
joint of the middle  finger of his left 
hand4      ,mr4 ,john ,n4 ,dillahunty1  
,woodville1 ,mi41 in the ,n4,o4         
,commercial  ,bulletin1 ,july #ba1      
#ahcg4    ,ranaway1 ,bill--has a scar   
over one eye1 also one on his leg1 from 
the bite of a dog--has a burn on his    
buttock1 from a piece of hot  iron in   
shape of a ,t4      ,william ,k4        
,ratcliffe1 sheriff1 ,franklin county1  
,mi4 in the ,natchez  ,free ,trader1    
,august #bc1 #ahch4    ,committed to    
jail1 a negro named ,mike--his left ear 
off      ,mr4 ,preston ,halley1         
,barnwell1 ,south ,carolina1 in the     
,augusta ,ga4  ,chronicle1 ,july #bg1   
#ahch4    ,ranaway1 my negro man        
,levi--his left hand has been burnt1 and

 ,i  think the end of his fore finger is
 off4      ,mr4 ,welcome ,h4 ,robbins1  
,st4 ,charles county1 ,mo4 in the ,st4  
,louis  ,republican1 ,june #cj1 #ahch4  
,ranaway1 a negro named ,washington--has
 lost a part of his middle  finger and  
the end of his little finger4      ,g4  
,gourdon  ,co4 druggists1 corner of     
,rampart and ,hospital streets1  ,new   
,orleans1 in the ,commercial ,bulletin1 
,sept4 #ah1 #ahch4    ,ranaway1 a negro 
named ,david ,drier--has two toes cut4  
,mr4 ,william ,brown1 in the ,grand     
,gulf ,advertiser1 ,august #bi1 #ahch4  
,ranaway1 ,edmund--has a scar on his    
right temple1 and under his  right eye1 
and holes in both ears4      ,mr4 ,james
 ,mc,donnell1 ,talbot county1 ,georgia1 
in the ,columbus  ,enquirer1 ,jan4 #ah1 
#ahch4    ,runaway1 a negro boy twelve  
or thirteen years old--has a scar on    
his left cheek from the bite of a dog4  
,mr4 ,john ,w4 ,cherry1 ,marengo county1
 ,ala4 in the ,mobile ,register1  ,june 
#ae1 #ahch4    ,fifty dollars reward1   

for my negro man ,john--he has a        
considerable  scar on his throat1 done  
with a knife4      ,mr4 ,thos4 ,brown1  
,roane co4 ,tenn4 in the ,knoxville     
,register1 ,sept #ab1  #ahch4           
,twenty-five dollars reward1 for my man 
,john--the tip of his nose is  bit off4 
,messrs4 ,taylor1 ,lawton  ,co41        
,charleston1 ,south ,carolina1 in the   
,mercury1 ,nov4 #ahch4    ,ranaway1 a   
negro fellow called ,hover--has a cut   
above the right  eye4      ,mr4 ,louis  
,schmidt1 ,faubourg1 ,sivaudais1 ,la4 in
 the ,new ,orleans ,bee1  ,sept4 #e1    
#ahcg4    ,ranaway1 the negro man       
,hardy--has a scar on the upper lip1 and
  another made with a knife on his neck4
      ,w4,m4 ,whitehead1 ,natchez1 in   
the ,new ,orleans ,bulletin1 ,july #ba1 
#ahcg4    ,ranaway1 ,henry--has half of 
one ear bit off4      ,mr4 ,conrad      
,salvo1 ,charleston1 ,south ,carolina1  
in the ,mercury1 ,august  #aj1 #ahcg4   
,ranaway1 my negro man ,jacob--he has   
but one eye4      ,william ,baker1      

jailer1 ,shelby county1 ,ala41 in the   
,montgomery 7,ala47  ,advertiser1 ,oct4 
#e1 #ahch4    ,committed to jail1       
,ben--his left thumb off at the first   
joint4      ,mr4 ,s4,n4 ,hite1 ,camp    
street1 ,new ,orleans1 in the ,bee1     
,feb4 #ai1 #ahch4    ,twenty-five       
dollars reward for the negro slave      
,sally--walks as though  crippled in the
 back4      ,mr4 ,stephen ,m4 ,richards1
 ,whitesburg1 ,madison county1 ,alabama1
 in the  ,huntsville ,democrat1 ,sept   
#h1 #ahch4    ,ranaway1 a negro man     
named ,dick--has a little finger off the
 right  hand4      ,mr4 ,a4 ,brose1     
parish of ,st4 ,charles1 ,la4 in the    
,new ,orleans ,bee1  ,feb4 #ai1 #ahch4  
,ranaway1 the negro ,patrick--has his   
little finger of the right hand  cut    
close to the hand4      ,mr4 ,needham   
,whitefield1 ,aberdeen1 ,mi4 in the     
,memphis 7,tenn47  ,enquirer1 ,june #ae1
 #ahch4    ,ranaway1 ,joe ,dennis--has a
 small notch in one of his ears4        
,col4 ,m4,j4 ,keith1 ,charleston1 ,south

 ,carolina1 in the ,mercury1 ,nov4  #bg1
 #ahcg4    ,ranaway1 ,dick--has lost the
 little toe of one of his feet4         
,mr4 ,r4 ,faucette1 ,haywood1 ,north    
,carolina1 in the ,raleigh ,register1   
,april #cj1 #ahch4    ,escaped1 my negro
 man ,eaton--his little finger of the   
right hand  has been broke4      ,mr4   
,g4,c4 ,richardson1 ,owen ,station1     
,mo41 in the ,st4 ,louis ,republican1   
,may #e1 #ahch4    ,ranaway1 my negro   
man named ,top--has had one of his legs 
broken4      ,mr4 ,e4 ,han1 ,la ,grange1
 ,fayette county1 ,tenn4 in the         
,gallatin ,union1  ,june #bc1 #ahcg4    
,ranaway1 negro boy ,jack--has a small  
crop out of his left ear4      ,d4      
,herring1 warden of ,baltimore city     
jail1 in the ,marylander1 ,oct #f1      
#ahcg4    ,was committed to jail1 a     
negro man--has two scars on his         
forehead1  and the top of his left ear  
cut off4      ,mr4 ,james ,marks1 near  
,natchitoches1 ,la4 in the ,natchitoches
 ,herald1  ,july #ba1 #ahch4    ,stolen1

 a negro man named ,winter--has a notch 
cut out of the left  ear1 and the mark  
of four or five buck shot on his legs4  
,mr4 ,james ,barr1 ,amelia ,court       
,house1 ,virginia1 in the ,norfolk      
,herald1  ,sept4 #ab1 #ahch4            
,ranaway1 a negro man--scar back of his 
left eye1 as if from the  cut of a      
knife4      ,mr4 ,isaac ,michell1       
,wilkinson county1 ,georgia1 in the     
,augusta  ,chronicle1 ,sept #ba1 #ahcg4 
,ranaway1 negro man ,buck--has a very   
plain mark under his ear on his  jaw1   
about the size of a dollar1 having been 
inflicted by a knife4      ,mr4 ,p4     
,bayhi1 captain of the police1 ,suburb  
,washington1 third  municipality1 ,new  
,orleans1 in the ,bee1 ,oct4 #ac1 #ahcg4
    ,detained at the jail1 the negro boy
 ,hermon--has a scar below his left     
ear1 from the wound of a knife4         
,mr4 ,willie ,paterson1 ,clinton1 ,jones
 county1 ,ga4 in the ,darien            
,telegraph1 ,dec4 #e1 #ahcg4            
,ranaway1 a negro man by the name of    

,john--he has a scar across his  cheek1 
and one on his right arm1 apparently    
done with a knife4      ,mr4 ,samuel    
,ragland1 ,triana1 ,madison county1     
,alabama1 in the  ,huntsville ,advocate1
 ,dec4 #bc1 #ahcg4    ,ranaway1         
,isham--has a scar upon the breast and  
upon the under lip1  from the bite of a 
dog4      ,mr4 ,moses ,e4 ,bush1 near   
,clayton1 ,ala4 in the ,columbus 7,ga47 
,enquirer1 ,july #e1 #ahch4    ,ranaway1
 a negro man--has a scar on his hip and 
on his breast1 and  two front teeth out4
      ,c4,w4 ,wilkins1 sheriff ,baldwin 
,co1 ,ala1 is the ,mobile ,advertiser2  
,sept4 #bd1 #ahcg4    ,committed to     
jail1 a negro man1 he is crippled in the
 right leg4      ,mr4 ,james ,h4        
,taylor1 ,charleston ,south ,carolina1  
in the ,courier1  ,august #g1 #ahcg4    
,absconded1 a colored boy1 named ,peter1
 lame in the right leg4      ,n4,m4,c4  
,robinson1 jailer1 ,columbus1 ,georgia1 
in the ,columbus 7,ga47  ,enquirer1     
,august #b1 #ahch4    ,brought to jail1 

a negro man1 his left ankle has been    
broke4      ,mr4 ,littlejohn ,rynes1    
,hinds ,co4 ,mi4 in the ,natchez        
,courier1 ,august1  #ag1 #ahch4         
,ranaway1 a negro man named ,jerry1 has 
a small piece cut out of the  top of    
each ear4      ,the ,heirs of ,j4,a4    
,alston1 near ,georgetown1 ,south       
,carolina1 in the  ,georgetown ,s4,c4   
,union1 ,june #ag1 #ahcg4    ,absconded 
a negro named ,cuffee1 has lost one     
finger2 has an  enlarged leg4           
,a4,s4 ,ballinger1 ,sheriff1 ,johnston  
,co1 ,north ,carolina1 ,in the ,raleigh 
,standard1 ,oct4 #ah1 #ahch4            
,committed to jail1 a negro man2 has a  
very sore leg4      ,mr4 ,thomas        
,crutchfield1 ,atkins1 ,ten4 in the     
,tennessee ,journal1 ,oct4  #ag1 #ahch4 
,ranaway1 my mulatto boy ,cy1 has but   
one hand1 all the fingers of  his right 
hand were burnt off when young4         
,j4,a4 ,brown1 jailer1 ,orangeburg1     
,south ,carolina1 in the ,charleston    
,mercury1 ,july #ah1 #ahch4    ,was     

committed to jail1 a negro named ,bob1  
appears to be crippled in  the right    
leg4      ,s4,b4 ,turton1 jailer1 ,adams
 ,co4 ,miss4 in the ,natchez ,courier1  
,sept4  #bi1 #ahch4    ,was committed to
 jail1 a negro man1 has his left thigh  
broke4      ,mr4 ,john ,h4 ,king1  ,high
 street1 ,georgetown1 in the ,national  
,intelligencer1 ,august #a1 #ahcg4      
,ranaway1 my negro man1 he has the end  
of one of his fingers  broken4      ,mr4
 ,john ,b4 ,fox1 ,vicksburg1 ,miss4 in  
the ,register1 ,march #bi1 #ahcg4       
,ranaway1 a yellowish negro boy named   
,tom1 has a notch in the back  of one of
 his ears4      ,messrs4 ,fernandez and 
,whiting1 auctioneers1 ,new ,orleans1 in
 the ,bee1  ,april #h1 #ahcg4    ,will  
be sold ,martha1 aged nineteen1 has one 
eye out4      ,mr4 ,marshall ,jett1     
,farrowsville1 ,fauquier ,co4 ,virginia1
 in the  ,national ,intelligencer1 ,may 
#cj1 #ahcg4    ,ranaway1 negro man      
,ephraim1 has a mark over one of his    
eyes1  occasioned by a blow4      ,s4,b4

 ,turton1 jailer ,adams ,co4 ,miss4 in  
the ,natches ,courier1 ,oct4 #ab1       
#ahch4    ,was committed a negro1 calls 
himself ,jacob1 has been crippled in    
his right leg4      ,john ,ford1 sheriff
 of ,mobile ,county1 in the             
,mississippian1 ,jackson  ,mi4 ,dec4    
#bh1 #ahch4    ,committed to jail1 a    
negro man ,cary1 a large scar on his    
forehead4      ,e4,w4 ,morris1 sheriff  
of ,warren ,county1 in the ,vicksburg   
,mi4  ,register1 ,march #bh1 #ahch4     
,committed as a runaway1 a negro man    
,jack1 he has several scars on  his     
face4      ,mr4 ,john ,p4 ,holcombe1 ,in
 the ,charleston ,mercury1 ,april #ag1  
#ahbh4    ,absented himself1 his negro  
man ,ben1 has scars on his throat1      
occasioned by the cut of a knife4       
,mr4 ,geo4 ,kinlock1 in the ,charleston1
 ,s4,c4 ,courier1 ,may #a1 #ahci4       
,ranaway1 negro boy ,kitt1 #ae or #af   
years old1 has a piece taken out  of one
 of his ears4      ,wm4 ,magee1 sheriff1
 ,mobile ,co4 in the ,mobile ,register1 

,dec4 #bg1 #ahcg4    ,committed to jail1
 a runaway slave1 ,alexander1 a scar on 
his left  check4      ,mr4 ,henry ,m4   
,mc,gregor1 ,prince ,george ,county1    
,maryland1 in the  ,alexandria ,d4,c4   
,gazette1 ,feb4 #f1 #ahch4    ,ranaway1 
negro ,phil1 scar through the right eye 
brow part of the  middle toe right foot 
cut off4      ,green ,b ,jourdan1       
,baldwin ,county ,ga4 in the ,georgia   
,journal1 ,april  #ah1 #ahcg4           
,ranaway1 ,john1 has a scar on one of   
his hands extending from the  wrist     
joint to the little finger1 also a scar 
on one of his legs4      ,messrs4       
,daniel and ,goodman1 ,new ,orleans1 in 
the ,n4,o4 ,bee1 ,feb4 #b1  #ahch4      
,absconded1 mulatto slave ,alick1 has a 
large scar over one of his  cheeks4     
,jeremiah ,woodward1 ,gonchland1 ,co4   
,va4 in the ,richmond ,va4 ,whig1 ,jan4 
#cj1 #ahch4    #bjj ,,dollars ,,reward  
for ,nelson1 has a scar on his forehead 
occasioned by a burn1 and one on his    
lower lip and one about the  knee4      

,samuel ,rawlins1 ,gwinet ,co4 ,ga4 in  
the ,columbus ,sentinel1 ,nov4 #bi1     
#ahch4    ,ranaway1 a negro man and his 
wife1 named ,nat and ,priscilla1 he has 
a  small scar on his left cheek1 two    
stiff fingers on his right hand  with a 
running sore on them2 his wife has a    
scar on her left arm1  and one upper    
tooth out4      ,the reader perceives   
that we have under this head1 as under  
previous  ones1 given to the testimony  
of the slaveholders themselves1 under   
their own names1 a precedence over that 
of all other witnesses4 ,we now  ask the
 reader's attention to the testimonies  
which follow4 ,they are  endorsed by    
responsible names--men who 'speak what  
they know1 and  testify what they have  
seen'--testimonies which show1 that the 
slaveholders who wrote the preceding    
advertisements1 describing the  work of 
their own hands1 in branding with hot   
irons1 maiming1  mutilating1 cropping1  
shooting1 knocking out the teeth and    
eyes of  their slaves1 breaking their   

bones1 c41 have manifested1 as far as   
they have gone in the description1 a    
commendable fidelity to truth4    ,it is
 probable that some of the scars and    
maimings in the preceding               
advertisements were the result of       
accidents2 and some may be the  result  
of violence inflicted by the slaves upon
 each other4 ,without  arguing that     
point1 we say1 these are the facts2     
whoever reads and  ponders them1 will   
need no argument to convince him1 that  
the  proposition which they have been   
employed to sustain1 cannot be  shaken4 
,that any considerable portion of them  
were accidental1 is  totally improbable1
 from the nature of the case2 and is in 
most  instances disproved by the        
advertisements themselves4 ,that they   
have  not been produced by assaults of  
the slaves upon each other1 is  manifest
 from the fact1 that injuries of that   
character inflicted by  the slaves upon 
each other1 are1 as all who are familiar
 with the  habits and condition of      

slaves well know1 exceedingly rare2 and 
of  necessity must be so1 from the      
constant action upon them of the        
strongest dissuasives from such acts    
that can operate on human nature4       
,advertisements similar to the preceding
 may at any time be gathered by  scores 
from the daily and weekly newspapers of 
the slave states4  ,before presenting   
the reader with further testimony in    
proof of the  proposition at the head of
 this part of our subject1 we remark1   
that  some of the tortures enumerated   
under this and the preceding heads1  are
 not in all cases inflicted by          
slaveholders as punishments1 but        
sometimes merely as preventives of      
escape1 for the greater security of     
their 'property'4 ,iron collars1 chains1
 c4 are put upon slaves when  they are  
driven or transported from one part of  
the country to  another1 in order to    
keep them from running away4 ,similar   
measures are  often resorted to upon    
plantations4 ,when the master or owner  

suspects  a slave of plotting an escape1
 an iron collar with long 'horns1' or a 
bar of iron1 or a ball and chain1 are   
often fastened upon him1 for the  double
 purpose of retarding his flight1 should
 he attempt it1 and of  serving as an   
easy means of detection4    ,another    
inhuman method of marking slaves1 so    
that they may be easily  described and  
detected when they escape1 is called    
cropping4 ,in the  preceding            
advertisements1 the reader will perceive
 a number of cases1  in which the       
runaway is described as 'cropt1' or a   
'notch cut in  the ear1 or a part or the
 whole of the ear cut off1' c4    ,two  
years and a half since1 the writer of   
this saw a letter1 then just  received  
by ,mr4 ,lewis ,tappan1 of ,new ,york1  
containing a negro's ear  cut off close 
to the head4 ,the writer of the letter1 
who signed  himself ,thomas ,oglethorpe1
 ,montgomery1 ,alabama1 sent it to ,mr4 
,tappan  as 'a specimen of a negro's    
ears1' and desired him to add it to his 

'collection4'    ,another method of     
marking slaves1 is by drawing out or    
breaking off  one or two front          
teeth--commonly the upper ones1 as the  
mark would  in that case be the more    
obvious4 ,an instance of this kind the  
reader  will recall in the testimony of 
,sarah ,m4 ,grimk1 page #cj1 and of     
which  she had personal knowledge2 being
 well acquainted both with the  inhuman 
master1 7a distinguished citizen of     
,south ,carolina17 by whose  order the  
brutal deed was done1 and with the poor 
young girl whose  mouth was thus        
barbarously mutilated1 to furnish a     
convenient mark by  which to describe   
her in case of her elopement1 as she had
 frequently  run away4    ,the case     
stated by ,miss ,g4 serves to unravel   
what1 to one uninitiated1  seems quite a
 mystery3 i4e4 the frequency with which1
 in the  advertisements of runaway      
slaves published in southern papers1    
they  are described as having one or two
 front teeth out4 ,scores of such       

advertisements are in southern papers   
now on our table4 ,we will  furnish the 
reader with a dozen or two4      ,jesse 
,debruhl1 sheriff1 ,richland ,district1 
,columbia 7,s4,c47  ,telescope1 ,feb4   
#bd1 #ahci4    ,committed to jail1 ,ned1
 about #be years of age1 has lost his   
two  upper front teeth4      ,mr4 ,john 
,hunt1 ,black ,water ,bay1 ,pensacola   
7,ga47 ,gazette1 ,october #ad1  #ahcg4  
#ajj ,,dollars ,,reward1 for ,perry1 one
 under front tooth missing1 aged  #bc   
years4      ,mr4 ,john ,frederick1      
,branchville1 ,orangeburgh ,district1   
,s4,c4  ,charleston 7,s4,c47 ,courier1  
,june #ab1 #ahcg4    #aj ,,dollars      
,,reward1 for ,mary1 one or two upper   
teeth out1 about #be  years old4        
,mr4 ,egbert ,a4 ,raworth1 eight miles  
west of ,nashville on the ,charlotte    
road ,daily ,republican ,banner1        
,nashville1 ,tennessee1 ,april #cj1     
#aich4    ,ranaway1 ,myal1 #bc years    
old1 one of his fore teeth out4         
,benjamin ,russel1 ,deputy sheriff ,bibb

 ,co4 ,ga4 ,macon 7,ga47 ,telegraph1    
,dec4 #be1 #ahcg4    ,brought to jail   
,john1 #bc years old1 one fore tooth    
out4      ,f4 ,wisner1 ,master of the   
,work ,house1 ,charleston 7,s4,c47      
,courier4 ,oct4  #ag1 #ahcg4            
,committed to the ,charleston ,work     
,house ,tom1 two of his upper front     
teeth out1 about #cj years of age4      
,mr4 ,s4 ,neyle1 ,savannah 7,ga47       
,republican1 ,july #c1 #ahcg4           
,ranaway ,peter1 has lost two front     
teeth in the upper jaw4      ,mr4 ,john 
,mc,murrain1 near ,columbus1 ,georgia   
,messenger1 ,aug4 #b1 #ahch4            
,ranaway1 a boy named ,moses1 some of   
his front teeth out4      ,mr4 ,john    
,kennedy1 ,stewart ,co4 ,la4 ,new       
,orleans ,bee1 ,april #g1 #ahcg4        
,ranaway1 ,sally1 her fore teeth out4   
,mr4 ,a4,j4 ,hutchings1 near ,florence1 
,ala4 ,north ,alabamian1 ,august #be1   
#ahch    ,ranaway1 ,george ,winston1 two
 of his upper fore teeth out            
immediately in front4      ,mr4 ,james  

,purdon1 #cc ,commons street1 ,n4,o4    
,new ,orleans ,bee1 ,feb4 #ac1  #ahch4  
,ranaway1 ,jackson1 has lost one of his 
front teeth4      ,mr4 ,robert ,calvert1
 in the ,arkansas ,state ,gazette1      
,august #bb1 #ahch4    ,ranaway1 ,jack1 
#be years old1 has lost one of his fore 
teeth4      ,mr4 ,a4,g4,a4 ,beazley1 in 
the ,memphis ,gazette1 ,march #ah1      
#ahch4    ,ranaway1 ,abraham1 #bj or #bb
 years of age1 his front teeth out4     
,mr4 ,samuel ,townsend1 in the          
,huntsville ,ala4 ,democrat1 ,may #bd1  
#ahcg4    ,ranaway1 ,dick1 #ah or #bj   
years of age1 has one front tooth out4  
,mr4 ,philip ,a4 ,dew1 in the ,virginia 
,herald1 of ,may #bd1 #ahcg4            
,ranaway1 ,washington1 about #be years  
of age1 has an upper front tooth  out4  
,j4,g4 ,dunlap1 ,georgia                
,constitutionalist1 ,april #bd1 #ahch4  
,ranaway1 negro woman ,abbe1 upper front
 teeth out4      ,john ,thomas1         
,southern ,argus1 ,august #g1 #ahch4    
,ranaway1 ,lewis1 #be or #bf years old1 

one or two of his front teeth  out4     
,m4,e4,w4 ,gilbert1 in the ,columbus    
,ga4 ,enquirer1 ,oct4 #e4 #ahcg4    #ej 
,,dollars ,,reward1 for ,prince1 #be or 
#bf years old1 one or two teeth  out in 
front on the upper jaw4      ,publisher 
of the ,charleston ,mercury1 ,aug4 #ca1 
#ahch4    ,ranaway1 ,seller ,saunders1  
one fore tooth out1 about #bb years of  
age4      ,mr4 ,byrd ,m4 ,grace1 in the 
,macon ,ga4 ,telegraph1 ,oct4 #af1      
#achc4    ,ranaway1 ,warren1 about #be  
or #bf years old1 has lost some of his  
front teeth4      ,mr4 ,george ,w4      
,barnes1 in the ,milledgeville ,ga4     
,journal1 ,may #bb1  #ahcg4    ,ranaway1
 ,henry1 about #bc years old1 has one of
 his upper front teeth  out4      ,d4   
,herring1 ,warden of ,baltimore ,jail1  
in ,baltimore ,chronicle1 ,oct4  #f1    
#ahcg4    ,committed to jail ,elizabeth 
,steward1 #ag or #ah years old1 has one 
of  her front teeth out4      ,mr4      
,j4,l4 ,colborn1 in the ,huntsville     
,ala4 ,democrat1 ,july #d1 #ahcg4       

,ranaway ,liley1 #bf years of age1 one  
fore tooth gone4      ,samuel ,harman   
,jr4 in the ,new ,orleans ,bee1 ,oct4   
#ab1 #ahch4    #ej ,,dollars ,,reward1  
for ,adolphe1 #bh years old1 two of his 
front  teeth are missing4      ,were it 
necessary1 we might easily add to the   
preceding list1  hundreds4 ,the reader  
will remark that all the slaves1 whose  
ages are  given1 are young--not one has 
arrived at middle age2 consequently it  
can hardly be supposed that they have   
lost their teeth either from age  or    
decay4 ,the probability that their teeth
 were taken out by force1 is  increased 
by the fact of their being front teeth  
in almost every  case1 and from the fact
 that the loss of no other is mentioned 
in  the advertisements4 ,it is well     
known that the front teeth are not      
generally the first to fail4 ,further1  
it is notorious that the teeth  of the  
slaves are remarkably sound and         
serviceable1 that they decay  far less1 
and at a much later period of life than 

the teeth of the  whites3 owing partly1 
no doubt1 to original constitution2 but 
more  probably to their diet1 habits1   
and mode of life4    ,as an illustration
 of the horrible mutilations sometimes  
suffered by  them in the breaking and   
tearing out of their teeth1 we insert   
the  following1 from the ,new ,orleans  
,bee of ,may #ca1 #ahcg4    #aj         
,,reward4--,ranaway1 ,friday1 ,may #ab1 
,,julia1 a negress1 ,,eighteen ,,or     
,,twenty ,,years ,,old4 ,,she ,,has     
,,lost ,,her ,,upper ,,teeth1 and the   
under ones ,,are  ,,all ,,broken4 ,said 
reward will be paid to whoever will     
bring her to her  master1 ,no4 #agb     
,barracks-street1 or lodge her in the   
jail4    ,the following is contained in 
the same paper4    ,ranaway1 ,,nelson1  
#bg years old1--,,all ,,his ,,teeth     
,,are ,,missing4    ,this advertisement 
is signed by ,s4 ,,elfer1 ,faubourg     
,marigny4    ,we now call the attention 
of the reader to a mass of testimony in 
support of our general proposition4     

,,george ,b4 ,,ripley1 ,esq4 of         
,norwich1 ,connecticut1 has furnished   
the  following statement1 in a letter   
dated ,dec4 #ab1 #ahch4    ,,gurdon     
,,chapman1 ,esq41 a respectable merchant
 of our city1 one of our  county        
commissioners1--last spring a member of 
our state  legislature1--and whose      
character for veracity is above         
suspicion1  about a year since visited  
the county of ,nansemond1 ,virginia1 for
 the  purpose of buying a cargo of corn4
 ,he purchased a large quantity of  ,mr4
 ----1 with whose family he spent a week
 or ten days2 after he  returned1 he    
related to me and several other citizens
 the following  facts4 ,in order to     
prepare the corn for market by the time 
agreed  upon1 the slaves were worked as 
hard as they would bear1 from daybreak  
until #i or #aj o'clock at night4 ,they 
were called directly from their  bunks  
in the morning to their work1 without a 
morsel of food until  noon1 when they   
took their breakfast and dinner1        

consisting of bacon  and corn bread4    
,the quantity of meat was not one tenth 
of what the  same number of northern    
laborers usually have at a meal4 ,they  
were  allowed but fifteen minutes to    
take this meal1 at the expiration of    
this time the horn was blown4 ,the rigor
 with which they enforce  punctuality to
 its call1 may be imagined from the     
fact1 that a little  boy only nine years
 old was whipped so severely by the     
driver1 that in  many places the whip   
cut through his clothes 7which were of  
cotton17  for tardiness of not over     
three minutes4 ,they then worked without
  intermission until #i or #aj at night2
 after which they prepared and ate      
their second meal1 as scanty as the     
first4 ,an aged slave1 who was          
remarkable for his industry and         
fidelity1 was working with all his      
might on the threshing floor2 amidst the
 clatter of the shelling and  winnowing 
machines the master spoke to him1 but he
 did not hear2 he  presently gave him   

several severe cuts with the raw hide1  
saying1 at  the same time1 'damn you1 if
 you cannot hear ,i'll see if you can   
feel4' ,one morning the master rose from
 breakfast and whipped most  cruelly1   
with a raw hide1 a nice girl who was    
waiting on the table1  for not opening a
 west window when he had told her to    
open an east  one4 ,the number of slaves
 was only forty1 and yet the lash was in
  constant use4 ,the bodies of all of   
them were literally covered with  old   
scars4    ,not one of the slaves        
attended church on the ,sabbath4 ,the   
social  relations were scarcely         
recognised among them1 and they lived in
 a  state of promiscuous concubinage4   
,the master said he took pains to  breed
 from his best stock--the whiter the    
progeny the higher they  would sell for 
house servants4 ,when asked by ,mr4 ,c4 
if he did not fear  his slaves would run
 away if he whipped them so much1 he    
replied1 they  know too well what they  
must suffer if they are taken--and then 

said1  ',i'll tell you how ,i treat my  
runaway niggers4 ,i had a big nigger    
that  ran away the second time2 as soon 
as ,i got track of him ,i took three    
good fellows and went in pursuit1 and   
found him in the night1 some  miles     
distant1 in a corn-house2 we took him   
and ironed him hand and  foot1 and      
carted him home4 ,the next morning we   
tied him to a tree1 and  whipped him    
until there was not a sound place on his
 back4 ,i then tied  his ankles and     
hoisted him up to a limb--feet up and   
head down--we  then whipped him1 until  
the damned nigger smoked so that ,i     
thought he  would take fire and burn up4
 ,we then took him down2 and to make    
sure  that he should not run away the   
third time1 ,i run my knife in back of  
the ankles1 and cut off the large       
cords1--and then ,i ought to have  put  
some lead into the wounds1 but ,i forgot
 it'    ,the truth of the above is from 
unquestionable authority2 and you may   
publish or suppress it1 as shall best   

subserve the cause of ,god and          
humanity4      ,,extract ,,of ,a        
,,letter ,,from ,,stephan ,,sewall1     
,esq41 ,winthrop1 ,maine1 dated  ,jan4  
#abth1 #ahci4 ,mr4 ,s4 is a member of   
the ,congregational church in           
,winthrop1 and late agent of the        
,winthrop ,manufacturing company4       
,being somewhat acquainted with slavery1
 by a residence of about five  years in 
,alabama1 and having witnessed many acts
 of slaveholding  cruelty1 ,i will      
mention one or two that came under my   
eye2 and one of  excessive cruelty      
mentioned to me at the time1 by the     
gentleman 7now  dead17 that interfered  
in behalf of the slave4    ,i was       
witness to such cruelties by an overseer
 to a slave1 that he  twice attempted to
 drown himself1 to get out of his power3
 this was on  a raft of slaves1 in the  
,mobile river4 ,i saw an owner take his 
runaway  slave1 tie a rope round him1   
then get on his horse1 give the slave   
and  horse a cut the whip1 and run the  

poor creature barefooted1 very fast1    
over rough ground1 where small black    
jack oaks had been cut up1  leaving the 
sharp stumps1 on which the slave would  
frequently fall2  then the master would 
drag him as long as he could himself    
hold out2  then stop1 and whip him up on
 his feet again--then proceed as before4
  ,this continued until he got out of my
 sight1 which was about half a  mile4   
,but what further cruelties this        
wretched man1 7whose passion was  so    
excited that he could scarcely utter a  
word when he took the slave  into his   
own power17 inflicted upon his poor     
victim1 the day of  judgment will       
unfold4    ,i have seen slaves severely 
whipped on plantations1 but this is an  
every day occurrence1 and comes under   
the head of general treatment4    ,i    
have known the case of a husband        
compelled to whip his wife4 ,this ,i    
did not witness1 though not two rods    
from the cabin at the time4    ,i will  
now mention the case of cruelty before  

referred to4 ,in #ahbj or  #ba1 while   
the public works were going forward on  
,dauphin ,island1  ,mobile ,bay1 a      
contractor1 engaged on the works1 beat  
one of his slaves  so severely that the 
poor creature had no longer power to    
writhe under  his suffering3 he then    
took out his knife1 and began to cut his
 flesh  in strips1 from his hips down4  
,at this moment1 the gentleman referred 
to1 who was also a contractor1 shocked  
at such inhumanity1 stepped  forward1   
between the wretch and his victim1 and  
exclaimed1 ',if you  touch that slave   
again you do it at the peril of your    
life4' ,the  slaveholder raved at him   
for interfering between him and his     
slave2  but he was obliged to drop his  
victim1 fearing the arm of my           
friend--whose stature and physical      
powers were extraordinary4              
,,extract ,,of ,a ,,letter ,,from ,,mrs4
 ,,mary ,,cowles1 a member of the       
,presbyterian church at ,geneva1        
,ashtabula county1 ,ohio1 dated #abth1  

mo4  #ahth1 #ahch4 ,mrs4 ,cowles is a   
daughter of ,mr4 ,james ,colwell of     
,brook  county1 ,virginia1 near ,west   
,liberty4    ,in the year #ahji1 ,i     
think1 when ,i was twenty-one years old1
 a man in  the vicinity where ,i        
resided1 in ,brooke co4 ,va4 near ,west 
,liberty1 by  the name of ,morgan1 had a
 little slave girl about six years old1 
who  had a habit or rather a natural    
infirmity common to children of that    
age4 ,on this account her master and    
mistress would pinch her ears with  hot 
tongs1 and throw hot embers on her legs4
 ,not being able to  accomplish their   
object by these means1 they at last     
resorted to a  method too indelicate1   
and too horrible to describe in detail4 
,suffice  it to say1 it soon put an end 
to her life in the most excruciating    
manner4 ,if further testimony to        
authenticate what ,i have stated is     
necessary1 ,i refer you to ,dr4 ,robert 
,mitchel who then resided in the        
vicinity1 but now lives at ,indiana1    

,pennsylvania1 above ,pittsburgh4       
,,mary ,,cowles4      ,,testimony ,,of  
,,william ,,ladd1 ,esq41 now of ,minot1 
,maine1 formerly a  slaveholder in      
,florida4 ,mr4 ,ladd is now the         
,president of the ,american  ,peace     
,society4 ,in a letter dated ,november  
#bi1 #ahch1 ,mr4 ,ladd says3    ,while  
,i lived in ,florida ,i knew a          
slaveholder whose name was  ,hutchinson1
 he had been a preacher and a member of 
the ,senate of  ,georgia4 ,he told me   
that he dared not keep a gun in his     
house1 because  he was so passionate2   
and that he had been the death of three 
or four  men4 ,i understood him to mean 
slaves4 ,one of his slaves1 a girl1     
once came to my house4 ,she had run away
 from him at ,indian river4 ,the  cords 
of one of her hands were so much        
contracted that her hand was  useless4  
,it was said that he had thrust her hand
 into the fire while  he was in a fit of
 passion1 and held it there1 and this   
was the  effect4 ,my wife had hid the   

girl1 when ,hutchinson came for her4    
,out of  compassion for the poor slave1 
,i offered him more than she was worth1 
which he refused4 ,we afterward let the 
girl escape1 and ,i do not know  what   
became of her1 but ,i believe he never  
got her again4 ,it was  currently       
reported of ,hutchinson1 that he once   
knocked down a new  negro 7one recently 
from ,africa7 who was clearing up land1 
and who  complained of the cold1 as it  
was mid-winter4 ,the slave was stunned  
with the blow4 ,hutchinson1 supposing he
 had the 'sulks1' applied fire  to the  
side of the slave until it was so       
roasted that he said the  slave was not 
worth curing1 and ordered the other     
slaves to pile on  brush1 and he was    
consumed4    ,a murder occurred at the  
settlement1 7,musquito7 while ,i lived  
there4  ,an overseer from ,georgia1 who 
was employed by a ,mr4 ,cormick1 in a   
fit  of jealousy shot a slave of ,samuel
 ,williams1 the owner of the next       
plantation4 ,he was apprehended1 but    

afterward suffered to escape4 ,this  man
 told me that he had rather whip a negro
 than sit down to the best  dinner4     
,this man had1 near his house1 a        
contrivance like that which is  used in 
armies where soldiers are punished with 
the picket2 by this  the slave was drawn
 up from the earth1 by a cord passing   
round his  wrists1 so that his feet     
could just touch the ground4 ,it        
somewhat  resembled a ,new ,england well
 sweep1 and was used when the slaves    
were  flogged4    ,the treatment of     
slaves at ,musquito ,i consider much    
milder than that  which ,i have         
witnessed in the ,united ,states4       
,florida was under the  ,spanish        
government while ,i lived there4 ,there 
were about fifteen or  twenty           
plantations at ,musquito4 ,i have an    
indistinct recollection of  four or five
 slaves dying of the cold in ,amelia    
,island4 ,they belonged  to ,mr4 ,bunce 
of musquito4 ,the compensation of the   
overseers was a  certain portion of the 

crop4      ,,gerrit ,,smith1 ,esq4 of   
,peterboro1 in a letter1 dated ,dec4    
#ae1 #ahch1  says3    ,i have just been 
conversing with an inhabitant of this   
town1 on the  subject of the cruelties  
of slavery4 ,my neighbors inform me that
 he is  a man of veracity4 ,the candid  
manner of his communication utterly     
forbade the suspicion that he was       
attempting to deceive me4    ,my        
informant says that he resided in       
,louisiana and ,alabama during a  great 
part of the years #ahai and #ahbj3--that
 he frequently saw slaves  whipped1     
never saw any killed2 but often heard of
 their being  killed3--that in several  
instances he had seen a slave receive1  
in the  space of two hours1 five hundred
 lashes--each stroke drawing blood4 ,he 
adds that this severe whipping was      
always followed by the application  of  
strong brine to the lacerated parts4    
,my informant further says1 that in the 
spring of #ahai1 he steered a  boat from
 ,louisville to ,new ,orleans4 ,whilst  

stopping at a plantation  on the east   
bank of the ,mississippi1 between       
,natchez and ,new ,orleans1  for the    
purpose of making sale of some of the   
articles with which the  boat was       
freighted1 he and his fellow boatmen saw
 a shockingly cruel  punishment         
inflicted on a couple of slaves for the 
repeated offence of  running away4      
,straw was spread over the whole of     
their backs1 and1  after being fastened 
by a band of the same material1 was     
ignited1 and  left to burn1 until       
entirely consumed4 ,the agonies and     
screams of the  sufferers he can never  
forget4      ,dr4 ,,david ,,nelson1 late
 president of ,marion ,college1         
,missouri1 a native  of ,tennessee1 and 
till forty years old a slaveholder1 said
 in an  ,anti-,slavery address at       
,northampton1 ,mass4 ,jan4 #ahci--    ,i
 have not attempted to harrow your      
feelings with stories of cruelty4  ,i   
will1 however1 mention one or two among 
the many incidents that came  under my  

observation as family physician4 ,i was 
one day dressing a  blister1 and the    
mistress of the house sent a little     
black girl into  the kitchen to bring me
 some warm water4 ,she probably mistook 
her  message2 for she returned with a   
bowl full of boiling water2 which her   
mistress no sooner perceived1 than she  
thrust her hand into it1 and  held it   
there till it was half cooked4      ,mr4
 ,,henry ,h4 ,,loomis1 a member of the  
,presbyterian ,theological ,seminary  in
 the city of ,new ,york1 says1 in a     
recent letter--    ,the ,rev4 ,mr4      
,hart1 recently my pastor1 in ,otsego   
county1 ,new ,york1  and who has spent  
some time at the south as a teacher1    
stated to me  that in the neighborhood  
in which he resided a slave was set to  
watch  a turnip patch near an academy1  
in order to keep off the boys who       
occasionally trespassed on it4          
,attempting to repeat the trespass in   
presence of the slave1 they were told   
that his 'master forbad it4' ,at  this  

the boys were enraged1 and hurled       
brickbats at the slave until  his face  
and other parts were much injured and   
wounded--but nothing  was said or done  
about it as an injury to the slave4     
,he also said1 that a slave from the    
same neighborhood was found out  in the 
woods1 with his arms and legs burned    
almost to a cinder1 up as  far as the   
elbow and knee joints2 and there        
appeared to be but little  more said or 
thought about it than if he had been a  
brute4 ,it was  supposed that his master
 was the cause of it--making him an     
example of  punishment to the rest of   
the gang6    ,the following is an       
extract of a letter dated ,march #e1    
#ahci1 from ,mr4  ,,john ,,clarke1 a    
highly respected citizen of ,scriba1    
,oswego county1 ,new  ,york1 and a      
member of the ,presbyterian church4     
,the ',mrs4 ,turner' spoken of in ,mr4  
,c4's letter1 is the wife of ,hon4      
,fielding ,s4 ,turner1 who in #ahjc     
resided at ,lexington1 ,kentucky1 and   

was the attorney for the ,commonwealth4 
,soon after that1 he removed to  ,new   
,orleans1 and was for many years ,judge 
of the ,criminal ,court of  that city4  
,having amassed an immense fortune1 he  
returned to ,lexington  a few years     
since1 and still resides there4 ,mr4 ,c4
 the writer1 spent  the winter of       
#ahcf-g in ,lexington4 ,he says1        
,yours of the #bgth ult4 is received1   
and ,i hasten to state the facts  which 
came to my knowledge while in           
,lexington1 respecting the  occurrences 
about which you inquire4 ,mrs4 ,turner  
was originally a  ,boston lady4 ,she is 
from #ce to #dj years of age1 and the   
wife of ,judge  ,turner1 formerly of    
,new ,orleans1 and worth a large fortune
 in slaves  and plantations4 ,i         
repeatedly heard1 while in ,lexington1  
,kentucky1  during the winter of        
#ahcf-g1 of the wanton cruelty practised
 by this  woman upon her slaves1 and    
that she had caused several to be       
whipped  to death2 but ,i never heard   

that she was suspected of being         
deranged1  otherwise than by the        
indulgence of an ungoverned temper1     
until ,i  heard that her husband was    
attempting to incarcerate her in the    
,lunatic ,asylum4 ,the citizens of      
,lexington1 believing the charge to be  
a false one1 rose and prevented the     
accomplishment for a time1 until1       
lulled by the fair promises of his      
friends1 they left his domicil1 and  in 
the dead of night she was taken by      
force1 and conveyed to the  asylum4     
,this proceeding being judged illegal by
 her friends1 a suit  was instituted to 
liberate her4 ,i heard the testimony on 
the trial1  which related only to       
proceedings had in order to getting her 
admitted  into the asylum2 and no facts 
came out relative to her treatment of   
her slaves1 other than of a general     
character4    ,some days after the above
 trial1 7which by the way did not come  
to an  ultimate decision1 as ,i believe7
 ,i was present in my brother's office1 

when ,judge ,turner1 in a long          
conversation with my brother on the     
subject of his trials with his wife1    
said1 ',that woman has been the         
immediate cause of the death of six of  
my servants1 by her  severities6    ,i  
was repeatedly told1 while ,i was there1
 that she drove a colored  boy from the 
second story window1 a distance of #ae  
to #ah feet1 on to  the pavement1 which 
made him a cripple for a time4    ,i    
heard the trial of a man for the murder 
of his slave1 by whipping1  where the   
evidence was to my mind perfectly       
conclusive of his guilt2  but the jury  
were two of them for convicting him of  
manslaughter1 and  the rest for         
acquitting him2 and as they could not   
agree were  discharged--and on a        
subsequent trial1 as ,i learned by the  
papers1 the  culprit was acquitted4     
,rev4 ,,thomas ,,savage1 of ,bedford1   
,new ,hampshire1 in a recent letter1    
states the following fact3    ,the      
following circumstance was related to me

 last summer1 by my  brother1 now       
residing as a physician1 at ,rodney1    
,mississippi2 and who1  though a        
pro-slavery man1 spoke of it in terms of
 reprobation1 as an  act of capricious1 
wanton cruelty4 ,the planter who was the
 actor in it  ,i myself knew2 and the   
whole transaction is so characteristic  
of the  man1 that1 independent of the   
strong authority ,i have1 ,i should     
entertain but little doubt of its       
authenticity4 ,he is a wealthy  planter1
 residing near ,natchez1 eccentric1     
capricious and intemperate4  ,on one    
occasion he invited a number of guests  
to an elegant  entertainment1 prepared  
in the true style of southern luxury4   
,from  some cause1 none of the guests   
appeared4 ,in a moody humor1 and under  
the influence1 probably1 of mortified   
pride1 he ordered the overseer  to call 
the people 7a term by which the field   
hands are generally  designated17 on to 
the piazza4 ,the order was obeyed1 and  
the people  came4 ',now1' said he1 'have

 them seated at the table4 ,accordingly 
they  were seated at the well-furnished1
 glittering table1 while he and his     
overseer waited on them1 and helped them
 to the various dainties of  the feast4 
',now1' said he1 after awhile1 raising  
his voice1 'take  these rascals1 and    
give them twenty lashes a piece4 ,i'll  
show them how  to eat at my table4' ,the
 overseer1 in relating it1 said he had  
to  comply1 though reluctantly1 with    
this brutal command4      ,mr4 ,,henry  
,p4 ,,thompson1 a native and still a    
resident of ,nicholasville1  ,kentucky1 
made the following statement at a public
 meeting in ,lane  ,seminary1 ,ohio1 in 
#ahcc4 ,he was at that time a           
slaveholder4    ,cruelties1 said he1 are
 so common1 ,i hardly know what to      
relate4  ,but one fact occurs to me just
 at this time1 that happened in the     
village where ,i live4 ,the             
circumstances are these4 ,a colored man1
 a  slave1 ran away4 ,as he was crossing
 ,kentucky river1 a white man1 who      

suspected him1 attempted to stop him4   
,the negro resisted4 ,the white  man    
procured help1 and finally succeeded in 
securing him4 ,he then  wreaked his     
vengeance on him for resisting--flogging
 him till he was  not able to walk4     
,they then put him on a horse1 and came 
on with him  ten miles to               
,nicholasville4 ,when they entered the  
village1 it was  noticed that he sat    
upon his horse like a drunken man4 ,it  
was a very  hot day2 and whilst they    
were taking some refreshment1 the negro 
sat  down upon the ground1 under the    
shade4 ,when they ordered him to go1 he 
made several efforts before he could get
 up2 and when he attempted to  mount the
 horse1 his strength was entirely       
insufficient4 ,one of the  men struck   
him1 and with an oath ordered him to get
 on the horse  without any more fuss4   
,the negro staggered back a few steps1  
fell  down1 and died4 ,i do not know    
that any notice was ever taken of it4   
,rev4 ,,coleman ,s4 ,,hodges1 a native  

and still a resident of ,western        
,virginia1 gave the following testimony 
at the same meeting4    ,i have         
frequently seen the mistress of a family
 in ,virginia1 with  whom ,i was well   
acquainted1 beat the woman who performed
 the kitchen  work1 with a stick two    
feet and a half long1 and nearly as     
thick as my  wrist2 striking her over   
the head1 and across the small of the   
back1  as she was bent over at her work1
 with as much spite as you would a      
snake1 and for what ,i should consider  
no offence at all4 ,there lived  in this
 same family a young man1 a slave1 who  
was in the habit of  running away4 ,he  
returned one time after a week's        
absence4 ,the master  took him into the 
barn1 stripped him entirely naked1 tied 
him up by  his hands so high that he    
could not reach the floor1 tied his feet
  together1 and put a small rail between
 his legs1 so that he could not  avoid  
the blows1 and commenced whipping him4  
,he told me that he gave  him five      

hundred lashes4 ,at any rate1 he was    
covered with wounds from  head to foot4 
,not a place as big as my hand but what 
was cut4 ,such  things as these are     
perfectly common all over ,virginia2 at 
least so  far as ,i am acquainted4      
,generally1 planters avoid punishing    
their  slaves before strangers4         
,mr4 ,,calvin ,h4 ,,tate1 of ,missouri1 
whose father and brothers were          
slaveholders1 related the following at  
the same meeting4 ,the  plantation on   
which it occurred1 was in the immediate 
neighborhood of  his father's4    ,a    
young woman1 who was generally very     
badly treated1 after receiving  a more  
severe whipping than usual1 ran away4   
,in a few days she came  back1 and was  
sent into the field to work4 ,at this   
time the garment  next her skin was     
stiff like a scab1 from the running of  
the sores  made by the whipping4        
,towards night1 she told her master that
 she was  sick1 and wished to go to the 
house4 ,she went1 and as soon as she    

reached it1 laid down on the floor      
exhausted4 ,the mistress asked her  what
 the matter was8 ,she made no reply4    
,she asked again2 but received  no      
answer4 ',i'll see1' said she1 'if ,i   
can't make you speak4' ,so  taking the  
tongs1 she heated them red hot1 and put 
them upon the  bottoms of her feet2 then
 upon her legs and body2 and1 finally1  
in a  rage1 took hold of her throat4    
,this had the desired effect4 ,the poor 
girl faintly whispered1 ',oh1 misse1    
don't--,i am most gone2' and  expired4  
,extract of a letter from ,rev4 ,c4,s4  
,,renshaw1 pastor of the                
,congregational ,church1 ,quincy1       
,illinois4    ,judge ,menzies of ,boone 
county1 ,kentucky1 an elder in the      
,presbyterian  ,church1 and a           
slaveholder1 told me that he knew some  
overseers in  the tobacco growing region
 of ,virginia1 who1 to make their slaves
  careful in picking the tobacco1 that  
is taking the worms off2 7you  know what
 a loathsome thing the tobacco worm is7 

would make them eat  some of the worms1 
and others who made them eat every worm 
they missed  in picking4      ,mrs4     
,,nancy ,,judd1 a member of the         
,non-,conformist ,church in ,osnaburg1  
,stark county1 ,ohio1 and formerly a    
resident of ,kentucky1 testifies  that  
she knew a slaveholder1    ,mr4         
,brubecker1 who had a number of slaves1 
among whom was one who  would frequently
 avoid labor by hiding himself2 for     
which he would get  severe floggings    
without the desired effect1 and that at 
last ,mr4 ,b4  would tie large cats on  
his naked body and whip them to make    
them tear  his back1 in order to break  
him of his habit of hiding4      ,rev4  
,,horace ,,moulton1 a minister of the   
,methodist ,episcopal ,church in        
,marlborough1 ,massachusetts1 says3     
,some1 when other modes of punishment   
will not subdue them1 cat-haul  them2   
that is1 take a cat by the nape of the  
neck and tail1 or by its  hind legs1 and
 drag the claws across the back until   

satisfied2 this  kind of punishment1 as 
,i have understood1 poisons the flesh   
much worse  than the whip1 and is more  
dreaded by the slave4      ,rev4 ,,abel 
,,brown1 ,jr4 late pastor of the first  
,baptist ,church1 ,beaver1              
,pennsylvania1 in a communication to    
,rev4 ,c4,p4 ,grosvenor1 ,editor of  the
 ,christian ,reflector1 says3    ,i     
almost daily see the poor heart-broken  
slave making his way to a  land of      
freedom4 ,a short time since1 ,i saw a  
noble1 pious1 distressed1               
spirit-crushed slave1 a member of the   
,baptist church1 escaping from a        
7professed ,christian7 bloodhound1 to a 
land where he could enjoy that  of which
 he had been robbed during forty years4 
,his prayers would have  made us all    
feel4 ,i saw a ,baptist sister of about 
the same age1 her  children had been    
torn from her1 her head was covered with
 fresh  wounds1 while her upper lip had 
scarcely ceased to bleed1 in            
consequence of a blow with the poker1   

which knocked out her teeth2 she  too1  
was going to a land of freedom4 ,only a 
very few days since1 ,i saw  a girl of  
about eighteen1 with a child as white as
 myself1 aged ten  months2 a ,christian 
master was raising her child 7as well   
his own  perhaps7 to sell to a southern 
market4 ,she had heard of the           
intention1 and at midnight took her only
 treasure and traveled twenty  miles on 
foot through a land of strangers--she   
found friends4      ,rev4 ,,henry ,t4   
,,hopkins1 pastor of the ,primitive     
,methodist ,church in ,new  ,york ,city1
 who resided in ,virginia from #ahba to 
#ahbf1 relates the  following fact3     
,an old colored man1 the slave of ,mr4  
,emerson2 of ,portsmouth1  ,virginia1   
being under deep conviction for sin1    
went into the back part  of his master's
 garden to pour out his soul in prayer  
to ,god4 ,for this  offence he was      
whipped thirty-nine lashes4             
,extract of a letter from ,,doctor ,f4  
,,julius ,,lemoyne1 of ,washington1     

,pennsylvania1 dated ,jan4 #i1 #ahci4   
,lest you should not have seen the      
statement to which ,i am going to       
allude1 ,i subjoin a brief outline of   
the facts of a transaction which        
occurred in ,western ,virginia1 adjacent
 to this county1 a number of  years     
ago--a full account of which was        
published in the ,witness  about two    
years since by ,dr4 ,mitchell1 who now  
resides in ,indiana  county1            
,pennsylvania4 ,a slave boy ran away in 
cold weather1 and during  his           
concealment had his legs frozen2 he     
returned1 or was retaken4  ,after some  
time the flesh decayed and sloughed--of 
course was  offensive--he was carried   
out to a field and left there without   
bed1  or shelter1 deserted to die4 ,his 
only companions were the house dogs     
which he called to him4 ,after several  
days and nights spent in  suffering and 
exposure1 he was visited by ,drs4       
,mc,kitchen and ,mitchell  in the field1
 of their own accord1 having heard by   

report of his  lamentable condition2    
they remonstrated with the master2      
brought the  boy to the house1 amputated
 both legs1 and he finally recovered4   
,hon4 ,,james ,k4 ,,paulding1 the       
,secretary of the ,navy of the ,u4      
,states1 in  his ,letters from the      
,south published in #ahag1 relates the  
following3    ,at one of the taverns    
along the road we were set down in the  
same  room with an elderly man and a    
youth who seemed to be well acquainted  
with him1 for they conversed familiarly 
and with true republican                
independence--for they did not mind who 
heard them4 ,from the tenor of  his     
conversation ,i was induced to look     
particularly at the elder4 ,he  was     
telling the youth something like the    
following detested tale4 ,he  was going1
 it seems1 to ,richmond1 to inquire     
about a draft for seven  thousand       
dollars1 which he had sent by mail1 but 
which1 not having  been acknowledged by 
his correspondent1 he was afraid had    

been stolen1  and the money received by 
the thief4 ',i should not like to lose  
it1'  said he1 'for ,i worked hard for  
it1 and sold many a poor d----l of a    
black to ,carolina and ,georgia1 to     
scrape it together4' ,he then went on   
to tell many a perfidious tale4 ,all    
along the road it seems he made it  his 
business to inquire where lived a man   
who might be tempted to  become a party 
in this accursed traffic1 and when he   
had got some half  dozen of these poor  
creatures1 he tied their hands behind   
their  backs1 and drove them three or   
four hundred miles or more1  bare-headed
 and half naked through the burning     
southern sun4 ,fearful  that even       
southern humanity would revolt at such  
an exhibition of  human misery and human
 barbarity1 he gave out that they were  
runaway  slaves he was carrying home to 
their masters4 ,on one occasion a poor  
black woman exposed this fallacy1 and   
told the story of her being  kidnapped1 
and when he got her into a wood out of  

hearing1 he beat  her1 to use his own   
expression1 'till her back was white4'  
,it seems he  married all the men and   
women he bought1 himself1 because they  
would  sell better for being man and    
wife6 ,but1 said the youth1 were you not
  afraid1 in traveling through the wild 
country and sleeping in lone  houses1   
these slaves would rise and kill you8   
',to be sure ,i was1' said  the other1  
'but ,i always fastened my door1 put a  
chair on a table  before it1 so that it 
might wake me in falling1 and slept with
 a  loaded pistol in each hand4 ,it was 
a bad life1 and ,i left it off as  soon 
as ,i could live without it2 for many is
 the time ,i have separated  wives from 
husbands1 and husbands from wives1 and  
parents from  children1 but then ,i made
 them amends by marrying them again as  
soon  as ,i had a chance1 that is to    
say1 ,i made them call each other man   
and  wife1 and sleep together1 which is 
quite enough for negroes4 ,i made  one  
bad purchase though1' continued he4 ',i 

bought a young mulatto  girl1 a lively  
creature1 a great bargain4 ,she had been
 the favorite of  her master1 who had   
lately married4 ,the difficulty was to  
get her to  go1 for the poor creature   
loved her master4 ,however1 ,i swore    
most  bitterly ,i was only going to take
 to take her to her mother's at ----    
and she went with me1 though she seemed 
to doubt me very much4 ,but  when she   
discovered1 at last1 that we were out of
 the state1 ,i thought  she would go    
mad1 and in fact1 the next night she    
drowned herself in  the river close by4 
,i lost a good five hundred dollars by  
this foolish  trick4' ,vol4 ,i4 p4 #aba4
      ,mr4 ---- ,,spillman1 a native1   
and till recently1 a resident of        
,virginia1 now a member of the          
,presbyterian church in ,delhi1         
,hamilton  co41 ,ohio1 has furnished the
 two following facts1 of which he had   
personal knowledge4    ,david ,stallard1
 of ,shenandoah co41 ,virginia1 had a   
slave1 who run  away2 he was taken up   

and lodged in ,woodstock jail4 ,stallard
 went with  another man and took him out
 of the jail--tied him to their         
horses--and started for home4 ,the day  
was excessively hot1 and they  rode so  
fast1 dragging the man by the rope      
behind them1 that he became  perfectly  
exhausted--fainted--dropped down1 and   
died4    ,henry ,jones1 of ,culpepper   
co41 ,virginia1 owned a slave1 who ran  
away4  ,jones caught him1 tied him up1  
and for two days1 at intervals1         
continued to flog him1 and rub salt into
 his mangled flesh1 until his  back was 
literally cut up4 ,the slave sunk under 
the torture2 and for  some days it was  
supposed he must die4 ,he1 however1     
slowly recovered2  though it was some   
weeks before he could walk4      ,mr4   
,,nathan ,,cole1 of ,st4 ,louis1        
,missouri1 in a letter to ,mr4 ,arthur  
,tappan1 of ,new-,york1 dated ,july #b1 
#ahcd1 says1--    ,you will find        
inclosed an account of the proceedings  
of an inquest  lately held in this city 

upon the body of a slave1 the details of
  which1 if published1 not one in ten   
could be induced to believe  true4#aa   
,it appears that the master or mistress1
 or both1 suspected  the unfortunate    
wretch of hiding a bunch of keys which  
were missing2  and to extort some       
explanation1 which1 it is more than     
probable1 the  slave was as unable to do
 as her mistress1 or any other person1  
her  master1 ,major ,harney1 an officer 
of our army1 had whipped her for  three 
successive days1 and it is supposed by  
some1 that she was kept  tied during the
 time1 until her flesh was so lacerated 
and torn that  it was impossible for the
 jury to say whether it had been done   
with a  whip or hot iron2 some think    
both--but she was tortured to death4 ,it
  appears also that the husband of the  
said slave had become suspected  of     
telling some neighbor of what was going 
on1 for which ,major ,harney  commenced 
torturing him1 until the man broke from 
him1 and ran into  the ,mississippi and 

drowned himself4 ,the man was a pious   
and very  industrious slave1 perhaps not
 surpassed by any in this place4 ,the   
woman has been in the family of ,john   
,shackford1 ,esq41 the present          
doorkeeper of the ,senate of the ,united
 ,states1 for many years2 was           
considered an excellent servant--was the
 mother of a number of  children--and ,i
 believe was sold into the family where 
she met her  fate1 as matter of         
conscience1 to keep her from being sent 
below4    ,footnote #aa3 ,the following 
is the newspaper notice referred to3--  
,an inquest was held at the dwelling    
house of ,major ,harney1 in this  city1 
on the #bgth inst4 by the coroner1 on   
the body of ,hannah1 a  slave4 ,the     
jury1 on their oaths1 and after hearing 
the testimony of  physicians and several
 other witnesses1 found1 that said slave
 came  to her death by wounds inflicted 
by ,william ,s4 ,harney4          ,,mr4 
,,ezekiel ,,birdseye1 a highly respected
 citizen of ,cornwall1  ,litchfield co41

 ,connecticut1 who resided for many     
years at the south1  furnished to the   
,rev4 ,e4 ,r4 ,tyler1 editor of the     
,connecticut ,observer1  the following  
personal testimony4    ,while ,i lived  
in ,limestone co41 ,alabama1 in #ahbf-g1
 a tavern-keeper  of the village of     
,moresville discovered a negro carrying 
away a piece  of old carpet4 ,it was    
during the ,christmas holidays1 when the
 slaves  are allowed to visit their     
friends4 ,the negro stated that one of  
the  servants of the tavern owed him    
some twelve and a half or twenty-five   
cents1 and that he had taken the carpet 
in payment4 ,this the servant  denied4  
,the innkeeper took the negro to a field
 near by1 and whipped  him cruelly4 ,he 
then struck him with a stake1 and       
punched him in the  face and mouth1     
knocking out some of his teeth4 ,after  
this1 he took  him back to the house1   
and committed him to the care of his    
son1 who  had just then come home with  
another young man4 ,this was at evening4

  ,they whipped him by turns1 with heavy
 cowskins1 and made the dogs  shake him4
 ,a ,mr4 ,phillips1 who lodged at the   
house1 heard the cruelty  during the    
night4 ,on getting up he found the negro
 in the bar-room1  terribly mangled with
 the whip1 and his flesh so torn by the 
dogs1  that the cords were bare4 ,he    
remarked to the landlord that he was    
dangerously hurt1 and needed care4 ,the 
landlord replied that he  deserved none4
 ,mr4 ,phillips went to a neighboring   
magistrate1 who took  the slave home    
with him1 where he soon died4 ,the      
father and son were  both tried1 and    
acquitted66 ,a suit was brought1        
however1 for damages  in behalf of the  
owner of the slave1 a young lady by the 
name of ,agnes  ,jones4 ,i was on the   
jury when these facts were stated on    
oath4 ,two  men testified1 one that he  
would have given #ajjj for him1 the     
other  #ijj or #iej4 ,the jury found the
 latter sum4    ,at ,union ,court       
,house1 ,s4,c41 a tavern-keeper1 by the 

name of ,samuel  ,davis1 procured the   
conviction and execution of his own     
slave1 for  stealing a cake of          
gingerbread from a grog shop4 ,the slave
 raised the  latch of the back door1 and
 took the cake1 doing no other injury4  
,the  shop keeper1 whose name was       
,charles ,gordon1 was willing to forgive
  him1 but his master procured his      
conviction and execution by hanging4    
,the slave had but one arm2 and an order
 on the state treasury by the  court    
that tried him1 which also assessed his 
value1 brought him more  money than he  
could have obtained for the slave in    
market4      ,mr4 ----1 an elder of the 
,presbyterian ,church in one of the     
slave  states1 lately wrote a letter to 
an agent of the ,anti-,slavery ,society1
  in which he states the following fact4
 ,the name of the writer is with  the   
,executive ,committee of the ,american  
,anti-,slavery ,society4    ,i was      
passing through a piece of timbered     
land1 and on a sudden ,i  heard a sound 

as of murder2 ,i rode in that direction1
 and at some  distance discovered a     
naked black man1 hung to the limb of a  
tree by  his hands1 his feet chained    
together1 and a pine rail laid with one 
end on the chain between his legs1 and  
the other upon the ground1 to  steady   
him2 and in this condition the overseer 
gave him four hundred  lashes4 ,the     
miserably lacerated slave was then taken
 down1 and put to  the care of a        
physician4 ,and what do you suppose was 
the offence for  which all this was     
done8 ,simply this2 his owner1 observing
 that he  laid off corn rows too        
crooked1 he replied1 ',massa1 much corn 
grow on  crooked row as on straight     
one6' ,this was it--this was enough4    
,his  overseer1 boasting of his skill in
 managing a nigger1 he was  submitted to
 him1 and treated as above4      ,,david
 ,l4 ,,child1 ,esq41 of ,northampton1   
,massachusetts1 ,secretary of the       
,united ,states' minister at the ,court 
of ,lisbon during the  administration of

 ,president ,monroe1 stated the         
following fact in an  oration delivered 
by him in ,boston1 in #ahca4 7,see      
,child's ,despotism  of ,freedom1 p4    
#cj4    ,an honorable friend1 who stands
 high in the state and in the nation1   
#ab was present at the burial of a      
female slave in ,mississippi1 who  had  
been whipped to death at the stake by   
her master1 because she  was gone longer
 of an errand to the neighboring town   
than her master  thought necessary4     
,under the lash she protested tlat she  
was ill1 and  was obliged to rest in the
 fields4 ,to complete the climax of     
horror1  she was delivered of a dead    
infant while undergoing the punishment4 
,footnote #ab3 ,the narrator of this    
fact is now absent from the ,united     
,states1 and ,i do not feel at liberty  
to mention his name4      ,the same fact
 is stated by ,,mrs4 ,,child in her     
,appeal4 ,in answer to a  recent letter1
 inquiring of ,mr4 and ,mrs4 ,child if  
they were now at  liberty to disclose   

the name of their informant1 ,mr4 ,c4   
says1--    ,the witness who stated to us
 the fact was ,john ,james ,appleton1   
,esq41  of ,cambridge1 ,mass4 ,he is now
 in ,europe1 and it is not without some 
hesitation that ,i give his name4 ,he1  
however1 has openly embraced our  cause1
 and taken a conspicuous part in some   
anti-slavery public  meetings since the 
time that ,i felt a scruple at          
publishing his name4  ,mr4 ,appleton is 
a gentleman of high talents and         
accomplishments4 ,he  has been          
,secretary of ,legation at ,rio         
,janeiro1 ,madrid1 and the ,hague2      
,commissioner at ,naples1 and ,charge   
d',affaires at ,stockholm4      ,the two
 following facts are stated upon the    
authority of the ,,rev4  ,,joseph ,g4   
,,wilson1 pastor of the ,presbyterian   
,church in ,salem1  ,washington co41    
,indiana4    ,in ,bath co41 ,kentucky1  
,mr4 ,l41 in the year '#cb or '#cc1     
while  intoxicated1 in a fit of rage    
whipped a female slave until she fainted

  and fell on the floor4 ,then he       
whipped her to get up2 then with red    
hot tongs he burned off her ears1 and   
whipped her again6 but all in  vain4 ,he
 then ordered his negro men to carry her
 to the cabin4 ,there  she was found    
dead next morning4    ,one ,wall1 in    
,chester district1 ,s4,c41 owned a      
slave1 whom he hired to  his            
brother-in-law1 ,wm4 ,beckman1 for whom 
the slave worked eighteen  months1 and  
worked well4 ,two weeks after returning 
to his master he  ran away on account of
 bad treatment4 ,to induce him to       
return1 the  master sold him nominally  
to his neighbor1 to whom the slave gave 
himself up1 and by whom he was returned 
to his master3--,punishment1  stripes4  
,to prevent escape a bar of iron was    
fastened with three  bands1 at the      
waist1 knee1 and ankle4 ,that night he  
broke the bands  and bar1 and escaped4  
,next day he was taken and whipped to   
death1 by  three men1 the master1       
,thorn1 and the overseer4 ,first1 he was

 whipped  and driven towards home2 on   
the way he attempted to escape1 and was 
shot at by the master1--caught1 and     
knocked down with the butt of the  gun  
by ,thorn4 ,in attempting to cross a    
ditch he fell1 with his feet  down1 and 
face on the bank2 they whipped in vain  
to get him up--he  died4 ,his soul      
ascended to ,god1 to be a swift witness 
against his  oppressors4 ,this took     
place at #ab o'clock4 ,next evening an  
inquest was  held4 ,of thirteen jurors1 
summoned by the coroner1 nine said it   
was  murder2 two said it was            
manslaughter1 and two said it was       
,,justifiable6  ,he was bound over to   
court1 tried1 and acquitted--not even   
fined6      ,the following fact is      
stated on the authority of ,mr4 ,,wm4   
,,willis1  of  ,green ,plains1 ,clark   
co4 ,ohio2 formerly of ,caroline co4 on 
the eastern  shore of ,maryland4    ,mr4
 ,w4 knew a slave called ,peter ,white1 
who was sold to be taken to  ,georgia2  
he escaped1 and lived a long time in the

 woods--was finally  taken4 ,when he    
found himself surrounded1 he surrendered
 himself  quietly4 ,when his pursuers   
had him in their possession1 they shot  
him  in the leg1 and broke it1 out of   
mere wantonness4 ,the next day a        
,methodist minister set his leg1 and    
bound it up with splints4 ,the man  who 
took him1 then went into his place of   
confinement1 wantonly jumped  upon his  
leg and crushed it4 ,his name was       
,william ,sparks4      ,most of our     
readers are familiar with the horrible  
atrocities  perpetrated in ,new         
,orleans1 in #ahcd1 by a certain ,madame
 ,la ,laurie1  upon her slaves4 ,they   
were published extensively in northern  
newspapers at the time4 ,the following  
are extracts from the accounts  as      
published in the ,new ,orleans papers   
immediately after the  occurrence4 ,the 
,new ,orleans ,bee says3--    ,upon     
entering one of the apartments1 the most
 appalling spectacle met  their eyes4   
,seven slaves1 more or less horribly    

mutilated1 were seen  suspended by the  
neck1 with their limbs apparently       
stretched and torn1  from one extremity 
to the other4 ,they had been confined   
for several  months in the situation    
from which they had thus providentially 
been  rescued2 and had been merely kept 
in existence to prolong their           
sufferings1 and to make them taste all  
that a most refined cruelty  could      
inflict4      ,the ,new ,orleans        
,mercantile ,advertiser says3    ,a     
negro woman was found chained1 covered  
with bruises and wounds from  severe    
flogging4--,all the apartments were then
 forced open4 ,in a room  on the ground 
floor1 two more were found chained1 and 
in a deplorable  condition4 ,up stairs  
and in the garret1 four more were found 
chained2  some so weak as to be unable  
to walk1 and all covered with wounds and
  sores4 ,one mulatto boy declares      
himself to have been chained for five   
months1 being fed daily with only a     
handful of meal1 and receiving  every   

morning the most cruel treatment4       
,the ,new ,orleans ,courier says3--     
,we saw one of these miserable          
beings4--,he had a large hole in his    
head--his body1 from head to foot1 was  
covered with scars and filled  with     
worms4      ,the ,new ,orleans          
,mercantile ,advertiser says3    ,seven 
poor unfortunate slaves were found--some
 chained to the floor1  others with     
chains around their necks1 fastened to  
the ceiling2 and  one poor old man1     
upwards of sixty years of age1 chained  
hand and  foot1 and made fast to the    
floor1 in a kneeling position4 ,his head
  bore the appearance of having been    
beaten until it was broken1 and the     
worms were actually to be seen making a 
feast of his brains66 ,a woman  had her 
back literally cooked 7if the expression
 may be used7 with the  lash2 the very  
bones might be seen projecting through  
the skin6      ,the ,new ,york ,sun1 of 
,feb4 #ba1 #ahcg1 contains the          
following3--    ,two negroes1 runaways  

from ,virginia1 were overtaken a few    
days since  near ,johnstown1 ,cambria   
co4 ,pa4 when the persons in pursuit    
called out  for them to stop or they    
would shoot them4--,one of the negroes  
turned  around and said1 he would die   
before he would be taken1 and at the    
moment received a rifle ball through his
 knee3 the other started to  run1 but   
was brought to the ground by a ball     
being shot in his back4  ,after         
receiving the above wounds they made    
battle with their pursuers1  but were   
captured and brought into ,johnstown4   
,it is said that the  young men who shot
 them had orders to take them dead or   
alive4      ,mr4 ,m4,m4 ,,shafter1 of   
,townsend1 ,vermont1 recently a graduate
 of the  ,wesleyan ,university at       
,middletown1 ,connecticut1 makes the    
following  statement3    ,some of the   
events of the ,southampton1 ,va4        
insurrection were narrated  to me by    
,mr4 ,benjamin ,w4 ,britt1 from         
,riddicksville1 ,n4,c4 ,mr4 ,britt      

claimed the honor of having shot a black
 on that occasion1 for the  crime of    
disobeying ,mr4 ,britt's imperative     
',stop4' ,and ,mr4 ,ashurst1 of         
,edenton1 ,georgia1 told me that a      
neighbor of his 'fired at a likely      
negro boy of his mother1' because the   
said boy encroached upon his  premises4 
,mr4 ,,david ,,hawley1 a class leader in
 the ,methodist ,episcopal ,church at   
,st4 ,albans1 ,licking county1 ,ohio1   
who moved from ,kentucky to ,ohio in    
#ahca1 certifies as follows3--    ,about
 the year #ahbe1 a slave had escaped for
 ,canada1 but was arrested  in ,hardin  
county4 ,on his return1 ,i saw him in   
,hart county--his wrists  tied together 
before1 his arms tied close to his body1
 the rope then  passing behind his body1
 thence to the neck of a horse on which 
rode  the master1 with a club about     
three feet long1 and of the size of a   
hoe handle2 which1 by the appearance of 
the slave1 had been used on  his head1  
so as to wear off the hair and skin in  

several places1 and  the blood was      
running freely from his mouth and nose2 
his heels very  much bruised by the     
horse's feet1 as his master had rode on 
him  because he would not go fast       
enough4 ,such was the slave's appearance
  when passing through where ,i resided4
 ,such cases were not unfrequent4       
,the following is furnished by ,mr4     
,f4,a4 ,,hart1 of ,middletown1          
,connecticut1 a manufacturer1 and an    
influential member of the  ,methodist   
,episcopal ,church4 ,it occurred in     
#ahbd1 about twenty-five  miles this    
side of ,baltimore1 ,maryland4--    ,i  
had spent the night with a ,methodist   
brother2 and while at  breakfast1 a     
person came in and called for help4 ,we 
went out and found  a crowd collected   
around a carriage4 ,upon approaching we 
discovered  that a slave-trader was     
endeavoring to force a woman into his   
carriage4 ,he had already put in three  
children1 the youngest  apparently about
 eight years of age4 ,the woman was     

strong1 and  whenever he brought her to 
the side of the carriage1 she resisted  
so  effectually with her feet that he   
could not get her in4 ,the woman        
becoming exhausted1 at length1 by her   
frantic efforts1 he thrust her  in with 
great violence1 stamped her down upon   
the bottom with his  feet6 shouted to   
the driver to go on2 and away they      
rolled1 the  miserable captives moaning 
and shrieking1 until their voices were  
lost  in the distance4      ,mr4        
,,samuel ,,hall1 a teacher in ,marietta 
,college1 ,ohio1 writes as  follows3--  
,mr4 ,,isaac ,c4 ,,fuller is a member of
 the ,methodist ,episcopal ,church in   
,marietta4 ,he was a fellow student of  
mine while in college1 and now  resides 
in this place4 ,he says3--,in #ahcb1 as 
,i was descending the ,ohio  with a flat
 boat1 near the ',french ,islands1' so  
called1 below  ,cincinnati1 ,i saw two  
negroes on horseback4 ,the horses       
apparently took  fright at something and
 ran4 ,both jumped over a rail fence2   

and one of  the horses1 in so doing1    
broke one of his fore-legs1 falling at  
the  same time and throwing the negro   
who was upon his back4 ,a white man     
came out of a house not over two hundred
 yards distant1 and came to  the spot4  
,seizing a stake from the fence1 he     
knocked the negro down  five or six     
times in succession4    ,in the same    
year ,i worked for a ,mr4 ,nowland1     
eleven miles above ,baton  ,rouge1 ,la4 
at a place called ',thomas' ,bend4' ,he 
had an overseer who  was accustomed to  
flog more or less of the slaves every   
morning4 ,i  heard the blows and screams
 as regularly as we used to hear the    
college bell that summoned us to any    
duty when we went to school4 ,this      
overseer was a nephew of ,nowland1 and  
there were about fifty slaves on  his   
plantation4 ,nowland himself related the
 following to me4 ,one of  his slaves   
ran away1 and came to the ,homo ,chitto 
river1 where he found  no means of      
crossing4 ,here he fell in with a white 

man who knew his  master1 being on a    
journey from that vicinity4 ,he induced 
the slave to  return to ,baton ,rouge1  
under the promise of giving him a pass1 
by  which he might escape1 but1 in      
reality1 to betray him to his master4   
,this he did1 instead of fulfilling his 
promise4 ,nowland said that he  took the
 slave and inflicted five hundred lashes
 upon him1 cutting his  back all to     
pieces1 and then thew on hot embers4    
,the slave was on the  plantation at the
 time1 and told me the same story4 ,he  
also rolled up  his sleeves1 and showed 
me the scars on his arms1 which1 in     
consequence1 appeared in places to be   
callous to the bone4 ,i was with        
,nowland between five and six months4   
,rev4 ,,john ,,rankin1 formerly of      
,tennessee1 now pastor of the           
,presbyterian ,church of ,ripley1 ,ohio1
 has furnished the following            
statement3--    ,the ,rev4 ,,ludwell ,g4
 ,,gaines1 now pastor of the            
,presbyterian ,church of  ,goshen1      

,clermont county1 ,ohio1 stated to me1  
that while a resident of  a slave state1
 he was summoned to assist in taking a  
man who had made  his black woman work  
naked several days1 and afterwards      
murdered her4  ,the murderer armed      
himself1 and threatened to shoot the    
officer who  went to take him2 and      
although there was ample assistance at  
hand1 the  officer declined further     
interference4      ,mr4 ,,rankin adds   
the following3--    ,a ,presbyterian    
preacher1 now resident in a slave state1
 and therefore  it is not expedient to  
give his name1 stated1 that he saw on   
board of  a steamboat at ,louisville1   
,kentucky1 a woman who had been forced  
on  board1 to be carried off from all   
she counted dear on earth4 ,she ran     
across the boat and threw herself into  
the river1 in order to end a  life of   
intolerable sorrows4 ,she was drawn back
 to the boat and taken  up4 ,the brutal 
driver beat her severely1 and she       
immediately threw  herself again into   

the river4 ,she was hooked up again1    
chained1 and  carried off4              
,testimony of ,m4 ,,william             
,,hansborough1 of ,culpepper county1    
,virginia1  the owner of sixty slaves4  
,i saw a slave taken out of prison by   
his master1 on a hot summer's  day1 and 
driven1 by said master1 on the road     
before him1 till he  dropped down dead4 
,the above statement was made by ,mr4   
,hansborough to ,lindley ,coates1 of    
,lancaster county1 ,pa4 a distinguished 
member of the ,society of  ,friends1 and
 a member of the late ,convention in    
,pa4 for altering the  ,state           
,constitution4 ,the letter from ,mr4 ,c4
 containing this testimony  of ,mr4 ,h4 
is now before us4      ,mr4 ,,tobias    
,,boudinot1 a member of the ,methodist  
,church in ,st4 ,albans1  ,licking      
county1 ,ohio1 says3    ,in             
,nicholasville1 ,ky4 in the year #ahbc1 
he saw a slave fleeing before  the      
patrol1 but he was overtaken near where 
he stood1 and a man with a  knotted     

cane1 as large as his wrist1 struck the 
slave a number of  times on his head1   
until the club was broken and he made   
tame2 the  blood was thrown in every    
direction by the violence of the blows4 
,the ,rev4 ,,william ,,dickey1 of       
,bloomingburg1 ,fayette county1 ,ohio1  
wrote  a letter to the ,rev4 ,john      
,rankin1 of ,ripley1 ,ohio thirteen     
years  since1 containing a description  
of the cutting up of a slave with a     
broad axe2 beginning at the feet and    
gradually cutting the legs1 arms1  and  
body into pieces6 ,this diabolical      
atrocity was committed in the  state of 
,kentucky1 in the year #ahjg4 ,the      
perpetrators of the deed were  two      
brothers1 ,lilburn and ,isham ,lewis1   
,,nephews ,,of ,,president ,,jefferson4 
,the writer of this having been informed
 by ,mr4 ,dickey1 that some of  the     
facts connected with this murder were   
not contained in his letter  published  
by ,mr4 ,rankin1 requested him to write 
the account anew1  and furnish the      

additional facts4 ,this he did1 and the 
letter  containing it was published in  
the ,human ,rights for ,august1 #ahcg4  
,we  insert it here1 slightly abridged1 
with the introductory remarks which     
appeared in that paper4    ,mr4         
,dickey's first letter has been         
scattered all over the country1  south  
and north2 and though multitudes have   
affected to disbelieve its  statements1 
,kentuckians know the truth of them     
quite too well to  call them in         
question4 ,the story is fiction or      
fact--if fiction1 why  has it not been  
nailed to the wall8 ,hundreds of people 
around the  mouth of ,cumberland ,river 
are personally knowing to these facts4  
,there are the records of the court that
 tried the wretches4--,there  their     
acquaintances and kindred still live4   
,all over that region of  country1 the  
brutal butchery of ,george is a matter  
of public  notoriety4 ,it is quite      
needless1 perhaps1 to add1 that the     
,rev4 ,wm4  ,dickey is a ,presbyterian  

clergyman1 one of the oldest members of 
the  ,chilicothe ,presbytery1 and       
greatly respected and beloved by the    
churches in ,southern ,ohio4 ,he was    
born in ,south ,carolina1 and was for   
many years pastor of a church in        
,kentucky4    ,,rev4 ,,wm4 ,,dickey',s  
,,letter4    ,in the county of          
,livingston1 ,,ky4 near the mouth of    
,cumberland ,river1  lived ,lilburn     
,lewis1 a sister's son of the celebrated
 ,jefferson4 ,he  was the wealthy owner 
of a considerable gang of negroes1 whom 
he drove  constantly1 fed sparingly1 and
 lashed severely4 ,the consequence was1 
that they would run away4 ,among the    
rest was an ill-thrived boy of  about   
seventeen1 who1 having just returned    
from a skulking spell1 was  sent to the 
spring for water1 and in returning let  
fall an elegant  pitcher3 it was dashed 
to shivers upon the rocks4 ,this was    
made the  occasion for reckoning with   
him4 ,it was night1 and the slaves were 
all  at home4 ,the master had them all  

collected in the most roomy negro       
house1 and a rousing fire put on4 ,when 
the door was secured1 that none  might  
escape1 either through fear of him or   
sympathy with ,george1  he opened to    
them the design of the interview1       
namely1 that they might  be effectually 
advised to stay at home and obey his    
orders4 ,all  things now in train1 he   
called up ,george1 who approached his   
master  with unreserved submission4 ,he 
bound him with cords2 and by the        
assistance of ,isham ,lewis1 his        
youngest brother1 laid him on a broad   
bench1 the meat-block4 ,he then         
proceeded to hack off ,george at the    
ankles6 ,it was with the broad axe6 ,in 
vain did the unhappy victim  scream and 
roar6 for he was completely in his      
master's power2 not a  hand among so    
many durst interfere2 casting the feet  
into the fire1 he  lectured them at some
 length4--,he next chopped him off below
 the  knees6 ,george roaring out and    
praying his master to begin at the      

other end6 ,he admonished them again1   
throwing the legs into the  fire--then1 
above the knees1 tossing the joints into
 the fire--the  next stroke severed the 
thighs from the body2 these were also   
committed to the flames--and so it may  
be said of the arms1 head1 and  trunk1  
until all was in the fire6 ,he          
threatened any of them with  similar    
punishment who should in future disobey1
 run away1 or disclose  the proceedings 
of that evening4 ,nothing now remained  
but to consume  the flesh and bones2 and
 for this purpose the fire was brightly 
stirred until two hours after midnight2 
when a coarse and heavy  back-wall1     
composed of rock and clay1 covered the  
fire and the remains  of ,george4 ,it   
was the ,sabbath--this put an end to the
 amusements of  the evening4 ,the       
negroes were now permitted to disperse1 
with charges  to keep this matter among 
themselves1 and never to whisper it in  
the  neighbourhood1 under the penalty of
 a like punishment4    ,when he returned

 home and retired1 his wife exclaimed1  
',why1 ,mr4  ,lewis1 where have you     
been1 and what were you doing8' ,she had
 heard a  strange pounding and dreadful 
screams1 and had smelled something  like
 fresh meat burning4 ,the answer he     
returned was1 that he had  never enjoyed
 himself at a ball so well as he had    
enjoyed himself that  night4    ,next   
morning he ordered the hands to rebuild 
the back-wall1 and he  himself          
superintended the work1 throwing the    
pieces of flesh that  still remained1   
with the bones1 behind1 as it went      
up--thus hoping to  conceal the matter4 
,but it could not be hid--much as the   
negroes  seemed to hazard1 they did     
whisper the horrid deed4 ,the neighbors 
came1 and in his presence tore down the 
wall2 and finding the  remains of the   
boy1 they apprehended ,lewis and his    
brother1 and  testified against them4   
,they were committed to jail1 that they 
might  answer at the coming court for   
this shocking outrage2 but finding      

security for their appearance at court1 
,,they ,,were ,,admitted ,,to ,,bail6   
,in the interim1 other articles of      
evidence leaked out4 ,that of ,mrs4     
,lewis hearing a pounding1 and screaming
 and her smelling fresh meat  burning1  
for not till now had this come out4 ,he 
was offended with her  for disclosing   
these things1 alleging that they might  
have some weight  against him at the    
pending trial4    ,in connection with   
this is another item1 full of horror4   
,mr4s4 ,lewis1  or her girl1 in making  
her bed one morning after this1 found1  
under  her bolster1 a keen ,,butcher    
,,knife6 ,the appalling discovery forced
 from  her the confession that she      
considered her life in jeopardy4        
,messrs4  ,rice and ,philips1 whose     
wives were her sisters1 went to see her 
and to  bring her away if she wished it4
 ,mr4 ,lewis received them with all the 
expressions of ,virginia hospitality4   
,as soon as they were seated  they said1
 ',well1 ,letitia1 we supposed that you 

might be unhappy here1  and afraid for  
your life2 and we have come to-day to   
take you to your  father's1 if you      
desire it4' ,she said1 ',thank you1 kind
 brothers1 ,i am  indeed afraid for my  
life4'--,we need not interrupt the story
 to tell  how much surprised he affected
 to be with this strange procedure of   
his brothers-in-law1 and with this      
declaration of his wife4 ,but all  his  
professions of fondness for her1 to the 
contrary notwithstanding1  they rode off
 with her before his eyes4--,he followed
 and overtook1 and  went with them to   
her father's2 but she was locked up from
 him1 with  her own consent1 and he     
returned home4    ,now he saw that his  
character was gone1 his respectable     
friends  believed that he had massacred 
,george2 but1 worst of all1 he saw that 
they considered the life of the harmless
 ,letitia was in danger from  his       
perfidious hands4 ,it was too much for  
his chivalry to sustain4 ,the  proud    
,virginian sunk under the accumulated   

load of public odium4 ,he  proposed to  
his brother ,isham1 who had been his    
accomplice in the  ,george affair1 that 
they should finish the play of life with
 a still  deeper tragedy4 ,the plan was1
 that they should shoot one another4    
,having made the hot-brained bargain1   
they repaired with their guns to  the   
grave-yard1 which was on an eminence in 
the midst of his  plantation4 ,it was   
inclosed with a railing1 say thirty feet
 square4  ,one was to stand at one      
railing1 and the other over against him 
at the  other4 ,they were to make ready1
 take aim1 and count deliberately #a1   
#b1  #c1 and then fire4 ,lilburn's will 
was written1 and thrown down open       
beside him4 ,they cocked their guns and 
raised them to their faces2 but  the    
peradventure occurring that one of the  
guns might miss fire1 ,isham  was sent  
for a rod1 and when it was brought1     
,lilburn cut it off at  about the length
 of two feet1 and was showing his       
brother how the  survivor might do1     

provided one of the guns should fail2   
7for they  were determined upon going   
together27 but forgetting1 perhaps1 in  
the  perturbation of the moment that the
 gun was cocked1 when he touched        
trigger with the rod the gun fired1 and 
he fell1 and died in a few  minutes--and
 was with ,george in the eternal world1 
where the slave is  free from his       
master4 ,but poor ,isham was so         
terrified with this  unexpected         
occurrence and so confounded by the     
awful contortions of  his brother's     
face1 that he had not nerve enough to   
follow up the  play1 and finish the plan
 as was intended1 but suffered ,lilburn 
to go  alone4 ,the negroes came running 
to see what it meant that a gun should  
be fired in the grave-yard4 ,there lay  
their master1 dead6 ,they ran for  the  
neighbors4 ,isham still remained on the 
spot4 ,the neighbors at the  first      
charged him with the murder of his      
brother4 ,but he1 though as if  he had  
lost more than half his mind1 told the  

whole story2 and the  course of range of
 the ball in the dead man's body        
agreeing with his  statement1 ,isham was
 not farther charged with ,lilburn's    
death4    ,the ,court sat--,isham was   
judged to be guilty of a capital crime  
in  the affair of ,george4 ,he was to be
 hanged at ,salem4 ,the day was set4    
,my good old father visited him in the  
prison--two or three times  talked and  
prayed with him2 ,i visited him once    
myself4 ,we fondly hoped  that he was a 
sincere penitent4 ,before the day of    
execution came1 by  some means1 ,i never
 knew what1 ,isham was missing4 ,about  
two years  after1 we learned that he had
 gone down to ,natchez1 and had married 
a  lady of some refinement and piety4 ,i
 saw her letters to his sisters1  who   
were worthy members of the church of    
which ,i was pastor4 ,the last  letter  
told of his death4 ,he was in ,jackson's
 army1 and fell in the  famous battle of
 ,new ,orleans4    ,i am1 sir1 your     
friend1    ,,wm4 ,,dickey4              

,,personal ,,narratives-,,part ,,iii4   
,,narrative ,,and ,,testimony ,,of      
,,rev4 ,,francis ,,hawley4    ,mr4      
,hawley is the pastor of the ,baptist   
,church in ,colebrook1  ,litchfield     
county1 ,connecticut4 ,he has resided   
fourteen years in the  slave states1    
,north and ,south ,carolina4 ,his       
character and standing  with his own    
denomination at the south1 may be       
inferred from the  fact1 that the       
,baptist ,state ,convention of ,north   
,carolina appointed  him1 a few years   
since1 their general agent to visit the 
,baptist  churches within their bounds1 
and to secure their co-operation in  the
 objects of the ,convention4 ,mr4 ,h4   
accepted the appointment1 and  for some 
time traveled in that capacity4    ,i   
rejoice that the ,executive ,committee  
of the ,american ,anti-,slavery         
,society have resolved to publish a     
volume of facts and testimony  relative 
to the character and workings of        
,american slavery4 ,having  resided     

fourteen years at the south1 ,i         
cheerfully comply with your  request1 to
 give the result of my observation and  
experience4    ,and ,i would here       
remark1 that one may reside at the south
 for years1  and not witness extreme    
cruelties2 a northern man1 and one who  
is not  a slaveholder1 would be the last
 to have an opportunity of witnessing   
the infliction of cruel punishments4    
,,plantations4    ,a majority of the    
large plantations are on the banks of   
rivers1 far  from the public eye4 ,a    
great deal of low marshy ground lies in 
the  vicinity of most of the rivers at  
the south2 consequently the main  roads 
are several miles from the rivers1 and  
generally no public  road passes the    
plantations4 ,a stranger traveling on   
the ridge1  would think himself in a    
miserably poor country2 but every two or
  three miles he will see a road turning
 off and leading into the swamp2  taking
 one of those roads1 and traveling from 
two to six miles1 he  will come to a    

large gate2 passing which1 he will find 
himself in a  clearing of several       
hundred acres of the first quality of   
land2  passing on1 he will see #cj1 or  
#dj1 or more slaves--men1 women1 boys   
and girls1 at their task1 every one with
 a hoe2 or1 if in cotton  picking       
season1 with their baskets4 ,the        
overseer1 with his whip1  either riding 
or standing about among them2 or if the 
weather is hot1  sitting under a shade4 
,at a distance1 on a little rising      
ground1 if  such there be1 he will see a
 cluster of huts1 with a tolerable house
  in the midst1 for the overseer4 ,those
 huts are from ten to fifteen  feet     
square1 built of logs1 and covered1 not 
with shingles1 but with  boards1 about  
four feet long1 split out of pine timber
 with a  'frow'4 ,the floors are very   
commonly made in this way4 ,clay is     
first  worked until it is soft2 it is   
then spread upon the ground1 about four 
or five inches thick2 when it dries1 it 
becomes nearly as hard as a  brick4 ,the

 crevices between the logs are sometimes
 filled with the  same4 ,these huts     
generally cost the master nothing--they 
are commonly  built by the negroes at   
night1 and on ,sundays4 ,when a slave of
 a  neighboring plantation takes a wife1
 or to use the phrase common at  the    
south1 'takes up' with one of the women1
 he builds a hut1 and it  is called her 
house4 ,upon entering these huts1 7not  
as comfortable in  many instances as the
 horse stable17 generally1 you will find
 no  chairs1 but benches and stools2 no 
table1 no bedstead1 and no bed1  except 
a blanket or two1 and a few rags or     
moss2 in some instances a  knife or two1
 but very rarely a fork4 ,you may also  
find a pot or  skillet1 and generally a 
number of gourds1 which serve them      
instead of  bowls and plates4 ,the      
cruelties practiced on those secluded   
plantations1 the judgment day alone can 
reveal4 ,oh1 ,brother1 could ,i  summon 
ten slaves from ten plantations that ,i 
could name1 and have  them give but one 

year's history of their bondage1 it     
would thrill the  land with horror4     
,those overseers who follow the business
 of  overseeing for a livelihood1 are   
generally the most unprincipled and     
abandoned of men4 ,their wages are      
regulated according to their skill  in  
extorting labor4 ,the one who can make  
the most bags of cotton1 with  a given  
number of hands1 is the one generally   
sought after2 and there  is a           
competition among them to see who shall 
make the largest crop1  according to the
 hands he works4 ,i ask1 what must be   
the condition of  the poor slaves1 under
 the unlimited power of such men1 in    
whom1 by  the long-continued practise of
 the most heart-rending cruelties1 every
  feeling of humanity has been          
obliterated8 ,but it may be asked1      
cannot  the slaves have redress by      
appealing to their masters8 ,in many    
instances it is impossible1 as their    
masters live hundreds of miles  off4    
,there are perhaps thousands in the     

northern slave states1 and  many in the 
free states1 who own plantations in the 
southern slave  states1 and many more   
spend their summers at the north1 or at 
the  various watering places4 ,but what 
would the slaves gain1 if they  should  
appeal to the master8 ,he has placed the
 overseer over them1  with the          
understanding that he will make as large
 a crop as possible1  and that he is to 
have entire control1 and manage them    
according to  his own judgment4 ,now    
suppose that in the midst of the season1
 the  slaves make complaint of cruel    
treatment4 ,the master cannot get along 
without an overseer--it is perhaps very 
sickly on the plantation he  dare not   
risk his own life there4 ,overseers are 
all enraged at that  season1 and if he  
takes part with his slave against the   
overseer1 he  would destroy his         
authority1 and very likely provoke him  
to leave his  service--which would of   
course be a very great injury to him4   
,thus1 in  nineteen cases out of twenty1

 self-interest would prevent the master 
from paying any attention to the        
complaints of his slaves4 ,and1 if any  
should complain1 it would of course come
 to the ears of the overseer1  and the  
complainant would be inhumanly punished 
for it4      ,,clothing4    ,the rule1  
where slaves are hired out1 is two suits
 of clothes per  year1 one pair of      
shoes1 and one blanket2 but as it       
relates to the  great body of the       
slaves1 this cannot be called a general 
rule4 ,on  many plantations1 the        
children under ten or twelve years old1 
go  entirely naked--or1 it clothed at   
all1 they have nothing more than a      
shirt4 ,the cloth is of the coarsest    
kind1 far from being durable or  warm2  
and their shoes frequently come to      
pieces in a few weeks4 ,i  have never   
known any provision made1 or time       
allowed for the washing  of clothes4 ,if
 they wish to wash1 as they have        
generally but one suit1  they go after  
their day's toil to some stream1 build a

 fire1 pull off  their clothes and wash 
them in the stream1 and dry them by the 
fire2  and in some instances they wear  
their clothes until they are worn off2  
without washing4 ,i have never known an 
instance of a slaveholder  putting      
himself to any expense1 that his slaves 
might have decent  clothes for the      
,sabbath4 ,if by making baskets1 brooms1
 mats1 c4 at  night or on ,sundays1 the 
slaves can get money enough to buy a    
,sunday  suit1 very well4 ,i have never 
known an instance of a slaveholder      
furnishing his slaves with stockings or 
mittens4 ,i know that the  slaves suffer
 much1 and no doubt many die in         
consequence of not being  well clothed4 
,,food4    ,in the grain-growing part of
 the south1 the slaves1 as it relates to
  food1 fare tolerably well2 but in the 
cotton1 and rice-growing1 and           
sugar-making portion1 some of them fare 
badly4 ,i have been on  plantations     
where1 from the appearance of the       
slaves1 ,i should judge  they were      

half-starved4 ,they receive their       
allowance very commonly on  ,sunday     
morning4 ,they are left to cook it as   
they please1 and when they  please4     
,many slaveholders rarely give their    
slaves meat1 and very few  give them    
more food than will keep them in a      
working condition4 ,they  rarely ever   
have a change of food4 ,i have never    
known an instance of  slaves on         
plantations being furnished either with 
sugar1 butter1  cheese1 or milk4        
,,work4    ,if the slaves on plantations
 were well fed and clothed1 and had the 
stimulus of wages1 they could perhaps in
 general perform their tasks  without   
injury4 ,the horn is blown soon after   
the dawn of day1 when all  the hands    
destined for the field must be 'on the  
march6' ,if the field  is far from their
 huts1 they take their breakfast with   
them4 ,they toil  till about ten        
o'clock1 when they eat it4 ,they then   
continue their  toil till the sun is    
set4    ,a neighbor of mine1 who has    

been an overseer in ,alabama1 informs   
me1  that there they ascertain how much 
labor a slave can perform in a day1  in 
the following manner4 ,when they        
commence a new cotton field1 the        
overseer takes his watch1 and marks how 
long it takes them to hoe one  row1 and 
then lays out the task accordingly4 ,my 
neighbor also informs  me1 that the     
slaves in ,alabama are worked very hard2
 that the lash is  almost universally   
applied at the close of the day1 if they
 fail to  perform their task in the     
cotton-picking season4 ,you will see    
them1  with their baskets of cotton1    
slowly bending their way to the cotton  
house1 where each one's basket is       
weighed4 ,they have no means of  knowing
 accurately1 in the course of the day1  
how they make progress2  so that they   
are in suspense1 until their basket is  
weighed4 ,here  comes the mother1 with  
her children2 she does not know whether 
herself1 or children1 or all of them1   
must take the lash2 they cannot  weigh  

the cotton themselves--the whole must be
 trusted to the  overseer4 ,while the   
weighing goes on1 all is still4 ,so many
 pounds  short1 cries the overseer1 and 
takes up his whip1 exclaiming1 ',step   
this way1 you d--n lazy scoundrel1 or   
bitch4' ,the poor slave begs1 and       
promises1 but to no purpose4 ,the lash  
is applied until the overseer is        
satisfied4 ,sometimes the whipping is   
deferred until the weighing is  all     
over4 ,i have said that all must be     
trusted to the overseer4 ,if  he owes   
any one a grudge1 or wishes to enjoy the
 fiendish pleasure of  whipping a       
little1 7for some overseers really      
delight in it17 they  have only to tell 
a falsehood relative to the weight of   
their basket2  they can then have a     
pretext to gratify their diabolical     
disposition2  and from the character of 
overseers1 ,i have no doubt that it is  
frequently done4 ,on all plantations1   
the male and female slaves fare  pretty 
much alike2 those who are with child are

 driven to their task  till within a few
 days of the time of their delivery2 and
 when the  child is a few weeks old1 the
 mother must again go to the field4 ,if 
it  is far from her hut1 she must take  
her babe with her1 and leave it in  the 
care of some of the children--perhaps of
 one not more than four or  five years  
old4 ,if the child cries1 she cannot go 
to its relief2 the  eye of the overseer 
is upon her2 and if1 when she goes to   
nurse it1  she stays a little longer    
than the overseer thinks necessary1 he  
commands her back to her task1 and      
perhaps a husband and father must  hear 
and witness it all4 ,brother1 you cannot
 begin to know what the  poor slave     
mothers suffer1 on thousands of         
plantations at the south4    ,i will now
 give a few facts1 showing the workings 
of the system4 ,some  years since1 a    
,presbyterian minister moved from ,north
 ,carolina to  ,georgia4 ,he had a negro
 man of an uncommon mind4 ,for some     
cause1 ,i  know not what1 this minister 

whipped him most unmercifully4 ,he next 
nearly drowned him2 he then put him in  
the fence2 this is done by  lifting up  
the corner of a 'worm' fence1 and then  
putting the feet  through2 the rails    
serve as stocks4 ,he kept him there some
 time1 how  long ,i was not informed1   
but the poor slave died in a few days2  
and1  if ,i was rightly informed1       
nothing was done about it1 either in    
church  or state4 ,after some tame1 he  
moved back to ,north ,carolina1 and is  
now  a member of ---- ,presbytery4 ,i   
have heard him preach1 and have been in 
the pulpit with him4 ,may ,god forgive  
me6    ,at ,laurel ,hill1 ,richmond     
county1 ,north ,carolina1 it was        
reported that  a runaway slave was in   
the neighborhood4 ,a number of young men
 took  their guns1 and went in pursuit4 
,some of them took their station near   
the stage road1 and kept on the         
look-out4 ,it was early in the          
evening--the poor slave came along1 when
 the ambush rushed upon him1  and       

ordered him to surrender4 ,he refused1  
and kept them off with his  club4 ,they 
still pressed upon him with their guns  
presented to his  breast4 ,without      
seeming to be daunted1 he caught hold of
 the muzzle of  one of the guns1 and    
came near getting possession of it4 ,at 
length1  retreating to a fence on one   
side of the road1 he sprang over into a 
corn-field1 and started to run in one of
 the rows4 ,one of the young  men       
stepped to the fence1 fired1 and lodged 
the whole charge between  his shoulders2
 he fell1 and died in a short time4 ,he 
died without  telling who his master    
was1 or whether he had any1 or what his 
own  name was1 or where he was from4 ,a 
hole was dug by the side of the road    
his body tumbled into it1 and thus ended
 the whole matter4    ,the ,rev1 ,mr4   
,c4 a ,methodist minister1 held as his  
slave a negro man1  who was a member of 
his own church4 ,the slave was          
considered a very  pious man1 had the   
confidence of his master1 and all who   

knew him1 and  if ,i recollect right1 he
 sometimes attempted to preach4 ,just   
before  the ,nat ,turner insurrection1  
in ,southampton county1 ,virginia1 by   
which  the whole south was thrown into a
 panic1 then worthy slave obtained      
permission to visit his relatives1 who  
resided either in ,southampton1  or the 
county adjoining4 ,this was the only    
instance that ever came to  my          
knowledge1 of a slave being permitted to
 go so far to visit his  relatives4 ,he 
went and returned according to          
agreement4 ,a few weeks  after his      
return1 the insurrection took place1 and
 the whole country  was deeply agitated4
 ,suspicion soon fixed on this slave4   
,nat ,turner  was a ,baptist minister1  
and the south became exceedingly jealous
 of  all negro preachers4 ,it seemed as 
if the whole community were  impressed  
with the belief that he knew all about  
it2 that he and ,nat  ,turner had       
concocted an extensive insurrection2 and
 so confident were  they in this belief1

 that they took the poor slave1 tried   
him1 and  hung him4 ,it was all done in 
a few days4 ,he protested his innocence 
to  the last4 ,after the excitement was 
over1 many were ready to  acknowledge   
that they believed him innocent4 ,he was
 hung upon  suspicion6    ,in ,r----    
county1 ,north ,carolina1 lived a ,mr4  
,b4 who had the name of  being a cruel  
master4 ,three or four winters since1   
his slaves were  engaged in clearing a  
piece of new land4 ,he had a negro girl1
 about #ad  years old1 whom he had      
severely whipped a few days before1 for 
not  performing her task4 ,she again    
failed4 ,the hands left the field for   
home2 she went with them a part of the  
way1 and fell behind2 but the  negroes  
thought she would soon be along2 the    
evening passed away1 and  she did not   
come4 ,they finally concluded that she  
had gone back to the  new ground1 to lie
 by the log heaps that were on fire4    
,but they were  mistaken3 she had sat   
down by the foot of a large pine4 ,she  

was thinly  clad--the night was cold and
 rainy4 ,in the morning the poor girl   
was  found1 but she was speechless and  
died in a short time4    ,one of my     
neighbors sold to a speculator a negro  
boy1 about #ad years  old4 ,it was more 
than his poor mother could bear4 ,her   
reason fled1 and  she became a perfect  
maniac1 and had to be kept in close     
confinement4 ,she would occasionally get
 out and run off to the  neighbors4 ,on 
one of these occasions she came to my   
house4 ,she was  indeed a pitiable      
object4 ,with tears rolling down her    
checks1 and her  frame shaking with     
agony1 she would cry out1 'don't you    
hear  him--they are whipping him now1   
and he is calling for me6' ,this        
neighbor of mine1 who tore the boy away 
from his poor mother1 and thus  broke   
her heart1 was a member of the          
,presbyterian church4    ,mr4 ,s----1 of
 ,marion ,district1 ,south ,carolina1   
informed me that a boy  was killed by   
the overseer on ,mr4 ,p----'s           

plantation4 ,the boy was  engaged in    
driving the horses in a cotton gin4 ,the
 driver generally  sits on the end of   
the sweep4 ,not driving to suit the     
overseer1 he  knocked him off with the  
butt of his whip4 ,his skull was        
fractured4 ,he  died in a short time4   
,a man of my acquaintance in ,south     
,carolina1 and of considerable  wealth1 
had an only son1 whom he educated for   
the bar2 but not  succeeding in his     
profession1 he soon returned home4 ,his 
father having  a small plantation three 
or four miles off2 placed his son on it 
as an  overseer4 ,following the example 
of his father1 as ,i have good reason   
to believe1 he took the wife of one of  
the negro men4 ,the poor slave  felt    
himself greatly injured1 and            
expostulated with him4 ,the wretch  took
 his gun1 and deliberately shot him4    
,providentially he only  wounded him    
badly4 ,when the father came1 and       
undertook to remonstrate  with his son  
about his conduct1 he threatened to     

shoot him also6 and  finally1 took the  
negro woman1 and went to ,alabama1 where
 he still  resided when ,i left the     
south4    ,an elder in the ,presbyterian
 church related to me the               
following4--',a  speculator with his    
drove of negroes was passing my house1  
and ,i  bought a little girl1 nine or   
ten years old4 ,after a few months1 ,i  
concluded that ,i would rather have a   
plough-boy4 ,another speculator  was    
passing1 and ,i sold the girl4 ,she was 
much distressed1 and was  very unwilling
 to leave4'--,she had been with him long
 enough to become  attached to his own  
and his negro children1 and he concluded
 by  saying1 that in view of the little 
girl's tears and cries1 he had          
determined never to do the like again4  
,i would not trust him1 for ,i  know him
 to be a very avaricious man4    ,while 
traveling in ,anson county1 ,north      
,carolina1 ,i put up for a night  at a  
private house4 ,the man of the house was
 not at home when ,i  stopped1 but came 

in the course of the evening1 and was   
noisy and  profane1 and nearly drunk4 ,i
 retired to rest1 but not to sleep2 his 
cursing and swearing were enough to keep
 a regiment awake4 ,about  midnight he  
went to his kitchen1 and called out his 
two slaves1 a man  and woman4 ,his      
object1 he said1 was to whip them4 ,they
 both begged and  promised1 but to no   
purpose4 ,the whipping began1 and       
continued for  some time4 ,their cries  
might have been heard at a distance4    
,i was acquainted with a very wealthy   
planter1 on the ,pedee river1 in  ,south
 ,carolina1 who has since died in       
consequence of intemperance4 ,it  was   
said that he had occasioned the death of
 twelve of his slaves1 by  compelling   
them to work in water1 opening a ditch  
in the midst of  winter4 ,the disease   
with which they died was a pleurisy4    
,in crossing ,pedee river1 at ,cashway  
,ferry1 ,i observed that the  ferryman  
had no hair on either side of his head1 
,i asked him the  cause4 ,he informed me

 that it was caused by his master's     
cane4 ,i said1  you have a very bad     
master4 ',yes1 a very bad master4' ,i   
understood  that he was once a number of
 ,congress from ,south ,carolina4       
,while traveling as agent for the ,north
 ,carolina ,baptist ,state  ,convention1
 ,i attended a three days' meeting in   
,gates county1 ,friday1  the first day1 
passed off4 ,saturday morning came1 and 
the pastor of  the church1 who lived a  
few miles off1 did not make his         
appearance4  ,the day passed off1 and no
 news from the pastor4 ,on ,sabbath     
morning1  he came hobbling along1 having
 but little use of one foot4 ,he soon   
explained3 said he had a hired negro    
man1 who1 on ,saturday morning1  gave   
him a 'little slack jaw4' ,not having a 
stick at hand1 he fell  upon him with   
his fist and foot1 and in kicking him1  
he injured his  foot so seriously1 that 
he could not attend meeting on          
,saturday4    ,some of the slaveholding 
ministers at the south1 put their slaves

  under overseers1 or hire them out1 and
 then take the pastoral care of         
churches4 ,the ,rev4 ,mr4 ,b----1       
formerly of ,pennsylvania1 had a        
plantation in ,marlborough ,district1   
,south ,carolina1 and was the pastor  of
 a church in ,darlington ,district4 ,the
 ,rev4 ,mr4 ,t----1 of ,johnson  county1
 ,north ,carolina1 has a plantation in  
,alabama4    ,i was present1 and saw the
 ,rev4 ,j---- ,w----1 of ,mecklenburg   
county1  ,north ,carolina1 hire out four
 slaves to work in the gold mines is    
,burke county4 ,the ,rev4 ,h---- ,m----1
 of ,orange county1 sold for #ijj1 a    
negro man to a speculator1 on a ,monday 
of a camp meeting4    ,runaway slaves   
are frequently hunted with guns and     
dogs4 ,i was once  out on such an       
excursion1 with my rifle and two dogs4  
,i trust the  ,lord has forgiven me this
 heinous wickedness6 ,we did not take   
the  runaways4    ,slaves are sometimes 
most unmercifully punished for trifling 
offences1 or mere mistakes4    ,as it   

relates to amalgamation1 ,i can say1    
that ,i have been in  respectable       
families1 7so called17 where ,i could   
distinguish the  family resemblance in  
the slaves who waited upon the table4 ,i
 once  hired a slave who belonged to his
 own uncle4 ,it is so common for the    
female slaves to have white children1   
that little or nothing is ever  said    
about it4 ,very few inquiries are made  
as to who the father is4    ,thus1      
brother ----1 ,i have given you very    
briefly1 the result1 in  part1 of my    
observations and experience relative to 
slavery4 ,you can  make what disposition
 of it you please4 ,i am willing that my
 name  should go to the world with what 
,i have now written4    ,yours          
affectionately1 for the oppressed1      
,,francis ,,hawley4    ,colebrook1      
,connecticut1 ,march #ah1 #ahci4        
,,testimony ,,of ,,reuben ,g4 ,,macy    
,,and ,,richard ,,macy4      ,the       
following is an extract of a letter     
recently received from ,,charles        

,,marriott of ,hudson1 ,new ,york4 ,mr4 
,marriott is an elder in the  ,religious
 ,society of ,friends1 and is           
extensively known and respected4    ,the
 two following brief statements1 are    
furnished by ,richard ,macy and  ,reuben
 ,g4 ,macy1 brothers1 both of ,hudson1  
,new ,york4 ,they are head  carpenters  
by trade1 and have been well known to me
 for more than  thirty years1 as        
esteemed members of the ,religious      
,society of ,friends4  ,they inform me  
that during their stay in ,south        
,carolina1 a number more  similar cases 
to those here related1 came under their 
notice1 which to  avoid repetition they 
omit4    ,c4 ,,marriott4                
,,testimony ,,of ,,reuben ,g4 ,,macy4   
,during the winter of #ahah and #ai1 ,i 
resided on an island near the  mouth of 
the ,savanna river1 on the ,south       
,carolina side4 ,most of the  slaves    
that came under my particular notice1   
belonged to a widow and  her daughter1  
in whose family ,i lived4 ,no white man 

belonged to the  plantation4 ,her slaves
 were under the care of an overseer who 
came  once a week to give orders1 and   
settled the score laid up against such  
as their mistress thought deserved      
punishment1 which was from  twenty-five 
to thirty lashes on their naked backs1  
with a whip which  the overseer         
generally brought with him4 ,this whip  
had a stout handle  about two feet long1
 and a lash about four and a half feet4 
,from two  to four received the above1  
,i believe nearly every week during the 
winter1 sometimes in my presence1 and   
always in my hearing4 ,i examined  the  
backs and shoulders of a number of the  
men1 which were mostly  naked while they
 were about their labor1 and found them 
covered with  hard ridges in every      
direction4 ,one day1 while busy in the  
cotton  house1 hearing a noise1 ,i ran  
to the door and saw a colored woman     
pleading with the overseer1 who paid no 
attention to her cries1 but  tied her   
hands together1 and passed the rope over

 a beam1 over head1  where was a        
platform for spreading cotton1 he then  
drew the rope as  tight as he could1 so 
as to let her toes touch the ground2    
then  stripped her body naked to the    
waist1 and went deliberately to work    
with his whip1 and put on twenty-five or
 thirty lashes1 she pleading  in vain   
all the time4 ,i inquired1 the cause of 
such treatment1 and was  informed it was
 for answering her mistress rather      
'short4'    ,a woman from a neighboring 
plantation came where ,i was1 on a      
visit2  she came in a boat rowed by six 
slaves1 who1 according to the common    
practice1 were left to take care of     
themselves1 and having laid them  down  
in the boat and fallen asleep1 the tide 
fell1 and the water  filling the stern  
of the boat1 wet their mistresses trunk 
of clothes4  ,when she discovered it1   
she called them up near where ,i was1   
and  compelled them to whip each other1 
till they all had received a severe     
flogging4 ,she standing by with a whip  

in her hand to see that they did  not   
spare each other4 ,their usual allowance
 of food was one peck of  corn per week1
 which was dealt out to them every first
 day of the  week1 and such as were not 
there to receive their portion at the   
appointed time1 had to live as they     
could during the coming week4 ,each  one
 had the privilege of planting a small  
piece of ground1 and raising  poultry   
for their own use which they generally  
sold1 that is1 such as  did improve the 
privilege which were but few4 ,they had 
nothing allowed  them besides the corn1 
except one quarter of beef at ,christmas
 which a  slave brought three miles on  
his head4 ,they were allowed three days 
rest at ,christmas4 ,their clothing     
consisted of a pair of trowsers and     
jacket1 made of whitish woollen cloth   
called negro cloth4 ,the women  had     
nothing but a petticoat1 and a very     
short short-gown1 made of the  same king
 of cloth4 ,some of the women had an old
 pair of shoes1 but  they generally went

 barefoot4 ,the houses for the field    
slaves were  about fourteen feet square1
 built in the coarsest manner1 having   
but  one room1 without any chimney1 or  
flooring1 with a hole at the roof at    
one end to let the smoke out4    ,each  
one was allowed one blanket in which    
they rolled themselves up4  ,i examined 
their houses but could not discover any 
thing like a bed4 ,i  was informed that 
when they had a sufficiency of potatoes 
the slaves  were allowed some2 but the  
season that ,i was there they did not   
raise  more than were wanted for seed4  
,all their corn was ground in one       
hand-mill1 every night just as much as  
was necessary for the family1  then each
 one his daily portion1 which took      
considerable time in the  night4 ,i     
often awoke and heard the sound of the  
mill4 ,grinding the  corn in the night1 
and in the dark1 after their day's      
labor1 and the  want of other food1 were
 great hardships4    ,the traveling in  
those parts1 among the islands1 was     

altogether with  boats1 rowed by from   
four to ten slaves1 which often stopped 
at our  plantation1 and staid through   
the night1 when the slaves1 after rowing
  through the day1 were left to shift   
for themselves2 and when they went  to  
,savannah with a load of cotton the were
 obliged to sleep in the  open boats1 as
 the law did not allow a colored person 
to be out after  eight o'clock in the   
evening1 without a pass from his master4
      ,,testimony ,,of ,,richard ,,macy4
    ,the above account is from my       
brother1 ,i was at work on ,hilton ,head
  about twenty miles north of my        
brother1 during the same winter4 ,the   
same allowance of one peck of corn for a
 week1 the same kind of houses  to live 
in1 and the same method of grinding     
their corn1 and always in  the night1   
and in the dark1 was practiced there4   
,a number of instances of severe        
whipping came under my notice4 ,the     
first was this3--two men were sent out  
to saw some blocks out of large  live   

oak timber on which to raise my         
building4 ,their saw was in poor  order1
 and they sawed them badly1 for which   
their master stripped them  naked and   
flogged them4    ,the next instance was 
a boy about sixteen years of age4 ,he   
had crept  into the coach to sleep2     
after two or three nights he was caught 
by  the coach driver1 a northern man1   
and stripped entirely naked1 and        
whipped without mercy1 his master       
looking on4    ,another instance4 ,the  
overseer1 a young white man1 had ordered
  several negroes a boat's crew1 to be  
on the spot at a given time4 ,one  man  
did not appear until the boat had gone4 
,the overseer was very  angry and told  
him to strip and be flogged2 he being   
slow1 was told if  he did not instantly 
strip off his jacket1 he1 the overseer1 
would  whip it off which he did in      
shreds1 whipping him cruelly4    ,the   
man ran into the barrens and it was     
about a month before they  caught him4  
,he was newly starved1 and at last stole

 a turkey2 then  another1 and was       
caught4    ,having occasion to pass a   
plantation very early one foggy morning1
 in  a boat we heard the sound of the   
whip1 before we could see1 but as we    
drew up in front of the plantation1 we  
could see the negroes at work  in the   
field4 ,the overseer was going from one 
to the other causing  them to lay down  
their hoe1 strip off their garment1 hold
 up their  hands and receive their      
number of lashes4 ,thus he went on from 
one to  the other until we were out of  
sight4 ,in the course of the winter a   
family came where ,i was1 on a visit    
from a neighboring island2 of  course1  
in a boat with negroes to row them--one 
of these a barber1  told me that he ran 
away about two years before1 and joined 
a company  of negroes who had fled to   
the swamps4 ,he said they suffered a    
great  deal--were at last discovered by 
a party of hunters1 who fired among     
them1 and caused them to scatter4       
,himself and one more fled to the       

coast1 took a boat and put off to sea1 a
 storm came on and swamped or  upset    
them1 and his partner was drowned1 he   
was taken up by a passing  vessel and   
returned to his master4    ,,richard    
,,macy4    ,hudson1 #ab mo4 #bith1      
#ahch4        ,,testimony ,,of ,,mr4    
,,eleazar ,,powell      ,,extract ,,of  
,a ,,letter ,,from ,,mr4 ,,william      
,,scott1 a highly respectable  citizen  
of ,beaver co4 ,pennsylvania1 dated ,jan
 #g1 #ahci4    ,chippeca ,township1     
,beaver co4 ,pa4 ,jan4 #g1 #ahci4    ,i 
send you the statement of ,mr4 ,eleazar 
,powell1 who was born1 and has  mostly  
resided in this township from his birth4
 ,his character for  sobriety and truth 
stands above impeachment4    ,with      
sentiments of esteem1  ,i am your       
friend1  ,,william ,,scott4    ,in the  
month of ,december1 #ahcf1 ,i went to   
the ,state of ,mississippi to  work at  
my trade1 7masonry and bricklaying17 and
 continued to work in  the counties of  
,adams and ,jefferson1 between four and 

five months4 ,in  following my business 
,i had an opportunity of seeing the     
treatment of  slaves in several places4 
,in ,adams county ,i built a chimney for
 a man named ,joseph ,gwatney2 he  had  
forty-five field hands of both sexes4   
,the field in which they  worked at that
 time1 lay about two miles from the     
house2 the hands had  to cook and eat   
their breakfast1 prepare their dinner1  
and be in the  field at daylight1 and   
continue there till dark4 ,in the       
evening the  cotton they had picked was 
weighed1 and if they fell short of their
  task they were whipped4 ,one night ,i 
attended the weighing--two women  fell  
short of their task1 and the master     
ordered the black driver to  take them  
to the quarters and flog them2 one of   
them was to receive  twenty-five lashes 
and pick a peck of cotton seed4 ,i have 
been with  the overseer several times   
through the negro quarters4 ,the huts   
are  generally built of split timber1   
some larger than rails1 twelve and a    

half feet wide and fourteen feet        
long--some with and some without        
chimneys1 and generally without floors2 
they were generally without  daubing1   
and mostly had split clapboards nailed  
on the cracks on the  outside1 though   
some were without even that3 in some    
there was a kind  of rough bedstead1    
made from rails1 polished with the axe1 
and put  together in a very rough       
manner1 the bottom covered with         
clapboards1  and over that a bundle of  
worn out clothes4 ,in some huts there   
was no  bedstead at all4 ,the above     
description applies to the places       
generally  with which ,i was acquainted1
 and they were mostly old settlements4  
,in the east part of ,jefferson county  
,i built a chimney for a man  named ----
 ,m',coy2 he had forty-seven laboring   
hands4 ,near where ,i was  at work1     
,m',coy had ordered one of his slaves to
 set a post for a gate4  ,when he came  
to look at it1 he said the slave had not
 set it in the  right place2 and ordered

 him to strip1 and lie down on his face2
  telling him that if he struggled1 or  
attempted to get up1 two men1 who  had  
been called to the spot1 should seize   
and hold him fast4 ,the slave  agreed to
 be quiet1 and ,m',coy commenced        
flogging him on the bare back1  with the
 wagon whip4 ,after some time the       
sufferer attempted to get up2  one of   
the slaves standing by1 seized him by   
the feet and held him  fast2 upon which 
he yielded1 and ,m',coy continued to    
flog him ten or  fifteen minutes4 ,when 
he was up1 and had put on his trowsers1 
the  blood came through them4    ,about 
half a mile from ,m',coy's was a        
plantation owned by his  step-daughter4 
,the overseer's name was ,james ,farr1  
of whom it appears  ,mrs4 ,m',coy's     
waiting woman was enamoured4 ,one night1
 while ,i lived  there1 ,m',coy came    
from ,natchez1 about #aj o'clock at     
night4 ,he said  that ,dinah was gone1  
and wished his overseer to go with him  
to ,farr's  lodgings4 ,they went        

accordingly1 one to each door1 and      
caught ,dinah as  she ran out1 she was  
partly dressed in her mistress's        
clothes2 ,m',coy  whipped her           
unmercifully1 and she afterwards made   
her escape4 ,on the  next day1          
7,sabbath71 ,m',coy came to the         
overseer's1 where ,i lodged1 and        
requested him and me to look for her1 as
 he was afraid that she had  hanged     
herself4 ,he then gave me the           
particulars of the flogging4 ,he  stated
 that near ,farr's he had made her strip
 and lie down1 and had  flogged her     
until he was tired2 that before he      
reached home he had a  second time made 
her strip1 and again flogged her until  
he was tired2  that when he reached home
 he had tied her to a peach-tree1 and   
after  getting a drink had flogged her  
until he was thirsty again2 and while   
he went to get a drink the woman made   
her escape4 ,he stated that he  knew1   
from the whipping he had given her1     
there must be in her back  cuts an inch 

deep4 ,he showed the place where she had
 been tied to the  tree2 there appeared 
to be as much blood as if a hog had been
 stuck  there4 ,the woman was found on  
,sabbath evening1 near the sprang1 and  
had to be carried into the house4       
,while ,i lived there ,i heard ,m',coy  
say1 if the slaves did not raise  him   
three hundred bales of cotton the       
ensuing season1 he would kill  every    
negro he had4    ,another case of       
flogging came under my notice3 ,philip  
,o4 ,hughes1  sheriff of ,jefferson     
county1 had hired a slave to a man1     
whose name ,i  do not recollect4 ,on a  
,sabbath day the slave had drank        
somewhat  freely2 he was ordered by the 
tavern keeper1 7where his present master
  had left his horse and the negro17 to 
stay in the kitchen2 the negro  wished  
to be out4 ,in persisting to go out he  
was knocked down three  times2 and      
afterwards flogged until another young  
man and myself ran  about half a mile1  
having been drawn by the cries of the   

negro and the  sound of the whip4 ,when 
we came up1 a number of men that had    
been  about the tavern1 were whipping   
him1 and at intervals would ask him if  
he would take off his clothes4 ,at      
seeing them drive down the stakes  for a
 regular flogging he yielded1 and took  
them off4 ,they then  flogged him until 
satisfied4 ,on the next morning ,i saw  
him1 and his  pantaloons were all in a  
gore of blood4    ,during my stay in    
,jefferson county1 ,philip ,o4 ,hughes  
was out one day  with his gun--he saw a 
negro at some distance1 with a club in  
one hand  and an ear of corn in the     
other--,hughes stepped behind a tree1   
and  waited his approach2 he supposed   
the negro to be a runaway1 who had      
escaped about nine months before from   
his master1 living not very far         
distant4 ,the negro discovered ,hughes  
before he came up1 and started to  run2 
he refusing to stop1 ,hughes fired1 and 
shot him through the arm4  ,through loss
 of blood the negro was soon taken and  

put in jail4 ,i saw  his wound twice    
dressed1 and heard ,hughes make the     
above statement4    ,when in ,jefferson 
county ,i boarded six weeks in ,fayette1
 the county  town1 with a tavern keeper 
named ,james ,truly4 ,he had a slave    
named  ,lucy1 who occupied the station  
of chamber maid and table waiter4 ,one  
day1 just after dinner ,mrs4 ,truly took
 ,lucy and bound her arms round a  pine 
sapling behind the house1 and commenced 
flogging her with a  riding-whip2 and   
when tired would take her chair and     
rest4 ,she  continued thus alternately  
flogging and resting1 for at least an   
hour  and a half4 ,i afterwards learned 
from the bar-keeper1 and others1 that   
the woman's offence was that she had    
bought two candles to set on the  table 
the evening before1 not knowing there   
were yet some in the box4  ,i did nor   
see the act of flogging above related2  
but it was commenced  before ,i left the
 house after dinner1 and my work not    
being more than  twenty rods from the   

house1 ,i distinctly heard the cries of 
the woman  all the time1 and the manner 
of tying ,i had from those who did see  
it4    ,while ,i boarded at ,truly's1 an
 overseer shot a negro about two miles  
northwest of ,fayette1 belonging to a   
man named ,hinds ,stuart4 ,i heard      
,stuart himself state the particulars4  
,it appeared that the negro's  wife fell
 under the overseer's displeasure1 and  
he went to whip her4  ,the negro said   
she should not be whipped4 ,the overseer
 then let her  go1 and ordered him to be
 seized4 ,the negro1 having been a      
driver1  rolled the lash of his whip    
round his hand1 and said he would not be
  whipped at that time4 ,the overseer   
repeated his orders4 ,the negro took  up
 a hoe1 and none dared to take hold of  
him4 ,the overseer then went  to his    
coat1 that he had laid off to whip the  
negro's wife1 and took  out his pistol  
and shot him dead4 ,his master ordered  
him to be buried  in a hole without a   
coffin4 ,stuart stated that he would not

 have taken  two thousand dollars for   
him4 ,no punishment was inflicted on the
  overseer4    ,,eleazar ,,powell1 ,jr4 
,,testimony ,,on ,,the ,,authority ,,of 
,,rev4 ,,wm4 ,,scales1 ,,lyndon1 ,,vt   
,the following is an extract of a letter
 from two professional  gentlemen and   
their wives1 who have lived for some    
years in a small  village in one of the 
slave states4 ,they are all persons of  
the  highest respectability1 and are    
well known in at least one of the ,new  
,england states4 ,their names are with  
the ,executive ,committee of the        
,american ,anti-,slavery ,society2 but  
as the individuals would doubtless  be  
murdered by the slaveholders1 if they   
were published1 the ,committee  feel    
sacredly bound to withhold them4 ,the   
letter was addressed to a  respected    
clergyman in ,new ,england4 ,the writers
 say3    ,a man near us owned a valuable
 slave--his best--most faithful servant4
  ,in a gust of passion1 he struck him  
dead with a lever1 or stick of  wood4   

,during the years '#cf and '#cg1 the    
following transpired4 ,a slave in  our  
neighborhood ran away and went to a     
place about thirty miles  distant4      
,there he was found by his pursuers on  
horseback1 and  compelled by the whip to
 run the distance of thirty miles4 ,it  
was an  exceedingly hot day--and within 
a few hours after he arrived at the  end
 of his journey the slave was dead4     
,another slave ran away1 but concluded  
to return4 ,he had proceeded  some      
distance on his return1 when he was met 
by a company of two or  three drivers   
who raced1 whipped and abused him until 
he fell down and  expired4 ,this took   
place on the ,sabbath4 ,the writer after
 speaking of  another murder of a slave 
in the neighborhood1 without giving the 
circumstances1 say--,there is a powerful
 ,new ,england influence at  ---- the   
village where they reside--,we may      
therefore suppose that  there would he  
as little of barbarian cruelty practiced
 there as any  where2--at least we might

 suppose that the average amount of     
cruelty  in that vicinity would be      
sufficiently favorable to the side of   
slavery4--,describe a circle1 the centre
 of which shall be--1 the  residence of 
the writers1 and the radius fifteen     
miles1 and in about  one year three1 and
 ,i think four slaves have been         
murdered1 within  that circle1 under    
circumstances of horrid cruelty4--,what 
must have  been the amount of murder in 
the whole slave territory8 ,the whole   
south is rife with the crime of         
separating husbands and wives1 parents  
and children4        ,,testimony ,,of   
,,joseph ,,ide1 ,,esq4    ,mr4 ,,ide is 
a respected member of the ,baptist      
,church in ,sheffield1  ,caledonia      
county1 ,vt42 and recently the          
,postmaster in that town4 ,he  spent a  
few months at the south in the years    
#ahcg and #h4 ,in a letter  to the ,rev4
 ,wm4 ,scales of ,lyndon1 ,vt4 written a
 few weeks since1 ,mr4  ,ide writes as  
follows4    ,in answering the proposed  

inquiries1 ,i will say first1 that      
although  there are various other modes 
resorted to1 whipping with the cowskin  
is the usual mode of inflicting         
punishment on the poor slave4 ,i have   
never actually witnessed a whipping     
scene1 for they are usually taken  into 
some back place for that purpose2 but ,i
 have often heard their  groans and     
screams while writhing under the lash2  
and have seen the  blood flow from their
 torn and lacerated skins after the     
vengeance of  the inhuman master or     
mistress had been glutted4 ,you ask if  
the woman  where ,i boarded whipped a   
slave to death4 ,i can give you the     
particulars of the transaction as they  
were related to me4 ,my  informant was a
 gentleman--a member of the             
,presbyterian church in                 
,massachusetts--who the winter before   
boarded where ,i did4 ,he said that     
,mrs4 ,t---- had a female slave whom she
 used to whip unmercifully1 and on  one 
occasion1 she whipped her as long as she

 had strength1 and after  the poor      
creature was suffered to go1 she crawled
 off into a cellar4  ,as she did not    
immediately return1 search was made1 and
 she was found  dead in the cellar1 and 
the horrid deed was kept a secret in the
  family1 and it was reported that she  
died of sickness4 ,this wretch at  the  
same time was a member of a             
,presbyterian church4 ,towards her      
slaves she was certainly the most cruel 
wretch of any woman with whom  ,i was   
ever acquainted--yet she was nothing    
more than a slaveholder4  ,she would    
deplore slavery as much as ,i did1 and  
often told me she was  much of an       
abolitionist as ,i was4 ,she was        
constant in the declaration  that her   
kind treatment to her slaves was        
proverbial4 ,thought ,i1 then  the ,lord
 have mercy on the rest4 ,she has often 
told me of the cruel  treatment of the  
slaves on a plantation adjoining her    
father's in the  low country of ,south  
,carolina4 ,she says she has often seen 

them driven  to the necessity of eating 
frogs and lizards to sustain life4 ,as  
to  the mode of living generally1 my    
information is rather limited1 being    
with few exceptions confined to the     
different families where ,i have        
boarded4 ,my stopping places at the     
south have mostly been in cities4  ,in  
them the slaves are better fed and      
clothed than on plantations4 ,the  house
 servants are fed on what the families  
leave4 ,but they are kept  short1 and ,i
 think are oftener whipped for stealing 
something to eat  than any other crime4 
,on plantations their food is           
principally  hommony1 as the southerners
 call it4 ,it is simply cracked corn    
boiled4  ,this probably constitutes     
seven-eights of their living4 ,the      
house-servants in cities are generally  
decently clothed1 and some  favorite    
ones are richly dressed1 but those on   
the plantations1  especially in their   
dress1 if it can be called dress1       
exhibit the most  haggard and squalid   

appearance4 ,i have frequently seen     
those of both  sexes more than          
two-thirds naked4 ,i have seen from     
forty to sixty1  male and female1 at    
work in a field1 many of both sexes with
 their  bodies entirely naked--who did  
not exhibit signs of shame more than    
cattle4 ,as ,i did not go among them    
much on the plantations1 ,i have  had   
but few opportunities for examining the 
backs of slaves--but have  frequently   
passed where they were at work1 and been
 occasionally  present with them1 and in
 almost every case there were marks of  
violence on some parts of them--every   
age1 sex and condition being  liable to 
the whip4 ,a son of the gentleman with  
whom ,i boarded1 a  young man about     
twenty-one years of age1 had a          
plantation and eight or  ten slaves4 ,he
 used to boast almost every night of    
whipping some of  them4 ,one day he     
related to me a case of whipping an old 
negro--,i  should judge sixty years of  
age4 ,he said he called him up to flog  

him  for some real or supposed offence1 
and the poor old man1 being pious1      
asked the privilege of praying before he
 received his punishment4 ,he  said he  
granted him the favor1 and to use his   
own expression1 ',the old  nigger knelt 
down and prayed for me1 and then got up 
and took his  whipping4' ,in relation to
 negro huts1 ,i will say that planters  
usually  own large tracts of land4 ,they
 have extensive clearings and a         
beautiful mansion house--and generally  
some forty or fifty rods from  the      
dwelling are situated the negro cabins1 
or huts1 built of logs in  the rudest   
manner4 ,some consist of poles rolled up
 together and  covered with mud or      
clay--many of them not as comfortable as
 northern  pig-sties4        ,,testimony
 ,,of ,,rev4 ,,phineas ,,smith    ,,mr4 
,,smith is now pastor of the            
,presbyterian ,church in ,centreville1  
,allegany county1 ,n4,y4 ,he has        
recently returned from a residence in   
the  slave states1 and the ,american    

slave holding settlements in ,texas4    
,the  following is an extract of a      
letter lately received from him4    ,you
 inquire respecting instances of cruelty
 that have come within my  knowledge4 ,i
 reply4 ,avarice and cruelty constitute 
the very gist of  the whole slave       
system4 ,many of the enormities         
committed upon the  plantations will not
 be described till ,god brings to light 
the hidden  things of darkness1 then the
 tears and groans and blood of innocent 
men1 women and children will be         
revealed1 and the oppressor's spirit    
must confront that of his victim4    ,i 
will relate a case of torture which     
occurred on the ,brassos while  ,i      
resided a few miles distant upon the    
,chocolate ,bayou4 ,the case  should be 
remembered as a true illustration of the
 nature of slavery1  as it exists at the
 south4 ,the facts are these4 ,an       
overseer by the  name of ,alexander1    
notorious for his cruelty1 was found    
dead in the  timbered lands of the      

,brassos4 ,it was supposed that he was  
murdered1  but who perpetrated the act  
was unknown4 ,two black men were however
  seized1 taken into the ,prairie and   
put to the torture4 ,a physician by  the
 name of ,parrott from ,tennessee1 and  
another from ,new ,england by  the name 
of ,anson ,jones1 were present on this  
occasion4 ,the latter  gentleman is now 
the ,texan minister plenipotentiary to  
the ,united  ,states1 and resides at    
,washington4 ,the unfortunate slaves    
being  stripped1 and all things         
arranged1 the torture commenced by      
whipping  upon their bare backs4 ,six   
athletic men were employed in this scene
 of  inhumanity1 the names of some of   
whom ,i well remember4 ,there was one   
of the name of ,brown1 and one or two of
 the name of ,patton4 ,those six        
executioners were successively employed 
in cutting up the bodies of  these      
defenceless slaves1 who persisted to the
 last in the avowal of  their innocence4
 ,the bloody whip was however kept in   

motion till  savage barbarity itself was
 glutted4 ,when this was accomplished1  
the  bleeding victims were re-conveyed  
to the inclosure of the mansion  house  
where they were deposited for a few     
moments4 ',the dying groans  however    
incommoding the ladies1 they were taken 
to a back shed where  one of them soon  
expired4'#ac ,the life of the other     
slave was for a  time despaired of1 but 
after hanging over the grave for months1
 he at  length so far recovered as to   
walk about and labor at light work4     
,these facts cannot be controverted4    
,they were disclosed under the          
solemnity of an oath1 at ,columbia1 in a
 court of justice4 ,i was  present1 and 
shall never forget them4 ,the testimony 
of ,drs4 ,parrott  and ,jones was most  
appalling4 ,i seem to hear the          
death-groans of that  murdered man4 ,his
 cries for mercy and protestations of   
innocence fell  upon adamantine hearts4 
,the facts above stated1 and others in  
relation  to this scene of cruelty came 

to light in the following manner4 ,the  
master of the murdered man commenced    
legal process against the actors  in    
this tragedy for the recovery of the    
value of the chattel1 as one  would     
institute a suit for a horse or an ox   
that had been unlawfully  killed4 ,it   
was a suit for the recovery of damages  
merely4 ,no  indictment was even dreamed
 of4 ,among the witnesses brought upon  
the  stand in the progress of this cause
 were the physicians1 ,parrott and      
,jones above named4 ,the part which they
 were called to act in this  affair was1
 it is said1 to examine the pulse of the
 victims during the  process of torture4
 ,but they were mistaken as to the      
quantum of  torture which a human being 
can undergo and not die under it4 ,can  
it  be believed that one of these       
physicians was born and educated in the 
land of the pilgrims8 ,yes1 in my own   
native ,new ,england4 ,it is even  so6  
,the stone-like apathy manifested at the
 trial of the above cause1  and the     

screams and the death-groans of an      
innocent man1 as developed  by the      
testimony of the witnesses1 can never be
 obliterated from my  memory4 ,they form
 an era in my life1 a point to which ,i 
look back with  horror4    ,footnote    
#ac3 ,the words of ,dr4 ,parrott1 a     
witness on the trial hereafter  referred
 to4    ,another case of cruelty        
occurred on the ,san ,bernard near      
,chance  ,prairie1 where ,i resided for 
some time4 ,the facts were these4 ,a    
slave  man fled from his master1 7,mr4  
,sweeny7 and being closely pursued by   
the overseer and a son of the owner1 he 
stepped a few yards in the  ,bernard and
 placed himself upon a root1 from which 
there was no  possibility of his escape1
 for he could not swim4 ,in this        
situation he  was fired upon with a     
blunderbuss loaded heavily with ball and
 grape  shot4 ,the overseer who shot the
 gun was at a distance of a few feet    
only4 ,the charge entered the body of   
the negro near the groin4 ,he was       

conveyed to the plantation1 lingered in 
inexpressible agony a few days  and     
expired4 ,a physician was called1 but   
medical and surgical skill  was         
unavailing4 ,no notice whatever was     
taken of this murder by the  public     
authorities1 and the murderer was not   
discharged from the  service of his     
employer4    ,when slaves flee1 as they 
not unfrequently do1 to the timbered    
lands  of ,texas1 they are hunted with  
guns and dogs4    ,the sufferings of the
 slave not unfrequently drive him to    
despair and  suicide4 ,at a plantation  
on the ,san ,bernard1 where there were  
but five  slaves1 two during the same   
year committed suicide by drowning4     
,,testimony ,,of ,,philemon ,,bliss1    
,,esq4    ,mr4 ,bliss is a highly       
respectable member of the bar1 in       
,elyria1 ,lorain  ,co4 ,ohio1 and member
 of the ,presbyterian church1 in that   
place4 ,he  resided in ,florida1 during 
the years #ahcd and #e4    ,the         
following extracts are from letters1    

written by ,mr4 ,b4 in #ahce1  while    
residing on a plantation near           
,tallahassee1 and published soon  after 
in the ,ohio ,atlas2 also from letters  
written in #ahcf and  published in the  
,new ,york ,evangelist4    ,in speaking 
of slavery as it is1 ,i hardly know     
where to begin4 ,the  physical condition
 of the slave is far from being         
accurately known at  the north4         
,gentlemen traveling in the south can   
know nothing of it4  ,they must make the
 south their residence2 they must live  
on  plantations1 before they can have   
any opportunity of judging of the       
slave4 ,i resided in ,augustine five    
months1 and had ,i not made  particular 
inquiries1 which most northern visitors 
very seldom or  never do1 ,i should have
 left there with the impression that the
 slaves  were generally very well       
treated1 and were a happy people4 ,such 
is  the report of many northern         
travelers who have no more opportunity  
of  knowing their real condition than if

 they had remained at home4 ,what       
confidence could we place in the reports
 of the traveler1 relative to  the      
condition of the ,irish peasantry1 who  
formed his opinion from the  appearance 
of the waiters at a ,dublin hotel1 or   
the household servants  of a country    
gentleman8 ,and it is not often on      
plantations even1 that  strangers can   
witness the punishment of the slave4 ,i 
was conversing  the other day with a    
neighboring planter1 upon the brutal    
treatment of  the slaves which ,i had   
witnessed3 he remarked1 that had ,i been
 with  him ,i should not have seen this4
 ,when ,i whip niggers1 ,i take them out
  of sight and hearing4 ,such being the 
difficulties in the way of a  stranger's
 ascertaining the treatment of the      
slaves1 it is not to be  wondered at    
that gentlemen1 of undoubted veracity1  
should give  directly false statements  
relative to it4 ,but facts cannot lie1  
and in  giving these ,i confine myself  
to what has come under my own personal  

observation4    ,the negroes commence   
labor by daylight in the morning1 and1  
excepting  the plowboys1 who must feed  
and rest their horses1 do not leave the 
field till dark in the evening4 ,there  
is a good deal of contention  among     
planters1 who shall make the most cotton
 to the hand1 or1 who  shall drive their
 negroes the hardest2 and ,i have heard 
bets made and  staked upon the issue of 
the crops4 ,col4 ,w4 was boasting of his
 large  crops1 and swore that 'he made  
for his force1 the largest crops in the 
country4' ,he was disputed of course4   
,on riding home in company with  ,mr4   
,c4 the conversation turned upon ,col4  
,w4 ,my companion remarked1  that though
 ,col4 ,w4 had the reputation of making 
a large crop1 yet he  could beat him    
himself1 and did do it the last year4 ,i
 remarked that ,i  considered it no     
honor to ,col4 ,w4 to drive his slaves  
to death to  make a large crop4 ,i have 
heard no more about large crops from him
  since4 ,drivers or overseers usually  

drive the slaves worse than             
masters4--,their reputation for good    
overseers depends in a great  measure   
upon the crops they make1 and the death 
of a slave is no loss  to them4    ,of  
the extent and cruelty of the punishment
 of the slave1 the  northern public know
 nothing4 ,from the nature of the case  
they can  know little1 as ,i have before
 mentioned4    ,i have seen a woman1 a  
mother1 compelled1 in the presence of   
her  master and mistress1 to hold up her
 clothes1 and endure the whip of  the   
driver on the naked body for more than  
twenty minutes1 and while  her cries    
would have rent the heart of any one1   
who had not hardened  himself to human  
suffering4 ,her master and mistress were
 conversing  with apparent indifference4
 ,what was her crime8 ,she had a task   
given  her of sewing which she must     
finish that day4 ,late at night she     
finished it2 but the stitches were too  
long1 and she must be  whipped4 ,the    
same was repeated three or four nights  

for the same  offence4 ,i have seen a   
man tied to a tree1 hands and feet1 and 
receive #cje blows with the paddle#ad on
 the fleshy parts of the body4  ,two    
others received the same kind of        
punishment at the time1 though ,i  did  
not count the blows4 ,one received #bcj 
lashes4 ,their crime was  stealing      
mutton4 ,i have frequently heard the    
shrieks of the slaves1  male and female1
 accompanied by the strokes of the      
paddle or whip1  when ,i have not gone  
near the scene of horror4 ,i knew not   
their  crimes1 excepting of one woman1  
which was stealing four potatoes to  eat
 with her bread6 ,the more common number
 of lashes inflicted was  fifty or      
eighty2 and this ,i saw not once or     
twice1 but so frequently  that ,i can   
not tell the number of times ,i have    
seen it4 ,so frequently1  that my own   
heart was becoming so hardened that ,i  
could witness with  comparative         
indifference1 the female writhe under   
the lash1 and her  shrieks and cries for

 mercy ceased to pierce my heart with   
that  keenness1 or give me that anguish 
which they first caused4 ,it was not    
always that ,i could learn their crimes2
 but of those ,i did learn1 the  most   
common was non-performance of tasks4 ,i 
have seen men strip and  receive from   
one to three hundred strokes of the whip
 and paddle4 ,my  studies and           
meditations were almost nightly         
interrupted by the cries  of the victims
 of cruelty and avarice4 ,tom1 a slave  
of ,col4 ,n4  obtained permission of his
 overseer on ,sunday1 to visit his son1 
on a  neighboring plantation1 belonging 
in part to his master1 but neglected  to
 take a pass4 ,upon its being demanded  
by the other overseer1 he  replied that 
he had permission to come1 and that his 
having a mule was  sufficient evidence  
of it1 and if he did not consider it as 
such1 he  could take him up4 ,the       
overseer replied he would take him up2  
giving  him at the same time a blow on  
the arm with a stick he held in his     

hand1 sufficient to lame it for some    
time4 ,the negro collared him1 and      
threw him2 and on the overseer's        
commanding him to submit to be tied  and
 whipped1 he said he would not be       
whipped by him but would leave  it to   
massa ,j4 ,they came to massa ,j4's4 ,i 
was there4 ,after the  overseer had     
related the case as above1 he was blamed
 for not shooting  or stabbing him at   
once4--,after dinner the negro was tied1
 and the  whip given to the overseer1   
and he used it with a severity that was 
shocking4 ,i know not how many lashes   
were given1 but from his  shoulders to  
his heels there was not a spot unridged6
 and at almost  every stroke the blood  
flowed4 ,he could not have received less
 than  #cjj1 well laid on4 ,but his     
offence was great1 almost the greatest  
known1 laying hands on a white man6 ,had
 he struck the overseer1  under any     
provocation1 he would have been in some 
way disfigured1  perhaps by the loss of 
his ears1 in addition to a whipping3 or 

he  might have been hung4 ,the most     
common cause of punishments is1 not     
finishing tasks4    ,footnote #ad3 ,a   
piece of oak timber two and a half feet 
long1 flat and  wide at one end4        
,but it would be tedious mentioning     
further particulars4 ,the negro has  no 
other inducement to work but the lash2  
and as man never acts  without motive1  
the lash must be used so long as all    
other motives are  withheld4 ,hence     
corporeal punishment is a necessary part
 of slavery4    ,punishments for        
runaways are usually severe4 ,once      
whipping is not  sufficient4 ,i have    
known runaways to be whipped for six or 
seven  nights in succession for one     
offence4 ,i have known others who1 with 
pinioned hands1 and a chain extending   
from an iron collar on their  neck1 to  
the saddle of their master's horse1 have
 been driven at a  smart trot1 one or   
two hundred miles1 being compelled to   
ford water  courses1 their drivers1     
according to their own confession1 not  

abating  a whit in the rapidity of their
 journey for the case of the slave4 ,one
  tied a kettle of sand to his slave to 
render his journey more arduous4        
,various are the instruments of torture 
devised to keep the slave in            
subjection4 ,the stocks are sometimes   
used4 ,sometimes blocks are filled  with
 pegs and nails1 and the slave compelled
 to stand upon them4    ,while stopping 
on the plantation of a ,mr4 ,c4 ,i saw a
 whip with a  knotted lash lying on the 
table1 and inquired of my companion1 who
 was  also an acquaintance of ,mr4 ,c's1
 if he used that to whip his negroes8   
,oh1 says he1 ,mr4 ,c4 is not severe    
with his hands4 ,he never whips  very   
hard4 ,the knots in the lash are so     
large that he does not  usually draw    
blood in whipping them4    ,it was      
principally from hearing the            
conversation of southern men on  the    
subject1 that ,i judge of the cruelty   
that is generally practiced  toward     
slaves4 ,they will deny that slaves are 

generally ill treated2  but ask them if 
they are not whipped for certain        
offences1 which  either a freeman would 
have no temptation to commit1 or which  
would  not be an offence in any but a   
slave1 and for non-performance of       
tasks1 they will answer promptly in the 
affirmative4 ,and frequently  have ,i   
heard them excuse their cruelty by      
citing ,mr4 ,a4 or ,mr4 ,b4 who  is a   
,christian1 or ,mr4 ,c4 a preacher1 or  
,mr4 ,d4 from the north1 who  drives his
 hands tighter1 and whips them harder1  
than we ever do4  ,driving negroes to   
the utmost extent of their ability1 with
  occasionally a hundred lashes or more1
 and a few switchings in the  field if  
they hang back in the driving seasons1  
viz3 in the hoing and  picking months1  
is perfectly consistent with good       
treatment6    ,while traveling across   
the ,peninsula in a stage1 in company   
with a  northern gentleman1 and southern
 lady1 of great worth and piety1 a      
dispute arose respecting the general    

treatment of slaves1 the  gentleman     
contending that their treatment was     
generally good--',o1 no6'  interrupted  
the lady1 'you can know nothing of the  
treatment they  receive on the          
plantations4 ,people here do whip the   
poor negroes most  cruelly1 and many    
half starve them4 ,you have neither of  
you had  opportunity to know scarcely   
anything of the cruelties that are      
practiced in this country1' and more to 
the same effect4 ,i met with  several   
others1 besides this lady1 who appeared 
to feel for the sins  of the land1 but  
they are few and scattered1 and not     
usually of  sufficiently stern mould to 
withstand the popular wave4    ,masters 
are not forward to publish their        
domestic regulations1 and  as neighbors 
are usually several miles apart1 one's  
observation must  be limited4 ,hence the
 few instances of cruelty which break   
out can be  but a fraction of what is   
practised4 ,a planter1 a professor of   
religion1 in conversation upon the      

universality of whipping1 remarked  that
 a planter in ,g--1 who had whipped a   
great deal1 at length got  tired of it1 
and invented the following excellent    
method of  punishment1 which ,i saw     
practised while ,i was paying him a     
visit4 ,the  negro was placed in a      
sitting position1 with his hands made   
fast above  his head1 and feet in the   
stocks1 so that he could not move any   
part  of the body4    ,the master       
retired1 intending to leave him till    
morning1 but we were  awakened in the   
night by the groans of the negro1 which 
were so  doleful that we feared he was  
dying4 ,we went to him1 and found him   
covered with a cold sweat1 and almost   
gone4 ,he could not have lived an  hour 
longer4 ,mr4 ---- found the 'stocks'    
such an effective punishment1  that it  
almost superseded the whip4    ,how much
 do you give your niggers for a task    
while hoeing cotton1  inquired ,mr4     
,c---- of his neighbor ,mr4 ,h----4     
,h4 ,i give my men an acre and a        

quarter1 and my women an acre4#ae       
,footnote #ae3 ,cotton is planted in    
drills about three feet apart1 and  is  
hilled like corn4      ,c4 ,well1 that  
is a fair task4 ,niggers do a heap      
better if they are  drove pretty tight4 
,h4 ,o yes1 ,i have driven mine into    
complete subordination4 ,when ,i  first 
bought them they were discontented and  
wished me to sell them1  but ,i soon    
whipped that out of them2 and they now  
work very  contentedly6    ,c4 ,does    
,mary keep up with the rest8    ,h4 ,no1
 she does'nt often finish the task      
alone1 she has to get ,sam to  help her 
out after he has done his1 to save her a
 whipping4 ,there's  no other way but to
 be severe with them4    ,c4 ,no other1 
sir1 if you favor a nigger you spoil    
him4    ,the whip is considered as      
necessary on a plantation as the plough2
  and its use is almost as common4 ,the 
negro whip is the common  teamster's    
whip with a black leather stock1 and a  
short1 fine1 knotted  lash4 ,the paddle 

is also frequently used1 sometimes with 
holes bored  in the flattened end4 ,the 
ladies 767 in chastising their domestic 
servants1 generally use the cowhide4 ,i 
have known some use shovel and  tongs4  
,it is1 however1 more common to commit  
them to the driver to be  whipped4 ,the 
manner of whipping is as follows3 ,the  
negro is tied by  his hands1 and        
sometimes feet1 to a post or tree1 and  
stripped to the  skin4 ,the female slave
 is not always tied4 ,the number of     
lashes  depends upon the character for  
severity of the master or overseer4     
,another instrument of torture is       
sometimes used1 how extensively ,i  know
 not4 ,the negro1 or1 in the case which 
came to my knowledge1 the  negress was  
compelled to stand barefoot upon a block
 filled with sharp  pegs and nails for  
two or three hours4 ,in case of         
sickness1 if the  master or overseer    
thinks them seriously ill1 they are     
taken care of1  but their complaints are
 usually not much heeded4 ,a physician  

told me  that he was employed by a      
planter last winter to go to a          
plantation of  his in the country1 as   
many of the negroes were sick4 ,says    
he--,i  found them in a most miserable  
condition4 ,the weather was cold1 and   
the negroes were barefoot1 with hardly  
enough of cotton clothing to  cover     
their nakedness4 ,those who had huts to 
shelter them were obliged  to build them
 nights and ,sundays4 ,many were sick   
and some had died4 ,i  had the sick     
taken to an older plantation of their   
masters1 where they  could be made      
comfortable1 and they recovered4 ,i     
directed that they  should not go to    
work till after sunrise1 and should not 
work in the  rain till their health     
became established4 ,but the overseer   
refusing  to permit it1 ,i declined     
attending on them farther4 ,i was       
called1'  continued he1 'by the overseer
 of another plantation to see one of the
  men4 ,i found him lying by the side of
 a log in great pain4 ,i asked him  how 

he did1 ',o1' says he1 ',i'm most dead1 
can live but little longer4'  ,how long 
have you been sick8 ,i've felt for more 
than six weeks as  though ,i could      
hardly stir4' ,why didn't you tell your 
master1 you was  sick8 ',i couldn't see 
my master1 and the overseer always whips
 us when  we complain1 ,i could not     
stand a whipping4' ,i did all ,i could  
for the  poor fellow1 but his lungs were
 rotten4 ,he died in three days from    
the time he left off work4' ,the cruelty
 of that overseer is such that  the     
negroes almost tremble at his name4 ,yet
 he gets a high salary1 for  he makes   
the largest crop of any other man in the
 neighborhood1 though  none but the     
hardiest negroes can stand it under him4
 ,that man1 says  the ,doctor1 would be 
hung in my country4 ,he was a ,german4  
,,testimony ,,of ,,rev4 ,,william ,a4   
,,chapin4    ,,rev4 ,,william ,,scales1 
of ,lyndon1 ,vermont1 has furnished the 
following  testimony1 under date of     
,dec4 #ae1 #ahch4    ,i send you an     

extract from a letter that ,i have just 
received1 which  you may use ad libitum4
 ,the letter is from ,rev4 ,wm4 ,a4     
,chapin1  ,greensborough1 ,vermont4 ,to 
one who is acquainted with ,mr4 ,c4 his 
opinion and statements must carry       
conviction even to the most  obstinate  
and incredulous4 ,he observes1 ',i      
resided1 as a teacher1  nearly two years
 in the family of ,carroll ,webb1 ,esq41
 of ,hampstead1  ,new ,kent co4 about   
twenty miles from ,richmond1 ,virginia4 
,mr4 ,webb had  three or four           
plantations1 and was considered one of  
the two  wealthiest men in the county3  
it was supposed he owned about two      
hundred slaves4 ,he was a member of the 
,presbyterian ,church1 and was  elected 
an elder while ,i was with him4 ,he was 
a native of ,virginia1  but a graduate  
of a ,new-,england college4    ,the     
slaves were called in the morning before
 daylight1 ,i believe at  all seasons of
 the year1 that they might prepare their
 food1 and be  ready to go to work as   

soon as it was light enough to see4 ,i  
know that  at the season of husking     
corn1 ,october and ,november1 they were 
usually  compelled to work late--till   
#ab or #a o'clock at night4 ,i know this
  fact because they accompanied their   
work with a loud singing of their  own  
sort4 ,i usually retired to rest between
 #aa and #ab o'clock1 and  generally    
heard them at their work as long as ,i  
was awake4 ,the slaves  lived in        
wretched log cabins1 of one room each1  
without floors or  windows4 ,i believe  
the slaves sometimes suffer for want of 
food4 ,one  evening1 as ,i was sitting  
in the parlor with ,mr4 ,w4 one of the  
most  resolute of the slaves came to the
 door1 and said1 ,master1 ,i am  willing
 to work for you1 but ,i want something 
to eat4 ,the only reply  was1 ,clear    
yourself4 ,i learned that the slaves had
 been without food  all day1 because the
 man who was sent to mill could not     
obtain his  grinding4 ,he went again the
 next day1 and obtained his grist1 and  

the  slaves had no food till he         
returned4 ,he had to go about five      
miles4#af    ,footnote #af3 ,to this1   
,rev4 ,mr4 ,scales adds1 ,in familiar   
language1 and  in more detail1 as ,i    
have learned it in conversation with    
,mr4 ,chapin1  the fact is as follows3--
    ,mr4 ,w4 kept1 what he called a     
'boy1' i4e4 a man1 to go to mill4 ,it   
was his custom not to give his slaves   
anything to eat while he was  gone to   
mill--let him have been gone longer or  
shorter--for this  reason1 if he was    
lazy1 and delayed1 the slaves would     
become hungry3  hence indignant1 and    
abuse him--this was his punishment4 ,on 
that  occasion he went to mill in the   
morning4 ,the slaves came up at noon1   
and returned to work without food4 ,at  
night1 after having worked hard  all    
day1 without food1 went to bed without  
supper4 ,about #aj o'clock  the next    
day1 they came up in a company1 to their
 master's door1 7that  master an elder  
in the church71 and deputed one more    

resolute than the  rest to address him4 
,this he did in the most respectful     
tones and  terms4 ,we are willing to    
work for you1 master1 but we can't work 
without food2 we want something to eat4 
,clear yourself1 was the  answer4 ,the  
slaves retired2 and in the morning were 
driven away to  work without food4 ,at  
noon1 ,i think1 or somewhat after1 they 
were  fed4        ,i know the slaves    
were sometimes severely whipped4 ,i saw 
the backs of  several which had numerous
 scars1 evidently caused by long and    
deep  lacerations of the whip2 and ,i   
have good reason to believe that the    
slaves were generally in that condition2
 for ,i never saw the back of  one      
exposed that was not thus marked1--and  
from their tattered and  scanty clothing
 their backs were often exposed4        
,,testimony ,,of ,,messrs4 ,t4,d4,m4    
,,and ,f4,c4 ,,macy4    ,this testimony 
is communicated in a letter from ,mr4   
,cyrus ,pierce1 a  respectable and well 
known citizen of ,nantucket1 ,mass4 ,of 

the  witnesses1 ,messrs4 ,t4,d4,m4 and  
,f4,c4 ,macy1 ,mr4 ,pierce says1 ,they  
are  both inhabitants of this island1   
and have resided at the south2 they  are
 both worthy men1 for whose integrity   
and intelligence ,i can vouch           
unqualifiedly2 the former has furnished 
me with the following  statement4       
,during the winter of #ahcb-c1 ,i       
resided on the island of ,st4 ,simon1   
,glynn county1 ,georgia4 ,there are     
several extensive cotton plantations  on
 the island4 ,the overseer of the       
plantation on that part of the  island  
where ,i resided was a ,georgian--a man 
of stern character1 and  at times       
cruelly abusive to his slaves4 ,i have  
often been witness of  the abuse of his 
power4 ,in ,south ,carolina and         
,georgia1 on the low  lands1 the        
cultivation is chiefly of rice4 ,the    
land where it is raised  is often       
inundated1 and the labor of preparing   
it1 and raising a crop1  is very        
arduous4 ,men and women are in the field

 from earliest dawn to  dark--often     
without hats1 and up to their arm-pits  
in mud and water4  ,at ,st4 ,simon's1   
cotton was the staple article4 ,ocra1   
the driver1  usually waited on the      
overseer to receive orders for the      
succeeding  day4 ,if any slave was      
insolent1 or negligent1 the driver was  
authorized to punish him with the whip1 
with as many blows as the  magnitude of 
the crime justified4 ,he was frequently 
cautioned1 upon  the peril of his skin1 
to see that all the negroes were off to 
the  field in the morning4 ',ocra1' said
 the overseer1 one evening1 to the      
driver1 'if any pretend to be sick1 send
 me word--allow no lazy wench  or fellow
 to skulk in the negro house4' ,next    
morning1 a few minutes  after the       
departure of the hands to the field1    
,ocra was seen hastening  to the house  
of the overseer4 ,he was soon in his    
presence4 ',well1 ,ocra1  what now8'    
',nothing1 sir1 only ,rachel says she   
sick--can't go to de  field to-day4'    

',ah1 sick1 is she8 ,i'll see to her2   
you may be off4 ,she  shall see if ,i am
 longer to be fooled with in this way4  
,here1  ,christmas1 mix these           
salts--bring them to me at the negro    
house4' ,and  seizing his whip1 he made 
off to the negro settlement4 ,having a  
strong  desire to see what would be the 
result1 ,i followed him4 ,as ,i         
approached the negro house1 ,i heard    
high words4 ,rachel was stating her     
complaint--children were crying from    
fright--and the overseer  threatening4  
,rachel4--',i can't work to-day--,i'm   
sick6' ,overseer4--',but  you shall     
work1 if you die for it4 ,here1 take    
these salts4 ,now move  off--quick--let 
me see your face again before night1    
and1 by ,g--d1  you shall smart for it4 
,be off--no begging--not a word2'--and  
he  dragged her from the house1 and     
followed her #bj or #cj rods1           
threatening4 ,the woman did not reach   
the field4 ,overcome by the  exertion of
 walking1 and by agitation1 she sunk    

down exhausted by the  road side--was   
taken up1 and carried back to the house1
 where an  abortion occurred1 and her   
life was greatly jeoparded4    ,it was  
no uncommon sight to see a whole family1
 father1 mother1 and  from two to five  
children1 collected together around     
their piggin of  hommony1 or pail of    
potatoes1 watched by the overseer4 ,one 
meal was  always eaten in the field4 ,no
 time was allowed for relaxation4    ,it
 was not unusual for a child of five or 
six years to perform the  office of     
nurse--because the mother worked in a   
remote part of the  field1 and was not  
allowed to leave her employment to take 
care of her  infant4 ,want of proper    
nutriment induces sickness of the worst 
type4    ,no matter what the nature of  
the service1 a peck of corn1 dealt out  
on ,sunday1 must supply the demands of  
nature for a week4    ,the ,sabbath1 on 
a southern plantation1 is a mere nominal
 holiday4 ,the  slaves are liable to be 
called upon at all times1 by those who  

have  authority over them4    ,when it  
rained1 the slaves were allowed to      
collect under a tree until  the shower  
had passed4 ,seldom1 on a week day1 were
 they permitted to  go to their huts    
during rain2 and even had this privilege
 been  granted1 many of those miserable 
habitations were in so dilapidated a    
condition1 that they would afford little
 or no protection4 ,negro huts  are     
built of logs1 covered with boards or   
thatch1 having no  flooring1 and but one
 apartment1 serving all the purposes of 
sleeping1 cooking1 c4 ,some are         
furnished with a temporary loft4 ,i     
have seen a whole family herded together
 in a loft ten feet by twelve4  ,in cold
 weather1 they gather around the fire1  
spread their blankets  on the ground1   
and keep as comfortable as they can4    
,their supply of  clothing is           
scanty--each slave being allowed a      
,holland coat and  pantaloons1 of the   
coarsest manufacture1 and one pair of   
cowhide  shoes4 ,the women1 enough of   

the same kind of cloth for one frock4   
,they  have also one pair of shoes4     
,shoes are given to the slaves in the   
winter only4 ,in summer1 their clothing 
is composed of osnaburgs4  ,slaves on   
different plantations are not allowed   
without a written  permission1 to visit 
their fellow bondsmen1 under penalty of 
severe  chastisement4 ,i witnessed the  
chastisement of a young male slave1 who 
was found lurking about the plantation1 
and could give no other  account of     
himself1 than that he wanted to visit   
some of his  acquaintance4 ,fifty lashes
 was the penalty for this offence4 ,i   
could  not endure the dreadful shrieks  
of the tortured slave1 and rushed away  
front the scene4    ,the remainder of   
this testimony is furnished by ,mr4     
,f4,c4 ,macy4    ,i went to ,savannah in
 #ahbj4 ,sailing up the river1 ,i had my
 first view  of slavery4 ,a large number
 of men and women1 with a piece of board
 on  their heads1 carrying mud1 for the 
purpose of dyking1 near the river4      

,after tarrying a while in ,savannah1 ,i
 went down to the sea islands of  ,de   
,fuskee and ,hilton ,head1 where ,i     
spent six months4 ,negro houses are     
small1 built of rough materials1 and no 
floor4 ,their clothing1 7one  suit17    
coarse2 which they received on          
,christmas day4 ,their food was  three  
pecks of potatoes per week1 in the      
potatoe season1 and one peck  of corn   
the remainder of the year4 ,the slaves  
carried with them into  the field their 
meal1 and a gourd of water4 ,they cooked
 their hommony  in the field1 and ate it
 with a wooden paddle4 ,their treatment 
was  little better than that of brutes4 
,whipping was nearly an every-day       
practice4 ,on ,mr4 ,m----'s plantation1 
at the island ,de ,fuskee1 ,i saw an    
old man whipped2 he was about #fj4 ,he  
had no clothing on1 except a  shirt4    
,the man that inflicted the blows was   
,flim1 a tall and stout  man4 ,the      
whipping was very severe4 ,i inquired   
into the cause4 ,some  vegetables had   

been stolen from his master's garden1 of
 which he could  give no account4 ,i saw
 several women whipped1 some of whom    
were in  very delicate circumstances4   
,the case of one ,i will relate4 ,she   
had  been purchased in ,charleston1 and 
separated from her husband4 ,on her     
passage to ,savannah1 or rather to the  
island1 she was delivered of a  child2  
and in about three weeks after this1 she
 appeared to be  deranged4 ,she would   
leave her work1 go into the woods1 and  
sing4 ,her  master sent for her1 and    
ordered the driver to whip her4 ,i was  
near  enough to hear the strokes4    ,i 
have known negro boys1 partly by        
persuasion1 and partly by force1  made  
to strip off their clothing and fight   
for the amusement of their  masters4    
,they would fight until both got to     
crying4    ,one of the planters told me 
that his boat had been used without     
permission4 ,a number of his negroes    
were called up1 and put in a  building  
that was lathed and shingled4 ,the      

covering could be easily  removed from  
the inside4 ,he called one out for      
examination4 ,while  examining this one1
 he discovered another negro1 coming out
 of the  roof4 ,he ordered him back3 he 
obeyed4 ,in a few moments he attempted  
it  again4 ,the master took deliberate  
aim at his head1 but his gun missed     
fire4 ,he told me he should probably    
have killed him1 had his gun gone  off4 
,the negro jumped and run4 ,the master  
took aim again1 and fired2  but he was  
so far distant1 that he received only a 
few shots in the  calf of his leg4      
,after several days he returned1 and    
received a severe  whipping4    ,mr4    
,b----1 planter at ,hilton ,head1 freely
 confessed1 that he kept one  of his    
slaves as a mistress4 ,she slept in the 
same room with him4  ,this1 ,i think1 is
 a very common practice4                
,,testimony ,,of ,a ,,clergyman4    ,the
 following letter was written to ,mr4   
,,arthur ,,tappan1 of ,new ,york1 in    
the summer of #ahcc4 ,as the name of the

 writer cannot be published with  safety
 to himself1 it is withheld4    ,the    
following testimonials1 from ,mr4       
,,tappan1 ,professor ,,wright1 and      
,,thomas ,,ritter1 ,m4,d4 of ,new ,york1
 establish the trust-worthiness and     
high respectability of the writer4    ,i
 received the following letters from the
 south during the year #ahcc4  ,they    
were written by a gentleman who had then
 resided some years in  the slave       
states4 ,not being at liberty to give   
the writer's name1 ,i  cheerfully       
certify that he is a gentleman of       
established character1 a  graduate of   
,yale ,college1 and a respected minister
 of the gospel4    ,,arthur ,,tappan4   
,my acquaintance with the writer of the 
following letter commenced1 ,i  believe1
 in #ahbc1 from which time we were      
fellow students in ,yale  ,college till 
#ahbf4 ,i have occasionally seen him    
since4 ,his character1  so far as it has
 come within my knowledge1 has been that
 of an upright  and remarkably candid   

man4 ,i place great confidence both in  
his  habits of careful and unprejudiced 
observation and his veracity4    ,e4    
,,wright1 jun4 ,new ,york1 ,april #ac1  
#ahci4    ,i have been acquainted with  
the writer of the following letter about
  twelve years1 and know him to be a    
gentleman of high respectability1       
integrity1 and piety4 ,we were fellow   
students in ,yale ,college1 and my      
opportunities for judging of his        
character1 both at that time and  since 
our graduation1 have been such1 that ,i 
feel myself fully  warranted in making  
the above unequivocal declaration4      
,,thomas ,,ritter4 #ajd1 ,cherry-street1
 ,new ,york4    ,,natchez1 #ahcc4    ,it
 has been almost four years since ,i    
came to the south-west2 and  although ,i
 have been told1 from month to month1   
that ,i should soon  wear off my        
northern prejudices1 and probably have  
slaves of my own1  yet my judgment in   
regard to oppression1 or my prejudices1 
if they are  pleased so to call them1   

remain with me still4 ,i judge still    
from  those principles which were fixed 
in my mind at the north2 and a          
residence at the south has not enabled  
me so to pervert truth1 as to  make     
injustice appear justice4    ,i have    
studied the state of things here1 now   
for years1 coolly and  deliberately1    
with the eye of an uninterested looker  
on2 and hence ,i  may not be altogether 
unprepared to state to you some facts1  
and to  draw conclusions from them4     
,permit me then to relate what ,i have  
seen2 and do not imagine that  these are
 all exceptions to the general          
treatment1 but rather believe  that     
thousands of cruelties are practised in 
this ,christian land1  every year1 which
 no eye that ever shed a tear of pity   
could look  upon4    ,soon after my     
arrival ,i made an excursion into the   
country1 to the  distance of some twenty
 miles4 ,and as ,i was passing by a     
cotton field1  where about fifty negroes
 were at work1 ,i was inclined to stop  

by the  road side to view a scene which 
was then new to me4 ,while ,i was1 in my
  mind1 comparing this mode of labor    
with that of my own native place1 ,i    
heard the driver1 with a rough oath1    
order one that was near him1 who  seemed
 to be laboring to the extent of his    
power1 to lie down4 ,in a  moment he was
 obeyed2 and he commenced whipping the  
offender upon his  naked back1 and      
continued1 to the amount of about twenty
 lashes1 with  a heavy raw-hide whip1   
the crack of which might have been heard
 more  than half a mile4 ,nor did the   
females escape2 for although ,i stopped 
scarcely fifteen minutes1 no less than  
three were whipped in the same  manner1 
and that so severely1 ,i was strongly   
inclined to interfere4    ,you may be   
assured1 sir1 that ,i remained not      
unmoved3 ,i could no  longer look on    
such cruelty1 but turned away and rode  
on1 while the  echoes of the lash were  
reverberating in the woods around me4   
,such  scenes have long since become    

familiar to me4 ,but then the full      
effect  was not lost2 and ,i shall never
 forget1 to my latest day1 the mingled  
feelings of pity1 horror1 and           
indignation that took possession of my  
mind4 ,i involuntarily exclaimed1 ,o    
,god of my fathers1 how dost thou       
permit such things to defile our land6  
,be merciful to us6 and visit us  not in
 justice1 for all our iniquities and the
 iniquities of our  fathers6    ,as ,i  
passed on ,i soon found that ,i had     
escaped from one horrible  scene only to
 witness another4 ,a planter with whom  
,i was well  acquainted1 had caught a   
negro without a pass4 ,and at the moment
 ,i was  passing by1 he was in the act  
of fastening his feet and hands to the  
trees1 having previously made him take  
off all his clothing except his         
trowsers4 ,when he had sufficiently     
secured this poor creature1 he beat  him
 for several minutes with a green switch
 more than six feet long2  while he was 
writhing with anguish1 endeavoring in   

vain to break the  cords with which he  
was bound1 and incessantly crying out1  
,lord1  master6 do pardon me this time6 
do1 master1 have mercy6 ,these          
expressions have recurred to me a       
thousand times since2 and although  they
 came from one that is not considered   
among the sons of men1 yet ,i  think    
they are well worthy of remembrance1 as 
they might lead a wise  man to consider 
whether such shall receive mercy from   
the righteous  ,judge1 as never showed  
mercy to their fellow men4    ,at length
 ,i arrived at the dwelling of a planter
 of my acquaintance1  with whom ,i      
passed the night4 ,at about eight       
o'clock in the evening ,i  heard the    
barking of several dogs1 mingled with   
the most agonizing  cries that ,i ever  
heard from any human being4 ,soon after 
the gentleman  came in1 and began to    
apologize1 by saying that two of his    
runaway  slaves had just been brought   
home2 and as he had previously tried    
every species of punishment upon them   

without effect1 he knew not what  else  
to add1 except to set his blood hounds  
upon them4 ',and1'  continued he1 'one  
of them has been so badly bitten that he
 has been  trying to die4 ,i am only    
sorry that he did not2 for then ,i      
should not  have been further troubled  
with him4 ,if he lives ,i intend to send
 him  to ,natchez or to ,new ,orleans1  
to work with the ball and chain4'       
,from this last remark ,i understood    
that private individuals have the  right
 of thus subjecting their unmanageable  
slaves4 ,i have since seen  numbers of  
these 'ball and chain' men1 both in     
,natchez and ,new  ,orleans1 but ,i do  
not know whether there were any among   
them except  the state convicts4    ,as 
the summer was drawing towards a close1 
and the yellow fever  beginning to      
prevail in town1 ,i went to reside some 
months in the  country4 ,this was the   
cotton picking season1 during which1 the
  planters say1 there is a greater      
necessity for flogging than at any      

other time4 ,and ,i can assure you1 that
 as ,i have sat in my window  night     
after night1 while the cotton was being 
weighed1 ,i have heard  the crack of the
 whip1 without much intermission1 for a 
whole hour1  from no less than three    
plantations1 some of which were a full  
mile  distant4    ,i found that the     
slaves were kept in the field from      
daylight until  dark2 and then1 if they 
had not gathered what the master or     
overseer  thought sufficient1 they were 
subjected to the lash4    ,many by such 
treatment are induced to run away and   
take up their  lodging in the woods4 ,i 
do not say that all who run away are    
thus  closely pressed1 but ,i do know   
that many are2 and ,i have known no less
  than a dozen desert at a time from the
 same plantation1 in consequence  of the
 overseer's forcing them to work to the 
extent of their power1  and then        
whipping them for not having done more4 
,but suppose that they run away--what is
 to become of them in the  forest8 ,if  

they cannot steal they must perish of   
hunger--if the nights  are cold1 their  
feet will be frozen2 for if they make a 
fire they may  be discovered1 and be    
shot at4 ,if they attempt to leave the  
country1  their chance of success is    
about nothing4 ,they must return1 be    
whipped--if old offenders1 wear the     
collar1 perhaps be branded1 and  fare   
worse than before4    ,do you believe   
it1 sir1 not six months since1 ,i saw a 
number of my  ,christian neighbors      
packing up provisions1 as ,i supposed   
for a deer  hunt2 but as ,i was about   
offering myself to the party1 ,i learned
 that  their powder and balls were      
destined to a very different purpose3 it
  was1 in short1 the design of the party
 to bring home a number of  runaway     
slaves1 or to shoot them if they should 
not be able to get  possession of them  
in any other way4    ,you will ask1 ,is 
not this murder8 ,call it1 sir1 by what 
name you  please1 such are the          
facts3--many are shot every year1 and   

that too  while the masters say they    
treat their slaves well4    ,but let me 
turn your attention to another species  
of cruelty4 ,about a  year since ,i knew
 a certain slave who had deserted his   
master1 to be  caught1 and for the first
 time fastened to the stocks4 ,in those 
same  stocks1 from which at midnight ,i 
have heard cries of distress1 while  the
 master slept1 and was dreaming1        
perhaps1 of drinking wine and of        
discussing the price of cotton4 ,on the 
next morning he was chained in  an      
immovable posture1 and branded in both  
cheeks with red hot stamps  of iron4    
,such are the tender mercies of men who 
love wealth1 and are  determined to     
obtain it at any price4    ,suffer me to
 add another to the list of enormities1 
and ,i will not  offend you with more4  
,there was1 some time since1 brought to 
trial in this town a planter  residing  
about fifteen miles distant1 for        
whipping his slave to death4  ,you will 
suppose1 of course1 that he was         

punished4 ,no1 sir1 he was  acquitted1  
although there could be no doubt of the 
fact4 ,i heard the  tale of murder from 
a man who was acquainted with all the   
circumstances4 ',i was1' said he1       
'passing along the road near the        
burying-ground of the plantation1 about 
nine o'clock at night1 when ,i  saw     
several lights gleaming through the     
woods2 and as ,i approached1 in  order  
to see what was doing1 ,i beheld the    
coroner of ,natchez1 with a  number of  
men1 standing around the body of a young
 female1 which by  the torches seemed   
almost perfectly white4 ,on inquiry ,i  
learned that  the master had so         
unmercifully beaten this girl that she  
died under  the operation3 and that also
 he had so severely punished another of 
his slaves that he was but just alive4' 
,we here rest the case for the present1 
so far as respects the  presentation of 
facts showing the condition of the      
slaves1 and proceed  to consider the    
main objections which are usually       

employed to weaken  such testimony1 or  
wholly to set it aside4 ,but before we  
enter upon  the examination of specific 
objections1 and introductory to them1 we
  remark1--    #a4 ,that the system of  
slavery must be a system of horrible    
cruelty1  follows of necessity1 from the
 fact that two millions seven hundred   
thousand human beings are held by force1
 and used as articles of  property4     
,nothing but a heavy yoke1 and an iron  
one1 could possibly  keep so many necks 
in the dust4 ,that must be a constant   
and mighty  pressure which holds so     
still such a vast army2 nothing could do
 it  but the daily experience of        
severities1 and the ceaseless dread and 
certainty of the most terrible          
inflictions if they should dare to toss 
in their chains4    #b4 ,were there     
nothing else to prove it a system of    
monstrous cruelty1  the fact that ,,fear
 is the only motive with which the slave
 is plied  during his whole existence1  
would be sufficient to brand it with    

execration as the grand tormentor of    
man4 ,the slave's susceptibility  of    
pain is the sole fulcrum on which       
slavery works the lever that  moves him4
 ,in this it plants all its stings2 here
 it sinks its hot  irons2 cuts its deep 
gashes2 flings its burning embers1 and  
dashes its  boiling brine and liquid    
fire3 into this it strikes its cold     
flesh  hooks1 grappling irons1 and      
instruments of nameless torture2 and by 
it  drags him shrieking to the end of   
his pilgrimage4 ,the fact that the      
master inflicts pain upon the slave not 
merely as an end to gratify  passion1   
but constantly as a means of extorting  
labor1 is enough of  itself to show that
 the system of slavery is unmixed       
cruelty4    #c4 ,that the slaves must   
suffer frequent and terrible            
inflictions1  follows inevitably from   
the character of those who direct their 
labor4 ,whatever may be the character of
 the slaveholders themselves1  all agree
 that the overseers are1 as a class1    

most abandoned1 brutal1  and desperate  
men4 ,this is so well known and believed
 that any  testimony to prove it seems  
needless4 ,the testimony of ,mr4 ,,wirt1
 late  ,attorney ,general of the ,united
 ,states1 a ,virginian and a            
slaveholder1  is as follows4 ,in his    
life of ,patrick ,henry1 p4 #cf1        
speaking of the  different classes of   
society in ,virginia1 he says1--,last   
and lowest a  feculum1 of beings called 
'overseers'--the most abject1 degraded1 
unprincipled race1 always cap in hand to
 the dons who employ them1  and         
furnishing materials for the exercise of
 their pride1 insolence1  and spirit of 
domination4    ,rev4 ,,phineas ,,smith1 
of ,centreville1 ,new-,york1 who has    
resided some  years at the south1 says  
of overseers--    ,it need hardly be    
added that overseers are in general     
ignorant1  unprincipled and cruel1 and  
in such low repute that they are not    
permitted to come to the tables of their
 employers2 yet they have the  constant 

control of all the human cattle that    
belong to the master4    ,these men are 
continually advancing from their low    
station to the  higher one of masters4  
,these changes bring into the possession
 of  power a class of men of whose      
mental and moral qualities ,i have      
already spoken4    ,rev4 ,,horace       
,,moulton1 ,marlboro'1 ,massachusetts1  
who lived in ,georgia  several years1   
says of them1--    ,the overseers are   
generally loose in their morals2 it is  
the object  of masters to employ those  
whom they think will get the most work  
out  of their hands1--hence those who   
whip and torment the slaves the  most   
are in many instances called the best   
overseers4 ,the masters  think those    
whom the slaves fear the most are the   
best4 ,quite a  portion of the masters  
employ their own slaves as overseers1 or
 rather  they are called drivers2 these 
are more subject to the will of the     
masters than the white overseers are2   
some of them are as lordly as an        

,austrian prince1 and sometimes more    
cruel even than the whites4    ,that the
 overseers are1 as a body1 sensual1     
brutal1 and violent men is  proverbial4 
,the tender mercies of such men must be 
cruel4    #d4 ,the ownership of human   
beings necessarily presupposes an utter 
disregard of their happiness4 ,he who   
assumes it monopolizes their  whole     
capital1 leaves them no stock on which  
to trade1 and out of  which to make     
happiness4 ,whatever is the master's    
gain is the  slave's loss1 a loss       
wrested from him by the master1 for the 
express  purpose of making it his own   
gain2 this is the master's constant     
employment--forcing the slave to        
toil--violently wringing from him  all  
he has and all he gets1 and using it as 
his own2--like the vile  bird that never
 builds its nest from materials of its  
own gathering1  but either drives other 
birds from theirs and takes possession  
of  them1 or tears them in pieces to get
 the means of constructing their  own4  

,this daily practice of forcibly robbing
 others1 and habitually  living on the  
plunder1 cannot but beget in the mind   
the habit of  regarding the interests   
and happiness of those whom it robs1 as 
of no  sort of consequence in comparison
 with its own2 consequently whenever    
those interests and this happiness are  
in the way of its own  gratification1   
they will be sacrificed without scruple4
 ,he who cannot  see this would be      
unable to feel it1 if it were seen4     
,,objections ,,considered4              
,objection ,i--,,such ,,cruelties ,,are 
,,incredible4    ,the enormities        
inflicted by slaveholders upon their    
slaves will never  be discredited except
 by those who overlook the simple fact1 
that he  who holds human beings as his  
bona fide property1 regards them as     
property1 and not as persons2 this is   
his permanent state of mind  toward     
them4 ,he does not contemplate slaves as
 human beings1  consequently does not   
treat them as such2 and with entire     

indifference sees them suffer privations
 and writhe under blows1  which1 if     
inflicted upon whites1 would fill him   
with horror and  indignation4 ,he       
regards that as good treatment of       
slaves1 which would  seem to him        
insufferable abuse if practiced upon    
others2 and would  denounce that as a   
monstrous outrage and horrible cruelty1 
if  perpretated upon white men and      
women1 which he sees every day meted    
out to black slaves1 without perhaps    
ever thinking it cruel4  ,accustomed all
 his life to regard them rather as      
domestic animals1 to  hear them stormed 
at1 and to see them cuffed and caned2   
and being  himself in the constant habit
 of treating them thus1 such practices  
have become to him a mere matter of     
course1 and make no impression on  his  
mind4 ,true1 it is incredible that men  
should treat as chattels  those whom    
they truly regard as human beings2 but  
that they should  treat as chattels and 
working animals those whom they regard  

as  such1 is no marvel4 ,the common     
treatment of dogs1 when they are in the 
way1 is to kick them out of it2 we see  
them every day kicked off the           
sidewalks1 and out of shops1 and on     
,sabbaths out of churches1--yet1 as     
they are but dogs1 these do not strike  
us as outrages2 yet1 if we  were to see 
men1 women1 and children--our neighbors 
and friends1  kicked out of stores by   
merchants1 or out of churches by the    
deacons  and sexton1 we should call the 
perpetrators inhuman wretches4    ,we   
have said that slaveholders regard their
 slaves not as human  beings1 but as    
mere working animals1 or merchandise4   
,the whole  vocabulary of slaveholders1 
their laws1 their usages1 and their     
entire  treatment of their slaves fully 
establish this4 ,the same terms are     
applied to slaves that are given to     
cattle4 ,they are called stock4  ,so    
when the children of slaves are spoken  
of prospectively1 they are  called their
 increase2 the same term that is applied

 to flocks and  herds4 ,so the female   
slaves that are mothers1 are called     
breeders  till past child bearing2 and  
often the same terms are applied to the 
different sexes that are applied to the 
males and females among  cattle4 ,those 
who compel the labor of slaves and      
cattle have the same  appellation1      
drivers3 the names which they call them 
are the same  and similar to those given
 to their horses and oxen4 ,the laws of 
slave  states make them property1       
equally with goats and swine2 they are  
levied upon for debt in the same way2   
they are included in the same           
advertisements of public sales with     
cattle1 swine1 and asses2 when  moved   
from one part of the country to another1
 they are herded in  droves like cattle1
 and like them urged on by drivers2     
their labor is  compelled in the same   
way4 ,they are bought and sold1 and     
separated  like cattle3 when exposed for
 sale1 their good qualities are         
described  as jockies show off the good 

points of their horses2 their strength1 
activity1 skill1 power of endurance1 c4 
are lauded1--and those who  bid upon    
them examine their persons1 just as     
purchasers inspect horses  and oxen2    
they open their mouths to see if their  
teeth are sound2  strip their backs to  
see if they are badly scarred1 and      
handle their  limbs and muscles to see  
if they are firmly knit4 ,like horses1  
they  are warranted to be sound1 or to  
be returned to the owner if  unsound4 ,a
 father gives his son a horse and a     
slave2 by his will  he distributes among
 them his race-horses1 hounds1          
game-cocks1 and  slaves4 ,we leave the  
reader to carry out the parallel which  
we have  only begun4 ,its details would 
cover many pages4    ,that slaveholders 
do not practically regard slaves as     
human beings  is abundantly shown by    
their own voluntary testimony4 ,in a    
recent work  entitled1 ,the ,south      
vindicated from the ,treason and        
,fanaticism of  ,northern               

,abolitionists1 which was written1 we   
are informed1 by  ,colonel ,dayton1 late
 member of ,congress from ,south        
,carolina2 the  writer1 speaking of the 
awe with which the slaves regard the    
whites1  says1--    ,the northerner     
looks upon a band of negroes as upon so 
many men1  but the planter or southerner
 views them in a very different light4  
,extract from the speech of ,mr4        
,,summers1 of ,virginia1 in the         
legislature of that state1 ,jan4 #bf1   
#ahcb4 ,see the ,richmond ,whig4        
,when1 in the sublime lessons of        
,christianity1 he 7the slaveholder7 is  
taught to 'do unto others as he would   
have others do unto him1' ,,he  ,,never 
,,dreams ,,that ,,the ,,degraded ,,negro
 ,,is ,,within ,,the ,,pale ,,of ,,that 
,,holy  ,,canon4      ,,president       
,,jefferson1 in his letter to ,,governor
 ,,coles1 of ,illinois1  dated ,aug4    
#be1 #ahad1 asserts1 that slaveholders  
regard their slaves as  brutes1 in the  
following remarkable language4          

,nursed and educated in the daily habit 
of seeing the degraded  condition1 both 
bodily and mental1 of these unfortunate 
beings the  slaves1 ,,few ,,minds ,,have
 ,,yet ,,doubted ,,but ,,that ,,they    
,,were ,,as ,,legitimate  ,,subjects    
,,of ,,property ,,as ,,their ,,horses   
,,or ,,cattle4      ,having shown that  
slaveholders regard their slaves as mere
 working  animals and cattle1 we now    
proceed to show that their actual       
treatment  of them1 is worse than it    
would be if they were brutes4 ,we repeat
  it1 ,,slaveholders ,,treat ,,their    
,,slaves ,,worse ,,than ,,they ,,do     
,,their ,,brutes4  ,whoever heard of    
cows or sheep being deliberately tied up
 and beaten  and lacerated till they    
died8 or horses coolly tortured by the  
hour1  till covered with mangled flesh1 
or of swine having their legs tied  and 
being suspended from a tree and         
lacerated with thongs for hours1  or of 
hounds stretched and made fast at full  
length1 flayed with  whips1 red pepper  

rubbed into their bleeding gashes1 and  
hot brine  dashed on to aggravate the   
torture8 ,yet just such forms and       
degrees of  torture are daily           
perpetrated upon the slaves4 ,now no man
 that knows  human nature will marvel at
 this4 ,though great cruelties have     
always  been inflicted by men upon      
brutes1 yet incomparably the most horrid
  ever perpetrated1 have been those of  
men upon their own species4 ,any  leaf  
of history turned over at random has    
proof enough of this4 ,every  reflecting
 mind perceives that when men hold human
 beings as  property1 they must1 from   
the nature of the case1 treat them worse
  than they treat their horses and oxen4
 ,it is impossible for cattle  to excite
 in men such tempests of fury as men    
excite in each other4  ,men are often   
provoked if their horses or hounds      
refuse to do1 or  their pigs refuse to  
go where they wish to drive them1 but   
the feeling  is rarely intense and never
 permanent4 ,it is vexation and         

impatience1  rather than settled rage1  
malignity1 or revenge4 ,if horses and   
dogs  were intelligent beings1 and still
 held as property1 their opposition  to 
the wishes of their owners1 would       
exasperate them immeasurably more  than 
it would be possible for them to do1    
with the minds of brutes4  ,none but    
little children and idiots get angry at 
sticks and stones  that lie in their way
 or hurt them2 but put into sticks and  
stones  intelligence1 and will1 and     
power of feeling and motion1 while they 
remain as now1 articles of property1 and
 what a towering rage would  men be in1 
if bushes whipped them in the face when 
they walked among  them1 or stones      
rolled over their toes when they climbed
 hills6 and  what exemplary vengeance   
would be inflicted upon door-steps and  
hearth-stones1 if they were to move out 
of their places1 instead of  lying still
 where they were put for their owners to
 tread upon4 ,the  greatest provocation 
to human nature is opposition to its    

will4 ,if a  man's will be resisted by  
one far below him1 the provocation is   
vastly greater1 than when it is resisted
 by an acknowledged superior4  ,in the  
former case1 it inflames strong         
passions1 which in the latter  lie      
dormant4 ,the rage of proud ,haman knew 
no bounds against the poor  ,jew who    
would not do as he wished1 and so he    
built a gallows for him4  ,if the person
 opposing the will of another1 be so far
 below him as to  be on a level with    
chattels1 and be actually held and used 
as an  article of property2 pride1      
scorn1 lust of power1 rage and revenge  
explode together upon the hapless       
victim4 ,the idea of property  having a 
will1 and that too in opposition to the 
will of its owner1  and counteracting   
it1 is a stimulant of terrible power to 
the most  relentless human passions and 
from the nature of slavery1 and the     
constitution of the human mind1 this    
fierce stimulant must1 with  various    
degrees of strength1 act upon           

slaveholders almost without  ceasing4   
,the slave1 however abject and crushed1 
is an intelligent  being3 he has a will1
 and that will cannot be annihilated1 it
 will  show itself2 if for a moment it  
is smothered1 like pent up fires when   
vent is found1 it flames the fiercer4   
,make intelligence property1  and its   
manager will have his match2 he is met  
at every turn by an  opposing will1 not 
in the form of down-right rebellion and 
defiance1  but yet1 visibly1 an         
ever-opposing will4 ,he sees it in the  
dissatisfied look1 and reluctant air and
 unwilling movement2 the  constrained   
strokes of labor1 the drawling tones1   
the slow hearing1  the feigned          
stupidity1 the sham pains and sickness1 
the short memory2  and he feels it every
 hour1 in innumerable forms1 frustrating
 his  designs by a ceaseless though     
perhaps invisible countermining4 ,this  
unceasing opposition to the will of its 
'owner1' on the part of his  rational   
'property1' is to the slaveholder as the

 hot iron to the  nerve4 ,he raves under
 it1 and storms1 and gnashes1 and       
smites2 but the  more he smites1 the    
hotter it gets1 and the more it burns   
him4  ,further1 this opposition of the  
slave's will to his owner's1 not only   
excites him to severity1 that he may    
gratify his rage1 but makes it          
necessary for him to use violence in    
breaking down this  resistance--thus    
subjecting the slave to additional      
tortures4 ,there is  another inducement 
to cruel inflictions upon the slave1 and
 a  necessity for it1 which does not    
exist in the case of brutes4  ,offenders
 must be made an example to others1 to  
strike them with  terror4 ,if a slave   
runs away and is caught1 his master     
flogs him with  terrible severity1 not  
merely to gratify his resentment1 and to
 keep  him from running away again1 but 
as a warning to others4 ,so in every    
case of disobedience1 neglect1          
stubbornness1 unfaithfulness1           
indolence1 insolence1 theft1 feigned    

sickness1 when his directions are       
forgotten1 or slighted1 or supposed to  
be1 or his wishes crossed1 or  his      
property injured1 or left exposed1 or   
his work ill-executed1 the  master is   
tempted to inflict cruelties1 not merely
 to wreak his own  vengeance upon him1  
and to make the slave more circumspect  
in future1  but to sustain his authority
 over the other slaves1 to restrain them
  from like practices1 and to preserve  
his own property4    ,a multitude of    
facts1 illustrating the position that   
slaveholders  treat their slaves worse  
than they do their cattle1 will occur to
  all who are familiar with slavery4    
,when cattle break through their        
owners' inclosures and escape1 if found1
 they are driven back and  fastened in  
again2 and even slaveholders would      
execrate as a wretch1  the man who      
should tie them up1 and bruise and      
lacerate them for  straying away2 but   
when slaves that have escaped are       
caught1 they  are flogged with the most 

terrible severity4 ,when herds of cattle
 are  driven to market1 they are        
suffered to go in the easiest way1 each 
by  himself2 but when slaves are driven 
to market1 they are fastened  together  
with handcuffs1 galled by iron collars  
and chains1 and thus  forced to travel  
on foot hundreds of miles1 sleeping at  
night in their  chains4 ,sheep1 and     
sometimes horned cattle are marked with 
their  owners' initials--but this is    
generally done with paint1 and of course
  produces no pain4 ,slaves1 too1 are   
often marked with their owners'         
initials1 but the letters are stamped   
into their flesh with a hot  iron4      
,cattle are suffered to graze their     
pastures without stint2 but  the slaves 
are restrained in their food to a fixed 
allowance4 ,the  slaveholders' horses   
are notoriously far better fed1 more    
moderately  worked1 have fewer hours of 
labor1 and longer intervals of rest than
  their slaves2 and their valuable      
horses are far more comfortably  housed 

and lodged1 and their stables more      
effectually defended from  the weather1 
than the slaves' huts4 ,we have here    
merely begun a  comparison1 which the   
reader can easily carry out at length1  
from the  materials furnished in this   
work4    ,we will1 however1 subjoin a   
few testimonies of slaveholders1 and    
others who have resided in slave states1
 expressly asserting that  slaves are   
treated worse than brutes4      ,the    
late ,dr4 ,,george ,,buchanan1 of       
,baltimore1 ,maryland1 a member of the  
,american ,philosophical ,society1 in an
 oration delivered in ,baltimore1  ,july
 #d1 #agia1 page #aj1 says3    ,the     
,africans whom you despise1 whom you    
more inhumanly treat than  brutes1 are  
equally capable of improvement with     
yourselves4      ,the ,rev4 ,,george    
,,whitefield1 in his celebrated letter  
to the  slaveholders of ,maryland1      
,virginia1 ,north and ,south ,carolina1 
and  ,georgia1 written one hundred years
 ago1 7,see ,benezet's ,caution to      

,great ,britain and her ,colonies1 page 
#ac71 says3    ,sure ,i am1 it is sinful
 to use them as bad1 nay worse than if  
they  were brutes2 and whatever         
particular exceptions there may be1 7as 
,i  would charitably hope there are     
some7 ,i fear the generality of you     
that own negroes1 are liable to such a  
charge4      ,mr4 ,,rice1 of ,kentucky  
in his speech in the ,convention that   
formed the  ,constitution of that state1
 in #agij1 says3    ,he the slave is a  
rational creature1 reduced by the power 
of  legislation to the state of a brute1
 and thereby deprived of every          
privilege of humanity4444 ,the brute may
 steal or rob1 to supply  his hunger2   
but the slave1 though in the most       
starving condition1  dare not do either1
 on penalty of death1 or some severe    
punishment4      ,rev4 ,,horace         
,,moulton1 a minister of the ,methodist 
,episcopal ,church1 in  ,marlborough1   
,mass4 who lived some years in ,georgia1
 says3    ,the southern horses and dogs 

have enough to eat1 and good care is    
taken of them2 but southern negroes--who
 can describe their misery and  their   
wretchedness1 their nakedness and their 
cruel scourgings6  ,none  but ,god4     
,should we whip our horses as they whip 
their slaves1 even  for small offences1 
we should expose ourselves to the       
penalty of the  law4      ,rev4         
,,phineas ,,smith1 ,centerville1        
,allegany county1 ,new ,york1 who has   
resided four years in the midst of      
southern slavery--    ,avarice and      
cruelty are twin sisters2 and ,i do not 
hesitate to  declare before the world1  
as my deliberate opinion1 that there is 
less compassion for working slaves at   
the south1 than for working  oxen at the
 north4      ,,steven ,,sewall1 ,esq4   
,winthrop1 ,maine1 a member of the      
,congregational  ,church1 and late agent
 of the ,winthrop ,manufacturing        
,company1 who  resided five years in    
,alabama1 says--    ,i do not think that
 brutes1 not even horses1 are treated   

with so  much cruelty as ,american      
slaves4    ,if the preceding            
considerations are insufficient to      
remove incredulity  respecting the      
cruelties suffered by slaves1 and if    
northern objectors  still say1 ',we     
might believe such things of savages1   
but that  civilized men1 and            
republicans1 in this ,christian country1
 can openly  and by system perpetrate   
such enormities1 is impossible'2--to    
such we  reply1 that this incredulity of
 the people of the free states1 is not  
only discreditable to their             
intelligence1 but to their consistency4 
,who is so ignorant as not to know1 or  
so incredulous as to disbelieve1  that  
the early ,baptists of ,new ,england    
were fined1 imprisoned1  scourged1 and  
finally banished by our puritan         
forefathers8--and that  the ,quakers    
were confined in dungeons1 publicly     
whipped at the  cart-tail1 had their    
ears cut off1 cleft sticks put upon     
their  tongues1 and that five of them1  

four men and one woman1 were hung on    
,boston ,common1 for propagating the    
sentiments of the ,society of  ,friends8
 ,who discredits the fact1 that the     
civil authorities in  ,massachusetts1   
less than a hundred and fifty years ago1
 confined in  the public jail a little  
girl of four years old1 and publicly    
hung the  ,rev4 ,mr4 ,burroughs1 and    
eighteen other persons1 mostly women1   
and  killed another1 7,giles ,corey17 by
 extending him upon his back1 and       
piling weights upon his breast till he  
was crushed to death #ag--;and  this for
 no other reason than that these men and
 women1 and this  little child1 were    
accused by others of bewitching them4   
,footnote #ag3  ,judge ,sewall1 of      
,mass4 in his diary1 describing this    
horrible scene1 says that when the      
tongue of the poor sufferer had1 in  the
 extremity of his dying agony1 protruded
 from his mouth1 a person  in attendance
 took his cane and thrust it back into  
his mouth4      ,even the children in   

,connecticut1 know that the following   
was once a  law of that state3    ,no   
food or lodging shall be allowed to a   
,quaker4 ,if any person turns  ,quaker1 
he shall be banished1 and not be        
suffered to return on pain of  death4   
,these objectors can readily believe the
 fact1 that in the city of ,new  ,york1 
less than a hundred years since1        
thirteen persons were publicly  burned  
to death1 over a slow fire3 and that the
 legislature of the  same ,state took   
under its paternal care the ,african    
slave-trade1 and  declared that all     
encouragement should be given to the    
direct  importation of slaves2 that all 
smuggling of slaves should be           
condemned1 as an eminent discouragement 
to the fair trader4    ,they do not call
 in question the fact that the ,african 
slave-trade was  carried on from the    
ports of the free states till within    
thirty years2  that even members of the 
,society of ,friends were actively      
engaged in  it1 shortly before the      

revolutionary war2 #ah that as late as  
#ahjg1  no less than fifty-nine of the  
vessels engaged in that trade1 were     
sent out from the little state of ,rhode
 ,island1 which had then only  about    
seventy thousand inhabitants2 that among
 those most largely  engaged in these   
foul crimes1 are the men whom the people
 of ,rhode  ,island delight to honor3   
that the man who dipped most deeply in  
that  trade of blood 7,james ,de ,wolf17
 and amassed a most princely fortune by 
it1 was not long since their senator in 
,congress2 and another1 who was  captain
 of one of his vessels1 was recently    
,lieutenant ,governor of the  state4    
,footnote #ah3 ,see ,life and ,travels  
of ,john ,woolman1 page #ib4      ,they 
can believe1 too1 all the horrors of the
 middle passage1 the  chains1           
suffocation1 maimings1 stranglings1     
starvation1 drownings1 and  cold blooded
 murders1 atrocities perpetrated on     
board these  slave-ships by their own   
citizens1 perhaps by their own townsmen 

and  neighbors--possibly by their own   
fathers3 but oh6 they 'can't  believe   
that the slaveholders can be so         
hard-hearted towards their  slaves as to
 treat them with great cruelty4' ,they  
can believe that his  ,holiness the     
,pope1 with his cardinals1 bishops and  
priests1 have  tortured1 broken on the  
wheel1 and burned to death thousands of 
,protestants--that eighty thousand of   
the ,anabaptists were slaughtered  in   
,germany--that hundreds of thousands of 
the blameless ,waldenses1  ,huguenots   
and ,lollards1 were torn in pieces by   
the most titled  dignitaries of church  
and state1 and that almost every        
professedly  ,christian sect1 has1 at   
some period of its history1 persecuted  
unto  blood those who dissented from    
their creed4 ,they can believe1 also1   
that in ,boston1 ,new ,york1 ,utica1    
,philadelphia1 ,cincinnati1 ,alton1 and 
in scores of other cities and villages  
of the free states1 'gentlemen  of      
property and standing1' led on by civil 

officers1 by members of  state          
legislatures1 and of ,congress1 by      
judges and attorneys-general1  by       
editors of newspapers1 and by professed 
ministers of the gospel1  have organized
 mobs1 broken up lawful meetings of     
peaceable citizens1  committed assault  
and battery upon their persons1 knocked 
them down  with stones1 led them about  
with ropes1 dragged them from their beds
  at midnight1 gagged and forced them   
into vehicles1 and driven them  into    
unfrequented places1 and there tormented
 and disfigured  them--that they have   
rifled their houses1 made bonfires of   
their  furniture in the streets1 burned 
to the ground1 or torn in pieces the    
halls or churches in which they were    
assembled--attacked them with  deadly   
weapons1 stabbed some1 shot others1 and 
killed one4 ,they can  believe all      
this--and further1 that a majority of   
the citizens in the  places where these 
outrages have been committed1 connived  
at them2 and  by refusing to indict the 

perpetrators1 or1 if they were indicted1
 by  combining to secure their          
acquittal1 and rejoicing in it1 have    
publicly adopted these felonies as their
 own4 ,all these things they  can       
believe without hesitation1 and that    
they have even been done by  their own  
acquaintances1 neighbors1 relatives2    
perhaps those with whom  they           
interchange courtesies1 those for whom  
they vote1 or to whose  salaries they   
contribute--but yet1 oh6 they can never 
believe that  slaveholders inflict      
cruelties upon their slaves6    ,they   
can give full credence to the           
kidnapping1 imprisonment1 and           
deliberate murder of ,,william ,,morgan1
 and that by men of high standing  in   
society2 they can believe that this deed
 was aided and abetted1 and  the        
murderers screened from justice1 by a   
large number of influential  persons1   
who were virtually accomplices1 either  
before or after the  fact2 and that this
 combination was so effectual1 as       

successfully to  defy and triumph over  
the combined powers of the              
government2--yet  that those who        
constantly rob men of their time1       
liberty1 and wages1  and all their      
rights1 should rob them of bits of      
flesh1 and  occasionally of a tooth1    
make their backs bleed1 and put fetters 
on  their legs1 is too monstrous to be  
credited6 ,further these same  persons1 
who 'can't believe' that slaveholders   
are so iron-hearted as  to ill-treat    
their slaves1 believe that the very     
elite of these  slaveholders1 those most
 highly esteemed and honored among them1
 are  continually daring each other to  
mortal conflict1 and in the presence  of
 mutual friends1 taking deadly aim at   
each other's hearts1 with  settled      
purpose to kill1 if possible4 ,that     
among the most  distinguished governors 
of slave states1 among their most       
celebrated  judges1 senators1 and       
representatives in ,congress1 there is  
hardly  one1 who has not either killed1 

or tried to kill1 or aided and  abetted 
his friends in trying to kill1 one or   
more individuals4 ,that  pistols1 dirks1
 bowie knives1 or other instruments of  
death are  generally carried throughout 
the slave states--and that deadly       
affrays  with them1 in the streets of   
their cities and villages1 are matters  
of  daily occurrence2 that the sons of  
slaveholders in southern colleges1      
bully1 threaten1 and fire upon their    
teachers1 and their teachers upon  them2
 that during the last summer1 in the    
most celebrated seat of  science and    
literature in the south1 the ,university
 of ,virginia1 the  professors were     
attacked by more than seventy armed     
students1 and1 in  the words of a       
,virginia paper1 were obliged 'to       
conceal themselves  from their fury2'   
also that almost all the riots and      
violence that  occur in northern        
colleges1 are produced by the turbulence
 and lawless  passions of southern      
students4 ,that such are the furious    

passions of  slaveholders1 no           
considerations of personal respect1 none
 for the  proprieties of life1 none for 
the honor of our national legislature1  
none for the character of our country   
abroad1 can restrain the  slaveholding  
members of ,congress from the most      
disgraceful personal  encounters on the 
floor of our nation's                   
legislature--smiting their  fists in    
each other's faces1 throttling and even 
kicking and trying  to gouge each       
other--that during the session of the   
,congress just  closed1 no less than six
 slaveholders1 taking fire at words     
spoken in  debate1 have either rushed at
 each other's throats1 or kicked1 or    
struck1 or attempted to knock each other
 down2 and that in all these  instances1
 they would doubtless have killed each  
other1 if their  friends had not        
separated them4 ,further1 they know full
 well1 these  were not insignificant1   
vulgar blackguards1 elected because they
 were  the head bullies and             

bottle-holders in a boxing ring1 or     
because their  constituents went drunk  
to the ballot box2 but they were some of
 the  most conspicuous members of the   
,house--one of them a former speaker4   
,our newspapers are full of these and   
similar daily occurrences among         
slaveholders1 copied verbatim from their
 own accounts of them in their  own     
papers and all this we fully credit2 no 
man is simpleton enough to  cry out     
',oh1 ,i can't believe that slaveholders
 do such things2'--and  yet when we turn
 to the treatment which these men mete  
out to their  slaves1 and show that they
 are in the habitual practice of        
striking1  kicking1 knocking down and   
shooting them as well as each other--the
  look of blank incredulity that comes  
over northern dough-faces1 is a  study  
for a painter3 and then the sentimental 
outcry1 with eyes and  hands uplifted1  
',oh1 indeed1 ,i can't believe the      
slaveholders are so  cruel to their     
slaves4' ,most amiable and touching     

charity6 ,truly1 of  all ,yankee notions
 and free state products1 there is      
nothing like a  'dough face'--the great 
northern staple for the southern        
market--'made to order1' in any         
quantity1 and always on hand4 ',dough   
faces6' ,thanks to a slaveholder's      
contempt for the name1 with its         
immortality of truth1 infamy and        
scorn4#ai    ,footnote #ai3 ,doe face1  
which owes its paternity to ,john       
,randolph1  age has mellowed into dough 
face--a cognomen quite as expressive    
and appropriate1 if not as classical4   
,though the people of the free states   
affect to disbelieve the  cruelties     
perpetrated upon the slaves1 yet        
slaveholders believe each  other guilty 
of them1 and speak of them with the     
utmost freedom4 ,if  slaveholders       
disbelieve any statement of cruelty     
inflicted upon a  slave1 it is not on   
account of its enormity4 ,the traveler  
at the  south will hear in ,delaware1   
and in all parts of ,maryland and       

,virginia1 from the lips of             
slaveholders1 statements of the most    
horrible cruelties suffered by the      
slaves farther south1 in the  ,carolinas
 and ,georgia2 when he finds himself in 
those states he will  hear similar      
accounts about the treatment of the     
slaves in ,florida  and ,louisiana2 and 
in ,missouri1 ,kentucky1 and ,tennessee 
he will hear  of the tragedies enacted  
on the plantations in ,arkansas1        
,alabama and  ,mississippi4 ,since      
,anti-,slavery ,societies have been in  
operation1 and  slaveholders have found 
themselves on trial before the world1   
and put  upon their good behavior1      
northern slaveholders have grown        
cautious1  and now often substitute     
denials and set defences1 for the       
voluntary  testimony about cruelty in   
the far south1 which1 before that       
period1  was given with entire freedom4 
,still1 however1 occasionally the 'truth
  will out1' as the reader will see by  
the following testimony of an  ,east    

,tennessee newspaper1 in which1 speaking
 of the droves of slaves  taken from the
 upper country to ,alabama1             
,mississippi1 ,louisiana1 etc41  the    
editor says1 they are 'traveling to a   
region where their condition  through   
time ,,will ,,be ,,second ,,only ,,to   
,,that ,,of ,,the ,,wretched ,,creatures
 ,,in  ,,hell4' ,see ,maryville         
,intelligencer1 of ,oct1 #d1 #ahce4     
,distant  cruelties and cruelties long  
past1 have been till recently1 favorite 
topics with slaveholders4 ,they have not
 only been ready to acknowledge  that   
their fathers have exercised great      
cruelty toward their slaves1  but have  
voluntarily1 in their official acts1    
made proclamation of it  and entered it 
on their public records4 ,the           
,legislature of ,north  ,carolina1 in   
#agih1 branded the successive           
legislatures of that state  for more    
than thirty years previous1 with the    
infamy of treatment  towards their      
slaves1 which they pronounce to be      

'disgraceful to  humanity1 and degrading
 in the highest degree to the laws and  
principles of a free1 ,christian1 and   
enlightened country4' ,this  treatment  
was the enactment and perpetuation of a 
most barbarous and  cruel law4    ,but  
enough4 ,as the objector can and does   
believe all the preceeding  facts1 if he
 still 'can't believe' as to the        
cruelties of  slaveholders1 it would be 
barbarous to tantalize his incapacity   
either  with evidence or argument4 ,let 
him have the benefit of the act in such 
case made and provided4    ,having shown
 that the incredulity of the objector   
respecting the  cruelty inflicted upon  
the slaves1 is discreditable to his     
consistency1 we now proceed to show that
 it is equally so to his  intelligence4 
,whoever disbelieves the foregoing      
statements of cruelties1 on the  ground 
of their enormity1 proclaims his own    
ignorance of the nature  and history of 
man4 ,what6 incredulous about the       
atrocities perpetrated  by those who    

hold human beings as property1 to be    
used for their  pleasure1 when history  
herself has done little else in         
recording human  deeds1 than to dip her 
blank chart in the blood shed by        
arbitrary  power1 and unfold to human   
gaze the great red scroll8 ,that cruelty
 is  the natural effect of arbitrary    
power1 has been the result of all       
experience1 and the voice of universal  
testimony since the world  began4 ,shall
 human nature's axioms1 six thousand    
years old1 go for  nothing8 ,are the    
combined product of human experience1   
and the  concurrent records of human    
character1 to be set down as 'old wives'
  fables8' ,to disbelieve that arbitrary
 power naturally and habitually         
perpetrates cruelties1 where it can do  
it with impunity1 is not only  ignorance
 of man1 but of things4 ,it is to be    
blind to innumerable  proofs which are  
before every man's eyes2 proofs that are
 stereotyped  in the very words and     
phrases that are on every one's lips4   

,take for  example the words despot and 
despotic4 ,despot1 signifies            
etymologically1 merely one who possesses
 arbitrary power1 and at  first1 it was 
used to designate those alone who       
possessed unlimited  power over human   
beings1 entirely irrespective of the way
 in which  they exercised it1 whether   
mercifully or cruelly4 ,but the fact1   
that  those who possessed such power1   
made their subjects their victims1  has 
wrought a total change in the popular   
meaning of the word4 ,it now  signifies1
 in common parlance1 not one who        
possesses unlimited power  over others1 
but one who exercises the power that he 
has1 whether  little or much1 cruelly4  
,so despotic1 instead of meaning what it
  once did1 something pertaining to the 
possession of unlimited power1          
signifies something pertaining to the   
capricious1 unmerciful and  relentless  
exercise of such power4    ,the word    
tyrant1 is another example--formerly it 
implied merely a  possession of         

arbitrary power1 but from the invariable
 abuse of such  power by its possessors1
 the proper and entire meaning of the   
word is  lost1 and it now signifies     
merely one who exercises power to the   
injury of others4 ,the words tyrannical 
and tyranny follow the same  analogy4   
,so the word arbitrary2 which formerly  
implied that which  pertains to the will
 of one1 independently of others2 but   
from the  fact that those who had no    
restraint upon their wills1 were        
invariably  capricious1 unreasonable and
 oppressive1 these words convey         
accurately  the present sense of        
arbitrary1 when applied to a person4    
,how can the objector persist in        
disbelieving that cruelty is the        
natural effect of arbitrary power1 when 
the very words of every day1  rise up on
 his lips in testimony against          
him--words which once  signified the    
mere possession of arbitrary power1 but 
have lost  their meaning1 and now       
signify merely its cruel exercise2      

because  such a use of it has been      
proved by the experience of the world1  
to be  inseparable from its             
possession--words now frigid with       
horror1 and  never used even by the     
objector without feeling a cold chill   
run over  him4    ,arbitrary power is to
 the mind what alcohol is to the body2  
it  intoxicates4 ,man loves power4 ,it  
is perhaps the strongest human  passion2
 and the more absolute the power1 the   
stronger the desire for  it2 and the    
more it is desired1 the more its        
exercise is enjoyed3 this  enjoyment is 
to human nature a fearful               
temptation1--generally an  overmatch for
 it4 ,hence it is true1 with hardly an  
exception1 that  arbitrary power is     
abused in proportion as it is desired4  
,the fact  that a person intensely      
desires power over others1 without      
restraint1 shows the absolute necessity 
of restraint4 ,what woman  would marry a
 man who made it a condition that he    
should have the  power to divorce her   

whenever he pleased8 ,oh6 he might never
 wish to  exercise it1 but the power he 
would have6 ,no woman1 not stark mad1   
would trust her happiness in such hands4
    ,would a father apprentice his son  
to a master1 who insisted that his      
power over the lad should be absolute8  
,the master might perhaps1  never wish  
to commit a battery upon the boy1 but if
 he should1 he  insists upon having full
 swing6 ,he who would leave his son in  
the1  clutches of such a wretch1 would  
be bled and blistered for a lunatic  as 
soon as his friends could get their     
hands upon him4    ,the possession of   
power1 even when greatly restrained1 is 
such a fiery  stimulant1 that its       
lodgement in human hands is always      
perilous4 ,give  men the handling of    
immense sums of money1 and all the eyes 
of ,argus  and the hands of ,briarcus   
can hardly prevent embezzlement4    ,the
 mutual and ceaseless accusations of the
 two great political  parties in this   
country1 show the universal belief that 

this tendency  of human nature to abuse 
power1 is so strong1 that even the most 
powerful legal restraints are           
insufficient for its safe custody4 ,from
  congress and state legislatures down  
to grog-shop caucuses and street        
wranglings1 each party keeps up an      
incessant din about abuses of  power4   
,hardly an officer1 either of the       
general or state governments1  from the 
,president down to the ten thousand     
postmasters1 and from  governors to the 
fifty thousand constables1 escapes the  
charge of  'abuse of power4'            
',oppression1' ',extortion1'            
',venality1' ',bribery1'  ',corruption1'
 ',perjury1' ',misrule1' ',spoils1'     
',defalcation1' stand on  every         
newspaper4 ,now without any estimate of 
the lies told in these  mutual charges1 
there is truth enough to make each party
 ready to  believe of the other1 and of 
their best men too1 any abuse of power1 
however monstrous4 ,as is the ,state1 so
 is the ,church4 ,from ,general         

,conferences to circuit preachers2 and  
from ,general ,assemblies to  church    
sessions1 abuses of power spring up as  
weeds from the dunghill4    ,all legal  
restraints are framed upon the          
presumption1 that men will  abuse their 
power if not hemmed in by them4 ,this   
lies at the bottom of  all those checks 
and balances contrived for keeping      
governments upon  their centres4 ,if    
there is among human convictions one    
that is  invariable and universal1 it   
is1 that when men possess unrestrained  
power over others1 over their time1     
choice1 conscience1 persons1  votes1 or 
means of subsistence1 they are under    
great temptations to  abuse it2 and that
 the intensity with which such power is 
desired1  generally measures the        
certainty and the degree of its abuse4  
,that ,american slaveholders possess a  
power over their slaves which is        
virtually absolute1 none will deny4#bj  
,that they desire this  absolute power1 
is shown from the fact of their holding 

and exercising  it1 and making laws to  
confirm and enlarge it4 ,that the desire
 to  possess this power1 every tittle of
 it1 is intense1 is proved by the  fact1
 that slaveholders cling to it with such
 obstinate tenacity1 as  well as by all 
their doings and sayings1 their threats1
 cursings and  gnashings against all who
 denounce the exercise of such power as 
usurpation and outrage1 and counsel its 
immediate abrogation4    ,footnote #bj3 
,the following extracts from the laws of
 slave-states are  proofs sufficient4   
,the slave is ,,entirely subject to the 
,,will of his master4--,louisiana       
,civil ,code1 ,art4 #bgc4    ,slaves    
shall be deemed1 sold1 taken1 reputed   
and adjudged in law to  be chattels     
personal1 in the hands of their owner   
and possessors1  and their executors1   
administrators and assigns1 ,,to ,,all  
,,intents1  ,,constructions1 ,,and      
,,purposes1 ,,whatsoever4--,laws of     
,south ,carolina1 #b  ,brev4 ,dig4 #bbi2
 ,prince's ,digest1 #ddf1 c4      ,from 

the nature of the case--from the laws of
 mind1 such power1 so  intensely        
desired1 griped with such a             
death-clutch1 and with such  fierce     
spurnings of all curtailment or         
restraint1 cannot but be  abused4       
,privations and inflictions must be its 
natural1 habitual  products1 with ever  
and anon1 terror1 torture1 and despair  
let loose  to do their worst upon the   
helpless victims4    ,though power over 
others is in every case liable to be    
used to their  injury1 yet1 in almost   
all cases1 the subject individual is    
shielded  from great outrages by strong 
safeguards4 ,if he have talents1 or     
learning1 or wealth1 or office1 or      
personal respectability1 or  influential
 friends1 these1 with the protection of 
law and the rights  of citizenship1     
stand round him as a body guard3 and    
even if he lacked  all these1 yet1 had  
he the same color1 features1 form1      
dialect1  habits1 and associations with 
the privileged caste of society1 he     

would find in them a shield from many   
injuries1 which would be  invited1 if in
 these respects he differed widely from 
the rest of  the community1 and was on  
that account regarded with disgust and  
aversion4 ,this is the condition of the 
slave2 not only is he deprived  of the  
artificial safeguards of the law1 but   
has none of those  natural safeguards   
enumerated above1 which are a protection
 to  others4 ,but not only is the slave 
destitute of those peculiarities1       
habits1 tastes1 and acquisitions1 which 
by assimilating the possessor  to the   
rest of the community1 excite their     
interest in him1 and thus1  in a        
measure1 secure for him their           
protection2 but he possesses those      
peculiarities of bodily organization    
which are looked upon with deep         
disgust1 contempt1 prejudice1 and       
aversion4 ,besides this1 constant       
contact with the ignorance and stupidity
 of the slaves1 their filth1  rags1 and 
nakedness2 their cowering air1 servile  

employments1  repulsive food1 and       
squalid hovels1 their purchase and sale1
 and use  as brutes--all these          
associations1 constantly mingling and   
circulating  in the minds of            
slaveholders1 and inveterated by the    
hourly  irritations which must assail   
all who use human beings as things1     
produce in them a permanent state of    
feeling toward the slave1 made up  of   
repulsion and settled ill-will4 ,when we
 add to this the corrosions  produced by
 the petty thefts of slaves1 the        
necessity of constant  watching1 their  
reluctant service1 and indifference to  
their master's  interests1 their ill    
concealed aversion to him1 and spurning 
of his  authority2 and finally1 that    
fact1 as old as human nature1 that men  
always hate those whom they oppress1 and
 oppress those whom they hate1  thus    
oppression and hatred mutually begetting
 and perpetuating each  other--and we   
have a raging compound of fiery elements
 and disturbing  forces1 so stimulating 

and inflaming the mind of the           
slaveholder  against the slave1 that it 
cannot but break forth upon him with    
desolating fury4    ,to deny that       
cruelty is the spontaneous and uniform  
product of  arbitrary power1 and that   
the natural and controlling tendency of 
such  power is to make its possessor    
cruel1 oppressive1 and revengeful       
towards those who are subjected to his  
control1 is1 we repeat1 to set  at      
nought the combined experience of the   
human race1 to invalidate its           
testimony1 and to reverse its decisions 
from time immemorial4    ,a volume might
 be filled with the testimony of        
,american slaveholders  alone1 to the   
truth of the preceding position4 ,we    
subjoin a few  illustrations1 and first1
 the memorable declaration of ,president
  ,jefferson1 who lived and died a      
slaveholder4 ,it has been published a   
thousand times1 and will live forever4  
,in his ,notes on ,virginia1  sixth     
,philadelphia edition1 p4 #bea1 he      

says1--    ,the ,,whole ,,commerce      
between master and slave1 is a          
,,perpetual ,,exercise  of the most     
boisterous passions1 the most           
unremitting ,,despotism on  the one     
part1 and degrading submission on the   
other44444 ,the parent  storms1 the     
child looks on1 catches the lineaments  
of wrath1 puts  on the same airs in the 
circle of smaller slaves1 ,,gives       
,,loose ,,to ,,the  ,,worst ,,of        
,,passions2 and thus nursed1 educated1  
and daily exercised in  tyranny1 cannot 
but be stamped by it with odious        
peculiarities4    ,hon4 ,lewis ,summers1
 ,judge of the ,general ,court of       
,virginia1 and a  slaveholder1 said in a
 speech before the ,virginia legislature
 in #ahcb2  7see ,richmond ,whig of     
,jan4 #bf1 #ahcb17    ,a slave          
population exercises the most pernicious
 influence upon the  manners1 habits and
 character1 of those among whom it      
exists4 ,lisping  infancy learns the    
vocabulary of abusive epithets1 and     

struts the  embryo tyrant of its little 
domain4 ,the consciousness of superior  
destiny takes possession of his mind at 
its earliest dawning1 and love  of power
 and rule1 'grows with his growth1 and  
strengthens with his  strength4' ,unless
 enabled to rise above the operation of 
those  powerful causes1 he enters the   
world with miserable notions of         
self-importance1 and under the          
government of an unbridled temper4      
,the late ,,judge ,,tucker of ,virginia1
 a slaveholder1 and ,professor of ,law  
in the ,university of ,william and      
,mary1 in his ,letter to a ,member of   
the ,virginia ,legislature1 #ahja1      
says1--    ,i say nothing of the baneful
 effects of slavery on our moral        
character1 because ,i know you have been
 long sensible of this point4    ,the   
,presbyterian ,synod of ,south ,carolina
 and ,georgia1 consisting of  all the   
clergy of that denomination in those    
states1 with a lay  representation from 
the churches1 most1 if not all of whom  

are  slaveholders1 published a report on
 slavery in #ahcd1 from which the       
following is an extract4    ,those only 
who have the management of servants1    
know what the  hardening effect of it is
 upon their own feelings towards them4  
,there is no necessity to dwell on this 
point1 as all owners and  managers fully
 understand it4 ,he who commences to    
manage them with  tenderness and with a 
willingness to favor them in every way1 
must be  watchful1 otherwise he will    
settle down in indifference1 if not     
severity4    ,,general ,,william ,h4    
,,harrison1 now of ,ohio1 son of the    
late ,governor  ,harrison of ,virginia1 
a slaveholder1 while minister from the  
,united  ,states to the ,republic of    
,colombia1 wrote a letter to ,general   
,simon  ,bolivar1 then ,president of    
that ,republic1 just as he was about    
assuming despotic power4 ,the letter is 
dated ,bogota1 ,sept4 #bb1 #ahbf4  ,the 
following is an extract4    ,from a     
knowledge of your own disposition and   

present feelings1 your  excellency will 
not be willing to believe that you could
 ever be  brought to an act of tyranny1 
or even to execute justice with         
unnecessary rigor4 ,but trust me1 sir1  
there is nothing more  corrupting1      
nothing more destructive of the noblest 
and finest  feelings of our nature than 
the exercise of unlimited power4 ,the   
man1  who in the beginning of such a    
career1 might shudder at the idea of    
taking away the life of a fellow-being1 
might soon have his conscience  so      
seared by the repetition of crime1 that 
the agonies of his murdered  victims    
might become music to his soul1 and the 
drippings of the  scaffold afford blood 
to swim in4 ,history is full of such    
excesses4    ,,william ,h4 ,,fitzhugh1  
,esq4 of ,virginia1 a slaveholder1      
says1--,slavery1  in its mildest form1  
is cruel and unnatural2 its injurious   
effects on  our morals and habits are   
mutually felt4    ,,hon4 ,,samuel ,s4   
,,nicholas1 late ,judge of the ,court of

 ,appeals of  ,kentucky1 and a          
slaveholder1 in a speech before the     
legislature of  that state1 ,jan4 #ahcg1
 says1--    ,the deliberate convictions 
of the most matured consideration ,i can
  give the subject1 are1 that the       
institution of slavery is a most        
serious injury to the habits1 manners   
and morals of our white                 
population--that it leads to sloth1     
indolence1 dissipation1 and vice4       
,dr4 ,,thomas ,,cooper1 late ,president 
of the ,college of ,south ,carolina1 in 
a note to his edition of the ,institutes
 of ,justinian page #dac1  says1--      
,all absolute power has a direct        
tendency1 not only to detract from  the 
happiness of the persons who are subject
 to it1 but to ,,deprave ,,the  ,,good  
,,qualities of those who possess it44444
 the whole history of human  nature1 in 
the present and every former age1 will  
justify me in saying  that such is the  
tendency of power on the one hand and   
slavery on  the other4    ,a ,south     

,carolina slaveholder1 whose name is    
with the executive  committee of the    
,am4 ,a4,s4 ,society1 says1 in a letter1
 dated ,april #d1  #ahch3--    ,i think 
it 7slavery7 ruinous to the temper and  
to our spiritual  life2 it is a thorn in
 the flesh1 for ever and for ever       
goading us on  to say and to do what the
 ,eternal ,god cannot but be displeased 
with4 ,i  speak from experience1 and oh6
 my desire is to be delivered from it4  
,monsieur ,c4,c4 ,,robin1 who was a     
resident of ,louisiana from #ahjb to    
#ahjf1 published a work on that country2
 in which1 speaking of the  effect of   
slaveholding on masters and their       
children1 he says3--    ,the young      
creoles make the negroes who surround   
them the play-things  of their whims3   
they flog1 for pastime1 those of their  
own age1 just  as their fathers flog    
others at their will4 ,these young      
creoles1  arrived at the age in which   
the passions are impetuous1 do not know 
how to bear contradiction2 they will    

have every thing done which they        
command1 possible or not2 and in default
 of this1 they avenge their  offended   
pride by multiplied punishments4        
,dr4 ,,george ,,buchanan1 of ,baltimore1
 ,maryland1 member of the ,american     
,philosophical ,society1 in an oration  
at ,baltimore1 ,july #d1 #agia1  said3--
    ,for such are the effects of        
subjecting man to slavery1 that it      
destroys every humane principle1        
vitiates the mind1 instills ideas  of   
unlawful cruelties1 and eventually      
subverts the springs of                 
government4--,buchanan's ,oration1 p4   
#ab4      ,president ,,edwards the      
younger1 in a sermon before the         
,connecticut  ,abolition ,society1 in   
#agia1 page #h1 says3--    ,slavery has 
a most direct tendency to haughtiness1  
and a domineering  spirit and conduct in
 the proprietors of the slaves1 in their
  children1 and in all who have the     
control of them4 ,a man who has been    
bred up in domineering over negroes1 can

 scarcely avoid contracting  such a     
habit of haughtiness and domination as  
will express itself in  his general     
treatment of mankind1 whether in his    
private capacity1 or  in any office1    
civil or military1 with which he may be 
invested4      ,the celebrated          
,,montesquieu1 in his ,spirit of the    
,laws1 thus  describes the effect of    
slaveholding upon the master3--    ,the 
master contracts all sorts of bad       
habits2 and becomes haughty1            
passionate1 obdurate1 vindictive1       
voluptuous1 and cruel4                  
,,wilberforce1 in his speech at the     
anniversary of the ,london              
,anti-,slavery ,society1 in ,march1     
#ahbh1 said3--    ,it is utterly        
impossible that they who live in the    
administration  of the petty despotism  
of a slave community1 whose minds have  
been  warped and polluted by that       
contamination1 should not lose that     
respect for their fellow creatures over 
whom they tyrannize1 which is  essential

 in the nature and moral being of man1  
to rescue them from  the abuse of power 
over their prostrate fellow creatures4  
,in the great debate1 in the ,british   
,parliament1 on the ,african            
slave-trade1 ,mr4 ,,whitbread said3     
,arbitrary power would spoil the hearts 
of the best4    ,but we need not        
multiply proofs to establish our        
position3 it is  sustained by the       
concurrent testimony of sages1          
philosophers1 poets1  statesmen1 and    
moralists1 in every period of the world2
 and who can  marvel that those in all  
ages who have wisely pondered men and   
things1  should be unanimous in such    
testimony1 when the history of arbitrary
  power has come down to us from the    
beginning of time1 struggling  through  
heaps of slain1 and trailing her        
parchments in blood4    ,time would fail
 to begin with the first despot and     
track down the  carnage step by step4   
,all nations1 all ages1 all climes crowd
 forward  as witnesses1 with their      

scars1 and wounds1 and dying agonies4   
,but to survey a multitude bewilders2   
let us look at a single nation4  ,we    
instance ,rome2 both because its history
 is more generally known1  and because  
it furnishes a larger proportion of     
instances1 in which  arbitrary power was
 exercised with comparative mildness1   
than any  other nation ancient or       
modern4 ,and yet1 her whole existence   
was a  tragedy1 every actor was an      
executioner1 the curtain rose amidst    
shrieks and fell upon corpses1 and the  
only shifting of the scenes was  from   
blood to blood4 ,the whole world stood  
aghast1 as under sentence  of death1    
awaiting execution1 and all nations and 
tongues were driven1  with her own      
citizens1 as sheep to the slaughter4 ,of
 her seven kings1  her hundreds of      
consuls1 tribunes1 decemvirs1 and       
dictators1 and her  fifty emperors1     
there is hardly one whose name has come 
down to us  unstained by horrible abuses
 of power2 and that too1 notwithstanding

  we have mere shreds of the history of 
many of them1 owing to their  antiquity1
 or to the perturbed times in which they
 lived2 and these  shreds gathered from 
the records of their own partial        
countrymen1 who  wrote and sung their   
praises4 ,what does this prove8 ,not    
that the  ,romans were worse than other 
men1 nor that their rulers were worse   
than other ,romans1 for history does not
 furnish nobler models of  natural      
character than many of those same       
rulers1 when first invested  with       
arbitrary power4 ,neither was it mainly 
because the martial  enterprise of the  
earlier ,romans and the gross sensuality
 of the  later1 hardened their hearts to
 human suffering4 ,in both periods of   
,roman history1 and in both these       
classes1 we find men1 the keen          
sympathies1 generosity1 and benevolence 
of whose general character  embalmed    
their names in the grateful memories of 
multitudes4 ,they  were human beings1   
and possessed power without             

restraint--this  unravels the mystery4  
,who has not heard of the ,emperor      
,trajan1 of his moderation1 his         
clemency1 his gashing sympathies1 his   
forgiveness of injuries and             
forgetfulness of self1 his tearing in   
pieces his own robe1 to furnish         
bandages for the wounded--called by the 
whole world in his day1 the  best       
emperor of ,rome2 and so affectionately 
regarded by his subjects1  that1 ever   
afterwards1 in blessing his successors  
upon their accession  to power1 they    
always said1 ,may you have the virtue   
and goodness of  ,trajan6 yet the deadly
 conflicts of gladiators who were       
trained to  kill each other1 to make    
sport for the spectators1 furnished his 
chief  pastime4 ,at one time he kept up 
those spectacles for #abc days in       
succession4 ,in the tortures which he   
inflicted on ,christians1 fire  and     
poison1 daggers and dungeons1 wild      
beasts and serpents1 and the  rack1 did 
their worst4 ,he threw into the sea1    

,clemens1 the venerable  bishop of      
,rome1 with an anchor about his neck2   
and tossed to the  famished lions in the
 amphitheatre the aged ,ignatius4       
,pliny the younger1 who was proconsul   
under ,trajan1 may well be  mentioned in
 connection with the emperor1 as a      
striking illustration  of the truth1    
that goodness and amiableness towards   
one class of men  is often turned into  
cruelty towards another4 ,history can   
hardly show  a more gentle and lovely   
character than ,pliny4 ,while pleading  
at the  bar1 he always sought out the   
grievances of the poorest and most      
despised persons1 entered into their    
wrongs with his whole soul1 and  never  
took a fee4 ,who can read his admirable 
letters without being  touched by their 
tenderness and warmed by their benignity
 and  philanthropy3 and yet1 this       
tender-hearted ,pliny coolly plied with 
excruciating torture two spotless       
females1 who had served as  deaconesses 
in the ,christian church1 hoping to     

extort from them matter  of accusation  
against the ,christians4 ,he commanded  
,christians to  abjure their faith1     
invoke the gods1 pour out libations to  
the statues  of the emperor1 burn       
incense to idols1 and curse ,christ4 ,if
 they  refused1 he ordered them to      
execution4    ,who has not heard of the 
,emperor ,titus--so beloved for his mild
  virtues and compassionate regard for  
the suffering1 that he was named  ,the  
,delight of ,mankind2 so tender of the  
lives of his subjects that  he took the 
office of high priest1 that his hands   
might never be  defiled with blood2 and 
was heard to declare1 with tears1 that  
he had  rather die than put another to  
death4 ,so intent upon making others    
happy1 that when once about to retire to
 sleep1 and not being able to  recall   
any particular act of beneficence       
performed during the day1 he  cried out 
in anguish1 ,alas6 ,i have lost a day6  
,and1 finally1 whom  the learned        
,kennet1 in his ,roman ,antiquities1    

characterizes as the  only prince in the
 world that has the character of never  
doing an ill  action4  ,yet1 witnessing 
the mortal combats of the captives taken
 to  war1 killing each other in the     
amphitheatre1 amidst the acclamations   
of the populace1 was a favorite         
amusement with ,titus4 ,at one time he  
exhibited shows of gladiators1 which    
lasted one hundred days1 during  which  
the amphitheatre was flooded with human 
blood4 ,at another of  his public       
exhibitions he caused five thousand wild
 beasts to be  baited in the            
amphitheatre4 ,during the siege of      
,jerusalem1 he set  ambushes to seize   
the famishing ,jews1 who stole out of   
the city by  night to glean food in the 
valleys3 these he would first dreadfully
  scourge1 then torment them with all   
conceivable tortures1 and1 at  last1    
crucify them before the wall of the     
city4 ,according to  ,josephus1 not less
 than five hundred a day were thus      
tormented4 ,and  when many of the ,jews1

 frantic with famine1 deserted to the   
,romans1  ,titus cut off their hands and
 drove them back4 ,after the destruction
  of ,jerusalem1 he dragged to ,rome one
 hundred thousand captives1 sold  them  
as slaves1 and scattered them through   
every province of the  empire4    ,the  
kindness1 condescension1 and forbearance
 of ,adrian were  proverbial2 he was one
 of the most eloquent orators of his    
age2 and  when pleading the cause of    
injured innocence1 would melt and       
overwhelm  the auditors by the pathos of
 his appeals4 ,it was his constant      
maxim1  that he was an ,emperor1 not for
 his own good1 but for the benefit of   
his fellow creatures4 ,he stooped to    
relieve the wants of the meanest  of his
 subjects1 and would peril his life by  
visiting them when sick  of infectious  
diseases2 he prohibited1 by law1 masters
 from killing  their slaves1 gave to    
slaves legal trial1 and exempted them   
from  torture2 yet towards certain      
individuals and classes1 he showed      

himself a monster of cruelty4 ,he prided
 himself on his knowledge of            
architecture1 and ordered to execution  
the most celebrated architect  of ,rome1
 because he had criticised one of the   
,emperor's designs4 ,he  banished all   
the ,jews from their native land1 and   
drove them to the  ends of the earth2   
and unloosed the bloodhounds of         
persecution to rend  in pieces his      
,christian subjects4    ,the gentleness 
and benignity of the ,emperor ,aurelius1
 have been  celebrated in story and     
song4 ,history says of him1 ',nothing   
could  quench his desire of being a     
blessing to mankind2' and ,pope's eulogy
  of him is in the mouth of every       
schoolboy--',like good ,aurelius1 let   
him reign2' and yet1 'good ,aurelius1'  
lifted the flood gates of the  fourth1  
and one of the most terrible            
persecutions against ,christians  that  
ever raged4 ,he sent orders into        
different parts of his empire1  to have 
the ,christians murdered who would not  

deny ,christ4 ,the  blameless ,polycarp1
 trembling under the weight of a hundred
 years1 was  dragged to the stake and   
burned to ashes4 ,pothinus1 ,bishop of  
,lyons1  at the age of ninety1 was      
dragged through the streets1 beaten1    
stoned1  trampled upon by the soldiers1 
and left to perish4 ,tender virgins     
were put into nets1 and thrown to       
infuriated wild bulls2 others were      
fastened in red hot iron chairs2 and    
venerable matrons were thrown to  be    
devoured by dogs4    ,constantine the   
,great has been the admiration of       
,christendom for his  virtues4 ,the     
early ,christian writers adorn his      
justice1 benevolence  and piety with the
 most exalted eulogy4 ,he was baptized1 
and admitted  to the ,christian church4 
,he abrogated ,paganism1 and made       
,christianity  the religion of his      
empire2 he attended the councils of the 
early  fathers of the church1 consulted 
with the bishops1 and devoted himself   
with the most untiring zeal to the      

propagation of ,christianity1 and to    
the promotion of peace and love among   
its professors2 he convened the         
,council of ,nice1 to settle disputes   
which had long distracted the  church1  
appeared in the assembly with admirable 
modesty and temper1  moderated the heats
 of the contending parties1 implored    
them to  exercise mutual forbearance1   
and exhorted them to love unfeigned1 to 
forgive one another1 as they hoped to be
 forgiven by ,christ4 ,who would  not   
think it uncharitable to accuse such a  
man of barbarity in the  exercise of    
power8--and yet he drove ,arius and his 
associates into  banishment1 for        
opinion's sake1 denounced death against 
all with whom  his books should         
afterwards be found1 and prohibited1 on 
pain of  death1 the exercise1 however   
peaceably1 of the functions of any other
  religion than ,christianity4 ,in a fit
 of jealousy and rage1 he ordered  his  
innocent son1 ,crispus1 to execution1   
without granting him a  hearing2 and    

upon finding him innocent1 killed his   
own wife1 who had  falsely accused him4 
,to the preceding maybe added           
,theodosius the ,great1 the last ,roman 
emperor before the division of the      
empire4 ,he was a member of the         
,christian church1 and in his zeal      
against paganism1 and what he deemed    
heresy1 surpassed all who were before   
him4 ,the ,christian writers of  his    
time speak of him as a most illustrious 
model of justice1  generosity1          
magnanimity1 benevolence1 and every     
virtue4 ,and yet  ,theodosius denounced 
capital punishments against those who   
held  'heretical' opinions1 and         
commanded inter-marriage between cousins
 to  be punished by burning the parties 
alive4 ,on hearing that the people  of  
,antioch had demolished the statues set 
up in that city1 in honor of  himself1  
and had threatened the governor1 he flew
 into a transport of  fury1 ordered the 
city to be laid in ashes1 and all the   
inhabitants to  be slaughtered2 and upon

 hearing of a resistance to his         
authority in  ,thessalonica1 in which   
one of his lieutenants was killed1 he   
instantly  ordered a general massacre of
 the inhabitants2 and in obedience to   
his command1 seven thousand men1 women  
and children were butchered in  the     
space of three hours4    ,the foregoing 
are a few of many instances in the      
history of ,rome1 and  of a countless   
multitude in the history of the world1  
illustrating the  truth1 that the       
lodgement of arbitrary power1 in the    
best human hands1  is always a fearfully
 perilous experiment2 that the mildest  
tempers1  the most humane and benevolent
 dispositions1 the most blameless and   
conscientious previous life1 with the   
most rigorous habits of justice1  are no
 security1 that1 in a moment of         
temptation1 the possessors of  such     
power will not make their subjects their
 victims2 illustrating  also the truth1 
that1 while men may exhibit nothing but 
honor1  honesty1 mildness1 justice1 and 

generosity1 in their intercourse with   
those of their own grade1 or language1  
or nation1 or hue1 they may  practice   
towards others1 for whom they have      
contempt and aversion1 the  most        
revolting meanness1 perpetrate robbery  
unceasingly1 and inflict  the severest  
privations1 and the most barbarous      
cruelties4 ,but this is  not all3       
history is full of examples1 showing not
 only the effects of  arbitrary power on
 its victims1 but its terrible reaction 
on those who  exercise it2 blunting     
their sympathies1 and hardening to      
adamant their  hearts toward them1 at   
least1 if not toward the human race     
generally4 ,this is shown in the fact1  
that almost every tyrant in the  history
 of the world1 has entered upon the     
exercise of absolute power  with        
comparative moderation2 multitudes of   
them with marked  forbearance and       
mildness1 and not a few with the most   
signal  condescension1 magnanimity1     
gentleness and compassion4 ,among these 

last are included those who afterwards  
became the bloodiest monsters  that ever
 cursed the earth4 ,of the ,roman       
,emperors1 almost every one of  whom    
perpetrated the most barbarous          
atrocities1 ,vitellius seems to  have   
been the only one who cruelly exercised 
his power from the  outset4 ,most of the
 other emperors1 sprung up into fiends  
in the  hot-bed of arbitrary power4 ,if 
they had not been plied with its fiery  
stimulants1 but had lived under the     
legal restraints of other men1  instead 
of going to the grave under the curses  
of their generation1  multitudes might  
have called them blessed4    ,the       
moderation which has generally          
distinguished absolute monarchs at  the 
commencement of their reigns1 was       
doubtless in some cases assumed  from   
policy2 in the greater number1 however1 
as is manifest from their  history1 it  
has been the natural workings of minds  
held in check by  previous associations1
 and not yet hardened into habits of    

cruelty1 by  being accustomed to the    
exercise of power without restraint4    
,but as  those associations have        
weakened1 and the wielding of           
uncontrolled  sway has become a habit1  
like other evil doers1 they have1 in the
  expressive language of ,scripture1    
'waxed worse and worse4'    ,for        
eighteen hundred years an involuntary   
shudder has run over the  human race1 at
 the mention of the name of ,nero2 yet1 
at the  commencement of his reign1 he   
burst into tears when called upon to    
sign the death-warrant of a criminal1   
and exclaimed1 ',oh1 that ,i had  never 
learned to write6' ,his mildness and    
magnanimity won the  affections of his  
subjects2 and it was not till the poison
 of absolute  power had worked within   
his nature for years1 that it swelled   
him into  a monster4    ,tiberius1      
,claudius1 and ,caligula1 began the     
exercise of their power  with singular  
forbearance1 and each grew into a       
prodigy of cruelty4 ,so  averse was     

,caligula to bloodshed1 that he refused 
to look at a list of  conspirators      
against his own life1 which was handed  
to him2 yet  afterwards1 a more cruel   
wretch never wielded a sceptre4 ,in his 
thirst  for slaughter1 he wished all the
 necks in ,rome one1 that he might  cut 
them off at a blow4    ,domitian1 at the
 commencement of his reign1 carried his 
abhorrence of  cruelty to such lengths1 
that he forbad the sacrificing of oxen1 
and  would sit whole days on the        
judgment-seat1 reversing the unjust     
decisions of corrupt judges2 yet        
afterwards1 he surpassed even ,nero in  
cruelty4 ,the latter was content to     
torture and kill by proxy1 and  without 
being a spectator2 but ,domitian could  
not be denied the luxury  of seeing his 
victims writhe1 and hearing them shriek2
 and often with  his own hand directed  
the instrument of torture1 especially   
when some  illustrious senator or       
patrician was to be killed by           
piece-meal4  ,commodus began with       

gentleness and condescension1 but soon  
became a  terror and a scourge1         
outstripping in his atrocities most of  
his  predecessors4 ,maximin too1 was    
just and generous when first invested   
with power1 but afterwards rioted in    
slaughter with the relish of a  fiend4  
,history has well said of this monarch1 
'the change in his  disposition may     
readily serve to show how dangerous a   
thing is power1  that could transform a 
person of such rigid virtues into such a
  monster4'    ,instances almost        
innumerable might be furnished in the   
history of  every age1 illustrating the 
blunting of sympathies1 and the total   
transformation of character wrought in  
individuals by the exercise of          
arbitrary power4 ,not to detain the     
reader with long details1 let a  single 
instance suffice4    ,perhaps no man has
 lived in modern times1 whose name      
excites such  horror as that of         
,robespierre4 ,yet it is notorious that 
he was  naturally of a benevolent       

disposition1 and tender sympathies4     
,before the revolution1 when as a judge 
in his native city of ,arras he  had to 
pronounce judgment on an assassin1 he   
took no food for two days  afterwards1  
but was heard frequently exclaiming1 ',i
 am sure he was  guilty2 he is a        
villain2 but yet1 to put a human being  
to death66' ,he  could not support the  
idea2 and that the same necessity might 
not  recur1 he relinquished his judicial
 office4--7,see ,laponneray's ,life of  
,robespierre1 p4 #h47 ,afterwards1 in   
the ,convention of #agia1 he urged      
strongly the abolition of the punishment
 of death2 and yet1 for  sixteen months1
 in #agic and #agid1 till he perished   
himself by the same  guillotine which he
 had so mercilessly used on others1 no  
one at ,paris  consigned and caused so  
many fellow-creatures to be put to death
 by  it1 with more ruthless             
insensibility4--,turner's ,sacred       
history of  the ,world1 vol4 #b p4 #aai4
    ,but it is time we had done with the

 objection1 such cruelties are          
,,incredible4 ,if the objector still    
reiterates it1 he shall have the  last  
word without farther molestation4    ,an
 objection kindred to the preceding now 
claims notice4 ,it is the  profound     
induction that slaves must be well      
treated because  slaveholders say they  
are6        ,,objection4                
,,ii4--',,slaveholders ,,protest ,,that 
,,they ,,treat ,,their ,,slaves         
,,well4'    ,self-justification is human
 nature2 self-condemnation is a sublime 
triumph over it1 and as rare as sublime4
 ,what culprits would be  convicted1 if 
their own testimony were taken by juries
 as good  evidence8 ,slaveholders are on
 trial1 charged with cruel treatment to 
their slaves1 and though in their own   
courts they can clear themselves  by    
their own oaths1#ba they need not think 
to do it at the bar of  the world4 ,the 
denial of crimes1 by men accused of     
them1 goes for  nothing as evidence in  
all civilized courts2 while the         

voluntary  confession of them1 is the   
best evidence possible1 as it is        
testimony  against themselves1 and in   
the face of the strongest motives to    
conceal the truth4 ,on the preceding    
pages1 are hundreds of just such        
testimonies2 the voluntary and explicit 
testimony of slaveholders  against      
themselves1 their families and          
ancestors1 their constituents  and their
 rulers2 against their characters and   
their memories2 against  their justice1 
their honesty1 their honor and their    
benevolence4 ,now  let candor decide    
between those two classes of            
slaveholders1 which is  most entitled to
 credit2 that which testifies in its own
 favor1 just  as self-love would        
dictate1 or that which testifies against
 all  selfish motives and in spite of   
them2 and though it has nothing to      
gain1 but every thing to lose by such   
testimony1 still utters it4    ,but if  
there were no counter testimony1 if all 
slaveholders were  unanimous in the     

declaration that the treatment of the   
slaves is  good1 such a declaration     
would not be entitled to a feather's    
weight  as testimony2 it is not         
testimony but opinion4 ,testimony       
respects  matters of fact1 not matters  
of opinion3 it is the declaration of a  
witness as to facts1 not the giving of  
an opinion as to the nature  or         
qualities of actions1 or the character  
of a course of conduct4  ,slaveholders  
organize themselves into a tribunal to  
adjudicate upon  their own conduct1 and 
give us in their decisions1 their       
estimate of  their own character2       
informing us with characteristic        
modesty1 that  they have a high opinion 
of themselves2 that in their own        
judgment  they are very mild1 kind1 and 
merciful gentlemen6 ,in these           
conceptions  of their own merits1 and of
 the eminent propriety of their bearing 
towards their slaves1 slaveholders      
remind us of the ,spaniard1 who  always 
took off his hat whenever he spoke of   

himself1 and of the  ,governor of       
,schiraz1 who1 from a sense of justice  
to his own character  added to his other
 titles1 those of1 ',flower of          
,courtesy1' ',nutmeg of  ,consolation1' 
and ',rose of ,delight4'    ,footnote   
#ba3 ,the law of which the following is 
an extract1 exists in  ,south ,carolina4
 ,if any slave shall suffer in life1    
limb or member1  when no white person   
shall be present1 or being present1     
shall refuse  to give evidence1 the     
owner or other person1 who shall have   
the care  of such slave1 and in whose   
power such slave shall be1 shall be     
deemed  guilty of such offence1 unless  
such owner or other person shall make   
the contrary appear by good and         
sufficient evidence1 or shall ,,by ,,his
  ,,own ,,oath ,,clear ,,and ,,exculpate
 ,,himself4 ,which oath every court     
where  such offence shall be tried1 is  
hereby compared to administer1 and to   
acquit the offender1 if clear proof of  
the offence be not made by  two         

witnesses at least4--#b ,brevard's      
,digest1 #bdb4 ,the state of  ,louisiana
 has a similar law4      ,the sincerity 
of those worthies1 no one calls in      
question2 their  real notions of their  
own merits doubtless ascended into the  
sublime3  but for aught that appears1   
they had not the arrogance to demand    
that  their own notions of their        
personal excellence1 should be taken as 
the  proof of it4 ,not so with our      
slaveholders4 ,not content with offering
  incense at the shrine of their own    
virtues1 they have the effrontery  to   
demand1 that the rest of the world shall
 offer it1 because they  do2 and shall  
implicitly believe the presiding        
divinity to be a good  ,spirit rather   
than a ,devil1 because they call him so6
 ,in other  words1 since slaveholders   
profoundly appreciate their own gentle  
dispositions toward their slaves1 and   
their kind treatment of them1  and      
everywhere protest that they do truly   
show forth these rare  excellencies1    

they demand that the rest of the world  
shall not only  believe that they think 
so1 but that they think rightly2 that   
these notions of themselves are true1   
that their taking off their  hats to    
themselves proves them worthy of homage1
 and that their  assumption of the      
titles of1 ',flower of ,kindness1' and  
',nutmeg of  ,consolation1' is          
conclusive evidence that they deserve   
such  appellations6    ,was there ever a
 more ridiculous doctrine1 than that a  
man's opinion  of his own actions is the
 true standard for measuring them1 and  
the  certificate of their real          
qualities6--that his own estimate of his
  treatment of others2 is to be taken as
 the true one1 and such  treatment be   
set down as good treatment upon the     
strength of his  judgment4 ,he who      
argues the good treatment of the slave1 
from the  slaveholder's good opinion of 
such treatment1 not only argues  against
 human nature and all history1 his own  
common sense1 and even  the testimony of

 his senses1 but refutes his own        
arguments by his  daily practice4 ,every
 body acts on the presumption that men's
 feelings  will vary with their         
practices2 that the light in which they 
view  individuals and classes1 and their
 feelings towards them1 will modify     
their opinions of the treatment which   
they receive4 ,in any case of  treatment
 that affects himself1 his church1 or   
his political party1 no  man so         
stultifies himself as to argue that such
 treatment must be  good1 because the   
author of it thinks so4    ,who would   
argue that the ,american ,colonies were 
well treated by the  mother country1    
because parliament thought so8 ,or that 
,poland was well  treated by ,russia1   
because ,nicholas thought so8 ,or that  
the treatment  of the ,cherokees by     
,georgia is proved good by ,georgia     
notions of it8  ,or that of the ,greeks 
by the ,turks1 by ,turkish opinions of  
it8 ,or that  of the ,jews by almost all
 nations1 by the judgment of their      

persecutors8 ,or that of the victims of 
the ,inquisition1 by the  opinions of   
the ,inquisitor general1 or of the ,pope
 and his cardinals8  ,or that of the    
,quakers and ,baptists1 at the hands of 
the ,puritans1--to  be judged of by the 
opinions of the legislatures that       
authorized1 and  the courts that carried
 it into effect4 ,all those classes of  
persons  did not1 in their own opinion1 
abuse their victims4 ,if charged with   
perpetrating outrageous cruelty upon    
them1 all those oppressors would  have  
repelled the charge with indignation4   
,our slaveholders chime lustily the same
 song1 and no man with human  nature    
within him1 and human history before    
him1 and with sense enough  to keep him 
out of the fire1 will be gulled by such 
professions1  unless his itch to be     
humbugged has put on the type of a      
downright  chronic incurable4 ,we repeat
 it--when men speak of the treatment of 
others as being either good or bad1     
their declarations are not  generally to

 be taken as testimony to matters of    
fact1 so much as  expressions of their  
own feelings towards those persons or   
classes  who are the subjects of such   
treatment4 ,if those persons are their  
fellow citizens2 if they are in the same
 class of society with  themselves2 of  
the same language1 creed1 and color2    
similar in their  habits1 pursuits1 and 
sympathies2 they will keenly feel any   
wrong done  to them1 and denounce it as 
base1 outrageous treatment2 but let the 
same wrongs be done to persons of a     
condition in all respects the  reverse1 
persons whom they habitually despise1   
and regard only in the  light of mere   
conveniences1 to be used for their      
pleasure1 and the  idea that such       
treatment is barbarous will be laughed  
at as  ridiculous4 ,when we hear        
slaveholders say that their slaves are  
well  treated1 we have only to remember 
that they are not speaking of  persons1 
but of property2 not of men and women1  
but of chattels  and things2 not of     

friends but of vassals and victims2 not 
of  those whom they respect and honor1  
but of those whom they scorn and        
trample on2 not of those with whom they 
sympathize1 and co-operate1  and        
interchange courtesies1 but of those    
whom they regard with  contempt and     
aversion and disdainfully set with the  
dogs of their  flock4 ,reader1 keep this
 fact in your mind1 and you will have a 
clue  to the slaveholder's definition of
 good treatment4 ,remember also1  that a
 part of this good treatment of which   
the slaveholders boast1  is plundering  
the slaves of all their inalienable     
rights1 of the  ownership of their own  
bodies1 of the use of their own limbs   
and  muscles1 of all their time1        
liberty1 and earnings1 of the free      
exercise of choice1 of the rights of    
marriage and parental authority1  of    
legal protection1 of the right to be1 to
 do1 to go1 to stay1 to  think1 to feel1
 to work1 to rest1 to eat1 to sleep1 to 
learn1 to  teach1 to earn money1 and to 

expend it1 to visit1 and to be visited1 
to speak1 to be silent1 to worship      
according to conscience1 in fine1  their
 right to be protected by just and equal
 laws1 and to be  amenable to such only4
 ,of all these rights the slaves are    
plundered2 and this is a part of that   
good treatment of which  their          
plunderers boast6 ,what then is the rest
 of it8 ,the above is  enough for a     
sample1 at least a specimen-brick from  
the kiln4 ,reader1  we ask you no       
questions1 but merely tell you what you 
know1 when we  say that men and women   
who can habitually do such things to    
human  beings1 can do ,,any ,,thing to  
them4    ,the declarations of           
slaveholders1 that they treat their     
slaves well1  will put no man in a      
quandary1 who keeps in mind this simple 
principle1 that the state of mind       
towards others1 which leads one to      
inflict cruelties on them blinds the    
inflicter to the real nature of  his own
 acts4 ,to him1 they do not seem to be  

cruelties2  consequently1 when speaking 
of such treatment toward such persons1  
he  will protest that it is not cruelty2
 though if inflicted upon himself  or   
his friends1 he would indignantly       
stigmatize it as atrocious  barbarity4  
,the objector equally overlooks another 
every-day fact of  human nature1 which  
is this1 that cruelties invariably cease
 to seem  cruelties when the habit is   
formed though previously the mind       
regarded them as such1 and shrunk from  
them with horror4    ,the following     
fact1 related by the late lamented      
,,thomas ,,pringle1 whose  ,life and    
,poems have published in ,england1 is an
 appropriate  illustration4 ,mr4        
,pringle states it on the authority of  
,captain ,w4 ,f4  ,owen1 of the ,royal  
,navy4    ,when his ,majesty's ships1   
the ,leven and the ,barracouta1 employed
 in  surveying the coast of ,africa1    
were at ,mozambique1 in #ahbc1 the      
officers were introduced to the family  
of ,senor ,manuel ,pedro  d',almeydra1 a

 native of ,portugal1 who was a         
considerable merchant  settled on that  
coast2 and it was an opinion agreed in  
by all1 that  ,donna ,sophia d',almeydra
 was the most superior woman they had   
seen  since they left ,england1 ,captain
 ,owen1 the leader of the expedition1   
expressing to ,senor d',almeydra his    
detestation of slavery1 the ,senor      
replied1 ',you will not be long here    
before you change your sentiments4      
,look at my ,sophia there4 ,before she  
would marry me1 she made me  promise    
that ,i should give up the slave trade4 
,when we first settled  at ,mozambique1 
she was continually interceding for the 
slaves1 and she  constantly wept when ,i
 punished them2 and now she is among the
  slaves front morning to night2 she    
regulates the whole of my slave         
establishment2 she inquires into every  
offence committed by them1  pronounces  
sentence upon the offender1 and stands  
by and sees them  punished4'    ,to     
this1 ,mr4 ,pringle1 who was himself for

 six years a resident of the  ,english  
settlement at the ,cape of ,good ,hope1 
adds1 ',the writer of this  article has 
seen1 in the course of five or six      
years1 as great a  change upon ,english 
ladies and gentleman of respectability1 
as that  described to have taken place  
in ,donna ,sophia d',almeydra2 and one  
of  the individuals whom he has in his  
eye1 while he writes this passage1      
lately confessed to him this melancholy 
change1 remarking at the same  time1    
'how altered ,i am in my feelings with  
regard to slavery4 ,i do  not appear to 
myself the same person ,i was on my     
arrival in this  colony1 and if ,i would
 give the world for the feelings ,i then
 had1 ,i  could not recall them4'       
,slaveholders know full well that       
familiarity with slavery produces       
indifference to its cruelties and       
reconciles the mind to them4 ,the  late 
,judge ,tucker1 a ,virginia slaveholder 
and professor of law in the  ,university
 of ,william and ,mary1 in the appendix 

to his edition of  ,blackstone's        
,commentaries1 part #b1 pp4 #ef1 #eg1   
commenting on the law  of ,virginia     
previous to #agib1 which outlawed       
fugitive slaves1 says3    ,such are the 
cruelties to which slavery gives rise1  
such the horrors  to which the mind     
becomes reconciled by its adoption4     
,the following facts from the pen of    
,,charles ,,stuart1 happily illustrate  
the same principle3    ,a young lady1   
the daughter of a ,jamaica planter1 was 
sent at an early  age to school to      
,england1 and after completing her      
education1 returned  to her native      
country4    ,she is now settled with her
 husband and family in ,england4 ,i     
visited  her near ,bath1 early last     
spring1 7#ahcd47 ,conversing on the     
above  subject1 the paralyzing effects  
of slaveholding on the heart1 she  said3
    ',while at school in ,england1 ,i   
often thought with peculiar tenderness  
of the kindness of a slave who had      
nursed and carried me about4 ,upon      

returning to my father's1 one of my     
first inquiries was about him4 ,i  was  
deeply afflicted to find that he was on 
the point of undergoing a  law flogging 
for having run away4 ,i threw myself at 
my father's feet  and implored with     
tears1 his pardon2 but my father        
steadily replied1  that it would ruin   
the discipline of the plantation1 and   
that the  punishment must take place4 ,i
 wept in vain1 and retired so grieved   
and  disgusted1 that for some days      
after1 ,i could scarcely bear with      
patience1 the sight of my own father4   
,but many months had not elapsed  ere ,i
 was as ready as any body to seize the  
domestic whip1 and flog  my slaves      
without hesitation4'    ,this lady is   
one of the most ,christian and noble    
minds of my  acquaintance4 ,she and her 
husband distinguished themselves several
  years ago1 in ,jamaica1 by immediately
 emancipating their slaves4    ,a lady1 
now in the ,west ,indies1 was sent in   
her infancy1 to her  friends1 near      

,belfast1 in ,ireland1 for education4   
,she remained under  their charge from  
five to fifteen years of age1 and grew  
up every  thing which her friends could 
wish4 ,at fifteen1 she returned to the  
,west ,indies--was married--and after   
some years paid her friends near        
,belfast1 a second visit4 ,towards white
 people1 she was the same  elegant1 and 
interesting woman as before2 apparently 
full of every  virtuous and tender      
feeling2 but towards the colored people 
she was  like a tigress4 ,if            
,wilberforce's name was mentioned1 she  
would say1  ',oh1 ,i wish we had the    
wretch in the ,west ,indies1 ,i would be
 one of  the first to help to tear his  
heart out6'--and then she would tell of 
the manner in which the ,west ,indian   
ladies used to treat their slaves4  ',i 
have often1' she said1 'when my women   
have displeased me1 snatched  their baby
 from their bosom1 and running with it  
to a well1 have tied  my shawl round its
 shoulders and pretended to be drowning 

it3 oh1 it  was so funny to hear the    
mother's screams6'--and then she laughed
  almost convulsively at the            
recollection4      ,mr4 ,,john ,m4      
,,nelson1 a native of ,virginia1 whose  
testimony is on a  preceding page1      
furnishes a striking illustration of the
 principle in  his own case4 ,he says3  
,when ,i was quite a child1 ,i recollect
 it grieved me very much to see  one    
tied up to be whipped1 and ,i used to   
intercede with tears in  their behalf1  
and mingle my cries with theirs1 and    
feel almost  willing to take part of the
 punishment4 ,yet such is the hardening 
nature of such scenes1 that from this   
kind of commiseration for the  suffering
 slave1 ,i became so blunted that ,i    
could not only witness  their stripes   
with composure1 but myself inflict them1
 and that  without remorse4 ,when ,i was
 perhaps fourteen or fifteen years of   
age1  ,i undertook to correct a young   
fellow named ,ned1 for some supposed    
offence1 ,i think it was leaving a      

bridle out of its proper place2 he      
being larger and stronger than myself   
took hold of my arms and held  me1 in   
order to prevent my striking him2 this  
,i considered the height  of insolence1 
and cried for help1 when my father and  
mother both came  running to my rescue4 
,my father stripped and tied him1 and   
took him  into the orchard1 where       
switches were plenty1 and directed me to
 whip  him2 when one switch wore out he 
supplied me with others4 ,after ,i had  
whipped him a while1 he fell on his     
knees to implore forgiveness1 and  ,i   
kicked him in the face2 my father said1 
'don't kick him but whip  him1' this ,i 
did until his back was literally covered
 with welts4      ,w4,c4 ,,gildersleeve1
 ,esq41 a native of ,georgia1 now elder 
of the  ,presbyterian church1           
,wilkes-barre1 ,penn4 after describing  
the flogging  of a slave1 in which his  
hands were tied together1 and the slave 
hoisted by a rope1 so that his feet     
could not touch the ground2 in  which   

condition one hundred lashes were       
inflicted1 says3    ,i stood by and     
witnessed the whole without feeling the 
least  compassion2 so hardening is the  
influence of slavery that it very  much 
destroys feeling for the slave4         
,mrs4 ,,child1 in her admirable ,appeal1
 has the following remarks3    ,the     
ladies who remove from the free ,states 
into the slaveholding ones  almost      
invariably write that the sight of      
slavery was at first  exceedingly       
painful2 but that they soon become      
habituated to it2 and  after a while1   
they are very apt to vindicate the      
system1 upon the  ground that it is     
extremely convenient to have such       
submissive  servants4 ,this reason was  
actually given by a lady of my          
acquaintance1  who is considered an     
unusually fervent ,christian4 ,yet      
,christianity  expressly teaches us to  
love our neighbor as ourselves4 ,this   
shows how  dangerous it is1 for even the
 best of us1 to become accustomed to    

what is wrong4    ,a judicious and      
benevolent friend lately told me the    
story of one of  her relatives1 who     
married a slave owner1 and removed to   
his  plantation4 ,the lady in question  
was considered very amiable1 and had  a 
serene1 affectionate expression of      
countenance4 ,after several years       
residence among her slaves1 she visited 
,new ,england4 ',her history was        
written in her face1' said my friend2   
'its expression had changed into  that  
of a fiend4 ,she brought but few slaves 
with her2 and those few  were of course 
compelled to perform additional labor4  
,one faithful  negro woman nursed the   
twins of her mistress1 and did all the  
washing1  ironing1 and scouring4 ,if1   
after a sleepless night with the        
restless  babes1 7driven from the bosom 
of their mother17 she performed her     
toilsome avocations with diminished     
activity1 her mistress1 with her  own   
lady-like hands1 applied the cowskin1   
and the neighborhood  resounded with the

 cries of her victim4 ,the instrument of
 punishment  was actually kept hanging  
in the entry1 to the no small disgust of
 her  ,new ,england visitors4 ',for my  
part1' continued my friend1 ',i did not 
try to be polite to her2 for ,i was not 
hypocrite enough to conceal my          
indignation4'    ,the fact that the     
greatest cruelties may be exercised     
quite  unconsciously when cruelty has   
become a habit1 and that at the same    
time1 the mind may feel great sympathy  
and commiseration towards other  persons
 and even towards irrational animals1 is
 illustrated in the  case of ,tameriane 
the ,great4 ,in his ,life1 written by   
himself1 he  speaks with the greatest   
sincerity and tenderness of his grief at
  having accidentally crushed an ant2   
and yet he ordered melted lead to  be   
poured down the throats of certain      
persons who drank wine contrary  to his 
commands4 ,he was manifestly sincere in 
thinking himself humane1  and when      
speaking of the most atrocious cruelties

 perpetrated by  himself1 it does not   
seem to ruffle in the least the         
self-complacency  with which he regards 
his own humanity and piety4 ,in one     
place he  says1 ,i never undertook      
anything but ,i commenced it placing my 
faith  on ,god--and he adds soon after1 
the people of ,shiraz took part with    
,shah ,mansur1 and put my governor to   
death2 ,i therefore ordered a  general  
massacre of all the inhabitants4    ,it 
is one of the most common caprices of   
human nature1 for the heart  to become  
by habit1 not only totally insensible to
 certain forms of  cruelty1 which at    
first gave it inexpressible pain1 but   
even to find  its chief amusement in    
such cruelties1 till utterly intoxicated
 by  their stimulation2 while at the    
same time the mind seems to be pained   
as keenly as ever1 at forms of cruelty  
to which it has not become  accustomed1 
thus retaining apparently the same      
general  susceptibilities4              
,illustrations of this are to be found  

every where2  one happens to lie before 
us4 ,bourgoing1 in his history of modern
  ,spain1 speaking of the bull fights1  
the barbarous national amusement  of the
 ,spaniards1 says3    ,young ladies1 old
 men1 people of all ages and of all     
characters are  present1 and yet the    
habit of attending these bloody         
festivals does  not correct their       
weakness or their timidity1 nor injure  
the sweetness  of their manners4 ,i have
 moreover known foreigners1             
distinguished by  the gentleness of     
their manners1 who experienced at first 
seeing a  bull-fight such very violent  
emotions as made them turn pale1 and    
they  became ill2 but1 notwithstanding1 
this entertainment became afterwards  an
 irresistible attraction1 without       
operating any revolution in their       
characters4 ,modern ,state of ,spain1 by
 ,j4 ,f4 ,bourgoing1 ,minister          
,plenipotentiary from ,france to the    
,court of ,madrid1 ,vol ii41 page #cdb4 
,it is the novelty of cruelty1 rather   

than the degree1 which repels  most     
minds4 ,cruelty in a new form1 however  
slight1 will often pain a  mind that is 
totally unmoved by the most horrible    
cruelties in a form  to which it is     
accustomed4 ,when ,pompey was at the    
zenith of his  popularity in ,rome1 he  
ordered some elephants to be tortured in
 the  amphitheatre for the amusement of 
the populace2 this was the first  time  
they had witnessed the torture of those 
animals1 and though for  years          
accustomed to witness in the same place1
 the torture of lions1  tigers1         
leopards1 and almost all sorts of wild  
beasts1 as well as that  of men of all  
nations1 and to shout acclamations over 
their agonies1  yet1 this novel form of 
cruelty so shocked the beholders1 that  
the  most popular man in ,rome was      
execrated as a cruel monster1 and came  
near falling a victim to the fury of    
those who just before were ready  to    
adore him4    ,we will now briefly      
notice another objection1 somewhat akin 

to the  preceding1 and based mainly upon
 the same and similar fallacies4        
,,objection ,,iii4--',,slaveholders     
,,are ,,proverbial ,,for ,,their        
,,kindness1  ,,hospitality1             
,,benevolence1 ,,and ,,generosity4'     
,multitudes scout as fictions the       
cruelties inflicted upon slaves1        
because slaveholders are famed for their
 courtesy and hospitality4  ,they tell  
us that their generous and kind         
attentions to their guests1  and their  
well-known sympathy for the suffering1  
sufficiently prove  the charges of      
cruelty brought against them to be      
calumnies1 of which  their uniform      
character is a triumphant refutation4   
,now that slaveholders are proverbially 
hospitable to their guests1 and  spare  
neither pains nor expense in ministering
 to their accommodation  and pleasure1  
is freely admitted and easily accounted 
for4 ,that those  who make their        
inferiors work for them1 without pay1   
should be  courteous and hospitable to  

those of their equals and superiors     
whose  good opinions they desire1 is    
human nature in its every-day dress4    
,the  objection consists of a fact and  
an inference3 the fact1 that            
slaveholders have a special care to the 
accommodation of their  guests2 the     
inference1 that therefore they must seek
 the comfort of  their slaves--that as  
they are bland and obliging to their    
equals1  they must be mild and          
condescending to their inferiors--that  
as the  wrongs of their own grade excite
 their indignation1 and their woes  move
 their sympathies1 they must be touched 
by those of their  chattels--that as    
they are full of pains-taking toward    
those whose  good opinions and good     
offices they seek1 they will1 of course1
 show  special attention to those to    
whose good opinions they are            
indifferent1 and whose good offices they
 can compel--that as they  honor the    
literary and scientific1 they must treat
 with high  consideration those to whom 

they deny the alphabet--that as they are
  courteous to certain persons1 they    
must be so to property--eager  to       
anticipate the wishes of visitors1 they 
cannot but gratify those of  their      
vassals--jealous for the rights of the  
,texans1 quick to feel at  the          
disfranchisement of ,canadians and of   
,irishmen1 alive to the  oppressions of 
the ,greeks and the ,poles1 they must   
feel keenly for  their negroes6 ,such   
conclusions from such premises do not   
call for  serious refutation4 ,even a   
half-grown boy1 who should argue1 that  
because men have certain feelings toward
 certain persons in certain             
circumstances1 they must have the same  
feelings toward all persons in  all     
circumstances1 or toward persons in     
opposite circumstances1 of  totally     
different grades1 habits1 and personal  
peculiarities1 might  fairly be set down
 as a hopeless simpleton3 and yet1 men  
of sense and  reflection on other       
subjects1 seem bent upon stultifying    

themselves by  just such shallow        
inferences from the fact1 that          
slaveholders are  hospitable and        
generous to certain persons in certain  
grades of  society belonging to their   
own caste4 ,on the ground of this       
reasoning1  all the crimes ever         
committed may be disproved1 by showing1 
that their  perpetrators were hospitable
 and generous to those who sympathized  
and  co-operated with them4 ,to prove   
that a man does not hate one of his     
neighbors1 it is only necessary to show 
that he loves another2 to make  it      
appear that he does not treat           
contemptuously the ignorant1 he has     
only to show that he bows respectfully  
to the learned2 to demonstrate  that he 
does not disdain his inferiors1 lord it 
over his dependents1  and grind the     
faces of the poor1 he need only show    
that he is polite  to the rich1 pays    
deference to titles and office1 and     
fawns for favor  upon those above him6  
,the fact that a man always smiles on   

his  customers1 proves that he never    
scowls at those who dun him6 and since  
he has always a melodious good morning6 
for gentlemen of property  and standing1
 it is certain that he never snarls at  
beggars4 ,he who  is quick to make room 
for a doctor of divinity1 will1 of      
course1 see  to it that he never runs   
against a porter2 and he who clears the 
way  for a lady1 will be sure never to  
rub against a market woman1 or  jostle  
an apple-seller's board4 ,if accused of 
beating down his  laundress to the      
lowest fraction1 of making his          
boot-black call a  dozen times for his  
pay1 of higgling and screwing a fish boy
 till he  takes off two cents1 or of    
threatening to discharge his seamstress 
unless she will work for a shilling a   
day1 how easy to brand it all as        
slander1 by showing that he pays his    
minister in advance1 is generous  in    
,christmas presents1 gives a splendid   
new-year's party1 expends  hundreds on  
elections1 and puts his name with a     

round sum on the  subscription paper of 
the missionary society4    ,who can     
forget the hospitality of ,king ,herod1 
that model of generosity  beyond all    
ancient fame1 who offered half his      
kingdom to a guest1 as  a compensation  
for an hour's amusement4--,could such a 
noble spirit  have murdered ,john the   
,baptist8 ,incredible6 ,joab too6 how   
his soft  heart was pierced at the exile
 of ,absalom6 and how his bowels yearned
  to restore him to his home6 ,of       
course1 it is all fiction about his     
assassinating his nephew1 ,amasa1 and   
,abner the captain of the host6  ,since 
,david twice spared the life of ,saul   
when he came to murder him1  wept on the
 neck of ,jonathan1 threw himself upon  
the ground in anguish  when his child   
sickened1 and bewailed1 with a broken   
heart1 the loss  of ,absalom--it proves 
that he did not coolly plot and         
deliberately  consummate the murder of  
,uriah6 ,as the ,government of the      
,united ,states  generously gave a      

township of land to ,general ,la        
,fayette1 it proves  that they have     
never defrauded the ,indians of theirs6 
,so the fact1  that the slaveholders of 
the present ,congress are1 to a man1    
favorable  to recognizing the           
independence of ,texas1 with her fifty  
or sixty  thousand inhabitants1 before  
she has achieved it1 and before it is   
recognized by any other government1     
proves that these same  slaveholders do 
not oppose the recognition of ,hayti1   
with her  million of inhabitants1 whose 
independence was achieved nearly half a 
century ago1 and which is recognized by 
the most powerful governments  on earth6
    ,but1 seriously1 no man is so       
slightly versed in human nature as not  
to  know that men habitually exercise   
the most opposite feelings1 and  indulge
 in the most opposite practices toward  
different persons or  different classes 
of persons around them4 ,no man has ever
 lived who  was more celebrated for his 
scrupulous observance of the most exact 

justice1 and for the illustration       
furnished in his life of the noblest    
natural virtues1 than the ,roman ,cato4 
,his strict adherence to the  nicest    
rules of equity--his integrity1 honor1  
and incorruptible  faith--his jealous   
watchfulness over the rights of his     
fellow  citizens1 and his generous      
devotion to their interest1 procured for
  him the sublime appellation of ,the   
,just4 ,towards freemen his life  was a 
model of every thing just and noble3 but
 to his slaves he was a  monster4 ,at   
his meals1 when the dishes were not done
 to his liking1 or  when his slaves were
 careless or inattentive in serving1 he 
would  seize a thong and violently beat 
them1 in presence of his  guests4--,when
 they grew old or diseased1 and were no 
longer  serviceable1 however long and   
faithfully they might have served him1  
he either turned them adrift and left   
them to perish1 or starved them  to     
death in his own family4 ,no facts in   
his history are better  authenticated   

than these4    ,no people were ever more
 hospitable and munificent than the     
,romans1  and none more touched with the
 sufferings of others4 ,their public    
theatres often rung with loud weeping1  
thousands sobbing convulsively  at once 
over fictitious woes and imaginary      
sufferers3 and yet these  same          
multitudes would shout amidst the groans
 of a thousand dying  gladiators1 forced
 by their conquerors to kill each other 
in the  amphitheatre for the amusement  
of the public4#bb    ,footnote #bb3 ,dr4
 ,leland1 in his ,necessity of a ,divine
 ,revelation1  thus describes the       
prevalence of these shows among the     
,romans3--,they  were exhibited at the  
funerals of great and rich men1 and on  
many  other occasions1 by the ,roman    
consuls1 praetors1 aediles1 senators1   
knights1 priests1 and almost all that   
bore great offices in the state1  as    
well as by the emperors2 and in general1
 by all that had a mind to  make an     
interest with the people1 who were      

extravagantly fond of those  kinds of   
shows4 ,not only the men1 but the women1
 ran eagerly after  them2 who were1 by  
the prevalence of custom1 so far        
divested of that  compassion and        
softness which is natural to the sex1   
that they took a  pleasure in seeing    
them kill one another1 and only desired 
that they  should fall genteelly1 and in
 an agreeable attitude4 ,such was the   
frequency of those shows1 and so great  
the number of men that were  killed on  
those occasions1 that ,lipsius says1 no 
war caused such  slaughter of mankind1  
as did these sports of pleasure1        
throughout the  several provinces of the
 vast ,roman empire4--,leland's ,neces4 
of ,div4  ,rev4 vol4 ii4 p4 #ea4        
,alexander1 the tyrant of ,phaeres1     
sobbed like a child over the            
misfortunes of the ,trojan queens1 when 
the tragedy of ,andromache and  ,hecuba 
was played before him2 yet he used to   
murder his subjects every  day for no   
crime1 and without even setting up the  

pretence of any1 but  merely to make    
himself sport4      ,the fact that      
slaveholders may be full of benevolence 
and kindness  toward their equals and   
toward whites generally1 even so much so
 as to  attract the esteem and          
admiration of all1 while they treat with
 the  most inhuman neglect their own    
slaves1 is well illustrated by a        
circumstance mentioned by the ,rev4 ,dr4
 ,,channing1 of ,boston1 7who once      
lived in ,virginia17 is his work on     
slavery1 p4 #afb1 #ast edition3--    ,i 
cannot1 says the doctor1 forget my      
feelings on visiting a  hospital        
belonging to the plantation of a        
gentleman highly esteemed  for his      
virtues1 and whose manners and          
conversation expressed much  benevolence
 and conscientiousness4 ,when ,i entered
 with him the  hospital1 the first      
object on which my eye fell was a young 
woman very  ill1 probably approaching   
death4 ,she was stretched on the floor4 
,her  head rested on something like a   

pillow1 but her body and limbs were     
extended on the hard boards4 ,the owner1
 ,i doubt not1 had1 at least1 as  much  
kindness as myself2 but he was so used  
to see the slaves living  without common
 comforts1 that the idea of unkindness  
in the present  instance did not enter  
his mind4      ,mr4 ,,george ,a4        
,,avery1 an elder of a ,presbyterian    
church in ,rochester1  ,n4,y4 who       
resided some years in ,virginia1 says3--
    ,on one occasion ,i was crossing the
 plantation and approaching the  house  
of a friend1 when ,i met him1 rifle in  
hand1 in pursuit of one  of his negroes1
 declaring he would shoot him in a      
moment if he got his  eye upon him4 ,it 
appeared that the slave had refused to  
be flogged1  and ran off to avoid the   
consequences2 and yet the generous      
hospitality of this man to myself1 and  
white friends generally1  scarcely knew 
any bounds4    ,there were amongst my   
slaveholding friends and acquaintances1 
persons  who were as humane and         

conscientious as men can be1 and persist
 in  the impious claim of property in a 
fellow being4 ,still ,i can  recollect  
but one instance of corporal punishment1
 whether the  subject were male or      
female1 in which the infliction was not 
on the  bare back with the raw hide1 or 
a similar instrument1 the subject  being
 tied during the operation to a post or 
tree4 ,the exception  was under the     
following circumstances4 ,i had taken a 
walk with a  friend on his plantation1  
and approaching his gang of slaves1 ,i  
sat  down whilst he proceeded to the    
spot where they were at work2 and       
addressing himself somewhat earnestly to
 a female who was wielding the  hoe1 in 
a moment caught up what ,i supposed a   
tobacco stick1 7a stick  some three feet
 in length on which the tobacco1 when   
out1 is suspended  to dry47 about the   
size of a man's wrist1 and laid on a    
number of  blows furiously over her     
head4 ,the woman crouched1 and seemed   
stunned  with the blows1 but presently  

recommenced the motion of her hoe4      
,dr4 ,,david ,,nelson1 a native of      
,tennessee1 and late president of       
,marion  ,college1 ,missouri1 in a      
lecture at ,northampton1 ,mass4 in      
,january1  #ahci1 made the following    
statement3--    ,i remember a young lady
 who played well on the piano1 and was  
very  ready to weep over any fictitious 
tale of suffering4 ,i was present  when 
one of her slaves lay on the floor in a 
high fever1 and we feared  she might not
 recover4 ,i saw that young lady stamp  
upon her with her  feet2 and the only   
remark her mother made was1 ',i am      
afraid ,evelina  is too much prejudiced 
against poor ,mary4'      ,general      
,,william ,,eaton1 for some years ,u4,s4
 ,consul at ,tunis1 and  commander of   
the expedition against ,tripoli1 in     
#ahie1 thus gives vent  to his feelings 
at the sight of many hundreds of        
,sardinians who had  been enslaved by   
the ,tunisians3    ,many have died of   
grief1 and the others linger out a life 

less  tolerable than death4 ,alas6      
remorse seizes my whole soul when ,i    
reflect1 that this is indeed but a copy 
of the very barbarity which  my eyes    
have seen in my own native country4 ,how
 frequently1 in the  southern states of 
my own country1 have ,i seen weeping    
mothers  leading the guiltless infant to
 the sales with as deep anguish as if   
they led them to the slaughter2 and yet 
felt my bosom tranquil in  the view of  
these aggressions on defenceless        
humanity4 ,but when ,i see  the same    
enormities practised upon beings whose  
complexions and blood  claim kindred    
with my own1 ,i curse the perpetrators1 
and weep over  the wretched victims of  
their rapacity4 ,indeed1 truth and      
justice  demand from me the confession1 
that the ,christian slaves among the    
barbarians of ,africa are treated with  
more humanity than the ,african  slaves 
among professing ,christians of         
civilized ,america2 and yet  here in    
,tunis sensibility bleeds at every pore 

for the wretches  whom fate has doomed  
to slavery4      ,rev4 ,h4 ,,lyman1 late
 pastor of the free ,presbyterian       
,church1 ,buffalo1  ,n4,y4 who spent the
 winter of #ahcb-c at the south1 says3--
    ,in the interior of ,mississippi ,i 
was invited to the house of a  planter1 
where ,i was received with great        
cordiality1 and entertained  with marked
 hospitality4    ,there ,i saw a master 
in the midst of his household slaves4   
,the  evening passed most pleasantly1 as
 indeed it must1 where assiduous        
hospitalities are exercised towards the 
guest4    ,late in the morning1 when ,i 
had gained the tardy consent of my host 
to go on my way1 as a final act of      
kindness1 he called a slave to show  me 
across the fields by a nearer route to  
the main road4 ',david1' said  he1 'go  
and show this gentleman as far as the   
post-office4 ,do you know  the big bay  
tree8' ',yes1 sir4' ',do you know where 
the cotton mill is8'  ',yes1 sir4'      
',where ,squire ,malcolm's old field    

is8' ',y--e--s1 sir1'  said ,david1     
7beginning to be bewildered74 ',do you  
know where ,squire  ,malcolm's cotton   
field is8' ',no1 sir4' ',no1 sir1' said 
the enraged  master1 levelling his gun  
at him4 ',what do you stand here1       
saying1  ,yes1 yes1 yes1 for1 when you  
don't know8' ,all this was accompanied  
with threats and imprecations1 and a    
manner that contrasted  strangely with  
the religious conversation and gentle   
manners of the  previous evening4       
,the ,rev4 ,,james ,h4 ,,dickey1        
formerly a slaveholder in ,south        
,carolina1  now pastor of the           
,presbyterian ,church in ,hennepin1     
,ill4 in his ,review  of ,nevins'       
,biblical ,antiquities1 after asserting 
that slaveholding  tends to beget a     
spirit of cruelty and tyranny1 and to   
destroy every  generous and noble       
feeling1 7page #cc17 he adds the        
following as a  note3--    ,it may be   
that this will be considered censorious1
 and the proverbial  generosity and     

hospitality of the south will be        
appealed to as a full  confutation of   
it4 ,the writer thinks he can appreciate
 southern  kindness and hospitality4    
,having been born in ,virginia1 raised  
and  educated in ,south ,carolina and   
,kentucky1 he is altogether southern in 
his feelings1 and habits1 and modes of  
familiar conversation4 ,he can  say of  
the south as ,cowper said of ,england1  
',with all thy faults ,i  love thee     
still1 my country4' ,and nothing but the
 abominations of  slavery could have    
induced him willingly to forsake a land 
endeared to  him by all the associations
 of childhood and youth4    ,yet it is  
candid to admit that it is not all gold 
that glitters4  ,there is a fictitious  
kindness and hospitality4 ,the famous   
,robin ,hood  was kind and generous--no 
man more hospitable--he robbed the rich 
to  supply the necessities of the poor4 
,others rob the poor to bestow  gifts   
and lavish kindness and hospitality on  
their rich friends and  neighbors4 ,it  

is an easy matter for a man to appear   
kind and generous1  when he bestows that
 which others have earned4    ,i said1  
there is a fictitious kindness and      
hospitality4 ,i once knew a  man who    
left his wife and children three days1  
without fire-wood1  without bread-stuff 
and without shoes1 while the ground was 
covered  with snow--that he might       
indulge in his cups4 ,and when ,i       
attempted to  expostulate with him1 he  
took the subject out of my hands1 and   
expatiating on the evils of intemperance
 more eloquently than ,i could1         
concluded by warning me1 with tears1 to 
avoid the snares of the  latter4 ,he had
 tender feelings1 yet a hard heart4 ,i  
once knew a young  lady of polished     
manners and accomplished education1 who 
would weep  with sympathy over the      
fictitious woes exhibited in a novel4   
,and  waking from her reverie of grief1 
while her eye was yet wet with  tears1  
would call her little waiter1 and if she
 did not appear at the  first call1     

would rap her head with her thimble till
 my head ached4    ,i knew a man who was
 famed for kindly sympathies4 ,he once  
took off  his shirt and gave it to a    
poor white man4 ,the same man hired a   
black  man1 and gave him for his daily  
task1 through the winter1 to feed  the  
beasts1 keep fires1 and make one hundred
 rails3 and in case of  failure the lash
 was applied so freely1 that1 in the    
spring1 his back  was one continued     
sore1 from his shoulders to his waist4  
,yet this  man was a professor of       
religion1 and famous for his tender     
sympathies  to white men6               
,,objection ,,iv4--',,northern          
,,visitors ,,at ,,the ,,south ,,testify 
,,that ,,the ,,slaves  ,,are ,,not      
,,cruelly ,,treated4'                   
,,answer3--,their knowledge on this     
point must have been derived1 either    
from the slaveholders and overseers     
themselves1 or from the slaves1 or  from
 their own observation4 ,if from the    
slaveholders1 their  testimony has      

already been weighed and found wanting2 
if they derived  it from the slaves1    
they can hardly be so simple as to      
suppose that  the guest1 associate and  
friend of the master1 would be likely to
  draw from his slaves any other        
testimony respecting his treatment of   
them1 than such as would please him4    
,the great shrewdness and tact          
exhibited by slaves in keeping          
themselves out of difficulty1 when      
close questioned by strangers as to     
their treatment1 cannot fail to  strike 
every accurate observer4 ,the following 
remarks of ,,chief ,,justice            
,,henderson1 a ,north ,carolina         
slaveholder1 in his decision 7in #ahcj17
 in  the case of the ,state versus      
,charity1 #b ,devereaux's ,north        
,carolina  ,reports1 #eac1 illustrate   
the folly of arguing the good treatment 
of  slaves from their own declarations1 
while in the power of their  masters4   
,in the case above cited1 the ,chief    
,justice1 in refusing to  permit a      

master to give in evidence1 declarations
 made to him by his  slave1 says of     
masters and slaves generally--    ,the  
master has an almost absolute control   
over the body and mind  of his slave4   
,the master's will is the slave's will4 
,all his acts1  all his sayings1 are    
made with a view to propitiate his      
master4 ,his  confessions are made1 not 
from a love of truth1 not from a sense  
of  duty1 not to speak a falsehood1 but 
to please his master--and it is  in vain
 that his master tells him to speak the 
truth and conceals from  him how he     
wishes the question answered4 ,the slave
 will ascertain1  or1 which is the same 
thing1 think that he has ascertained the
 wishes  of his master1 and ,,mould     
,,his ,,answer ,,accordingly4 ,we       
therefore more  often get the wishes of 
the master1 or the slave's belief of his
  wishes1 than the truth4      ,the     
following extract of a letter from the  
,hon4 ,,seth ,m4 ,,gates1 member  elect 
of the next ,congress1 furnishes a clue 

by which to interpret the  looks1       
actions1 and protestations of slaves1   
when in the presence of  their masters' 
guests1 and the pains sometimes taken by
 slaveholders1  in teaching their slaves
 the art of pretending that they are    
treated  well1 love their masters1 are  
happy1 c4 ,the letter is dated ,leroy1  
,jan4 #d1 #ahci4    ,i have sent your   
letter to ,rev4 ,joseph ,m4 ,sadd1      
,castile1 ,genesee  county1 who resided 
five years in a slave state1 and left1  
disgusted  with slavery4 ,i trust he    
will give you some facts4 ,i remember   
one  fact1 which his wife witnessed4 ,a 
relative1 where she boarded1  returning 
to his plantation after a temporary     
absence1 was not met by  his servants   
with such demonstrations of joy as was  
their wont4 ,he  ordered his horse put  
out1 took down his whip1 ordered his    
servants to  the barn1 and gave them a  
most cruel beating1 because they did not
 run  out to meet him1 and pretend great
 attachment to him4 ,mrs4 ,sadd had     

overheard the servants agreeing not to  
go out1 before his return1 as  they said
 they did not love him--and this led her
 to watch his  conduct to them4 ,this   
man was a professor of religion6    ,if 
these northern visitors derived their   
information that the slaves  are not    
cruelly treated from their own          
observation1 it amounts to  this1 they  
did not see cruelties inflicted on the  
slaves4 ,to which  we reply1 that the   
preceding pages contain testimony from  
hundreds of  witnesses1 who testify that
 they did see the cruelties whereof they
  affirm4 ,besides this1 they contain   
the solemn declarations of scores  of   
slaveholders themselves1 in all parts of
 the slave states1 that the  slaves are 
cruelly treated4 ,these declarations are
 moreover fully  corroborated1 by the   
laws of slave states1 by a multitude of 
advertisements in their newspapers1     
describing runaway slaves1 by  their    
scars1 brands1 gashes1 maimings1 cropped
 ears1 iron collars1  chains1 c4 c4     

,truly1 after the foregoing array of    
facts and testimony1 and after the      
objectors' forces have one after another
 filed off before them1 now to  march up
 a phalanx of northern visitors1 is to  
beat a retreat4  ',visitors6' ,what     
insight do casual visitors get into the 
tempers and  daily practices of those   
whom they visit1 or of the treatment    
that  their slaves receive at their     
hands1 especially if these visitors are 
strangers1 and from a region where there
 are no slaves1 and which  claims to be 
opposed to slavery8 ,what opportunity   
has a stranger1 and  a temporary guest1 
to learn the every-day habits and       
caprices of his  host8 ,oh1 these       
northern visitors tell us they have     
visited scores of  families at the south
 and never saw a master or mistress whip
 their  slaves4 ,indeed6 ,they have1    
doubtless1 visited hundreds of families 
at  the north--did they ever see1 on    
such occasions1 the father or mother    
whip their children8 ,if so1 they must  

associate with very ill-bred  persons4  
,because well-bred parents do not whip  
their children in the  presence1 or     
within the hearing of their guests are  
we to infer that  they never do it out  
of their sight and hearing8 ,but perhaps
 the  fact that these visitors do not   
remember seeing slaveholders strike     
their slaves1 merely proves1 that they  
had so little feeling for them1  that   
though they might be struck every day in
 their presence1 yet as  they were only 
slaves and 'niggers1' it produced no    
effect upon them2  consequently they    
have no impressions to recall4 ,these   
visitors have  also doubtless rode with 
scores of slaveholders4 ,are they quite 
certain they ever saw them whip their   
horses8 and can they recall  the        
persons1 times1 places1 and             
circumstances8 ,but even if these       
visitors regarded the slaves with some  
kind feelings1 when they first  went to 
the south1 yet being constantly with    
their oppressors1 seeing  them used as  

articles of property1 accustomed to hear
 them charged  with all kinds of        
misdemeanors1 their ears filled with    
complaints of  their laziness1          
carelessness1 insolence1 obstinacy1     
stupidity1 thefts1  elopements1 c4 and  
at the same time1 receiving themselves  
the most  gratifying attentions and     
caresses from the same persons1 who1    
while  they make to them these          
representations of their slaves1 are    
giving  them airings in their coaches1  
making parties for them1 taking them on 
excursions of pleasure1 lavishing upon  
them their choicest  hospitalities1 and 
urging them to protract indefinitely    
their  stay--what more natural than for 
the flattered guest to admire such      
hospitable people1 catch their spirit1  
and fully sympathize with their         
feelings toward their slaves1 regarding 
with increased disgust and  aversion    
those who can habitually tease and worry
 such loveliness and  generosity#bc4    
,after the visitor had been in contact  

with the  slave-holding spirit long     
enough to have imbibed it1 7no very     
tedious  process17 a cuff1 or even a    
kick administered to a slave1 would not 
be  likely to give him such a shock that
 his memory would long retain the       
traces of it4 ,but lest we do these     
visitors injustice1 we will suppose     
that they carried with them to the south
 humane feelings for the  slave1 and    
that those feelings remained unblunted2 
still1 what  opportunity could they have
 to witness the actual condition of the 
slaves8 ,they come in contact with the  
house-servants only1 and as a  general  
thing1 with none but the select ones of 
these1 the  parlor-servants2 who        
generally differ as widely in their     
appearance  and treatment from the cooks
 and scullions in the kitchen1 as parlor
  furniture does from the kitchen       
utensils4 ,certain servants are         
assigned to the parlor1 just as certain 
articles of furniture are  selected for 
it1 to be seen--and it is no less       

ridiculous to infer  that the kitchen   
scullions are clothed and treated like  
those servants  who wait at the table1  
and are in the presence of guests1 than 
to  infer that the kitchen is set out   
with sofas1 ottomans1 piano-fortes1  and
 full-length mirrors1 because the parlor
 is4 ,but the house-slaves  are only a  
fraction of the whole number4 ,the      
field-hands constitute  the great mass  
of the slaves1 and these the visitors   
rarely get a  glimpse at4 ,they are away
 at their work by day-break1 and do not 
return to their huts till dark4 ,their  
huts are commonly at some  distance from
 the master's mansion1 and the fields in
 which they  labor1 generally much      
farther1 and out of sight4 ,if the      
visitor  traverses the plantation1 care 
is taken that he does not go alone2 if  
he expresses a wish to see it1 the      
horses are saddled1 and the master  or  
his son gallops the rounds with him2 if 
he expresses a desire to  see the slaves
 at work1 his conductor will know where 

to take him1  and when1 and which of    
them to show2 the overseer1 too1 knows  
quite too well the part he has to act on
 such occasions1 to shock the           
uninitiated ears of the visitors with   
the shrieks of his victims4 ,it  is     
manifest that visitors can see only the 
least repulsive parts of  slavery1      
inasmuch as it is wholly at the option  
of the master1 what  parts to show them2
 as a matter of necessity1 he can see   
only the  outside--and that1 like the   
outside of doorknobs and andirons is    
furbished up to be looked at4 ,so long  
as it is human nature to wear  the best 
side out1 so long the northern guests of
 southern  slaveholders will see next to
 nothing of the reality of slavery4     
,those  visitors may still keep up their
 autumnal migrations to the slave       
states1 and1 after a hasty survey of the
 tinsel hung before the  curtain of     
slavery1 without a single glance behind 
it1 and at the  paint and varnish that  
cover up dead men's bones1 and while    

those  who have hoaxed them with their  
smooth stories and white-washed         
specimens of slavery1 are tittering at  
their gullibility1 they return  in the  
spring on the same fool's-errand with   
their predecessors1  retailing their    
lesson1 and mouthing the praises of the 
masters1 and  the comforts of the       
slaves4 ,they now become village umpires
 in all  disputes about the condition of
 the slaves1 and each thence forward    
ends all controversies with his         
oracular1 ,i've seen1 and sure ,i  ought
 to know4    ,footnote #bc3 ,well saith 
the ,scripture1 ,a gift blindeth the    
eyes4 ,the  slaves understand this1     
though the guest may not2 they know very
 well  that they have no sympathy to    
expect from their master's guests2 that 
the good cheer of the big house1 and the
 attentions shown them1 will  generally 
commit them in their master's favor1 and
 against themselves4  ,messrs4 ,thome   
and ,kimball1 in their late work1 state 
the following  fact1 in illustration of 

this feeling among the negro apprentices
 in  ,jamaica4    ,the governor of one  
of the islands1 shortly after his       
arrival1 dined  with one of the         
wealthiest proprietors4 ,the next day   
one of the  negroes of the estate said  
to another1 ,de new gubner been         
poison'd4 ,what dat you say8 inquired   
the other in astonishment1  ,de gubner  
been poison'd6 ,dah1 now6--,how him     
poisoned8 ,him eat  massa's turtle soup 
last night1 said the shrewd negro4 ,the 
other  took his meaning at once2 and his
 sympathy for the governor was  turned  
into concern for himself1 when he       
perceived that the  poison was one from 
which he was likely to suffer more than 
his  excellency4--,emancipation in the  
,west ,indies1 p4 #ccd4        ,but all 
northern visitors at the south are not  
thus easily gulled4  ,many of them1 as  
the preceding pages show1 have too much 
sense to be  caught with chaff4    ,we  
may add here1 that those classes of     
visitors whose representations  of the  

treatment of slaves are most influential
 in moulding the  opinions of the free  
states1 are ministers of the gospel1    
agents of  benevolent societies1 and    
teachers who have traveled and          
temporarily  resided in the slave       
states--classes of persons less likely  
than any  others to witness cruelties1  
because slaveholders generally take more
  pains to keep such visitors in        
ignorance than others1 because their    
vocations would furnish them fewer      
opportunities for witnessing them1  and 
because they come in contact with a     
class of society in which  fewer        
atrocities are committed than in any    
other1 and that too1 under              
circumstances which make it almost      
impossible for them to witness  those   
which are actually committed4    ,of the
 numerous classes of persons from the   
north who temporarily  reside in the    
slave states1 the mechanics who find    
employment on the  plantations1 are the 
only persons who are in circumstances to

 look  behind the scenes4 ,merchants1   
pedlars1 venders of patents1 drovers1   
speculators1 and almost all descriptions
 of persons who go from the  free states
 to the south to make money see little  
of slavery1 except  upon the road1 at   
public inns1 and in villages and cities4
    ,let not the reader infer from what 
has been said1 that the  parlor-slaves1 
chamber-maids1 c4 in the slave states   
are not  treated with cruelty--far from 
it4 ,they often experience terrible     
inflictions2 not generally so terrible  
or so frequent as the  field-hands1 and 
very rarely in the presence of guests#bd
  ,house-slaves are for the most part   
treated far better than                 
plantation-slaves1 and those under the  
immediate direction of the  master and  
mistress1 than those under overseers and
 drivers4 ,it is  quite worthy of       
remark1 that of the thousands of        
northern men who have  visited the      
south1 and are always lauding the       
kindness of slaveholders  and the       

comfort of the slaves1 protesting that  
they have never seen  cruelties         
inflicted on them1 c4 each perhaps1     
without exception1 has  some story to   
tell which reveals1 better perhaps than 
the most  barbarous butchery could do1 a
 public sentiment toward slaves1 showing
  that the most cruel inflictions must  
of necessity be the constant  portion of
 the slaves4    ,footnote #bd3 ,rev4    
,,joseph ,m4 ,,sadd1 a ,presbyterian    
clergyman1 in  ,castile1 ,genesee       
county1 ,n4,y4 recently from ,missouri1 
where he has  preached five years1 in   
the midst of slaveholders1 says1 in a   
letter  just received1 speaking of the  
pains taken by slaveholders to conceal  
from the eyes of strangers and visitors1
 the cruelties which they  inflict upon 
their slaves--    ,it is difficult to be
 an eye-witness of these things2 the    
master and  mistress1 almost invariably 
punish their slaves only in the presence
  of themselves and other slaves4       
,though facts of this kind lie thick in 

every corner1 the reader will1  we are  
sure1 tolerate even a needless          
illustration1 if told that it is  from  
the pen of ,n4,p4 ,rogers1 ,esq4 of     
,concord1 ,n4,h4 who1 whatever he       
writes1 though it be1 as in this case1 a
 mere hasty letter1 always  finds       
readers to the end4    ,at a court      
session at ,guilford1 ,stafford county1 
,n4,h4 in ,august1  #ahcg1 the ,hon4    
,daniel ,m4 ,durell1 of ,dover1 formerly
 ,chief ,justice  of the ,common ,pleas 
for that state1 and a member of         
,congress1  was charging the            
abolitionists1 in presence of several   
gentlemen  of the bar1 at their boarding
 house1 with exaggerations and          
misrepresentations of slave treatment at
 the south4 ',one instance  in          
particular1' he witnessed1 he said1     
where he 'knew they  misrepresented4 ,it
 was in the ,congregational meeting     
house at ,dover4  ,he was passing by1   
and saw a crowd entering and about the  
door2 and on  inquiry1 found that       

abolition was going on in there4 ,he    
stood in the  entry for a moment1 and   
found the ,englishman1 ,thompson1 was   
holding  forth4 ,the fellow was speaking
 of the treatment of slaves2 and he said
  it was no uncommon thing for masters1 
when exasperated with the slave1  to    
hang him up by the two thumbs1 and flog 
him4 ,i knew the fellow lied  there1'   
said the judge1 'for ,i had traveled    
through the south1 from  ,georgia north1
 and ,i never saw a single instance of  
the kind4 ,the  fellow said it was a    
common thing4' ',did you see any        
exasperated  masters1 ,judge1' said ,i1 
'in your journey8' ',no sir1' said he1  
'not  an individual instance4' ',you    
hardly are able to convict ,mr4         
,thompson  of falsehood1 then1 ,judge1' 
said ,i1 'if ,i understood you right4   
,he  spoke1 as ,i understood you1 of    
exasperated masters--and you say you    
did not see any4 ,mr4 ,thompson did not 
say it was common for masters in  good  
humor to hang up their slaves4' ,the    

,judge did not perceive the  materiality
 of the distinction4 ',oh1 they         
misrepresent and lie about  this        
treatment of the niggers1' he continued4
 ',in going through all  the states ,i  
visited1 ,i do not now remember a single
 instance of cruel  treatment4 ,indeed1 
,i remember of seeing but one nigger    
struck1 during  my whole journey4 ,there
 was one instance4 ,we were riding in   
the stage1  pretty early one morning1   
and we met a black fellow1 driving a    
span of  horses1 and a load 7,i think he
 said7 of hay4 ,the fellow turned out   
before we got to him1 clean down into   
the ditch1 as far as he could  get4 ,he 
knew1 you see1 what to depend on1 if he 
did not give the road4  ,our driver1 as 
we passed the fellow1 fetched him a     
smart crack with  his whip across the   
chops4 ,he did not make any noise1      
though ,i guess  it hurt him some--he   
grinned4--,oh1 no6 these fellows        
exaggerate4 ,the  niggers1 as a general 
thing1 are kindly treated4 ,there may be

  exceptions1 but ,i saw nothing of it4'
 7,by the way1 the ,judge did not  know 
there were any abolitionists present47  
',what did you do to the  driver1       
,judge1' said ,i1 'for striking that    
man8' ',do1' said he1 ',i did  nothing  
to him1 to be sure4' ',what did you say 
to him1 sir8' said ,i4  ',nothing1' he  
replied3 ',i said nothing to him4'      
',what did the other  passengers do8'   
said ,i4 ',nothing1 sir1' said the      
,judge4 ',the fellow  turned out the    
white of his eye1 but he did not make   
any noise4' ',did  the driver say any   
thing1 ,judge1 when he struck the man8' 
',nothing1'  said the ,judge1 'only he  
damned him1 and told him he'd learn him 
to  keep out of the reach of his whip4' 
',sir1' said ,i1 'if ,george ,thompson  
had told this story1 in the warmth of an
 anti-slavery speech1 ,i should         
scarcely have credited it4 ,i have      
attended many anti-slavery meetings1    
and ,i never heard an instance of such  
cold-blooded1 wanton1  insolent1        

,,diabolical cruelty as this2 and1 sir1 
if ,i live to attend  another meeting1  
,i shall relate this1 and give ,judge   
,durell's name as  the witness of it4'  
,an infliction of the most insolent     
character1  entirely unprovoked1 on a   
perfect stranger1 who had showed the    
utmost  civility1 in giving all the     
road1 and only could not get beyond the 
long reach of the driver's whip--and he 
a stage driver1 a class  generous next  
to the sailor1 in the sober hour of     
morning--and  borne in silence--and told
 to show that the colored man of the    
south was kindly treated--all evincing1 
to an unutterable extent1  that the     
temper of the south toward the slave is 
merciless1 even to  diabolism--and that 
the north regards him with1 if possible1
 a more  fiendish indifference still6   
,it seems but an act of simple justice  
to say1 in conclusion1 that many  of the
 slaveholders from whom our northern    
visitors derive their  information of   
the good treatment of the slave1 may not

 design to  deceive them4 ,such visitors
 are often1 perhaps generally brought in
  contact with the better class of      
slaveholders1 whose slaves are really   
better fed1 clothed1 lodged1 and housed2
 more moderately worked2 more  seldom   
whipped1 and with less severity1 than   
the slaves generally4  ,those masters in
 speaking of the good condition of their
 slaves1 and  asserting that they are   
treated well1 use terms that are not    
absolute but comparative3 and it may be1
 and doubtless often is  true that their
 stares are treated well as slaves1 in  
comparison  with the treatment received 
by slaves generally4 ,so the overseers  
of  such slaves1 and the slaves         
themselves1 may1 without lying or       
designing to mislead1 honestly give the 
same testimony4 ,as the great  body of  
slaves within their knowledge fare      
worse1 it is not strange  that1 when    
speaking of the treatment on their own  
plantation1 they  should call it good4  
,,objection ,v4--',,it ,,is ,,for ,,the 

,,interest ,,of ,,the ,,masters ,,to    
,,treat ,,their  ,,slaves ,,well4'      
,so it is for the interest of the       
drunkard to quit his cups2 for the      
glutton to curb his appetite2 for the   
debauchee to bridle his lust2  for the  
sluggard to be up betimes2 for the      
spendthrift to be  economical1 and for  
all sinners to stop sinning4 ,even if it
 were for  the interest of masters to   
treat their slaves well1 he must be a   
novice who thinks that a proof that the 
slaves are well treated4  ,the whole    
history of man is a record of real      
interests sacrificed to  present        
gratification4 ,if all men's actions    
were consistent with their  best        
interests1 folly and sin would be words 
without meaning4    ,if the objector    
means that it is for the pecuniary      
interests of  masters to treat their    
slaves well1 and thence infers their    
good  treatment1 we reply1 that though  
the love of money is strong1 yet        
appetite and lust1 pride1 anger and     

revenge1 the love of power and  honor1  
are each an overmatch for it2 and when  
either of them is roused  by a sudden   
stimulant1 the love of money worsted in 
the grapple with  it4 ,look at the      
hourly lavish outlays of money to       
procure a momentary  gratification for  
those passions and appetites4 ,as the   
desire for  money is1 in the main1      
merely a desire for the means of        
gratifying  other desires1 or rather for
 one of the means1 it must be the       
servant not the sovereign of those      
desires1 to whose gratification  its    
only use is to minister4 ,but even if   
the love of money were the  strongest   
human passion1 who is simple enough to  
believe that it is  all the time so     
powerfully excited1 that no other       
passion or appetite  can get the mastery
 over it8  ,who does not know that gusts
 of rage1  revenge1 jealousy and lust   
drive it before them as a tempest tosses
 a  feather8    ,the objector has       
forgotten his first lessons2 they taught

 him that it  is human nature to gratify
 the uppermost passion3 and is prudence 
the uppermost passion with slaveholders1
 and self-restraint their  great        
characteristic8 ,the strongest feeling  
of any moment is the  sovereign of that 
moment1 and rules4 ,is a propensity to  
practice  economy the predominant       
feeling with slaveholders8 ,ridiculous6 
,every northerner knows that            
slaveholders are proverbial for lavish  
expenditures1 never higgling about the  
price of a gratification4  ,human       
passions have not1 like the tides1      
regular ebbs and flows1 with  their     
stationary1 high and low water marks4   
,they are a dominion  convulsed with    
revolutions2 coronations and            
dethronements in ceasless               
succession--each ruler a usurper and a  
despot4 ,love of money gets a  snatch at
 the sceptre as well as the rest1 not by
 hereditary right1  but because1 in the 
fluctuations of human feelings1 a chance
 wave  washes him up to the throne1 and 

the next perhaps washes him off  without
 time to nominate his successor4 ,since1
 then1 as a matter of  fact1 a host of  
appetites and passions do hourly get the
 better of  love of money1 what         
protection does the slave find in his   
master's  interest1 against the sweep of
 his passions and appetites8 ,besides1  
a master can inflict upon his slave     
horrible cruelties without  perceptibly 
injuring his health1 or taking time from
 his labor1 or  lessening his value as  
property4 ,blows with a small stick give
 more  acute pain1 than with a large    
one4 ,a club bruises1 and benumbs the   
nerves1 while a switch1 neither breaking
 nor bruising the flesh1  instead of    
blunting the sense of feeling1 wakes up 
and stings to  torture all the          
susceptibilities of pain4 ,by this kind 
of infliction1  more actual cruelty can 
be perpetrated in the giving of pain at 
the  instant1 than by the most horrible 
bruisings and lacerations2 and  that1   
too1 with little comparative hazard to  

the slave's health1 or to  his value as 
property1 and without loss of time from 
labor4 ,even  giving to the objection   
all the force claimed for it1 what      
protection  is it to the slave8 ,it     
professes to shield the slave from such 
treatment alone1 as would either lay him
 aside from labor1 or injure  his       
health1 and thus lessen his value as a  
working animal1 making him  a damaged   
article in the market4 ,now1 is nothing 
bad treatment of  a human being except  
that which produces these effects8 ,does
 the fact  that a man's constitution is 
not actually shattered1 and his life    
shortened by his treatment1 prove that  
he is treated well8 ,is no  treatment   
cruel except what sprains muscles1 or   
cuts sinews1 or bursts  blood vessels1  
or breaks bones1 and thus lessens a     
man's value as a  working animal8    ,a 
slave may get blows and kicks every hour
 in the day1 without having  his        
constitution broken1 or without         
suffering sensibly in his health1  or   

flesh1 or appetite1 or power to labor4  
,therefore1 beaten and kicked  as he is1
 he must be treated well1 according to  
the objector1 since  the master's       
interest does not suffer thereby4       
,finally1 the objector virtually        
maintains that all possible privations  
and inflictions suffered by slaves1 that
 do not actually cripple their  power to
 labor1 and make them 'damaged          
merchandize1' are to be set  down as    
'good treatment1' and that nothing is   
bad treatment except  what produces     
these effects4    ,thus we see that even
 if the slave were effectually shielded 
from all  those inflictions1 which1 by  
lessening his value as property1 would  
injure the interests of his master1 he  
would still nave no protection  against 
numberless and terrible cruelties4 ,but 
we go further1 and  maintain that in    
respect to large classes of slaves1 it  
is for the  interest of their masters to
 treat them with barbarous inhumanity4  
#a4 ,old slaves4 ,it would be for the   

interest of the masters to  shorten     
their days4    #b4 ,worn out slaves4    
,multitudes of slaves by being          
overworked1 have  their constitutions   
broken in middle life4 ,it would be     
economical  for masters to starve or    
flog such to death4    #c4 ,the         
incurably diseased and maimed4 ,in all  
such cases it would be  cheaper for     
masters to buy poison than medicine4    
#d4 ,the blind1 lunatics1 and idiots4   
,as all such would be a tax on  him1 it 
would be for his interest to shorten    
their days4    #e4 ,the deaf and dumb1  
and persons greatly deformed4 ,such     
might or  might not be serviceable to   
him2 many of them at least would be a   
burden1 and few men carry burdens when  
they can throw them off4    #f4 ,feeble 
infants4 ,as such would require much    
nursing1 the time1  trouble and expense 
necessary to raise them1 would generally
 be more  than they would be worth as   
working animals4 ,how many such infants 
would be likely to be 'raised1' from    

disinterested benevolence8 ,to  this it 
may be added that in the far south and  
south west1 it is  notoriously for the  
interest of the master not to 'raise'   
slaves at  all4 ,to buy slaves when     
nearly grown1 from the northern slave   
states1  would be cheaper than to raise 
them4 ,this is shown in the fact1 that  
mothers with infants sell for less in   
those states than those without  them4  
,and when slave-traders purchase such in
 the upper country1 it is  notorious    
that they not unfrequently either sell  
their infants1 or  give them away4      
,therefore it would be for the interest 
of the  masters1 throughout that region1
 to have all the new-born children  left
 to perish4 ,it would also be for their 
interest to make such  arrangements as  
effectually to separate the sexes1 or if
 that were not  done1 so to overwork the
 females as to prevent childbearing4    
#g4 ,incorrigible slaves4 ,on most of   
the large plantations1 there are1  more 
or less1 incorrigible slaves1--that is1 

slaves who will not be  profitable to   
their masters--and from whom torture can
 extort little  but defiance4#be ,these 
are frequently slaves of uncommon minds1
 who  feel so keenly the wrongs of      
slavery that their proud spirits spurn  
their chains and defy their tormentors4 
,footnote #be3 ,advertisements like the 
following are not unfrequent in  the    
southern papers4    ,from the ,elizabeth
 7,n4,c47 ,phenix1 ,jan4 #e1 #ahci4 ,the
 subscriber  offers for sale his        
blacksmith ,,nat1 #bh years of age1 and 
remarkably  large and likely4 ,the only 
cause of my selling him is ,i ,,cannot  
,,control ,,him4 ,hertford1 ,dec4#e1    
#ahch4 ,j4 ,,gordon4      ,they have    
commonly great sway over the other      
slaves1 their example is  contagious1   
and their influence subversive of       
'plantation discipline4'  ,consequently 
they must be made a warning to others4  
,it is for the  interest of the masters 
7at least they believe it to be7 to put 
upon  such slaves iron collars and      

chains1 to brand and crop them2 to      
disfigure1 lacerate1 starve and torture 
them--in a word1 to inflict  upon them  
such vengeance as shall strike terror   
into the other slaves4  ,to this class  
may be added the incorrigibly thievish  
and indolent2 it  would be for the      
interest of the masters to treat them   
with such  severity as would deter      
others from following their example4    
#g4 ,runaways4 ,when a slave has once   
runaway from his master and is  caught1 
he is thenceforward treated with        
severity4 ,it is for the  interest of   
the master to make an example of him1 by
 the greatest  privations and           
inflictions4    #h4 ,hired slaves4 ,it  
is for the interest of those who hire   
slaves to  get as much out of them as   
they can2 the temptation to overwork    
them  is powerful4 ,if it be said that  
the master could1 in that case1  recover
 damages1 the answer is1 that damages   
would not be recoverable  in law unless 
actual injury--enough to impair the     

power of the slave  to labor1 be proved4
 ,and this ordinarily would be          
impossible1 unless  the slave has been  
worked so greatly beyond his strength as
 to produce  some fatal derangement of  
the vital functions4 ,indeed1 as all who
 are  familiar with such cases in       
southern courts well know1 the proof of 
actual injury to the slave1 so as to    
lessen his value1 is exceedingly        
difficult to make out1 and every hirer  
of slaves can overwork them1  give them 
insufficient food1 clothing1 and        
shelter1 and inflict upon  them nameless
 cruelties with entire impunity4 ,we    
repeat then that it  is for the interest
 of the hirer to push his slaves to     
their utmost  strength1 provided he does
 not drive them to such an extreme1 that
  their constitutions actually give way 
under it1 while in his hands4  ,the     
supreme court of ,maryland has decided  
that1 ',there must be at  least a       
diminution of the faculty of the slave  
for bodily labor to  warrant an action  

by the master4'--#a ,harris and         
,johnson's ,reports1  #d4    #i4 ,slaves
 under overseers whose wages are        
proportioned to the crop  which they    
raise4 ,this is an arrangement common in
 the slave states1  and in its practical
 operation is equivalent to a bounty on 
hard  driving--a virtual premium offered
 to overseers to keep the slaves        
whipped up to the top of their strength4
 ,even where the overseer has a  fixed  
salary1 irrespective of the value of the
 crop which he takes  off1 he is        
strongly tempted to overwork the slaves1
 as those overseers  get the highest    
wages who can draw the largest income   
from a  plantation with a given number  
of slaves2 so that we may include in    
this last class of slaves1 the majority 
of all those who are under  overseers1  
whatever the terms on which those       
overseers are employed4    ,another     
class of slaves may be mentioned2 we    
refer to the slaves of  masters who bet 
upon their crops4 ,in the cotton and    

sugar region  there is a fearful amount 
of this desperate gambling1 in which1   
though  money is the ostensible stake   
and forfeit1 human life is the real one4
  ,the length to which this rivalry is  
carried at the south and south  west1   
the multitude of planters who engage in 
it1 and the recklessness  of human life 
exhibited in driving the murderous game 
to its issue1  cannot well be imagined  
by one who has not lived in the midst of
 it4  ,desire of gain is only one of the
 motives that stimulates them2--the     
eclat of having made the largest crop   
with a given number of hands1  is also a
 powerful stimulant2 the southern       
newspapers1 at the crop  season1        
chronicle carefully the cotton brag1 and
 the crack cotton  picking1 and         
unparalleled driving1 c4 ,even the      
editors of  professedly religious       
papers1 cheer on the mle and sing the   
triumphs  of the victor4 ,among these we
 recollect the celebrated ,rev4 ,j4,n4  
,maffit1 recently editor of a religious 

paper at ,natchez1 ,miss4 in  which he  
took care to assign a prominent place1  
and capitals to ,,the  ,,cotton ,,brag4 
,the testimony of ,mr4 ,bliss1 page #ch1
 details some of the  particulars of    
this betting upon crops4 ,all the       
preceding classes of  slaves are in     
circumstances which make it for the     
interest of their  masters1 or those who
 have the management of them1 to treat  
them  cruelly4    ,besides the operation
 of the causes already specified1 which 
make it  for the interest of masters and
 overseers to treat cruelly certain     
classes of their slaves1 a variety of   
others exist1 which make it for  their  
interest to treat cruelly the great body
 of their slaves4  ,these causes are1   
the nature of certain kinds of products1
 the kind of  labor required in         
cultivating and preparing them for      
market1 the best  times for such labor1 
the state of the market1 fluctuations in
 prices1  facilities for transportation1
 the weather1 seasons1 c4 c4 ,some of   

the causes which operate to produce this
 are--    #a4 ,the early market4 ,if the
 planter can get his crop into market   
early1 he may save thousands which might
 be lost if it arrived later4    #b4    
,changes in the market4 ,a sudden rise  
in the market with the  probability that
 it will be short1 or a gradual fall    
with a  probability that it will be     
long1 is a strong temptation to the     
master  to push his slaves to the       
utmost1 that he may in the one case make
 all  he can1 by taking the tide at the 
flood1 and in the other lose as  little 
as may be1 by taking it as early as     
possible in the ebb4    #c4 ,high       
prices4 ,whenever the slave-grown       
staples bring a high price1  as is now  
the case with cotton1 every slaveholder 
is tempted to  overwork his slaves4 ,by 
forcing them to do double work for a few
 weeks  or months1 while the price is   
up1 he can afford to lose a number of   
them and to lessen the value of all by  
over-driving4 ,a cotton planter  with a 

hundred vigorous slaves1 would have made
 a profitable  speculation1 if1 during  
the years '#cd1 #e1 and #f1 when the    
average  price of cotton was #ag cents a
 pound1 he had so overworked his slaves 
that half of them died upon his hands in
 '#cg1 when cotton had fallen  to six   
and eight cents4 ,no wonder that the    
poor slaves pray that cotton  and sugar 
may be cheap4 ,the writer has frequently
 heard it declared by  planters in the  
lower country1 that1 it is more         
profitable to drive  the slaves to such 
over exertion as to use them up1 in     
seven or  eight years1 than to give them
 only ordinary tasks and protract their 
lives to the ordinary period4#bf        
,footnote #bf3 ,the reader is referred  
to a variety of facts and  testimony on 
this point on the #cith page of this    
work4      #d4 ,untimely seasons4 ,when 
the winter encroaches on the spring1 and
  makes late seed time1 the first       
favorable weather is a temptation to    
overwork the slaves1 too strong to be   

resisted by those who hold men  as mere 
working animals4 ,so when frosts set in 
early1 and a great  amount of work is to
 be done in a little time1 or great loss
 suffered4  ,so also after a long storm 
either in seed or crop time1 when the   
weather becomes favorable1 the same     
temptation presses1 and in all  these   
cases the master would save money by    
overdriving his slaves4    #e4          
,periodical pressure of certain kinds of
 labor4 ,the manufacture of  sugar is an
 illustration4 ,in a work entitled      
,travels in ,louisiana in  #ahjb1       
translated from the ,french1 by ,john   
,davis1 is the following  testimony     
under this head3--    ,at the rolling of
 sugars1 an interval of from two to     
three months1  they 7the slaves in      
,louisiana17 work both night and day4   
,abridged of  their sleep1 they scarcely
 retire to rest during the whole period 
,see  page #ha4    ,in an article on the
 agriculture of ,louisiana1 published in
 the second  number of the ,western     

,review1 is the following3--,the work is
  admitted to be severe for the hands1  
7slaves7 requiring1 when the  process of
 making sugar is commenced1 ,,to ,,be   
,,pressed ,,night ,,and ,,day4    ,it   
would be for the interest of the sugar  
planter greatly to overwork  his slaves1
 during the annual process of           
sugar-making4    ,the severity of this  
periodical pressure1 in preparing for   
market  other staples of the slave      
states besides sugar1 may be inferred   
from  the following4 ,mr4 ,hammond1 of  
,south ,carolina1 in his speech in      
,congress1 ,feb4 #a4 #ahcf1 7,see       
,national ,intelligencer7 said1 ,in the 
heat of the crop1 the loss of one or two
 days1 would inevitably ruin  it4    #f4
 ,times of scarcity4 ,drought1 long     
rain1 frost1 c4 are liable to  cut off  
the corn crop1 upon which the slaves are
 fed4 ,if this happens  when the staple 
which they raise is at a low price1 it  
is for the  interest of the master to   
put the slave on short rations1 thus    

forcing  him to suffer from hunger4     
#g4 ,the raising of crops for           
exportation4 ,in all those states where 
cotton and sugar are raised for         
exportation1 it is1 for the most part1  
more profitable to buy provisions for   
the slaves than to raise them4  ,where  
this is the case the slaveholders       
believe it to be for their  interest to 
give their slaves less food1 than their 
hunger craves1 and  they do generally   
give them insufficient sustenance4#bg   
,footnote #bg3 ,hear the testimony of a 
slaveholder1 on this subject1 a  member 
of ,congress from ,virginia1 from #ahag 
to #ahcj1 ,hon4 ,alexander  ,smyth4     
,in the debate on the ,missouri question
 in the ,u4,s4 ,congress1 #ahai-bj1  the
 admission of ,missouri to the ,union1  
as a slave state1 was urged1  among     
other grounds1 as a measure of humanity 
to the slaves of the  south4 ,mr4       
,smyth1 of ,virginia said1 ,the plan of 
our opponents seems  to be to confine   
the slave population to the southern    

states1 to the  countries where sugar1  
cotton1 and tobacco are cultivated4     
,but1 sir1  by confining the slaves to a
 part of the country where crops are    
raised for exportation1 and the bread   
and meat are purchased1 you  doom them  
to scarcity and hunger4 ,is it not      
obvious that the way to  render their   
situation more comfortable1 is to allow 
them to be taken  where there is not the
 same motive to force the slave to      
,,incessant  ,,toil1 that there is in   
the country where cotton1 sugar1 and    
tobacco1  are raised for exportation4   
,it is proposed to hem in the blacks    
where  they are ,,hard ,,worked and     
,,ill ,,fed1 that they may be rendered  
unproductive and the race be prevented  
from increasing4 4 4 4 ,the  proposed   
measure would be ,,extreme ,,cruelty to 
the blacks4 4 4 4 ,you  would 4 4 4 doom
 them to ,,scarcity and ,,hard          
,,labor4--,speech of ,mr4  ,smyth1 ,jan4
 #bh1 #ahbj--,see ,national             
,intelligencer4    ,those states where  

the crops are raised for exportation1   
and a large  part of the provisions     
purchased1 are1 ,louisiana1             
,mississippi1  ,alabama1 ,arkansas1     
,western ,tennessee1 ,georgia1 ,florida1
 and1 to a  considerable extent1 ,south 
,carolina4 ,that this is the case in    
,louisiana1 is shown by the following4  
,corn1 flour1 and bread stuffs1         
generally are obtained from ,kentucky1  
,ohio2 c4 ,see ,emigrants ,guide        
through the ,valley of the ,mississippi1
 ,page #bge4 ,that it is the case  with 
,alabama1 appears from the testimony of 
,w4 ,jefferson ,jones1 ,esq4 a  lawyer  
of high standing in ,mobile4 ,in a      
series of articles published  by him in 
the ,mobile ,morning ,chronicle1 he     
says2 7,see that paper for  ,aug4 #bf1  
#ahcg47    ,the people of ,alabama      
export what they raise1 and import      
nearly  all they consume4 ,but it seems 
quite unnecessary to prove1 what all    
persons of much intelligence well know1 
that the states mentioned  export the   

larger part of what they raise1 and     
import the larger part  of what they    
consume4 ,now more than one million of  
slaves are held  in those states1 and   
parts of states1 where provisions are   
mainly  imported1 and consequently they 
are doomed to scarcity and hunger4      
,now let us make some estimate of the   
proportion which the slaves1  included  
in the foregoing nine classes1 sustain  
to the whole number1  and then of the   
proportion affected by the operation of 
the seven  causes just enumerated4      
,it would be nearly impossible to form  
an estimate of the proportion of  the   
slaves included in a number of these    
classes1 such as the old1 the  worn out1
 the incurably diseased1 maimed and     
deformed1 idiots1 feeble  infants1      
incorrigible slaves1 c4 ,more or less of
 this description are  to be found on   
all the considerable plantations1 and   
often1 many on  the same plantation2    
though we have no accurate data for an  
estimate1  the proportion cannot be less

 than one in twenty-five of the whole   
number of slaves1 which would give a    
total of more than one hundred          
thousand4 ,of some of the remaining     
classes we have data for a pretty       
accurate estimate4    #ast4             
,lunatics4--,various estimates have been
 made1 founded upon the  data procured  
by actual investigation1 prosecuted     
under the direction  of the             
,legislatures of different ,states2 but 
the returns have been so  imperfect and 
erroneous1 that little reliance can be  
placed upon them4  ,the ,legislature of 
,new ,hampshire recently ordered        
investigations to be  made in every town
 in the state1 and the number of insane 
persons to  be reported4 ,a committee of
 the legislature1 who had the subject in
  charge say1 in their report--,from    
many towns no returns have been         
received1 from others the accounts are  
erroneous1 there being cases  known to  
the committee which escaped the notice  
of the 'selectmen4'  ,the actual number 

of insane persons is therefore much     
larger than  appears by the documents   
submitted to the committee4 ,the        
,medical  ,society of ,connecticut      
appointed a committee of their number1  
composed  of some of the most eminent   
physicians in the state1 to ascertain   
and  report the whole number of insane  
persons in that state4 ,the committee   
say1 in their report1 ,the number of    
towns from which returns have  been     
received is seventy1 and the cases of   
insanity which have been  noticed in    
them are five hundred and ten4 ,the     
committee add1 fifty  more towns remain 
to be heard from1 and if insanity should
 be found  equally prevalent in them1   
the entire number will scarcely fall    
short  of one thousand in the state4    
,this investigation was made in #ahba1  
when the population of the state was    
less than two hundred and eighty        
thousand4 ,if the estimate of the       
,medical ,society be correct1 the       
proportion of the insane to the whole   

population would be about one in  two   
hundred and eighty4 ,this strikes us as 
a large estimate1 and yet a  committee  
of the legislature of that state in     
#ahcg1 reported seven  hundred and seven
 insane persons in the state1 who were  
either wholly  or in part supported as  
town paupers1 or by charity4 ,it can    
hardly  be supposed that more than      
two-thirds of the insane in ,connecticut
  belong to families unable to support  
them4 ,on this supposition1 the  whole  
number would be greater than the        
estimate of the ,medical ,society       
sixteen years previous1 when the        
population was perhaps thirty  thousand 
less4 ,but to avoid the possibility of  
an over estimate1 let  us suppose the   
present number of insane persons in     
,connecticut to be  only seven hundred4 
,the population of the state is now     
probably about three hundred and  twenty
 thousand2 according to this estimate1  
the proportion of the  insane to the    
whole population1 would be one to about 

four hundred and  sixty4 ,making this   
the basis of our calculation1 and       
estimating the  slaves in the ,united   
,states at two millions1 seven hundred  
thousand1  their present probable       
number1 and we come to this result1 that
 there  are about six thousand insane   
persons among the slaves of the ,united 
,states4 ,we have no adequate data by   
which to judge whether the  proportion  
of lunatics among slaves is greater or  
less than among the  whites2 some       
considerations favor the supposition    
that it is less4 ,but  the dreadful     
physical violence to which the slaves   
are subjected1 and  the constant        
sunderings of their tenderest ties1     
might lead us to  suppose that it would 
be more4 ,the only data in our          
possession is the  official census of   
,chatham county1 ,georgia1 for #ahch1   
containing the  number of lunatics among
 the whites and the slaves4--7,see the  
,savannah  ,georgian1 ,july #bd1 #ahch47
 ,according to this census1 the number  

of  lunatics among eight thousand three 
hundred and seventy three whites  in the
 country1 is only two1 whereas1 the     
number among ten thousand  eight hundred
 and ninety-one slaves1 is fourteen4    
#b;d4 ,the ,deaf and ,dumb4--,the       
proportion of deaf and dumb persons to  
the other classes of the community1 is  
about one in two thousand4 ,this  is the
 testimony of the directors of the      
',american ,asylum for the ,deaf  and   
,dumb1' located at ,hartford1           
,connecticut4 ,making this the basis of 
our estimate1 there would be one        
thousand six hundred deaf and dumb      
persons among the slaves of the ,united 
,states4    #c;d4 ,the ,blind4--,we have
 before us the last ,united ,states     
census1  from which it appears1 that in 
#ahcj1 the number of blind persons in   
,new ,hampshire was one hundred and     
seventeen1 out of a population of  two  
hundred and sixty-nine thousand five    
hundred and thirty-three4  ,adopting    
this as our basis1 the number of blind  

slaves in the ,united  ,states would be 
nearly one thousand three hundred4      
#dth4 ,runaways4--,of the proportion of 
the slaves that run away1 to  those that
 do not1 and of the proportion of the   
runaways that are  taken to those that  
escape entirely1 it would be difficult  
to make a  probable estimate4           
,something1 however1 can be done towards
 such an  estimate4 ,we have before us1 
in the ,grand ,gulf 7,miss47            
,advertiser1 for  ,august #b1 #ahch1 a  
list of runaways that were then in the  
jails of the  two counties of ,adams and
 ,warren1 in that ,state2 the names1    
ages1 c4  of each one given2 and their  
owners are called upon to take them     
away4  ,the number of runaways thus     
taken up and committed in these two     
counties is ,,forty-,,six4 ,the whole   
number of counties in ,mississippi  is  
fifty-six4 ,many of them1 however1 are  
thinly populated4 ,now1  without making 
this the basis of our estimate for the  
whole slave  population in all the      

state--which would doubtless make the   
number  much too large--we are sure no  
one who has any knowledge of facts as   
they are in the south1 will charge upon 
us an over-statement when we  say1 that 
of the present generation of slaves1    
probably one in  thirty is of that      
class--i4e41 has at some time1 perhaps  
often1  runaway and been retaken2 on    
that supposition the whole number would 
be not far from ,,ninety ,,thousand4    
#eth4 ,hired ,slaves4--,it is impossible
 to estimate with accuracy the          
proportion which the hired slaves bear  
to the whole number4 ,that it is  very  
large all who have resided at the south1
 or traveled there1 with  their eyes    
open1 well know4 ,some of the largest   
slaveholders in the  country1 instead of
 purchasing plantations and working     
their slaves  themselves1 hire them out 
to others4 ,this practice is very       
common4    ,rev4 ,horace ,moulton1 a    
minister of the ,methodist ,episcopal   
church in  ,marlborough1 ,mass41 who    

lived some years in ,georgia1 says3 ,a  
large  proportion of the slave are owned
 by masters who keep them on purpose  to
 hire out4    ,large numbers of slaves1 
especially in ,mississippi1 ,louisiana1 
,arkansas1 ,alabama1 and ,florida1 are  
owned by non-residents2  thousands of   
them by northern capitalists1 who hire  
them out4 ,these  capitalists in many   
cases own large plantations1 which are  
often  leased for a term of years with a
 'stock' of slaves sufficient to work   
them4    ,multitudes of slaves          
'belonging' to heirs1 are hired out by  
their  guardians till such heirs become 
of age1 or by the executors or  trustees
 of persons deceased4    ,that the      
reader may form some idea of the large  
number of slaves that  are hired out1 we
 insert below a few advertisements1 as a
 specimen of  hundreds in the newspapers
 of the slave states4    ,from the      
,pensacola ,gazette1 ,may #bg4          
,,notice ,,to ,,slaveholders4 ,wanted   
upon my contract1 on the ,alabama1      

,florida1 and ,georgia ,rail ,road1     
,,four ,,hundred ,,black ,,laborers1 for
  which a liberal price will be paid4   
,r4 ,,loring1 ,contractor4      ,the    
same paper has the following1 signed by 
an officer of the ,united  ,states4     
,,wanted ,,at ,,the ,,navy ,,yard1      
,,pensacola1 ,,sixty ,,laborers4 ,the   
,,owners to  subsist and quarter them   
beyond the limits of the yard4 ,persons 
having  ,laborers to hire1 will apply to
 the ,commanding ,officer4    ,w4,k4    
,,latimer4      ,from the ,richmond     
7,va47 ,enquirer1 ,april #aj1 #ahch4    
,,laborers ,,wanted4--,the ,james       
,river1 and ,kenawha ,company1 are in   
immediate want of ,,several ,,hundred   
good laborers4 ,gentlemen wishing to    
send negroes from the country1 are      
assured that the very best care  shall  
be taken of them4    ,,richard ,,reins1 
,agent of the ,james ,river1 and        
,kenawha ,co4      ,from the ,vicksburg 
7,mis47 ,register1 ,dec4 #bg1 #ahch4    
#fj ,,negroes1 males and females1 for   

hire for the year #ahci4 ,apply to  ,h4 
,,hendren4      ,from the ,georgia      
,messenger1 ,dec4 #bg1 #ahch4 ,,negroes 
,to ,,hire4 ,on the  first ,tuesday     
next1 ,including ,,carpenters1          
,,blacksmiths1 ,,shoemakers1            
,,seamstresses1 ,,cooks1 c4 c4 ,for     
information2 ,apply to ,,ossian         
,,gregory4      ,from the ,alexandria   
7,d4,c47 ,gazette1 ,dec4 #cj1 #ahcg4    
,,the subscriber wishes to employ by the
 month or year1 ,,one ,,hundred  ,,able 
,,bodied ,,men1 ,,and ,,thirty ,,boys4  
,persons having servants1 will do  well 
to give him a call4 ,,philip ,,roach1   
near ,alexandria4      ,from the        
,columbia 7,s4,c47 ,telescope1 ,may #ai1
 #ahch4    ,,wanted ,,to ,,hire1 twelve 
or fifteen ,,negro ,,girls1 from ten to 
fourteen  years of age4 ,they are wanted
 for the term of two or three years4    
,e4,h4  ,j4 ,,fisher4      ,,negroes    
,,wanted4 ,the ,subscriber is desirous  
of hiring #ej of #fj first  rate ,negro 
,men4 ,,wilson ,,nesbitt4      ,from the

 ,norfolk 7,va47 ,beacon1 ,march #ba1   
#ahch4    ,,laborers ,,wanted4 ,one     
hundred able bodied men are wanted4 ,the
 hands  will be required to be delivered
 in ,halifax by the owners4 ,apply to   
,,shield  ,,walke4      ,from the       
,lynchburg ,virginian1 ,dec4 #ac1 #ahch4
    #dj ,,negro ,,men4 ,the subscribers 
wish to hire for the next year #dj      
,,negro  ,,men4 ,,langhorne1 ,,scruggs  
,,cook4      ,,hiring of ,,negroes4 ,on 
,saturday1 the #bith day of ,december1  
#ahch1 at  ,mrs4 ,tayloe's tavern1 in   
,amherst county1 there will be hired    
thirty  or forty valuable ,negroes4     
,in addition to the above1 ,i have for  
hire1 #bj men1 women1 boys1 and         
girls--several of them excellent house  
servants4 ,,maurice ,h4 ,,garland4      
,from the ,savannah ,georgian1 ,feb4 #e1
 #ahch4    ,,wanted ,,to ,,hire1 ,,one  
,,hundred prime negroes1 by the year4   
,j4,v4  ,,redden4      ,from the ,north 
,carolina ,standard1 ,feb4 #ca1 #ahch4  
,,negroes ,,wanted4--,w4  ,a4 ,,stith1  

will give twelve dollars per month  for 
,,fifty strong ,negro fellows1 to       
commence work immediately2 and for      
,,fifty more on the first day of        
,february1 and for ,,fifty on the first 
day of ,march4      ,from the ,lexington
 7,ky47 ,reporter1 ,dec4 #bf1 #ahch4    
,,will ,,be ,,hired1 for one year2 on   
the first day of ,january1 #ahci1 on    
the farm of the late ,mrs4 ,meredith1 a 
number of valuable ,,negroes4  ,r4,s4   
,,todd1 ,sheriff of ,fayette ,co4 ,and  
,curator for ,james and ,elizabeth      
,breckenridge4    ,,negroes ,,to ,,hire4
 ,on ,wednesday1 the #bfth inst4 ,i will
 hire to the  highest bidder1 the       
,,negroes belonging to ,charles and     
,robert ,innes4  ,,geo4 ,w4 ,,williams4 
,guardian4    ,the following nine       
advertisements were published in one    
column of  the ,winchester ,virginian1  
,dec4 #bj1 #ahch4      ,,negro          
,,hirings4    ,,will be offered for     
hire1 at ,captain ,long's ,hotel1 a     
number of  ,,slaves--men1 women1 boys   

and girls--belonging to the orphans of  
,george  ,ash1 deceased4 ,,richard ,w4  
,,barton4 ,guardian4    ,,will be       
offered for hire1 at my ,hotel1 a number
 of ,,slaves1 consisting  of men1 women1
 boys and girls4 ,,joseph ,,long4 ,exr4 
of ,edmund  ,shackleford1 dec'd4        
,,will be offered for hire1 for the     
ensuing year1 at ,capt4 ,long's  ,hotel1
 a number of ,,slaves4 ,,moses ,r4      
,,richards4    ,,will be offered for    
hire1 the slaves belonging to the estate
 of ,james  ,bowen1 deceased1 consisting
 of men1 and women1 boys and girls4     
,,giles  ,,cook4 ,one of the ,exrs4 of  
,james ,bowen dec'd4    ,,the hiring at 
,millwood will take place on ,friday1   
the #bhth day of  ,december1 #ahch4     
,,burwell4    ,n4,b4 ,we are desired to 
say that other valuable ,,negroes will  
also be  hired at ,millwood on the same 
day1 besides those offered by ,mr4 ,b4  
,the ,,slaves of the late ,john         
,jolliffe1 about twenty in number1 and  
of  all ages and both sexes1 will be    

offered for hire at ,cain's ,depot4     
,,david ,w4 ,,barton4 ,administrator4   
,i ,,will hire at public hiring before  
the tavern door of ,dr4 ,lacy1  about   
#cj ,,negroes1 consisting of men1 and   
women4 ,,james ,r4 ,,richards4    ,,will
 be hired1 at ,carter's ,tavern1 on     
#cast of ,december1 a number of         
,,negroes4 ,,john ,j4,h4 ,,gunnell4     
,,negroes ,,for ,,hire1 7,,privately47  
,about twelve servants1 consisting of   
men1 women1 boys1 and girls1 for hire   
privately4 ,apply to the  subscriber at 
,col4 ,smith's in ,battletown4 ,,john   
,w4 ,,owen4    ,a volume might easily be
 filled with advertisements like the    
preceding1 showing conclusively that    
hired slaves must be a large  proportion
 of the whole number4 ,the actual       
proportion has been  variously          
estimated1 at #a_/b1 #a_/c1 #a_/d1      
#a_/b1 c4 if we adopt the last  as our  
basis1 it will make the number of hired 
slaves1 in the ,united  ,states1 ,,five 
,,hundred ,,and ,,forty ,,thousand6     

#fth4 ,slaves under overseers whose     
wages are a part of the  crop4--,that   
this is a common usage2 appears from the
 following  testimony4 ,the late ,hon4  
,john ,taylor1 of ,caroline ,co4        
,virginia1 one of  the largest          
slaveholders in the state1 ,president of
 the ,state  ,agricultural ,society1 and
 three times elected to the ,senate of  
the  ,united ,states1 says1 in his      
,agricultural ,essays1 ,no4 #ae4 ,p4    
#eg1    ,this necessary class of men1   
7overseers17 are bribed by              
agriculturalists1 not to improve1 but to
 impoverish their land1 by a  share of  
the crop for one year4444 ,the greatest 
annual crop1 and  not the most judicious
 culture1 advances his interest1 and    
establishes  his character2 and the fees
 of these land-doctors1 are much higher 
for  killing than for curing4444 ,the   
most which the land can yield1 and      
seldom or never improvement with a view 
to future profit1 is a point  of common 
consent1 and mutual need between the    

agriculturist and his  overseer4444     
,must the practice of hiring a man for  
one year1 by a  share of the crop1 to   
lay out all his skill and industry in   
killing  land1 and as little as possible
 in improving it1 be kept up to         
commemorate the pious leaning of man to 
his primitive state of  ignorance and   
barbarity8 ,unless this is abolished1   
the attempt to  fertilize our lands is  
needless4      ,philemon ,bliss1 ,esq1  
of ,elyria1 ,ohio1 who lived in         
,florida1 in #ahcd-e1  says1    ,it is  
common for owners of plantations and    
slaves1 to hire overseers  to take      
charge of them1 while they themselves   
reside at a distance4  ,their wages     
depend principally upon the amount of   
labor which they  can exact from the    
slave4 ,the term good overseer1         
signifies one who  can make the greatest
 amount of the staple1 cotton for       
instance1 from  a given number of hands1
 besides raising sufficient provisions  
for  their consumption4 ,he has no      

interest in the life of the slave4      
,hence  the fact1 so notorious at the   
south1 that negroes are driven harder   
and fare worse under overseers than     
under their owners4      ,william ,ladd1
 ,esq4 of ,minot1 ,maine1 formerly a    
slaveholder in ,florida1  speaking1 in a
 recent letter of the system of labor   
adopted there1  says2 ,the compensation 
of the overseers was a certain portion  
of the  crop4      ,rev4 ,phineas       
,smith1 of ,centreville1 ,allegany ,co4 
,n4,y4 who has  recently returned from a
 four years' residence1 in the ,southern
 slave  states and ,texas1 says1    ,the
 mode in which many plantations are     
managed1 is calculated and  designed1 as
 an inducement to the slave driver1 to  
lay upon the  slave the greatest        
possible burden1 the overseer being     
entitled by  contract1 to a certain     
share of the crop4    ,we leave the     
reader to form his own opinion1 as to   
the proportion of  slaves under         
overseers1 whose wages are in proportion

 to the crop1  raised by them4 ,we have 
little doubt that we shall escape the   
charge  of wishing to make out a strong 
case when we put the proportion at      
one-eighth of the whole number of       
slaves1 which would be three  hundred   
and fifty thousand4    ,without drawing 
out upon the page a sum in addition for 
the reader to  run up1 it is easily seen
 that the slaves in the preceding       
classes  amount to more than ,,eleven   
,,hundred ,,thousand1 exclusive of the  
deaf and  dumb1 and the blind1 some of  
whom1 especially the former1 might be   
profitable to their owners2    ,now it  
is plainly for the interest of the      
owners of these slaves1 or  of those who
 have the charge of them1 to treat than 
cruelly1 to  overwork1 under-feed1      
half-clothe1 half-shelter1 poison1 or   
kill  outright1 the aged1 the broken    
down1 the incurably diseased1 idiots1   
feeble infants1 most of the blind1 some 
deaf and dumb1 c4 ,it is  besides a part
 of the slave-holder's creed1 that it is

 for his  interest to treat with        
terrible severity1 all runaways and the 
incorrigibly stubborn1 thievish1 lazy1  
c42 also for those who hire  slaves1 to 
overwork them2 also for overseers to    
overwork the slaves  under them1 when   
their own wages are increased by it4    
,we have thus shown that it would be for
 the interest1 of masters  and overseers
 to treat with habitual cruelty more    
than one million  of the slaves in the  
,united ,states4 ,but this is not all2  
as we have  said already1 it is for the 
interest of overseers generally1 whether
  their wages are proportioned to the   
crop or not1 to overwork the  slaves2 we
 need not repeat the reasons4           
,neither is it necessary to re-state the
 arguments1 going to show that  it is   
for the interest of slaveholders1 who   
cultivate the great  southern staples1  
especially cotton1 and the sugarcane1 to
 overwork  periodically all their       
slaves1 and habitually the majority of  
them1 when the demand for those staples 

creates high prices1 as has  been the   
case with cotton for many years1 with   
little exception4  ,instead of entering 
into a labored estimate to get at the   
proportion  of the slaves1 affected by  
the operation of these and the other    
causes  enumerated1 we may say1 that    
they operate directly on the field      
hands1 employed in raising the southern 
staples1 and indirectly upon  all       
classes of the slaves4    ,finally1 the 
conclude this head by turning the       
objector's negative  proposition into an
 affirmative one1 and state formally    
what has been  already proved4    ,it is
 for the interest of shareholders1 upon 
their own principles1  and by their own 
showing1 ,,to ,,treat ,,cruelly the     
great body of their  slaves4            
,objection ,,vi4--,,the ,,fact ,,that   
,,the ,,slaves ,,multiply ,,so ,,rapidly
 ,,proves  ,,that ,,they ,,are ,,not    
,,inhumanely ,,treated1 ,,but ,,are ,,in
 ,a ,,comfortable  ,,condition    ,to   
this we reply in brief1 #ast4 ,it has   

been already shown under a  previous    
head1 that1 in considerable sections of 
the slave states1  especially in the    
,south ,west1 the births among slaves   
are fewer than  the deaths1 which would 
exhibit a fearful decrease of the slave 
population in those sections1 if the    
deficiency were not made up by  the     
slave trade from the upper country4     
#b;d4 ,the fact that all children born  
of slave mothers1 whether their  fathers
 are whites or free colored persons1 are
 included in the census  with the       
slaves1 and further that all children   
born of white mothers1  whose fathers   
are mulattos or blacks1 are also        
included in the census  with colored    
persons and almost invariably with      
slaves1 shows that  it is impossible to 
ascertain with any accuracy1 what is the
 actual  increase of the slaves alone4  
#c;d4 ,the fact that thousands of       
slaves1 generally in the prime of life1 
are annually smuggled into the ,united  
,states from ,africa1 ,cuba1 and        

elsewhere1 makes it manifest that all   
inferences drawn from the  increase of  
the slave population1 which do not make 
large deductions1  for constant         
importations1 must be fallacious4 ,mr4  
,middleton of ,south  ,carolina1 in a   
speech in ,congress in #ahai1 declared  
that ,,thirteen  ,,thousand ,,africans  
,,are ,,annually ,,smuggled ,,into ,,the
 ,,southern ,,states4 ,mr4  ,mercer of  
,virginia1 in a speech in ,congress     
about the same time  declared that      
,cargoes1 of ,african slaves were       
smuggled into the  ,south to a          
deplorable extent4    ,mr4 ,wright1 of  
,maryland1 in a speech in ,congress1    
estimated the number  annually at       
,,fifteen ,,thousand4 ,miss ,martineau1 
in her recent work1  7,society in       
,america17 informs us that a large      
slaveholder in  ,louisiana1 assured her 
in #ahce1 that the annual importation of
 native  ,africans was from thirteen to 
fifteen thousand4    ,the ,president of 
the ,united ,states1 in his message to  

,congress1  ,december1 #ahcg1 says1 ,the
 large force under ,commodore ,dallas1  
7on the  ,west ,india station17 has been
 most actively and efficiently employed 
in protecting our commerce1 ,,in        
,,preventing ,,the ,,importation ,,of   
,,slaves1  c4 c4    ,the ,new ,orleans  
,courier of #aeth ,february1 #ahci1 has 
these remarks3    ,it is believed that  
,african negroes have been repeatedly   
introduced  into the ,united ,states4   
,the number and the proximity of the    
,florida  ports to the island of ,cuba1 
make it no difficult matter2 nor is our 
extended frontier on the ,sabine and    
,red rivers1 at all unfavorable to  the 
smuggler4 ,human laws have1 in all      
countries and ages1 been  violated      
whenever the inducements to do so       
afforded hopes of great  profit4    ,the
 ,united ,states' law against the       
importation of ,africans1 could it  be  
strictly enforced1 might in a few years 
give the sugar and cotton  planters of  
,texas advantage over those of this     

state2 as it would1 we  apprehend1      
enable the former1 under a stable       
government1 to furnish  cotton and sugar
 at a lower price than we can do4 ,when 
giving  publicity to such reflections as
 the subject seems to suggest1 we       
protest against being considered        
advocates for any violation of the  laws
 of our country4 ,every good citizen    
must respect those laws1                
notwithstanding we may deem them likely 
to be evaded by men less  scrupulous4   
,that both the south and north swarm    
with men 'less scrupulous1' every  one  
knows4    ,the ,norfolk 7,va47 ,beacon1 
of ,june #h1 #ahcg1 has the following3  
,slave ,trade4--,eight ,african negroes 
have been taken into custody1  at       
,apalachicola1 by the ,u4,s4 ,deputy    
,marshal1 alleged to have been  imported
 from ,cuba1 on board the schooner      
,emperor1 ,captain ,cox4  ,indictments  
for piracy1 under the acts for the      
suppression of the  slave trade1 have   
been found against ,captain ,cox1 and   

other parties  implicated4 ,the negroes 
were bought in ,cuba by a ,frenchman    
named  ,malherbe1 formerly a resident of
 ,tallahassee1 who was drowned soon     
after the arrival of the schooner4      
,the following testimony of ,rev4       
,horace ,moulton1 now a minister of the 
,methodist ,episcopal ,church1 in       
,marlborough1 ,mass41 who resided some  
years in ,georgia1 reveals some of the  
secrets of the slave-smugglers1  and the
 connivance of the ,georgia authorities 
at their doings4 ,it is  contained in a 
letter dated ,february #bd1 #ahci4      
,the foreign slave-trade was carried on 
to some considerable extent  when ,i was
 at the south1 notwithstanding a law had
 been made some ten  years previous to  
this1 making this traffic piracy on the 
high seas4 ,i  was somewhat acquainted  
with the secrets of this traffic1 and1  
,i  suppose1 ,i might have engaged in   
it1 had ,i so desired4 ,were you to     
visit all the plantations in ,south     
,carolina1 ,georgia1 ,alabama1 and      

,mississippi1 ,i think you would be     
convinced that the horrors of the       
traffic in human flesh have not yet     
ceased4 ,i was surprised to find  so    
many that could not speak ,english among
 the slaves1 until the  mystery was     
explained4 ,this was done1 when ,i      
learned that  slave-cargoes were landed 
on the coast of ,florida1 not a thousand
  miles from ,st4 ,augustine4 ,they     
could1 and can still1 in my opinion1 be 
landed as safely on this coast as in any
 port of this continent4 ,you  can      
imagine for yourself how easy it was to 
carry on the traffic  between this place
 and the ,west ,indies4 ,when landed on 
the coast of  ,florida1 it is an easy   
matter to distribute them throughout the
 more  southern states4 ,the law which  
makes it piracy to traffic in the       
foreign slave trade is a dead letter2   
and ,i doubt not it has been so  in the 
more southern states ever since it was  
enacted4 ,for you can  perceive at once1
 that interested men1 who believe the   

colored man is so  much better off here 
than he possibly can be in ,africa1 will
 not  hesitate to kidnap the blacks     
whenever an opportunity presents itself4
  ,i will notice one fact that came     
under my own observation1 which will    
convince you that the horrors of the    
foreign slave-trade have not yet  ceased
 among our southern gentry4 ,it is as   
follows4 ,a slave ship1  which ,i have  
reason to believe was employed by       
southern men1 came near  the port of    
,savannah with about ,,five ,,hundred   
,,slaves1 from ,guinea and  ,congo4 ,it 
was said that the ship was driven there 
by contrary winds2  and the crew1       
pretending to be short of provisions1   
run the ship into  a by place1 near the 
shore1 between ,tybee ,light and        
,darien1 to recruit  their stores4      
,well1 as ,providence would have it1 the
 revenue cutter1  at that time taking a 
trip along the coast1 fell in with this 
slave  ship1 took her as a prize1 and   
brought her up into the port of         

,savannah4 ,the cargo of human chattels 
was unloaded1 and the captives  were    
placed in an old barracks1 in the fort  
of ,savannah1 under the  protection of  
the city authorities1 they pretending   
that they should  return them all to    
their native country again1 as soon as a
 convenient  opportunity presented      
itself4 ,the ship's crew of course were 
arrested1  and confined in jail4 ,now   
for the sequel of this history4 ,about  
one  third part of the negroes died in a
 few weeks after they were landed1  in  
seasoning1 so called1 or in becoming    
acclimated--or1 as ,i should  think1 a  
distemper broke out among them1 and they
 died like the  ,israelites when smitten
 with the plague4 ,those who did not die
 in  seasoning1 must be hired out a     
little while1 to be sure1 as the city   
authorities could not afford to keep    
them on expense doing nothing4 ,as  it  
happened1 the man in whose employ ,i was
 when the cargo of human  beings        
arrived1 hired some twenty or thirty of 

them1 and put them  under my care4 ,they
 continued with me until the sickly     
season drove me  off to the north4 ,i   
soon returned1 but could not hear a word
 about the  crew of pirates4 ,they had  
something like a mock trial1 as ,i      
should  think1 for no one1 as ,i ever   
learned1 was condemned1 fined1 or       
censured4 ,but where were the poor      
captives1 who were going to be  returned
 to ,africa by the city authorities1 as 
soon as they could make  it convenient8 
,oh1 forsooth1 those of whom ,i spoke1  
being under my  care1 were tugging away 
for the same man2 the remainder were    
scattered  about among different        
planters4 ,when ,i returned to the north
 again1  the next year1 the city        
authorities had not1 down to that time2 
made  it convenient to return these poor
 victims4 ,the fact is1 they belonged   
there2 and1 in my opinion1 they were    
designed to be landed near by the  place
 where the revenue cutter seized them4  
,probably those very  planters for whom 

they were originally designed received  
them2 and  still there was a pretence   
kept up that they would be returned to  
,africa4 ,this must have been done1 that
 the consciences of those might  be     
quieted1 who were looking for justice to
 be administered to these  poor         
captives4 ,it is easy for a company of  
slaveholders1 who desire to  traffic in 
human flesh1 to fit out a vessel1 under 
,spanish colors1 and  then go prowling  
about the ,african coast for the victims
 of their  lusts4 ,if all the facts with
 relation to the ,african slave-trade1  
now  secretly carried on at the south1  
could be disclosed1 the people of  the  
free states would be filled with        
amazement4    ,it is plain1 from the    
nature of this trade1 and the           
circumstances  under which it is carried
 on1 that the number of slaves imported 
would  be likely to be estimated far    
below the truth4 ,there can be little   
doubt that the estimate of ,mr4 ,wright1
 of ,maryland1 7fifteen thousand        

annually17 is some thousands too small4 
,but even according to his  estimate1   
the ,african slave-trade adds ,,one     
,,hundred ,,and ,,fifty ,,thousand      
,,slaves ,,to ,,each ,,united ,,states' 
,,census4 ,these are in the prime of    
life1  and their children would swell   
the slave population many thousands     
annually--thus making a great addition  
to each census4    #d4 ,it is a         
notorious fact1 that large numbers of   
free colored persons  are kidnapped     
every year in the free states1 taken to 
the south1 and  sold as slaves4    ,hon4
 ,,george ,m4 ,,stroud1 ,judge of the   
,criminal ,court of ,philadelphia1 in   
his sketch of the slave laws1 speaking  
of the kidnapping of free  colored      
persons in the northern states1 says--  
,remote as is the city of ,philadelphia 
from those slaveholding states  in which
 the introduction of slaves from places 
within the territory  of the ,united    
,states is freely permitted1 and where  
also the market is  tempting1 it has    

been ascertained1 that ,,more ,,than    
,,thirty ,,free  ,,colored ,,persons1   
,,mostly ,,children1 ,,have ,,been      
,,kidnapped ,,here1 ,,and  ,,carried    
,,away1 ,,within ,,the ,,last ,,two     
,,years4 ,five of these1 through the    
kind interposition of several humane    
gentlemen1 have been restored to  their 
friends1 though not without great       
expense and difficulty2 the  others are 
still retained in bondage1 and if       
rescued at all1 it must  be by sending  
white witnesses a journey of more than a
 thousand miles4  ,the costs attendant  
upon lawsuits1 under such circumstances1
 will  probably fall but little short of
 the estimated value1 as slaves1 of  the
 individuals kidnapped4    ,the         
following is an extract from ,mrs4      
,,child's ,appeal1 pp4 #fd-f4    ,i know
 the names of four colored citizens of  
,massachusetts1 who went  to ,georgia on
 board a vessel1 were seized under the  
laws of that  state1 and sold as slaves4
 ,they have sent the most earnest       

exhortations to their families and      
friends1 to do something for their      
relief2 but the attendant expenses      
require more money than the friends  of 
negroes are apt to have1 and the poor   
fellows1 as yet1 remain  unassisted4    
,a ,new ,york paper1 of ,november1      
#ahbi1 contains the following caution4  
,beware of ,kidnappers6--,it is well    
understood1 that there is at  present in
 this city1 a gang of kidnappers1 busily
 engaged in their  vocation1 of stealing
 colored children for the southern      
market4 ,it is  believed that three or  
four have been stolen within as many    
days4  ,there are suspicions of a foul  
nature connected with some who serve    
the police in subordinate capacities4   
,it is hinted that there may be  those  
in some authority1 not altogether       
ignorant of these diabolical  practices4
 ,let the public be on their guard6 ,it 
is still fresh in the  memories of all1 
that a cargo1 or rather drove of        
negroes1 was made up  from this city and

 ,philadelphia1 about the time that the 
emancipation  of all the negroes in this
 state took place1 under our present    
constitution1 and were taken through    
,virginia1 the ,carolinas1 and          
,tennessee1 and disposed of in the state
 of ,mississippi4 ,some of those  who   
were taken from ,philadelphia were      
persons of intelligence2 and  after they
 had been driven through the country in 
chains1 and disposed  of by sale on the 
,mississippi1 wrote back to their       
friends1 and were  rescued from bondage4
 ,the persons who were guilty of this   
abominable  transaction are known1 and  
now reside in ,north ,carolina4 ,they   
may very  probably be engaged in similar
 enterprizes at the present time--at    
least there is reason to believe1 that  
the system of kidnapping free  persons  
of color from the northern cities1 has  
been carried on more  extensively than  
the public arc generally aware of4      
,,george ,,bradburn1 ,esq4 of           
,nantucket1 ,mass4 a member of the      

,legislature  of that state1 at its last
 session1 made a report to that body1   
,march  #f1 #ahci1 ',on the deliverance 
of citizens liable to be sold as        
slaves4'  ,that report contains the     
following facts and testimony4    ,the  
following facts are a few out of a      
,,vast ,,multitude1 to which the        
attention of the undersigned has been   
directed4    ,on the #bgth of ,february 
last1 the undersigned had an interview  
with  the ,rev4 ,samuel ,snowden1 a     
respectable and intelligent clergyman of
  the city of ,boston4 ,this gentleman  
stated1 and he is now ready to make     
oath1 that during the last six years1 he
 has himself1 by the aid of  various    
benevolent individuals1 procured the    
deliverance from jail of  six citizens  
of ,massachusetts1 who had been1        
arrested and imprisoned  as runaway     
slaves1 and who1 but for his timely     
interposition1 would  have been sold    
into perpetual bondage4 ,the names and  
the places of  imprisonment of those    

persons1 as stated by ,mr4 ,s4 were as  
follows3    ,james ,hight1 imprisoned at
 ,mobile2 ,william ,adams1 at ,norfolk2 
,william  ,holmes1 also at ,norfolk2    
,james ,oxford1 at ,wilmington2 ,james  
,smith1 at  ,baton ,rouge2 ,john ,tidd1 
at ,new ,orleans4    ,in #ahcf1 ,mary   
,smith1 a native of this state1         
returning from ,new  ,orleans1 whither  
she had been in the capacity of a       
servant1 was cast  upon the shores of   
,north ,carolina4 ,she was there seized 
and sold as a  slave4 ,information of   
the fact reached her friends at ,boston4
 ,those  friends made an effort to      
obtain her liberation4 ,they invoked the
  assistance of the ,governor of this   
,commonwealth4 ,a correspondence  ensued
 between ,his ,excellency and the       
,governor of ,north ,carolina3  copies  
of which were offered for the inspection
 of your committee4  ,soon afterwards1  
by permission of the authorities of     
,north ,carolina1  ',mary ,smith'       
returned to ,boston4 ,but it turned out1

 that this was not  the ,mary ,smith1   
whom our worthy ,governor1 and other    
excellent  individuals of ,boston1 had  
taken so unwearied pains to redeem from 
slavery4 ,it was another woman1 of the  
same name1 who was also a native  of    
,massachusetts1 and had been seized in  
,north ,carolina as a runaway  slave4   
,the ,mary ,smith has not yet been heard
 of4 ,if alive1 she is now1  in all     
probability1 wearing the chains of      
slavery4    ,about a year and a half    
since1 several citizens of different    
free  states were rescued from slavery1 
at ,new ,orleans1 by the direct         
personal efforts of an acquaintance of  
the undersigned4 ,the benevolent        
individual alluded to is ,jacob ,barker1
 ,esq4 a name not unknown to the        
commercial world4 ,mr4 ,barker is a     
resident of ,new ,orleans4 ,a statement 
of the cases in reference is contained  
in a letter addressed by him to  the    
,hon4 ,samuel ,h4 ,jenks1 of ,nantucket4
    ,the letter of ,mr4 ,barker1        

referred to in this report to the       
,legislature of ,massachusetts1 bears   
date ,august #ai1 #ahcg4 ,the  following
 are extracts from it4    ,a free man1  
belonging to ,baltimore1 by the name of 
,ephraim ,larkin1  who came here cook of
 the ,william ,tell1 was arrested and   
thrown into  prison a few weeks since1  
and sent in chains to work on the road4 
,i  heard of it1 and with difficulty    
found him2 and after the most  diligent 
and active exertions1 got him           
released--in effecting which1 ,i        
traveled in the heat of the day1        
thermometer ranging in the shade from   
#id to #ajj1 more than twenty times to  
and from prison1 the place of his       
labor1 and the different courts1 a      
distance of near three miles from  my   
residence2 and after ,i had established 
his freedom1 had to pay for  his arrest1
 maintenance1 and the advertising him as
 a runaway slave1  #bi4hi1 as per copy  
of bill herewith--the allowance for work
 not  equalling the expenses1 the amount

 augments with every day of             
confinement4    ,in pursuing the cook of
 the ,william ,tell1 ,i found three     
other free  men1 confined in the same   
prison2 one belonged also to ,baltimore1
 by  the name of ,leaven ,dogerty3 he   
was also released1 on my paying #bh     
expenses2 one was a descendant of the   
,indians who once inhabited             
,nantucket--his name is ,eral ,lonnon4  
,lonnon had been six weeks in  prison2  
he was released without difficulty1 on  
my paying #bj4ch  expenses--and no one  
seemed to know why he had been confined 
or  arrested1 as the law does not       
presume persons of mixed blood to be    
slaves4 ,but for the others1 ,i had     
great difficulty in procuring what  was 
considered competent witnesses to prove 
them free4 ,no complaint of  improper   
conduct had been made against either of 
them4 ,at one time1  the ,recorder said 
the witness must be white2 at another1  
that one  respectable witness was       
insufficient2 at another1 that a person 

who  had been 7improperly7 confined and 
released1 was not a competent  witness1 
c4 c4 ,lonnon has been employed in the  
,south ,sea fishery  from ,nantucket and
 ,new ,bedford1 nearly all his life2 has
 sailed on  those voyages in the ships  
,eagle1 ,maryland1 ,gideon1 ,triton1 and
  ,samuel4 ,he was born at ,marshpee1   
,plymouth 7,barnstable7 county1 ,mass4  
and prefers to encounter the leviathan  
of the deep1 rather than the  turnkeys  
of ,new ,orleans4    ,the other was born
 in ,st4 ,johns1 ,nova ,scotia1 and     
bears the name of  ,william ,smith1 a   
seaman by profession4    ,immediately   
after these men were released1 two      
others were arrested4  ,they attempted  
to escape1 and being pursued1 ran for   
the river1 in the  vain hope of being   
able to swim across the ,mississippi1 a 
distance of  a mile1 with a current of  
four knots4 ,one soon gave out1 and made
 for  a boat which had been despatched  
for their recovery1 and was saved2  the 
other being a better swimmer1 continued 

on until much exhausted1  then also made
 for the boat--it was too late2 he sank 
before the boat  could reach him1 and   
was drowned4 ,they claimed to be        
freemen4    ,on ,sunday last ,i was     
called to the prison of the             
,municipality in  which ,i reside1 to   
serve on an inquest on the body of a    
drowned man4  ,there ,i saw one other   
free man confined1 by the name of ,henry
 ,tier1 a  yellow man1 born in ,new     
,york1 and formerly in my employ4 ,he   
had been  confined as a supposed        
runaway1 near six months1 without a     
particle of  testimony2 although from   
his color1 the laws of ,louisiana       
presume him  to be free4 ,i applied     
immediately for his release1 which was  
promptly  granted4 ,at first1 expenses  
similar to those exacted in the third   
,municipality were required2 but on my  
demonstrating to the recorder  that the 
law imposed no such burden on free men1 
he was released  without any charge     
whatever4 ,how free men can obtain      

satisfaction for  having been thus      
wrongfully imprisoned1 and made to work 
in chains on  the highway1 is not for me
 to decide4 ,i apprehend no satisfaction
 can  be had without more active        
friends1 willing to espouse their cause1
  than can be found in this quarter4    
,therefore ,i repeat1 that no person  of
 color should come here without a       
certificate of freedom from the         
governor of the state to which he       
belongs4    ,very respectfully1 your    
assured friend1 ,jacob ,barker4         
,n4,b4--,since writing the preceding1 ,i
 have procured the release of  another  
free man from the prison of the third   
,municipality1 on the  payment of       
#ci4fe1 as per bill1 copy herewith4 ,his
 name is ,william  ,lockman--he was born
 in ,new ,jersey1 of free parents1 and  
resides at  ,philadelphia4 ,a greater   
sum was required which was reduced by   
the  allowance of his maintenance       
7written labor17 while at work on the   
road1 which the law requires the        

,municipality to pay2 but it had not    
before been so expounded in the third   
,municipality4 ,i hope to get it  back  
in the case of the other three4 ,the    
allowance for labor1 in  addition to    
their maintenance1 is twenty-five cents 
per day2 but they  require those        
illiterate men to advance the whole     
before they can  leave the prison1 and  
then to take a certificate for their    
labor1 and  go for it to another        
department--to collect which1 is ten    
times more  trouble than the money when 
received is worth4 ,while these free    
men1  without having committed any      
fault1 were compelled to work in chains1
  on the roads1 in the burning sun1 for 
#be cents per day1 and pay in  advance  
#ah #c-d cents per day for maintenance1 
doctor's1 and other  bills1 and not able
 to work half their time1 ,i paid       
others1 working on  ship-board1 in      
sight1 two dollars per day4 ,j4,b4      
,the preceding letter of ,mr4 ,barker1  
furnishes grounds for the belief1  that 

hundreds1 if not thousands of free      
colored persons1 from the  different    
states of this ,union1 both slave and   
free from the ,west  ,indies1 ,south    
,america1 ,mexico1 and the ,british     
possessions in ,north  ,america1 and    
from other parts of the world1 are      
reduced to slavery  every year in our   
slave states4 ,if a single individual1  
in the  course of a few days1           
accidentally discovered six colored free
  men1 working in irons1 and soon to be 
sold as slaves1 in a single  southern   
city1 is it not fair to infer1 that in  
all the slave states1  there must be    
multitudes of such persons1 now in      
slavery1 and that  this number is       
rapidly increasing1 by ceaseless        
accessions8    ,the letter of ,mr4      
,barker is valuable1 also1 as a graphic 
delineation  of the 'public opinion' of 
the south4 ,the great difficulty with   
which  the release of these free men was
 procured1 notwithstanding the  personal
 efforts of ,mr4 ,jacob ,barker1 who is 

a gentleman of influence1  and has1 we  
believe1 been an alderman of ,new       
,orleans1 reveals a  'public opinion1'  
insensible as adamant to the liberty of 
colored men4    ,it would be easy to    
fill scores of pages with details       
similar to the  preceding4 ,we have     
furnished enough1 however1 to show1     
that1 in all  probability1 each ,united 
,states' census of the slave population1
  is increased by the addition to it of 
thousands of free colored  persons1     
kidnapped and sold as slaves4    #eth4  
,to argue that the rapid multiplication 
of any class in the  community1 is proof
 that such a class is well-clothed1     
well-housed1  abundantly fed1 and very  
comfortable1 is as absurd as to argue   
that  those who have few children1 must 
of course1 be ill-clothed1  ill-housed1 
badly lodged1 overworked1 ill-fed1 c4 c4
 ,true1  privations and inflictions may 
be carried to such an extent as to      
occasion a fearful diminishment of      
population4 ,that was the case          

generally with the slave population in  
the ,west ,indies1 and1 as has  been    
shown1 is true of certain portions of   
the southern states4 ,but  the fact that
 such an effect is not produced1 does   
not prove that  the slaves do not       
experience great privations and severe  
inflictions4  ,they may suffer much     
hardship1 and great cruelties1 without  
experiencing so great a derangement of  
the vital functions as to  prevent      
child-bearing4 ,the ,israelites         
multiplied with astonishing  rapidity1  
under the task-masters and burdens of   
,egypt4 ,does this  falsify the         
declarations of ,scripture1 that 'they  
sighed by reason of  their bondage1' and
 that the ,egyptians 'made them serve   
with rigor1'  and made 'their lives     
bitter with hard bondage4' ',i have     
seen1' said  ,god1 'their afflictions4  
,i have beard their groanings1' c4 ,the 
history of the human race shows1 that   
great privations and much  suffering may
 be experienced1 without materially     

checking the rapid  increase of         
population4    ,besides1 if we should   
give to the objection all it claims1 it 
would  merely prove1 that the female    
slaves1 or rather a portion of them1 are
  in a comfortable condition2 and that1 
so far as the absolute  necessities of  
life are concerned1 the females of      
child-bearing age1  in ,delaware1       
,maryland1 northern1 western1 and middle
 ,virginia1 the  upper parts of         
,kentucky and ,missouri1 and among the  
mountains of east  ,tennessee and       
western ,north ,carolina1 are in general
 tolerably well  supplied4 ,the same    
remark1 with some qualifications1 may be
 made of  the slaves generally1 in those
 parts of the country where the people  
are slaveholders1 mainly1 that they may 
enjoy the privilege and profit  of being
 slave-breeders4        ,,objection     
,,viii4--',,public ,,opinion ,,is ,a    
,,protection ,,to ,,the ,,slave4'       
,,answer4 ,it was public opinion that   
made him a slave4 ,in a republican      

government the people make the laws1 and
 those laws are merely public  opinion  
in legal forms4 ,we repeat it1--public  
opinion made them  slaves1 and keeps    
them slaves2 in other words1 it sunk    
them from men  to chattels1 and now1    
forsooth1 this same public opinion will 
see to  it1 that these chattels are     
treated like men6    ,by looking a      
little into this matter1 and finding out
 how this 'public  opinion' 7law7       
protects the slaves in some particulars1
 we can judge  of the amount of its     
protection in others4 #a4 ,it protects  
the slaves  from robbery1 by declaring  
that those who robbed their mothers may 
rob them and their children4 ,all       
negroes1 mulattoes1 or mestizoes who    
now are1 or shall hereafter be in this  
province1 and all their  offspring1 are 
hereby declared to be1 and shall remain1
 forever1  hereafter1 absolute slaves1  
and shall follow the condition of the   
mother4--,law of ,south ,carolina1 #b   
,brevard's ,digest1 #bbi4 ,others of    

the slave states have similar laws4     
#b4 ,it protects their persons1 by      
giving their master a right to  flog1   
wound1 and beat them when he pleases4   
,see ,devereaux's ,north  ,carolina     
,reports1 #bfc4--;,case of the ,state   
vs4 ,mann1 #ahbi2 in which the  ,supreme
 ,court decided1 that a master who shot 
at a female slave and  wounded her1     
because she got loose from him when he  
was flogging her1  and started to run   
from him1 had violated no law1 ,,and    
,,could ,,not ,,be  ,,indicted4 ,it has 
been decided by the highest courts of   
the slave  states generally1 that       
assault and battery upon a slave is not 
indictable as a criminal offence4       
,the following decision on this point   
was made by the ,supreme ,court of      
,south ,carolina in the case of the     
,state vs4 ,cheetwood1 #b ,hill's       
,reports1 #dei4    ,protection of       
slaves4--,the criminal offence of       
assault and battery  cannot1 at common  
law1 be committed on the person of a    

slave4 ,for1  notwithstanding for some  
purposes a slave is regarded in law as a
  person1 yet generally he is a mere    
chattel personal1 and his right of      
personal protection belongs to his      
master1 who can maintain an action  of  
trespass for the battery of his slave4  
,there can be therefore no offence      
against the state for a mere  beating of
 a slave1 unaccompanied by any          
circumstances of cruelty1 or  an attempt
 to kill and murder4 ,the peace of the  
state is not thereby  broken2 for a     
slave is not generally regarded as      
legally capable of  being within the    
peace of the state4 ,he is not a        
citizen1 and is not  in that character  
entitled to her protection4    ,this    
'public opinion' protects the persons of
 the slaves by  depriving them of ,jury 
trial2#bh their consciences1 by         
forbidding  them to assemble for        
worship1 unless their oppressors are    
present2#bi  their characters1 by       
branding them as liars1 in denying them 

their  oath in law2#cj their modesty1 by
 leaving their master to clothe1  or let
 them go naked1 as he pleases2#ca and   
their health1 by  leaving him to feed or
 starve them1 to work them1 wet or dry1 
with or  without sleep1 to lodge them1  
with or without covering1 as the whim   
takes him2#cb and their liberty1        
marriage relations1 parental  authority1
 and filial obligations1 by annihilating
 the whole4#cc  ,this is the protection 
which ',,public ,,opinion1' in the form 
of law1  affords to the slaves2 this is 
the chivalrous knight1 always in        
stirrups1 with lance in rest1 to        
champion the cause of the slaves4       
,footnote #bh3 ,law of ,south ,carolina4
 ,james' ,digest1 #cib-c4 ,law of       
,louisiana4 ,martin's ,digest1 #db4 ,law
 of ,virginia4 ,rev4 ,code1 #dbi4       
,footnote #bi3 ,miss4 ,rev4 ,code1 #cij4
 ,similar laws exist in the slave       
states generally4      ,footnote #cj3 ,a
 slave cannot be a witness against a    
white person1  either in a civil or     

criminal cause4 ,stroud's ,sketch of the
 ,laws of  ,slavery1 #fe4      ,footnote
 #ca3 ,stroud's ,sketch of the ,slave   
,laws1 #acb4      ,footnote #cb3        
,stroud's ,sketch1 #bf-cb4              
,footnote #cc3 ,stroud's ,sketch1       
#bb-bd4      ,public opinion1 protection
 to the slave6 ,brazen effrontery1      
hypocrisy1  and falsehood6 ,we have1 in 
the laws cited and referred to above1   
the  formal testimony of the            
,legislatures of the slave states1 that1
  'public opinion' does pertinaciously  
refuse to protect the slaves2  not only 
so1 but that it does itself persecute   
and plunder them all3  that it          
originally planned1 and now presides    
over1 sanctions1 executes  and          
perpetuates the whole system of robbery1
 torture1 and outrage  under which they 
groan4    ,in all the slave states1 this
 'public opinion' has taken away from   
the  slave his liberty2 it has robbed   
him of his right to his own body1  of   
his right to improve his mind1 of his   

right to read the ,bible1 of  his right 
to worship ,god according to his        
conscience1 of his right to  receive and
 enjoy what he earns1 of his right to   
live with his wife  and children1 of his
 right to better his condition1 of his  
right to  eat when he is hungry1 to rest
 when he is tired1 to sleep when be     
needs it1 and to cover his nakedness    
with clothing3 this 'public  opinion'   
makes the slave a prisoner for life on  
the plantation1 except  when his jailor 
pleases to let him out with a 'pass1' or
 sells him1  and transfers him in irons 
to another jail-yard3 this 'public      
opinion'  traverses the country1 buying 
up men1 women1 children--chaining them  
in coffles1 and driving them forever    
from their nearest friends2 it  sets    
them on the auction table1 to be        
handled1 scrutinized1 knocked  off to   
the highest bidder2 it proclaims that   
they shall not have their  liberty2 and1
 if their masters give it them1 'public 
opinion' seizes  and throws them back   

into slavery4 ,this same 'public        
opinion' has  formally attached the     
following legal penalties to the        
following acts  of slaves4    ,if more  
than seven slaves are found together in 
any road1 without a  white person1      
twenty lashes a piece2 for visiting a   
plantation  without a written pass1 ten 
lashes2 for letting loose a boat from   
where it is made fast1 thirty-nine      
lashes for the first offence2 and  for  
the second1 'shall have cut off from his
 head one ear2' for  keeping or carrying
 a club1 thirty-nine lashes2 for having 
any  article for sale1 without a ticket 
from his master1 ten lashes2 for        
traveling in any other than 'the most   
usual and accustomed road1' when  going 
alone to any place1 forty lashes2 for   
traveling in the night1  without a pass1
 forty lashes2 for being found in       
another person's  negro-quarters1 forty 
lashes2 for hunting with dogs in the    
woods1  thirty lashes2 for being on     
horseback without the written           

permission of his master1 twenty-five   
lashes2 for riding or going  abroad in  
the night1 or riding horses in the day  
time1 without leave1  a slave may be    
whipped1 cropped1 or branded in the     
cheek with the  letter ,r1 or otherwise 
punished1 not extending to life1 or so  
as to  render him unfit for labor4 ,the 
laws referred to may be found by        
consulting #b ,brevard's ,digest1 #bbh1 
#bac1 #baf2 ,haywood's ,manual1 #gh1    
chap4 #ac1 pp4 #eah1 #ebi2 #a ,virginia 
,revised ,code1 #gbb-c2 ,prince's       
,digest1 #ded2 #b ,missouri ,laws1 #gda2
 ,mississippi ,revised ,code1 #ega4     
,laws  similar to these exist throughout
 the southern slave code4 ,extracts     
enough to fill a volume might be made   
from these laws1 showing that  the      
protection which 'public opinion' grants
 to the slaves1 is hunger1  nakedness1  
terror1 bereavements1 robbery1          
imprisonment1 the stocks1  iron collars1
 hunting and worrying them with dogs and
 guns1 mutilating  their bodies1 and    

murdering them4    ,a few specimens of  
the laws and the judicial decisions on  
them1 will  show what is the state of   
'public opinion' among slaveholders     
towards  their slaves4 ,let the         
following suffice4--',any person may    
lawfully  kill a slave1 who has been    
outlawed for running away and lurking in
  swamps1 c4'--,law of ,north ,carolina2
 ,judge ,stroud's ,sketch of the  ,slave
 ,laws1 #ajc2 ,haywood's ,manual1 #ebd4 
',a slave endeavoring to  entice another
 slave to runaway1 if provisions1 c4 be 
prepared for  the purpose of aiding in  
such running away1 shall be punished    
with  ,,death4 ,and a slave who shall   
aid the slave so endeavoring to entice  
another slave to run away1 shall also   
suffer ,,death4'--,law of ,south        
,carolina2 ,stroud's ,sketch of ,slave  
,laws1 #ajc-d2 #b ,brevard's ,digest1   
#bcc1 #bdd4 ,another law of ,south      
,carolina provides that if a slave      
shall1 when absent from the plantation1 
refuse to be examined by 'any  white    

person1' 7no matter how crazy or drunk17
 'such white person may  seize and      
chastise him2 and if the slave shall    
strike such white  person1 such slave   
may be lawfully killed4'--#b ,brevard's 
,digest1 #bca4    ,the following is a   
law of ,georgia4--',if any slave shall  
presume to  strike any white person1    
such slave shall1 upon trial and        
conviction  before the justice or       
justices1 suffer such punishment for the
 first  offence as they shall think fit1
 not extending to life or limb2 and  for
 the second offence1                    
,,death4'--,prince's ,digest1 #dej4 ,the
 same law  exists in ,south ,carolina1  
with this difference1 that death is made
 the  punishment for the third offence4 
,in both states1 the law contains  this 
remarkable proviso3 ',provided always1  
that such striking be not  done by the  
command and in the defence of the person
 or property of  the owner1 or other    
person having the government of such    
slave1 in  which case the slave shall be

 wholly excused6' ,according to this    
law1  if a slave1 by the direction of   
his ,,overseer1 strike a white man who  
is beating said overseer's dog1 'the    
slave shall be wholly excused2'  but if 
the white man has rushed upon the slave 
himself1 instead of the  dog1 and is    
furiously beating him1 if the slave     
strike back but a  single blow1 the     
legal penalty is ',,any punishment not  
extending to  life or limb2' and if the 
tortured slave has a second onset made  
upon  him1 and1 after suffering all but 
death1 again strike back in             
self-defence1 the law ,,kills him for   
it4 ,so1 if a female slave1 in          
obedience to her mistress1 and in       
defence of 'her property1' strike a     
white man who is kicking her mistress'  
pet kitten1 she 'shall be  wholly       
excused1' saith the considerate law3 but
 if the unprotected  girl1 when beaten  
and kicked herself1 raise her hand      
against her  brutal assailant1 the law  
condemns her to 'any punishment1 not    

extending to life or limb2 and if a     
wretch assail her again1 and  attempt to
 violate her chastity1 and the trembling
 girl1 in her  anguish and terror1      
instinctively raise her hand against him
 in  self-defence1 she shall1 saith the 
law1 'suffer ,,death4'    ,reader1 this 
diabolical law is the 'public opinion'  
of ,georgia and  ,south ,carolina toward
 the slaves4 ,this is the vaunted       
'protection'  afforded them by their    
'high-souled chivalry4' ,to show that   
the  'public opinion' of the slave      
states far more effectually protects the
  property of the master than the person
 of the slave1 the reader is  referred  
to two laws of ,louisiana1 passed in    
#ahai4 ,the one attaches a  penalty 'not
 exceeding one thousand dollars1' and   
'imprisonment not  exceeding two years1'
 to the crime of 'cutting or breaking   
any iron  chain or collar1' which any   
master of slaves has used to prevent    
their  running away2 the other1 a       
penalty 'not exceeding five hundred     

dollars1' to 'wilfully cutting out the  
tongue1 putting out the eye1  cruelly   
burning1 or depriving any slave of any  
limb4' ,look at  it--the most horrible  
dismemberment conceivable cannot be     
punished by  a fine of more than five   
hundred dollars4 ,the law expressly     
fixes  that1 as the utmost limit1 and it
 may not be half that sum2 not a  single
 moment's imprisonment stays the wretch 
in his career1 and the  next hour he may
 cut out another slave's tongue1 or burn
 his hand off4  ,but let the same man   
break a chain put upon a slave1 to keep 
him from  running away1 and1 besides    
paying double the penalty that could be 
exacted from him for cutting off a      
slave's leg1 the law imprisons him  not 
exceeding two years6    ,this law       
reveals the heart of slaveholders       
towards their slaves1  their diabolical 
indifference to the most excruciating   
and protracted  torments inflicted on   
them by 'any person2' it reveals1 too1  
the  relative protection afforded by    

'public opinion' to the person of  the  
slave1 in appalling contrast with the   
vastly surer protection  which it       
affords to the master's property in the 
slave4 ,the wretch  who cuts out the    
tongue1 tears out the eyes1 shoots off  
the arms1 or  burns off the feet of a   
slave1 over a slow fire1 cannot legally 
be  fined more than five hundred        
dollars2 but if he should in pity loose 
a  chain from his galled neck1 placed   
there by the master to keep him  from   
escaping1 and thus put his property in  
some jeopardy1 he may be  fined one     
thousand dollars1 and thrust into a     
dungeon for two years6  and this1 be it 
remembered1 not for stealing the slave  
from the  master1 nor for enticing1 or  
even advising him to run away1 or       
giving him any information how he can   
effect his escape2 but merely1  because1
 touched with sympathy for the bleeding 
victim1 as he sees the  rough iron chafe
 the torn flesh at every turn1 he       
removes it2--and1 as  escape without    

this incumbrance would be easier than   
with it1 the  master's property in the  
slave is put at some risk4 ,for having  
caused  this slight risk1 the law       
provides a punishment--fine not         
exceeding  one thousand dollars1 and    
imprisonment not exceeding two years4   
,we  say 'slight risk1' because the     
slave may not be disposed to encounter  
the dangers1 and hunger1 and other      
sufferings of the woods1 and the        
certainty of terrible inflictions if    
caught2 and if he should attempt  it1   
the risk of losing him is small4 ,an    
advertisement of five lines  will set   
the whole community howling on his      
track2 and the trembling  and famished  
fugitive is soon scented out in his     
retreat1 and dragged  back and delivered
 over to his tormentors4    ,the        
preceding law is another illustration of
 the 'protection' afforded  to the limbs
 and members of slaves1 by 'public      
opinion' among  slaveholders4    ,here  
follow two other illustrations of the   

brutal indifference of  'public opinion'
 to the torments of the slave1 while it 
is full of  zeal to compensate the      
master1 if any one disables his slave so
 as to  lessen his market value4 ,the   
first is a law of ,south ,carolina4 ,it 
provides1 that if a slave1 engaged in   
his owner's service1 be attacked  by a  
person 'not having sufficient cause for 
so doing1' and if the  slave shall be   
'maimed or disabled' by him1 so that the
 owner  suffers a loss from his         
inability to labor1 the person maiming  
him  shall pay for his 'lost time1' and 
'also the charges for the cure of  the  
slave6' ,this ,vandal law does not deign
 to take the least notice of  the       
anguish of the 'maimed' slave1 made1    
perhaps1 a groaning cripple  for life2  
the horrible wrong and injury done to   
him1 is passed over  in utter silence4  
,it is thus declared to be not a        
criminal act4 ,but  the pecuniary       
interests of the master are not to be   
thus neglected by  'public opinion'4 ,oh

 no6 its tender bowels run over with    
sympathy at  the master's injury in the 
'lost time' of his slave1 and it        
carefully provides that he shall have   
pay for the whole of it4--,see #b       
,brevard's ,digest1 #bca1 #b4    ,a law 
similar to the above has been passed in 
,louisiana1 which  contains an          
additional provision for the benefit of 
the  master--ordaining1 that 'if the    
slave' 7thus maimed and disabled17  'be 
forever rendered unable to work1' the   
person maiming1 shall pay  the master   
the appraised value of the slave before 
the injury1 and  shall1 in addition1    
take the slave1 and maintain him during 
life4'  ,thus 'public opinion' transfers
 the helpless cripple from the hand of  
his master1 who1 as he has always had   
the benefit of his services1  might     
possibly feel some tenderness for him1  
and puts him in the sole  power of the  
wretch who has disabled him for         
life--protecting the  victim from the   
fury of his tormentor1 by putting him   

into his hands6  ,what but butchery by  
piecemeal can1 under such circumstances1
 be  expected from a man brutal enough  
at first to 'maim' and 'disable'  him1  
and now exasperated by being obliged to 
pay his full value to the  master1 and  
to have1 in addition1 the daily care and
 expense of his  maintenance4 ,since    
writing the above1 we have seen the     
following  judicial decision1 in the    
case of ,jourdan1 vs4 ,patton--#e       
,martin's  ,louisiana ,reports1 #fae4 ,a
 slave of the plaintiff had been        
deprived of  his only eye1 and thus     
rendered useless1 on which account the  
court adjudged that the defendant should
 pay the plaintiff his full  value4 ,the
 case went up1 by appeal1 to the        
,supreme court4 ,judge  ,mathews1 in his
 decision said1 that 'when the defendant
 had paid the  sum decreed1 the slave   
ought to be placed in his               
possession1'--adding1  that 'the        
judgment making full compensation to the
 owner operates a  change of property4  

,he adds1 ',the principle of humanity   
which would  lead us to suppose1 that   
the mistress whom he had long served1   
would  treat her miserable blind slave  
with more kindness than the defendant   
to whom the judgment ought to transfer  
him1 ,,cannot ,,be ,,taken ,,into       
,,consideration6' ,the full compensation
 of the mistress for the loss of  the   
services of the slave1 is worthy of all 
'consideration1' even to  the uttermost 
farthing2 'public opinion' is omnipotent
 for her  protection2 but when the food1
 clothing1 shelter1 fire and lodging1   
medicine and nursing1 comfort and entire
 condition and treatment of  her poor   
blind slave throughout his dreary       
pilgrimage1 is the  question--ah6 that1 
says the mouthpiece of the law1 and the 
representative of 'public opinion1'     
',,cannot ,,be ,,taken ,,into           
,,consideration4' ,protection of slaves 
by 'public opinion' among               
slaveholders66    ,the foregoing        
illustrations of southern 'public       

opinion1' from the  laws made by it and 
embodying it1 are sufficient to show1   
that1 so far  from being an efficient   
protection to the slaves1 it is their   
deadliest foe1 persecutor and tormentor4
    ,but here we shall probably be met  
by the legal lore of some ',justice     
,shallow1' instructing us that the life 
of the slave is fully protected  by law1
 however unprotected he may be in other 
respects4 ,this  assertion we meet with 
a point blank denial4 ,the law does not1
 in  reality1 protect the life of the   
slave4 ,but even if the letter of the   
law would fully protect the life of the 
slave1 'public opinion' in the  slave   
states would make it a dead letter4 ,the
 letter of the law would  have been     
all-sufficient for the protection of the
 lives of the  miserable gamblers in    
,vicksburg1 and other places in         
,mississippi1 from  the rage of those   
whose money they had won2 but 'gentlemen
 of property  and standing 'laughed the 
law to scorn1 rushed to the gamblers'   

house1  put ropes round their necks1    
dragged them through the streets1 hanged
  them in the public square1 and thus   
saved the sum they had not yet  paid4   
,thousands witnessed this wholesale     
murder1 yet of the scores of  legal     
officers present1 not a soul raised a   
finger to prevent it1 the  whole city   
consented to it1 and thus aided and     
abetted it4 ,how many  hundreds of them 
helped to commit the murders1 with their
 own hands1  does not appear1 but not   
one of them has been indicted for it1   
and no  one made the least effort to    
bring them to trial4 ,thus1 up to the   
present hour1 the blood of those        
murdered men rests on that whole  city1 
and it will continue to be a ,,city ,,of
 ,,murderers1 so long as its  citizens1 
agree together to shield those felons   
from punishment2 and  they do thus agree
 together so long as they encourage each
 other in  refusing to bring them to    
justice4 ,now1 the laws of ,mississippi 
were  not in fault that those men were  

murdered2 nor are they now in fault1    
that their murderers are not punished2  
the laws demand it1 but the  people of  
,mississippi1 the legal officers1 the   
grand juries and  legislature of the    
state1 with one consent agree1 that the 
law shall  be a dead letter1 and thus   
the whole state assumes the guilt of    
those  murders1 and in bravado1         
flourishes her reeking hands in the face
 of  the world4#cd    ,footnote #cd3 ,we
 have just learned from ,mississippi    
papers1 that the  citizens of ,vicksburg
 are erecting a public monument in honor
 of ,dr4  ,h4,s4 ,bodley1 who was the   
ring-leader of the ,lynchers in their   
attack  upon the miserable victims4 ,to 
give the crime the cold encouragement   
of impunity alone1 or such slight tokens
 of favor as a home and a  sanctuary1 is
 beneath the chivalry and hospitality of
 ,mississippians2  so they tender it    
incense1 an altar1 and a crown of glory4
 ,let the  marble rise till it be seen  
from afar1 a beacon marking the spot    

where  law lies lifeless by the hand of 
felons2 and murderers1 with chaplets  on
 their heads1 dance and shout upon its  
grave1 while 'all the people  say1      
amen4'      ,the letter of the law on   
the statute book is one thing1 the      
practice  of the community under that   
law often a totally different thing4    
,each  of the slave states has laws     
providing that the life of no white man 
shall be taken without his having first 
been indicted by a grand jury1  allowed 
an impartial trial by a petit jury1 with
 the right of counsel1                  
cross-examination of witnesses1 c42 but 
who does not know that if  ,,arthur     
,,tappan were pointed out in the streets
 of ,new ,orleans1 ,mobile1  ,savannah1 
,charleston1 ,natchez1 or ,st4 ,louis1  
he would be torn in  pieces by the      
citizens with one accord1 and that if   
any one should  attempt to bring his    
murderers to punishment1 he would be    
torn in  pieces also4 ,the editors of   
southern newspapers openly vaunt1 that  

every abolitionist who sets foot in     
their soil1 shall1 if he be  discovered1
 be hung at once1 without judge or jury4
 ,what mockery to  quote the letter of  
the law in those states1 to show that   
abolitionists would have secured to them
 the legal protection of an  impartial  
trial6    ,before the objector can make 
out his case1 that the life of the slave
  is protected by the law1 he must not  
only show that the words of the  law    
grant him such protection1 but that such
 a state of public  sentiment exists as 
will carry out the provisions of the law
 in their  true spirit4 ,any thing short
 of this will be set down as mere       
prating  by every man of common sense4  
,it has been already abundantly shown in
  the preceding pages1 that the public  
sentiment of the slaveholding  states   
toward the slaves is diabolical4 ,now1  
if there were laws in  those states1 the
 words of which granted to the life of  
the slave  the same protection granted  
to that of the master1 what would they  

avail8 ,,acts constitute protection2 and
 is that public sentiment which  makes  
the slave 'property1' and perpetrates   
hourly robbery and  batteries upon him1 
so penetrated with a sense of the       
sacredness of  his right to life1 that  
it will protect it at all hazards1 and  
drag to  the gallows his ,,owner1 if he 
take the life of his own property8 ,if  
it be asked1 why the penalty for killing
 a slave is not a mere fine  then1 if   
his life is not really regarded as      
sacred by public  sentiment--we answer1 
that formerly in most1 if not in all the
 slave  states1 the murder of a slave   
was punished by a mere fine4 ,this was  
the case in ,south ,carolina till a few 
years since4 ,yes1 as late as  #ahba1 in
 the state of ,south ,carolina1 which   
boasts of its chivalry and  honor1 at   
least as loudly as any state in the     
,union1 a slaveholder  might butcher his
 slave in the most deliberate           
manner--with the most  barbarous and    
protracted torments1 and yet not be     

subjected to a  single hour's           
imprisonment--pay his fine1 stride out  
of the court and  kill another--pay his 
fine again and butcher another1 and so  
long as  he paid to the state1 cash     
down1 its own assessment of damages1    
without putting it to the trouble of    
prosecuting for it1 he might  strut 'a  
gentleman4'--,see #b ,brevard's ,digest1
 #bda4    ,the reason assigned by the   
legislature for enacting a law which    
punished the wilful murder of a human   
being by a fine1 was that  ',,cruelty is
 ,,highly ,,unbecoming1' and ',,odious4'
 ,it was doubtless the  same reason that
 induced the legislature in #ahba1 to   
make a show of  giving more protection  
to the life of the slave4 ,their        
fathers1 when  they gave some           
protection1 did it because the time had 
come when1  not to do it would make them
 ',,odious1' ,so the legislature of     
#ahba made  a show of giving still      
greater protection1 because1 not to do  
it would  make them 'odious4' ,fitly did

 they wear the mantles of their         
ascending fathers6 ,in giving to the    
life of a slave the miserable           
protection of a fine1 their fathers did 
not even pretend to do it out  of any   
regard to the sacredness of his life as 
a human being1 but  merely because      
cruelty is 'unbecoming' and 'odious4'   
,the legislature  of #ahba nominally    
increased this protection2 not that they
 cared  more for the slave's rights1 or 
for the inviolabity of his life as a    
human being1 but the civilized world had
 advanced since the date of  the first  
law4 ,the slave-trade which was then    
honorable merchandise1  and plied by    
lords1 governors1 judges1 and doctors of
 divinity1  raising them to immense     
wealth1 had grown 'unbecoming1' and only
  raised its votaries by a rope to the  
yard arm2 besides this1 the  barbarity  
of the slave codes throughout the world 
was fast becoming  'odious' to civilized
 nations1 and slaveholders found that   
the only  conditions on which they could

 prevent themselves from being thrust   
out of the pale of civilization1 was to 
meliorate the iron rigor of  their slave
 code1 and thus seem to secure to their 
slaves some  protection4 ,further1 the  
northern states had passed laws for the 
abolition of slavery--all the ,south    
,american states were acting in the     
matter2 and ,colombia and ,chili passed 
acts of abolition that very  year4 ,in  
addition to all this the ,missouri      
question had been for two  years        
previous under discussion in ,congress1 
in ,state legislatures1  and in every   
village and stage coach2 and this law of
 ,south ,carolina  had been held up to  
execration by northern members of       
,congress1 and in  newspapers throughout
 the free states--in a word1 the        
legislature of  ,south ,carolina found  
that they were becoming 'odious2' and   
while in  their sense of justice and    
humanity they did not surpass their     
fathers1 they winced with equal         
sensitiveness under the sting of the    

world's scorn1 and with equal           
promptitude sued for a truce by         
modifying the law4    ,the legislature  
of ,south ,carolina modified another law
 at the same  session4 ,previously1 the 
killing of a slave 'on a sudden heat or 
passion1 or by undue correction1' was   
punished by a fine of three  hundred and
 fifty pounds4 ,in #ahba an act was     
passed diminishing the  fine to five    
hundred dollars1 but authorizing an     
imprisonment 'not  exceeding six        
months4' ,just before the ,american     
,revolution1 the  ,legislature of ,north
 ,carolina passed a law making          
imprisonment the  penalty for the wilful
 and malicious murder of a slave4 ,about
 twenty  years after the revolution1 the
 state found itself becoming 'odious1'  
as the spirit of abolition was pervading
 the nations4 ,the legislature1         
perceiving that ,christendom would      
before long rank them with  barbarians  
if they so cheapened human life1        
repealed the law1 candidly  assigning in

 the preamble of the new one the reason 
for repealing the  old--that it was     
',,disgraceful' and ',,degrading6 ,as   
this preamble  expressly recognizes the 
slave as 'a human creature1' and as it  
is  couched in a phraseology which      
indicates some sense of justice1 we     
would gladly give the legislature credit
 for sincerity1 and believe  them really
 touched with humane movings towards the
 slave1 were it not  for a proviso in   
the law clearly revealing that the show 
of humanity  and regard for their       
rights1 indicated by the words1 is      
nothing more  than a hollow             
pretence--hypocritical flourish to      
produce an impression  favorable to     
their justice and magnanimity4 ,after   
declaring that he  who is 'guilty of    
wilfully and maliciously killing a      
slave1 shall  suffer the same punishment
 as if he had killed a freeman2' the act
  concludes thus3 ',provided1 always1   
this act shall not extend to the  person
 killing a slave outlawed by virtue of  

any act of ,assembly of  this state2 or 
to any slave in the act of resistance to
 his lawful  overseer1 or master1 or to 
any slave dying under moderate          
correction4' ,reader1 look at this      
proviso4 #a4 ,it gives free license  to 
all persons to kill outlawed slaves4    
,well1 what is an outlawed  slave8 ,a   
slave who runs away1 lurks in swamps1   
c41 and kills a hog  or any other       
domestic animal to keep himself from    
starving1 is subject  to a proclamation 
of outlawry2 7,haywood's ,manual1 #eba17
 and then  whoever finds him may shoot  
him1 tear him in pieces with dogs1 burn 
him to death over a slow fire1 or kill  
him by any other tortures4 #b4  ,the    
proviso grants full license to a master 
to kill his slave1 if the  slave resist 
him4 ,the ,north ,carolina ,bench has   
decided that this law  contemplates not 
only actual resistance to punishment1   
c41 but also  offering to resist4       
7,stroud's ,sketch1 #cg47 ,if1 for      
example1 a slave  undergoing the process

 of branding should resist by pushing   
aside the  burning stamp2 or if wrought 
up to frenzy by the torture of the lash1
  he should catch and hold it fast2 or  
if he break loose from his master  and  
run1 refusing to stop at his command2 or
 if he refuse to be  flogged2 or        
struggle to keep his clothes on while   
his master is trying  to strip him2 if1 
in these1 or any one of a hundred other 
ways he  resist1 or offer1 or threaten  
to resist the infliction2 or1 if the    
master attempt the violation of the     
slave's wife1 and the husband  resist   
his attempts without the least effort to
 injure him1 but merely  to shield his  
wife from his assaults1 this law does   
not merely permit1  but it authorizes   
the master to murder the slave on the   
spot4    ,the brutality of these two    
provisos brands its authors as          
barbarians4  ,but the third cause of    
exemption could not be outdone by the   
legislation of fiends4 ',,dying under   
,,moderate correction6' ,,moderate      

correction and ,,death--cause and       
effect6 ',provided ,,always1' says the  
law1 'this act shall not extend to any  
slave dying under moderate  correction6'
 ,here is a formal proclamation of      
impunity to murder--an  express pledge  
of acquittal to all slaveholders who    
wish to murder  their slaves1 a legal   
absolution--an indulgence granted before
 the  commission of the crime6 ,look at 
the phraseology4 ,nothing is said of    
maimings1 dismemberments1 skull         
fractures1 of severe bruisings1 or      
lacerations1 or even of floggings2 but a
 word is used the  common-parlance      
import of which is1 slight chastisement2
 it is not  even whipping1 but          
'correction' ,and as if hypocrisy and   
malignity  were on the rack to outwit   
each other1 even that weak word must be 
still farther diluted2 so 'moderate' is 
added3 and1 to crown the  climax1       
compounded of absurdity1 hypocrisy1 and 
cold-blooded murder1  the legal         
definition of 'moderate correction' is  

covertly given2  which is1 any          
punishment that ,,kills the victim4 ,all
 inflictions are  either moderate or    
immoderate2 and the design of this law  
was  manifestly to shield the murderer  
from conviction1 by carrying on its     
face the rule for its own               
interpretation2 thus advertising1       
beforehand1 courts and juries1 that the 
fact of any infliction  producing death1
 was no evidence that it was immoderate1
 and that  beating a man to death came  
within the legal meaning of 'moderate   
correction6' ,the design of the         
legislature of ,north ,carolina in      
framing this law is manifest2 it was to 
produce the impression upon  the world1 
that they had so high a sense of justice
 as voluntarily to  grant adequate      
protection to the lives of their slaves4
 ,this is  ostentatiously set forth in  
the preamble1 and in the body of the    
law4  ,that this was the most despicable
 hypocrisy1 and that they had           
predetermined to grant no such          

protection1 notwithstanding the pains   
taken to get the credit of it1 is fully 
revealed by the proviso1  which was     
framed in such a way as to nullify the  
law1 for the express  accommodation of  
slaveholding gentlemen murdering their  
slaves4 ,all  such find in this proviso 
a convenient accomplice before the fact1
 and  a packed jury1 with a ready-made  
verdict of 'not guilty1' both           
gratuitously furnished by the           
government6 ,the preceding law and      
proviso are to be found in ,haywood's   
,manual1 #ecj2 also in ,laws of         
,tennessee1 ,act of ,october #bc1 #agia2
 and in ,stroud's ,sketch1 #cg4         
,enough has been said already to show1  
that though the laws of the  slave      
states profess to grant adequate        
protection to the life of the  slave1   
such professions are mere empty         
pretence1 no such protection  being in  
reality afforded by them4 ,but there is 
still another fact1  showing that all   
laws which profess to protect the slaves

 from injury  by the whites are a       
mockery4 ,it is this--that the          
testimony1 neither  of a slave nor of a 
free colored person1 is legal testimony 
against  a white4 ,to this rule there is
 no exception in any of the slave       
states3 and this1 were there no other   
evidence1 would be sufficient to  stamp1
 as hypocritical1 all the provisions of 
the codes which  profess to protect the 
slaves4 ,professing to grant protection1
  while1 at the same time1 it strips    
them of the only means by which  they   
can make that protection available6     
,injuries must be legally  proved before
 they can be legally redressed3 to      
deprive men of the  power of proving    
their injuries1 is itself the greatest  
of all  injuries2 for it not only       
exposes to all1 but invites them1 by a  
virtual guarantee of impunity1 and is   
thus the author of all  injuries4 ,it   
matters not what other laws exist1      
professing to throw  safeguards round   
the slave--this makes them blank paper4 

,how can a  slave prove outrages        
perpetrated upon him by his master or   
overseer1  when his own testimony and   
that of all his fellow-slaves1 his      
kindred1  associates1 and acquaintances1
 is ruled out of court8 and when he is  
entirely in the power of those who      
injure him1 and when the only  care     
necessary1 on their part1 is1 to see    
that no white witness is  looking on4   
,ordinarily1 but one white man1 the     
overseer1 is with the  slaves while they
 are at labor2 indeed1 on most          
plantations1 to commit  an outrage in   
the presence of a white witness would be
 more  difficult than in their absence4 
,he who wished to commit an illegal  act
 upon a slave1 instead of being obliged 
to take pains and watch  for an         
opportunity to do it unobserved by a    
white1 would find it  difficult to do it
 in the presence of a white if he wished
 to do so4  ,the supreme court of       
,louisiana1 in their decision1 in the   
case of  ,crawford vs4 ,cherry17#ae1    

,martin's ,la4 ,rep4 #aab2 also ,law of 
,slavery1 #bdi17 where the defendant was
 sued for the value of a slave  whom he 
had shot and killed1 say1 ,the act      
charged here1 is one  rarely committed  
in the presence of witnesses1 7whites74 
,so in  the case of the ,state vs4      
,mann1 7,devereux1 ,n4,c4 ,rep4 #bfc2   
and ,law  of ,slavery1 #bdg27 in which  
the defendant was charged with shooting 
a  slave girl 'belonging' to the        
plaintiff2 the ,supreme ,court of ,north
  ,carolina1 in their decision1 speaking
 of the provocations of the  master by  
the slave1 and 'the consequent wrath of 
the master'  prompting him to bloody    
vengeance1 add1 'a vengeance generally  
practised with impunity1 by reason of   
its privacy4'    ,laws excluding the    
testimony of slaves and free colored    
persons1 where  a white is concerned1 do
 not exist in all the slave states4 ,one
 or two  of them have no legal enactment
 on the subject2 but1 in those1  'public
 opinion' acts with the force of law1   

and the courts  invariably reject it4   
,this brings us back to the potency of  
that  oft-quoted 'public opinion1' so   
ready1 according to our objector1 to  do
 battle for the protection of the slave6
    ,another proof that 'public         
opinion1' in the slave states1 plunders1
  tortures1 and murders the slaves1     
instead of protecting them1 is  found in
 the fact1 that the laws of slave states
 inflict capital  punishment on slaves  
for a variety of crimes1 for which1 if  
their  masters commit them1 the legal   
penalty is merely imprisonment4 ,judge  
,stroud in his ,sketch of the ,laws of  
,slavery1 says1 that by the laws of     
,virginia1 there are 'seventy-one crimes
 for which slaves are capitally         
punished though in none of these are    
whites punished in manner more  severe  
than by imprisonment in the             
penitentiary4' 7,p4 #ajg1 where the     
reader will find all the crimes         
enumerated47 ,it should be added1       
however1 that though the penalty for    

each of these seventy-one crimes  is    
'death1' yet a majority of them are1 in 
the words of the law1  'death within    
clergy2' and in ,virginia1 clergyable   
offences1 though  technically capital1  
are not so in fact4 ,in ,mississippi1   
slaves are  punished capitally for more 
than thirty crimes1 for which whites are
  punished only by fine or imprisonment1
 or both4 ,eight of these are not       
recognized as crimes1 either by common  
law or by statute1 when  committed by   
whites4 ,in ,south ,carolina slaves are 
punished capitally  for nine more crimes
 than the whites--in ,georgia1 for      
six--and in  ,kentucky1 for seven more  
than whites1 c4 ,we surely need not     
detain  the reader by comments on this  
monstrous inequality with which the     
penal codes of slave states treat slaves
 and their masters4 ,when we  consider  
that guilt is in proportion to          
intelligence1 and that these  masters   
have by law doomed their slaves to      
ignorance1 and then1 as  they darkle and

 grope along their blind way1 inflict   
penalties upon  them for a variety of   
acts regarded as praise worthy in       
whites2  killing them for crimes1 when  
whites are only fined or imprisoned--to 
call such a 'public opinion' inhuman1   
savage1 murderous1 diabolical1  would be
 to use tame words1 if the ,english     
vocabulary could supply  others of more 
horrible import4    ,but slaveholding   
brutality does not stop here4 ,while    
punishing the  slaves for crimes with   
vastly greater severity than it does    
their  masters for the same crimes1 and 
making a variety of acts crimes in  law1
 which are right1 and often duties1 it  
persists in refusing to  make known to  
the slaves that complicated and         
barbarous penal code  which loads them  
with such fearful liabilities4 ,the     
slave is left to  get a knowledge of    
these laws as he can1 and cases must be 
of constant  occurrence at the south1 in
 which slaves get their first knowledge 
of  the existence of a law by suffering 

its penalty4 ,indeed1 this is  probably 
the way in which they commonly learn    
what the laws are2 for  how else can the
 slave get a knowledge of the laws8 ,he 
cannot  read--he cannot learn to read2  
if he try to master the alphabet1  so   
that he may spell out the words of the  
law1 and thus avoid its  penalties1 the 
law shakes its terrors at him2 while1 at
 the same time1  those who made the laws
 refuse to make them known to those for 
whom  they are designed4 ,the memory of 
,caligula will blacken with execration  
while time lasts1 because be hung up his
 laws so high that people  could not    
read them1 and then punished them       
because they did not keep  them4 ,our   
slaveholders aspire to blacker infamy4  
,caligula was content  with hanging up  
his laws where his subjects could see   
them2 and if  they could not read them1 
they knew where they were1 and might get
 at  them1 if1 in their zeal to learn   
his will1 they had used the same  means 
to get up to them that those did who    

hung them there4 ,even  ,caligula1      
wretch as he was1 would have shuddered  
at cutting their legs  off1 to prevent  
their climbing to them2 or1 if they had 
got there1 at  boring their eyes out1 to
 prevent their reading them4 ,our       
slaveholders  virtually do both2 for    
they prohibit their slaves acquiring    
that  knowledge of letters which would  
enable them to read the laws2 and if1   
by stealth1 they get it in spite of     
them1 they prohibit them books and      
papers1 and flog them if they are caught
 at them4 ,further--,caligula  merely   
hung his laws so high that they could   
not be read--our  slaveholders have hung
 theirs so high above the slave that    
they cannot  be seen--they are utterly  
out of sight1 and he finds out that they
  are there only by the falling of the  
penalties on his head4#ce ,thus  the    
public opinion of slave states protects 
the defenceless slave by  arming a host 
of legal penalties and setting them in  
ambush at every  thicket along his path1

 to spring upon him unawares4           
,footnote #ce3 ,the following extract   
from the ,alexandria 7,d4,c47 ,gazette  
is all illustration4 ,,criminals        
,,condemned4--,on ,monday last the      
,court  of the borough of ,norfolk1 ,va4
 sat on the trial of four negro boys    
arraigned for burglary4 ,the first      
indictment charged them with  breaking  
into the hardware store of ,mr4 ,e4,p4  
,tabb1 upon which two of  them were     
found guilty by the ,court1 and         
condemned to suffer the  penalty of the 
law1 which1 in the case of a slave1 is  
death4 ,the  second ,friday in ,april is
 appointed for the execution of their   
awful  sentence4 ,their ages do not     
exceed sixteen4 ,the first1 a fine      
active  boy1 belongs to a widow lady in 
,alexandria2 the latter1 a house        
servant1 is owned by a gentleman in the 
borough4 ,the value of one was  fixed at
 #ajjj1 and the other at #hjj2 which    
sums are to be  re-imbursed to their    
respective owners out of the state      

treasury4 ,in  all probability these    
poor boys1 who are to be hung for       
stealing1  never dreamed that death was 
the legal penalty of the crime4    ,here
 is another1 from the ,new ,orleans ,bee
 of ---- #ad1 #ahcg--,the  slave who    
,,struck some citizens in ,canal street1
 some weeks since1 has  been tried and  
found guilty1 and is sentenced to be    
,,hung on the #bdth4      ,stroud1 in   
his ,sketch of the ,laws of ,slavery1   
page #ajj1 thus comments  on this       
monstrous barbarity4    ,the hardened   
convict moves their sympathy1 and is to 
be taught the  laws before he is        
expected to obey them2#cf yet the       
guiltless slave  is subjected to an     
extensive system of cruel enactments1 of
 no part of  which1 probably1 has he    
ever heard4    ,footnote #cf3 ,it shall 
be the duty of the keeper of the        
penitentiary  on the receipt of each    
prisoner1 to read to him or her such    
parts of  the penal laws of this state  
as impose penalties for escape1 and to  

make all the prisoners in the           
penitentiary acquainted with the same4  
,it shall also be his duty1 on the      
discharge of such prisoner1 to read  to 
him or her such parts of the laws as    
impose additional punishments  for the  
repetition of offences4--,rule #abth1   
for the internal  government of the     
,penitentiary of ,georgia4 ,sec4 #bf of 
the ,penitentiary  ,act of              
#ahaf4--,prince's ,digest1 #chf4        
,having already drawn so largely on the 
reader's patience1 in  illustrating     
southern 'public opinion' by the slave  
laws1 instead of  additional            
illustrations of the same point from    
another class of those  laws1 as was our
 design1 we will group together a few   
particulars1  which the reader can take 
in at a glance1 showing that the public 
opinion of slaveholders towards their   
slaves1 which exists at the  south1 in  
the form of law1 tramples on all those  
fundamental  principles of right1       
justice1 and equity1 which are          

recognized as  sacred by all civilized  
nations1 and receive the homage even of 
barbarians4    #a4 ,one of these        
principles is1 that the benefits of law 
to the  subject should overbalance its  
burdens--its protection more than       
compensate for its restraints and       
exactions--and its blessings  altogether
 outweigh its inconveniences and        
evils--the former being  numerous1      
positive1 and permanent1 the latter few1
 negative1 and  incidental4 ,totally the
 reverse of all this is true in the case
 of the  slave4 ,law is to him all      
exaction and no protection3 instead of  
lightening his natural burdens1 it      
crushes him under a multitude of        
artificial ones2 instead of a friend to 
succor him1 it is his  deadliest foe1   
transfixing him at every step from the  
cradle to the  grave4 ,law has been     
beautifully defined to be benevolence   
acting by  rule2 to the ,american slave 
it is malevolence torturing by system4  
,it  is an old truth1 that              

responsibility increases with capacity2 
but  those same laws which make the     
slave a chattel1 require of him  more   
than of men4 ,the same law which makes  
him a thing incapable  of obligation1   
loads him with obligations              
superhuman--while sinking  him below the
 level of a brute in dispensing its     
benefits1 he lays  upon him burdens     
which would break down an angel4    #b4 
,innocence is entitled to the protection
 of law4 ,slaveholders make  innocence  
free plunder2 this is their daily       
employment2 their laws  assail it1 make 
it their victim1 inflict upon it all1   
and1 in some  respects1 more than all   
the penalties of the greatest guilt4 ,to
 other  innocent persons1 law is a      
blessing1 to the slave it is a curse1   
only  a curse and that continually4     
#c4 ,deprivation of liberty is one of   
the highest punishments of  crime2 and  
in proportion to its justice when       
inflicted on the guilty1  is its        
injustice when inflicted on the         

innocent2 this terrible penalty  is     
inflicted on two million seven hundred  
thousand1 innocent persons  in the      
,southern states4    #d4                
,self-preservation and self-defence1 are
 universally regarded as  the most      
sacred of human rights1 yet the laws of 
slave states punish  the slave with     
death for exercising these rights in    
that way1 which  in others is pronounced
 worthy of the highest praise4    #e4   
,the safeguards of law are most needed  
where natural safe-guards  are weakest4 
,every principle of justice and equity  
requires1 that1  those who are totally  
unprotected by birth1 station1 wealth1  
friends1  influence1 and popular favor1 
and especially those who are the        
innocent objects of public contempt and 
prejudice1 should be more  vigilantly   
protected by law1 than those who are so 
fortified by  defence1 that they have   
far less need of legal protection2 yet  
the  poor slave who is fortified by none
 of these personal bulwarks1 is  denied 

the protection of law1 while the master1
 surrounded by them  all1 is panoplied  
in the mail of legal protection1 even to
 the hair of  his head2 yea1 his very   
shoe-tie and coat-button are legal      
protegees4    #f4 ,the grand object of  
law is to protect men's natural rights1 
but  instead of protecting the natural  
rights of the slaves1 it gives          
slaveholders license to wrest them from 
the weak by violence1 protects  them in 
holding their plunder1 and kills the    
rightful owner if he  attempt to recover
 it4    ,this is the protection thrown  
around the rights of ,american slaves   
by the 'public opinion1' of             
slaveholders2 these the restraints that 
hold back their masters1 overseers1 and 
drivers1 from inflicting  injuries upon 
them6    ,in a ,republican government1  
law is the pulse of its heart--as the   
heart beats the pulse beats1 except that
 it often beats weaker than  the heart1 
never stronger--or to drop the figure1  
laws are never  worse than those who    

make them1 very often better4 ,if human 
history  proves anything1 cruelty of    
practice will always go beyond cruelty  
of  law4    ,law-making is a formal1    
deliberate act1 performed by persons of 
mature  age1 embodying the intelligence1
 wisdom1 justice and humanity1 of the   
community2 performed1 too1 at leisure1  
after full opportunity had for  a       
comprehensive survey of all the         
relations to be affected1 after  careful
 investigation and protracted           
discussion4 ,consequently laws  must1 in
 the main1 be a true index of the       
permanent feelings1 the  settled frame  
of mind1 cherished by the community upon
 those  subjects1 and towards those     
persons and classes whose condition the 
laws are designed to establish4 ,if the 
laws are in a high degree cruel  and    
inhuman1 towards any class of persons1  
it proves that the feelings  habitually 
exercised towards that class of persons1
 by those who make  and perpetuate those
 laws1 are at least equally cruel and   

inhuman4  ,we say at least equally so2  
for if the habitual state of feeling    
towards that class be unmerciful1 it    
must be unspeakably cruel1  relentless  
and malignant when provoked2 if its     
ordinary action is  inhuman1 its        
contortions and spasms must be          
tragedies2 if the waves  run high when  
there has been no wind1 where will they 
not break when  the tempest heaves them6
    ,further1 when cruelty is the spirit
 of the law towards a proscribed  class1
 when it legalizes great outrages upon  
them1 it connives at1  and abets greater
 outrages1 and is virtually an          
accomplice of all  who perpetrate them4 
,hence1 in such cases1 though the degree
 of the  outrage is illegal1 the        
perpetrator will rarely be convicted1   
and1  even if convicted1 will be almost 
sure to escape punishment4 ,this is  not
 theory but history4 ,every judge and   
lawyer in the slave states  knows1 that 
the legal conviction and punishment of  
masters and  mistresses1 for illegal    

outrages upon their slaves1 is an event 
which  has rarely1 if ever1 occurred in 
the slave states2 they know1 also1  that
 although hundreds of slaves have been  
murdered by their  masters and          
mistresses in the slave states1 within  
the last  twenty-five years1 and though 
the fact of their having committed those
  murders has been established beyond a 
doubt in the minds of the  surrounding  
community1 yet that the murderers have  
not1 in a single  instance1 suffered the
 penalty of the law4    ,finally1 since 
slaveholders have deliberately legalized
 the  perpetration of the most          
cold-blooded atrocities upon their      
slaves1  and do pertinaciously refuse to
 make these atrocities illegal1 and  to 
punish those who perpetrate them1 they  
stand convicted before the  world1 upon 
their own testimony1 of the most        
barbarous1 brutal1 and  habitual        
inhumanity4 ,if this be slander and     
falsehood1 their own lips  have uttered 
it1 their own fingers have written it1  

their own acts  have proclaimed it2 and 
however it may be with their morality1  
they  have too much human nature to     
perjure themselves for the sake of      
publishing their own infamy4    ,having 
dwelt at such length on the legal code  
of the slave states1  that unerring     
index of the public opinion of          
slaveholders towards  their slaves2 and 
having shown that it does not protect   
the slaves  from cruelty1 and that even 
in the few instances in which the letter
  of the law1 if executed1 would afford 
some protection1 it is  virtually       
nullified by the connivance of courts   
and juries1 or by  popular clamor2 we   
might safely rest the case here1 assured
 that every  honest reader would spurn  
the absurd falsehood1 that the 'public  
opinion' of the slave states protects   
the slaves and restrains the  master4   
,but1 as the assertion is made so often 
by slaveholders1 and  with so much      
confidence1 notwithstanding its         
absurdity is fully  revealed by their   

own legal code1 we propose to show its  
falsehood by  applying other tests4     
,we lay it down as a truth that can be  
made no plainer by reasoning1  that the 
same 'public opinion1' which restrains  
men from committing  outrages1 will     
restrain them from publishing such      
outrages1 if they  do commit them2--in  
other words1 if a man is restrained from
 certain  acts through fear of losing   
his character1 should they become known1
  he will not voluntarily destroy his   
character by making them known1  should 
he be guilty of them4 ,let us look at   
this4 ,it is assumed by  slaveholders1  
that 'public opinion' at the south so   
frowns on cruelty  to the slaves1 that  
fear of disgrace would restrain from the
  infliction of it1 were there no other 
consideration4    ,now1 that this is    
sheer fiction is shown by the fact1 that
 the  newspapers in the slaveholding    
states1 teem with advertisements for    
runaway slaves1 in which the masters and
 mistresses describe their  men and     

women1 as having been 'branded with a   
hot iron1' on their  'cheeks1' 'jaws1'  
'breasts1' 'arms1' 'legs1' and 'thighs2'
 also as  'scarred1' 'very much         
scarred1' 'cut up1' 'marked1' c4 'with  
the  whip1' also with 'iron collars on1'
 'chains1' 'bars of iron1'  'fetters1'  
'bells1' 'horns1' 'shackles1' c4 ,they1 
also1 describe them  as having been     
wounded by 'buck-shot1' 'rifle-balls1'  
c4 fired at  them by their 'owners1' and
 others when in pursuit2 also1 as having
  'notches1' cut in their ears1 the tops
 or bottoms of their ears 'cut  off1' or
 'slit1' or 'one ear cut off' or 'both  
ears cut off' c4 c4  ,the masters and   
mistresses who thus advertise their     
runaway slaves1  coolly sign their names
 to their advertisements1 giving the    
street and  number of their residences1 
if in cities1 their post office address1
  c4 if in the country2 thus making     
public proclamation as widely as        
possible that they 'brand1' 'scar1'     
'gash1' 'cut up1' c4 the flesh  of their

 slaves2 load them with irons1 cut off  
their ears1 c42 they  speak of these    
things with the utmost sang froid1 not  
seeming to  think it possible1 that any 
one will esteem them at all the less    
because of these outrages upon their    
slaves2 further1 these  advertisements  
swarm in many of the largest and most   
widely circulated  political and        
commercial papers that are published in 
the slave  states4 ,the editors of those
 papers constitute the main body of the 
literati of the slave states2 they move 
in the highest circle of  society1 are  
among the 'popular' men in the          
community1 and as a  class1 are more    
influential than any other2 yet these   
editors publish  these advertisements   
with iron indifference4 ,so far from    
proclaiming  to such felons1 homicides1 
and murderers1 that they will not be    
their  blood-hounds1 to hunt down the   
innocent and mutilated victims who have 
escaped from their torture1 they freely 
furnish them with every  facility1      

become their accomplices and share their
 spoils2 and instead  of outraging      
'public opinion1' by doing it1 they are 
the men after its  own heart1 its       
organs1 its representatives1 its self4  
,to show that the 'public opinion' of   
the slave states1 towards the  slaves1  
is absolutely diabolical1 we will insert
 a few1 out of a  multitude1 of similar 
advertisements from a variety of        
southern papers  now before us4    ,the 
,north ,carolina ,standard1 of ,july    
#ah1 #ahch1 contains the  following3--  
,,twenty ,,dollars ,,reward4 ,ranaway   
from the subscriber1 a negro woman and  
two children2 the woman is tall and     
black1 and a few days before she  went  
off1 ,i ,,burnt ,,her ,,with ,a ,,hot   
,,iron ,,on ,,the ,,left ,,side ,,of    
,,her ,,face2 ,i  ,,tried ,,to ,,make   
,,the ,,letter ,m1 and she kept a cloth 
over her head and  face1 and a fly      
bonnet on her head so as to cover the   
burn2 her  children are both boys1 the  
oldest is in his seventh year2 he is a  

mulatto and has blue eyes2 the youngest 
is black and is in his fifth  year4 ,the
 woman's name is ,betty1 commonly called
 ,bet4    ,,micajah ,,ricks4    ,nash   
,county1 ,july #g1 #ahch4    ,hear the  
wretch tell his story1 with as much     
indifference as if he  were describing  
the cutting of his initials in the bark 
of a tree4    ,i burnt her with a hot   
iron on the left side of her face1--,i  
tried  to make the letter ,m1 and this  
he says in a newspaper1 and puts his    
name to it1 and the editor of the paper 
who is1 also1 its proprietor1  publishes
 it for him and pockets his fee4        
,perhaps the reader will say1  ',oh1 it 
must have been published in an          
insignificant sheet printed in  some    
obscure corner of the state2 perhaps by 
a gang of 'squatters1' in  the ,dismal  
,swamp1 universally regarded as a pest1 
and edited by some  scape-gallows1 who  
is detested by the whole community4' ,to
 this ,i reply  that the ,north         
,carolina ,standard1 the paper which    

contains it1 is a  large six columned   
weekly paper1 handsomely printed and    
ably edited2  it is the leading         
,democratic paper in that state1 and is 
published at  ,raleigh1 the ,capital of 
the state1 ,thomas ,loring1 ,esq4       
,editor and  ,proprietor4 ,the motto in 
capitals under the head of the paper is1
 ,,the  ,,constitution ,,and ,,the      
,,union ,,of ,,the ,,states--,,they     
,,must ,,be ,,preserved4 ,the  same     
,editor and ,proprietor1 who exhibits   
such brutality of feeling  towards the  
slaves1 by giving the preceding         
advertisement a  conspicuous place in   
his columns1 and taking his pay for it1 
has  apparently a keen sense of the     
proprieties of life1 where whites are   
concerned1 and a high regard for the    
rights1 character and feelings of  those
 whose skin is colored like his own4 ,as
 proof of this1 we copy  from the number
 of the paper containing the foregoing  
advertisement1  the following ,editorial
 on the pending political canvass4      

,we cannot refrain from expressing the  
hope that the ,gubernatorial  canvass   
will be conducted with a due regard to  
the character1 and  feelings of the     
distinguished individuals who are       
candidates for  that office2 and that   
the press of ,north ,carolina will set  
an  example in this respect1 worthy of  
imitation and of praise4    ,what is    
this but chivalrous and honorable       
feeling8 ,the good name of  ,north      
,carolina is dear to him--on the        
comfort1 'character and  feelings1' of  
her white citizens he sets a high value2
 he feels too1  most deeply for the     
character of the ,press of ,north       
,carolina1 sees  that it is a city set  
on a hill1 and implores his brethren of 
the  editorial corps to 'set an example'
 of courtesy and magnanimity worthy  of 
imitation and praise4 ,now1 reader1 put 
all these things together  and con them 
over1 and then read again the preceding 
advertisement  contained in the same    
number of the paper1 and you have the   

true  ,north ,carolina ,,standard1 by   
which to measure the protection extended
  to slaves by the 'public opinion' of  
that state4    ,j4,p4 ,ashford          
advertises as follows in the ,natchez   
,courier1 ,august  #bd1 #ahch4          
,ranaway1 a negro girl called ,mary1 has
 a small scar over her eye1 a  good many
 teeth missing1 the letter ,a4 is       
branded on her cheek and  forehead4     
,a4,b4 ,metcalf thus advertises a woman 
in the same paper1 ,june #ae1  #ahch4   
,ranaway1 ,mary1 a black woman1 has a   
scar on her back and right arm  near the
 shoulder1 caused by a rifle ball4      
,john ,henderson1 in the ,grand ,gulf   
,advertiser1 ,august #bi1 #ahch1        
advertises ,betsey4    ,ranaway1 a black
 woman ,betsey1 has an iron bar on her  
right leg4    ,robert ,nicoll1 whose    
residence is in ,mobile1 in ,dauphin    
street1  between ,emmanuel and          
,conception streets1 thus advertises a  
woman in  the ,mobile ,commercial       
,advertiser4    ,,ten ,,dollars ,,reward

 will be given for my negro woman ,liby4
 ,the said  ,liby is about #cj years old
 and ,,very ,,much ,,scarred ,,about    
,,the ,,neck ,,and  ,,ears1 occasioned  
by whipping1 had on a handkerchief tied 
round her  ears1 as she ,,commonly wears
 it to ,,hide ,,the ,,scars4    ,to show
 that slaveholding brutality now is the 
same that it was the  eighth of a       
century ago1 we publish the following   
advertisement from  the ,charleston     
7,s4,c47 ,courier1 of #ahbe4    ,,twenty
 ,,dollars ,,reward4--,ranaway from the 
subscriber1 on the #adth  instant1 a    
negro girl named ,molly4    ,the said   
girl was sold by ,messrs4 ,wm4 ,payne   
,sons1 as the property  of an estate of 
a ,mr4 ,gearrall1 and purchased by a    
,mr4 ,moses1 and sold  by him to a      
,thomas ,prisley1 of ,edgefield         
,district1 of whom ,i bought  her on the
 #agth of ,april1 #ahai4 ,she is #af or 
#ag years of age1 slim  made1 ,,lately  
,,branded ,,on ,,the ,,left ,,cheek1    
,,thus1 ,r1 ,,and ,a ,,piece ,,taken    

,,off  ,,of ,,her ,,ear ,,on ,,the      
,,same ,,side2 ,,the ,,same ,,letter    
,,on ,,the ,,inside ,,of ,,both ,,her   
,,legs4    ,,abner ,,ross1 ,fairfield   
,district4    ,but instead of filling   
pages with similar advertisements1      
illustrating  the horrible brutality of 
slaveholders towards their slaves1 the  
reader is referred to the preceding     
pages of this work1 to the scores  of   
advertisements written by slaveholders1 
printed by slaveholders1  published by  
slaveholders1 in newspapers edited by   
slaveholders and  patronized by         
slaveholders2 advertisement describing  
not only men and  boys1 but women aged  
and middle-aged1 matrons and girls of   
tender  years1 their necks chafed with  
iron collars with prongs1 their limbs   
galled with iron rings and chains1 and  
bars of iron1 iron hobbles and          
shackles1 all parts of their persons    
scarred with the lash1 and  branded with
 hot irons1 and torn with rifle bullets1
 pistol balls and  buck shot1 and gashed

 with knives1 their eyes out1 their ears
 cut off1  their teeth drawn out1 and   
their bones broken4 ,he is referred also
 to  the cool and shocking indifference 
with which these slaveholders1          
'gentlemen' and 'ladies1' ,reverends1   
and ,honorables1 and ,excellencies1     
write and print1 and publish and pay1   
and take money for1 and read and        
circulate1 and sanction1 such infernal  
barbarity4 ,let the reader  ponder all  
this1 and then lay it to heart1 that    
this is that 'public  opinion' of the   
slaveholders which protects their slaves
 from all  injury1 and is an effectual  
guarantee of personal security4         
,however far gone a community may be in 
brutality1 something of  protection may 
yet be hoped for from its 'public       
opinion1' if respect  for woman survive 
the general wreck2 that gone1 protection
 perishes2  public opinion becomes      
universal rapine2 outrages1 once        
occasional1  become habitual2 the       
torture1 which was before inflicted only

 by  passion1 becomes the constant      
product of a system1 and1 instead of    
being the index of sudden and fierce    
impulses1 is coolly plied as the        
permanent means to an end4 ,when women  
are branded with hot irons on  their    
faces2 when iron collars1 with prongs1  
are riveted about their  necks2 when    
iron rings are fastened upon their      
limbs1 and they are  forced to drag     
after them chains and fetters2 when     
their flesh is torn  with whips1 and    
mangled with bullets and shot1 and      
lacerated with  knives2 and when those  
who do such things1 are regarded in the 
community1 and associated with as       
'gentlemen' and 'ladies2' to say  that  
the 'public opinion' of such a community
 is a protection to its  victims1 is to 
blaspheme ,god1 whose creatures they    
are1 cast in his  own sacred image1 and 
dear to him as the apple of his eye4    
,but we are not yet quite ready to      
dismiss this protector1 ',public        
,opinion4' ,to illustrate the hardened  

brutality with which slaveholders       
regard their slaves1 the shameless and  
apparently unconscious  indecency with  
which they speak of their female slaves1
 examine their  persons1 and describe   
them1 under their own signatures1 in    
newspapers1  hand-bills1 c4 just as they
 would describe the marks of cattle and 
swine1 on all parts of their bodies2 we 
will make a few extracts from  southern 
papers4 ,reader1 as we proceed to these 
extracts1 remember our  motto--',true   
humanity consists not in a squeamish    
ear4'    ,mr4 ,p4 ,,abdie1 of ,new      
,orleans1 advertises in the ,new        
,orleans ,bee1 of  ,january #bi1 #ahch1 
for one of his female slaves1 as        
follows2    ,ranaway1 the negro wench   
named ,betsey1 aged about #bb years1    
handsome-faced1 and good countenance2   
having the marks of the whip  behind her
 neck1 and ,,several ,,others ,,on ,,her
 ,,rump4 ,the above reward1  7#aj17 will
 be given to whoever will bring that    
wench to ,p4 ,,abdie4    ,the ,new      

,orleans ,bee1 in which the             
advertisement of this ,vandal  appears1 
is the ',official ,gazette of the       
,state--of the ,general  ,council--and  
of the first and third ,municipalities  
of ,new ,orleans4' ,it  is the largest1 
and the most influential paper in the   
south-western  states1 and perhaps the  
most ably edited--and has undoubtedly a 
larger  circulation than any other4 ,it 
is a daily paper1 of #ab a year1 and    
its circulation being mainly among the  
larger merchants1 planters1 and         
professional men1 it is a fair index of 
the 'public opinion' of  ,louisiana1 so 
far as represented by those classes of  
persons4  ,advertisements equally gross1
 indecent1 and abominable1 or nearly so1
  can be found in almost every number of
 that paper4    ,mr4 ,,william          
,,robinson1 ,georgetown1 ,district of   
,columbia1 advertised for  his slave in 
the ,national ,intelligencer1 of        
,washington ,city1 ,oct4 #b1  #ahcg1 as 
follows3    ,eloped from my residence a 

young negress1 #bb years old1 of a      
chestnut1 or brown color4 ,she has a    
very singular mark--this mark1 to  the  
best of my ,,recollection1 covers a part
 of her breasts1 body1  and limbs2 and  
when her neck and arms are uncovered1 is
 very  perceptible2 she has been        
frequently seen east and south of the   
,capitol ,square1 and is harbored by    
ill-disposed persons1 of every          
complexion1 for her services4    ,mr4   
,,john ,c4 ,,beasley1 near ,huntsville1 
,alabama1 thus advertises a young  girl 
of eighteen1 in the ,huntsville         
,democrat1 of ,august #ast1 #ahcg4      
,ranaway ,maria1 about #ah years old1   
very far advanced with child4  ,he then 
offers a reward to any one who will     
commit this young girl1 in  this        
condition1 to jail4    ,mr4 ,,james ,t4 
,,de ,,jarnett1 ,vernon1 ,autauga co4   
,alabama1 thus advertises  a woman in   
the ,pensacola ,gazette1 ,july #ad1     
#ahch4 ,celia is a bright               
copper-colored negress1 fine figure and 

very smart4 ,on ,,examining  ,,her      
,,back1 you will find marks caused by   
the whip4 ,he closes the  advertisement1
 by offering a reward of five hundred   
dollars to any  person who will lodge   
her in jail1 so that he can get her4    
,a person who lives at #abd ,chartres   
street1 ,new ,orleans1 advertises in    
the ',bee1' of ,may #ca1 for the negress
 ,patience1 about #bh years old1  has   
large hips1 and is bow-legged4 ,a ,mr4  
,t4 ,,cuggy1 in the same  paper1 thus   
describes the negress ,caroline4 ,she   
has awkward feet1  clumsy ankles1 turns 
out her toes greatly in walking1 and has
 a sore  on her left shin4    ,in       
another1 of ,june #bb1 ,mr4 ,p4 ,,bahi  
advertises ,maria1 with a clear  white  
complexion1 and double nipple on her    
right breast4    ,mr4 ,,charles         
,,craige1 of ,federal ,point1 ,new      
,hanover co4 ,north ,carolina1  in the  
,wilmington ,advertiser1 ,august #aa1   
#ahcg1 offers a reward for his  slave   
,jane1 and says she is far advanced in  

pregnancy4    ,the ,new ,orleans        
,bulletin1 ,august #ah1 #ahch1          
advertises the negress  ,mary1 aged     
nineteen1 has a scar on her face1 walks 
parrot-toed1 and is  pregnant4    ,mr4  
,j4,g4 ,,muir1 of ,grand ,gulf1         
,mississippi1 thus advertises a woman in
  the ,vicksburg ,register1 ,december   
#e1 #ahch4 ,ranaway a negro girl--has a 
number of black lumps on her breasts1   
and is in a state of  pregnancy4    ,mr4
 ,,jacob ,,besson1 ,donaldsonville1     
,louisiana1 advertises in the ,new      
,orleans ,bee1 ,august #g1 #ahch1 the   
negro woman ,victorine--she is  advanced
 in pregnancy4    ,mr4 ,j4,h4 ,,leverich
  ,co4 ,no4 #aj1 ,old ,levee1 ,new      
,orleans1 advertises in  the            
',bulletin1' ,january #bb1 #ahci1 as    
follows4    #ej ,,reward4--,ranaway a   
negro girl named ,caroline about #ah    
years of  age1 is far advanced in       
child-bearing4 ,the above reward will be
 paid  for her delivery at either of the
 jails of the city4    ,mr4 ,,john      

,,duggan1 thus advertises a woman in the
 ,new ,orleans ,bee1 of  ,sept4 #g4     
,ranaway from the subscriber a mulatto  
woman1 named ,esther1 about  thirty     
years of age1 large stomach1 wants her  
upper front teeth1 and  walks           
pigeon-toed--supposed to be about the   
lower fauxbourg4    ,mr4 ,,francis      
,,foster1 of ,troop co4 ,georgia1       
advertises in the ,columbus  7,ga47     
,enquirer of ,june #bb1 #ahcg--,my negro
 woman ,patsey1 has a stoop  in her     
walking1 occasioned by a severe burn on 
her abdomen4    ,the above are a few    
specimens of the gross details1 in      
describing the  persons of females1 of  
all ages1 and the marks upon all parts  
of their  bodies2 proving incontestably1
 that slaveholders are in the habit not 
only of stripping their female slaves of
 their clothing1 and  inflicting        
punishment upon their 'shrinking flesh1'
 but of subjecting  their naked persons 
to the most minute and revolting        
inspection1 and  then of publishing to  

the world the results of their          
examination1 as  well as the scars left 
by their own inflictions upon them1     
their  length1 size1 and exact position 
on the body2 and all this without       
impairing in the least1 the standing in 
the community of the shameless  wretches
 who thus proclaim their own            
abominations4 ,that such things  should 
not at all affect the standing of such  
persons in society1 is  certainly no    
marvel3 how could they affect it1 when  
the same  communities enact laws        
requiring their own legal officers to   
inspect  minutely the persons and bodily
 marks of all slaves taken up as        
runaways1 and to publish in the         
newspapers a particular description of  
all such marks and peculiarities of     
their persons1 their size1  appearance  
position on the body1 c4 ,yea1 verily1  
when the 'public  opinion' of the       
community1 in the solemn form of law1   
commands  jailors1 sheriffs1 captains of
 police1 c4 to divest of their clothing 

aged matrons and young girls1 minutely  
examine their naked persons1  and       
publish the results of their            
examination--who can marvel1 that the   
same 'public opinion' should tolerate   
the slaveholders themselves1 in  doing  
the same things to their own property1  
which they have appointed  legal        
officers to do as their proxies4#cg     
,footnote #cg3 ',as a sample of these   
laws1 we give the following extract     
from one of the laws of ,maryland1 where
 slaveholding 'public opinion'  exists  
in its mildest form4'    ,it shall be   
the duty of the sheriffs of the several 
counties of this  state1 upon any       
runaway servant or slave being committed
 to his  custody1 to cause the same to  
be advertised1 c4 and to make           
particular and minute descriptions of   
the person and bodily marks1  of such   
runaway4--,laws of ,maryland of #ahjb1  
,chap4 #if1 ,sec4 #a and #b4    ,that   
the sheriffs1 jailors1 c4 do not neglect
 this part of their  official 'duty1' is

 plain from the minute description which
 they give  in the advertisements of    
marks upon all parts of the persons of  
females1 as well as males2 and also from
 the occasional declaration1  'no scars 
discoverable on any part1' or 'no marks 
discoverable about  her2' which last is 
taken from an advertisement in the      
,milledgeville  7,geo47 ,journal1 ,june 
#bf1 #ahch1 signed ',t4,s4 ,denster1    
,jailor4'      ,the zeal with which     
slaveholding 'public opinion' protects  
the lives  of the slaves1 may be        
illustrated by the following            
advertisements1  taken from a multitude 
of similar ones in southern papers4 ,to 
show  that slaveholding 'public opinion'
 is the same now1 that it was half  a   
century ago1 we will insert1 in the     
first place1 an advertisement  published
 in a ,north ,carolina newspaper1 ,oct4 
#bi1 #aghe1 by ,w4 ,,skinner1  the      
,clerk of the ,county of ,perquimons1   
,north ,carolina4    ,ten silver dollars
 reward will be paid for apprehending   

and  delivering to me my man ,moses1 who
 ran away this morning2 or ,i will  give
 five times the sum to any person who   
will make due proof of his  being       
killed1 and never ask a question to know
 by whom it was done4    ,w4 ,,skinner4 
,perquimons ,county1 ,n4,c4 ,oct4 #bi1  
#aghe4      ,the late ,,john ,,parrish1 
of ,philadelphia1 an eminent minister of
 the  religious society of ,friends1 who
 traveled through the slave states      
about thirty-five years since1 on a     
religious mission1 published on  his    
return a pamphlet of forty pages1       
entitled ',remarks on the ,slavery  of  
the ,black ,people4' ,from this work we 
extract the following  illustrations of 
'public opinion' in ,north and ,south   
,carolina and  ,virginia at that period4
    ,when ,i was traveling through      
,north ,carolina1 a black man1 who was  
outlawed1 being shot by one of his      
pursuers1 and left wounded in the       
woods1 they came to an ordinary where ,i
 had stopped to feed my horse1  in order

 to procure a cart to bring the poor    
wretched object in4  ,another1 ,i was   
credibly informed1 was shot1 his head   
cut off1 and  carried in a bag by the   
perpetrators of the murder1 who received
 the  reward1 which was said to be #bjj1
 continental currency1 and that his     
head was stuck on a coal house at an    
iron works in ,virginia--and this  for  
going to visit his wife at a distance4  
,crawford gives an account  of a man    
being gibbetted alive in ,south         
,carolina1 and the buzzards  came and   
picked out his eyes4 ,another was burnt 
to death at a stake in  ,charleston1    
surrounded by a multitude of spectators1
 some of whom were  people of the first 
rank2 444 the poor object was heard to  
cry1 as  long as he could breathe1 'not 
guilty--not guilty4'    ,the following  
is an illustration of the 'public       
opinion' of ,south  ,carolina about     
fifty years ago4 ,it is taken from      
,judge ,stroud's ,sketch  of the ,slave 
,laws1 page #ci4    ,i find in the case 

of 'the ,state vs4 ,m',gee1' ,i ,bay's  
,reports1 #afd1 it  is said incidentally
 by ,messrs4 ,pinckney and ,ford1       
counsel for the  state 7of ,s4,c471     
'that the frequency of the offence      
7wilful murder  of a slave7 was owing to
 the nature of the punishment'1 c4444   
,this  remark was made in #agia1 when   
the above trial took place4 ,it was made
  in a public place--a courthouse--and  
by men of great personal                
respectability4 ,there can be1          
therefore1 no question as to its  truth1
 and as little of its notoriety4    ,in 
#agia the ,grand ,jury for the district 
of ,cheraw1 ,s4,c4 made a  presentment1 
from which the following is an extract4 
,we1 the ,grand ,jurors of and for the  
district of ,cheraw1 do present  the    
,,inefficacy of the present punishment  
for killing negroes1 as a  great defect 
in the legal system of this state3 and  
we do earnestly  recommend to the       
attention of the legislature1 that      
clause of the  negro act1 which confines

 the penalty for killing slaves to fine 
and  imprisonment only3 in full         
confidence1 that they will provide some 
other more effectual measures to prevent
 the ,,frequency of crimes of  this     
nature4--,matthew ,carey's ,american    
,museum1 for ,feb4  #agia4--;,appendix1 
p4 #aj4    ,the following is a specimen 
of the 'public opinion' of ,georgia     
twelve  years since4 ,we give it in the 
strong words of ,,colonel ,,stone1      
,editor  of the ,new ,york ,commercial  
,advertiser4 ,we take it from that paper
 of  ,june #h1 #ahbg4    ,,hunting ,,men
 ,,with ,,dogs4-,a negro who had        
absconded from his master1 and  for whom
 a reward of #ajj was offered1 has been 
apprehended and  committed to prison in 
,savannah4 ,the editor1 who states the  
fact1  adds1 with as much coolness as   
though there were no barbarity in the   
matter1 that he did not surrender till  
he was considerably ,,maimed ,,by  ,,the
 ,,dogs that had been set on            
him--desperately fighting them--one of  

which he badly cut with a sword4        
,twelve days after the publication of   
the preceding fact1 the following       
horrible transaction took place in      
,perry county1 ,alabama4 ,we extract  it
 from the ,african ,observer1 a monthly 
periodical1 published in  ,philadelphia1
 by the society of ,friends4 ,see ,no4  
for ,august1 #ahbg4    ,tuscaloosa1     
,ala4 ,june #bj1 #ahbg4    ,some time   
during the last week a ,mr4 ,m',neilly  
having lost some  clothing1 or other    
property of no great value1 the slave of
 a  neighboring planter was charged with
 the theft4 ,m',neilly1 in company  with
 his brother1 found the negro driving   
his master's wagon2 they  seized him1   
and either did1 or were about to        
chastise him1 when the  negro stabbed   
,m',neilly1 so that he died in an hour  
afterwards4 ,the  negro was taken before
 a justice of the peace1 who waved his  
authority1 perhaps through fear1 as a   
crowd of persons had collected  to the  
number of seventy or eighty1 near ,mr4  

,people's 7the justice7  house4 ,he     
acted as president of the mob1 and put  
the vote1 when it  was decided he should
 be immediately executed by being burnt 
to  death4 ,the sable culprit was led to
 a tree1 and tied to it1 and a  large   
quantity of pine knots collected and    
placed around him1 and the  fatal torch 
applied to the pile1 even against the   
remonstrances of  several gentlemen who 
were present2 and the miserable being   
was in a  short time burned to ashes4   
,this is the ,,second negro who has been
 ,,thus put to death1 without  judge or 
jury1 in this county4      ,the         
following advertisements1 testimony1 c4 
will show that the  slaveholders of     
to-day are the children of those who    
shot1 and  hunted with bloodhounds1 and 
burned over slow fires1 the slaves of   
half a century ago2 the worthy          
inheritors of their civilization1       
chivalry1 and tender mercies4    ,the   
,wilmington 7,north ,carolina7          
,advertiser of ,july #ac1 #ahch1        

contains the following advertisement4   
#ajj will be paid to any person who may 
apprehend and safely confine  in any    
jail in this state1 a certain negro man1
 named ,,alfred4 ,and the  same reward  
will be paid1 if satisfactory evidence  
is given of having  been ,,killed4 ,he  
has one or more scars on one of his     
hands1 caused by  his having been shot4 
,,the ,,citizens ,,of ,,onslow4         
,richlands1 ,onslow co4 ,may #afth1     
#ahch4      ,in the same column with the
 above and directly under it is the     
following3--    ,,ranaway my negro man  
,,richard4 ,a reward of #be will be paid
 for his  apprehension ,,dead or        
,,alive4 ,satisfactory proof will only  
be required  of his being ,,killed4 ,he 
has with him1 in all probability1 his   
wife  ,,eliza1 who ran away from ,col4  
,thompson1 now a resident of ,alabama1  
about the time he commenced his journey 
to that state4 ,,durant ,h4  ,,rhodes4  
,in the ,mason 7,georgia7 ,telegraph1   
,may #bh1 is the following3    ,about   

the #ast of ,march last the negro man   
,,ransom left me without the  least     
provocation whatever2 ,i will give a    
reward of twenty dollars for  said      
negro1 if taken ,,dead ,,or             
,,alive1--and if killed in any attempt1 
an  advance of five dollars will be     
paid4 ,,bryant ,,johnson4    ,crawford  
co4 ,georgia      ,see the ,newbern     
7,n4,c47 ,spectator1 ,jan4 #e1 #ahch1   
for the  following3--    ,,ranaway1 from
 the subscriber1 a negro man named      
,,sampson4 ,fifty  dollars reward will  
be given for the delivery of him to me1 
or his  confinement in any jail so that 
,i get him1 and should he resist in     
being taken1 so that violence is        
necessary to arrest him1 ,i will not    
hold any person liable for damages      
should the slave be ,,killed4 ,,enoch   
,,foy4    ,jones ,county1 ,n4,c4        
,from the ,macon 7,ga47 ,messenger1     
,june #ad1 #ahch4    ,,to ,,the ,,owners
 ,,of ,,runaway ,,negroes4 ,a large     
mulatto ,negro man1 between  thirty-five

 and forty years old1 about six feet in 
height1 having a  high forehead1 and    
hair slightly grey1 was ,,killed1 near  
my plantation1  on the #ith inst4 ,he   
would not surrender but assaulted ,mr4  
,bowen1 who  killed him in self-defence4
 ,if the owner desires further          
information  relative to the death of   
his negro1 he can obtain it by letter1  
or by  calling on the subscriber ten    
miles south of ,perry1 ,houston county4 
,,edm',d4 ,,jas4 ,mc,g,e,h,e,e4    ,from
 the ',charleston 7,s4,c47 ,courier1'   
,feb4 #bj1 #ahcf4    #cjj ,,reward4     
,ranaway from the subscriber1 in        
,november last1 his two  negro men1     
named ,billy and ,pompey4    ,billy is  
#be years old1 and is known as the      
patroon of my boat for  many years2 in  
all probability he may resist2 in that  
event #ej dollars  will be paid for his 
,,head4    ,from the ',newbern 7,n4,c47 
,spectator1' ,dec #b4 #ahcf4    #bjj    
,,reward4 ,ranaway from the subscriber1 
about three years ago1 a  certain negro 

man named ,ben1 commonly known by the   
name of ,ben ,fox4 ,he  had but one eye4
 ,also1 one other negro1 by the name of 
,rigdon1 who  ranaway on the #hth of    
this month4    ,i will give the reward  
of one hundred dollars for each of the  
above  negroes1 to be delivered to me or
 confined in the jail of ,lenoir or     
,jones county1 or ,,for ,,the ,,killing 
,,of ,,them1 ,,so ,,that ,i ,,can ,,see 
,,them4 ,w4,d4  ,,cobb4    ,in the same 
number of the ,spectator two ,justices  
of the ,peace  advertise the same       
runaways1 and give notice that if they  
do not  immediately return to ,w4,d4    
,cobb1 their master1 they will be       
considered  as outlaws1 and any body may
 kill them4 ,the following is an extract
  from the proclamation of the          
,,justices4    ,and we do hereby1 by    
virtue of an act of the assembly of this
 state1  concerning servants and slaves1
 intimate and declare1 if the said      
slaves do not surrender themselves and  
return home to their master  immediately

 after the publication of these         
presents1 that any person  may kill and 
destroy said slaves by such means as he 
or they think  fit1 without accusation  
or impeachment of any crime or offence  
for so  doing1 or without incurring any 
penalty or forfeiture thereby4    ,given
 under our hands and seals1 this #abth  
,november1 #ahcf4    ,b4 ,,coleman1     
,j4,p4 ,seal4    ,,jas4 ,,jones1 ,j4,p4 
,seal4    ,on the #bhth1 of ,april      
#ahcf1 in the city of ,st ,louis1       
,missouri1 a black  man1 named          
,mc,intosh who had stabbed an officer1  
that had arrested him1  was seized by   
the multitude1 fastened to a tree in the
 midst of the  city1 wood piled around  
him1 and in open day and in the presence
 of  an immense throng of citizens1 he  
was burned to death4 ,the ,alton        
7,ill47 ,telegraph1 in its account of   
the scene says2    ,all was silent as   
death while the executioners were piling
 wood  around their victim4 ,he said not
 a word1 until feeling that the flames  

had seized upon him4 ,he then uttered an
 awful howl1 attempting to sing  and    
pray1 then hung his head1 and suffered  
in silence1 except in the  following    
instance3--,after the flames had        
surrounded their prey1 his  eyes burnt  
out of his head1 and his mouth seemingly
 parched to a  cinder1 some one in the  
crowd1 more compassionate than the rest1
  proposed to put an end to his misery  
by shooting him1 when it was  replied1  
'that would be of no use1 since he was  
already out of pain4'  ',no1 no1' said  
the wretch1 ',i am not1 ,i am suffering 
as much as ever2  shoot me1 shoot me4'  
',no1 no1' said one of the fiends who   
was standing  about the sacrifice they  
were roasting1 'he shall not be shot4 ,i
  would sooner slacken the fire1 if that
 would increase his misery2'  and the   
man who said this was1 as we understand1
 an ,,officer ,,of  ,,justice6      ,the
 ,st4 ,louis correspondent of a ,new    
,york paper adds1    ,the shrieks and   
groans of the victim were loud and      

piercing1 and to  observe one limb after
 another drop into the fire was awful   
indeed4 ,he  was about fifteen minutes  
in dying4 ,i visited the place this     
morning1  and saw his body1 or the      
remains of it1 at the place of          
execution4 ,he  was burnt to a crump4   
,his legs and arms were gone1 and only a
 part of  his head and body were left4  
,lest this demonstration of 'public     
opinion' should be regarded as a  sudden
 impulse merely1 not an index of the    
settled tone of feeling in  that        
community1 it is important to add1 that 
the ,hon4 ,luke ,e4 ,lawless1  ,judge of
 the ,circuit ,court of ,missouri1 at a 
session of that ,court in  the city of  
,st4 ,louis1 some months after the      
burning of this man1  decided officially
 that since the burning of ,mc,intosh   
was the act1  either directly or by     
countenance of a majority of the        
citizens1 it  is 'a case which          
transcends the jurisdiction1' of the    
,grand ,jury6 ,thus  the state of       

,missouri has proclaimed to the world1  
that the wretches  who perpetrated that 
unspeakably diabolical murder1 and the  
thousands  that stood by consenting to  
it1 were her representatives1 and the   
,bench sanctifies it with the solemnity 
of a judicial decision4    ,the ',new   
,orleans ,post1' of ,june #g1 #ahcf1    
publishes the following2    ,we         
understand1 that a negro man was lately 
condemned1 by the mob1 to  be ,,burned  
,,over ,a ,,slow ,,fire1 which was put  
into execution at ,grand  ,gulf1        
,mississippi1 for murdering a black     
woman1 and her master4    ,mr4 ,,henry  
,,bradley1 of ,pennyan1 ,n4,y41 has     
furnished us with an extract  of a      
letter written by a gentleman in        
,mississippi to his brother in  that    
village1 detailing the particulars of   
the preceding transaction4  ,the letter 
is dated ,grand ,gulf1 ,miss4 ,august   
#ae1 #ahcf4 ,the extract is  as follows3
    ,i left ,vicksburg and came to      
,grand ,gulf4 ,this is a fine place     

immediately on the banks of the         
,mississippi1 of something like fifteen 
hundred inhabitants in the winter1 and  
at this time1 ,i suppose1 there  are not
 over two hundred white inhabitants1 but
 in the town and its  vicinity there are
 negroes by thousands4 ,the day ,i      
arrived at this  place there was a man  
by the name of ,g---- murdered by a     
negro man  that belonged to him4 ,g---- 
was born and brought up in ,a----1 state
 of  ,new ,york4 ,his father and mother 
now live south of ,a----4 ,he has left a
  property here1 it is supposed1 of     
forty thousand dollars1 and no  family4 
,they took the negro1 mounted him on a  
horse1 led the horse under a  tree1 put 
a rope around his neck1 raised him up by
 throwing the rope  over a limb2 they   
then got into a quarrel among           
themselves2 some swore  that he should  
be burnt alive2 the rope was cut and the
 negro dropped  to the ground4 ,he      
immediately jumped to his feet2 they    
then made him  walk a short distance to 

a tree2 he was then tied fast and a fire
  kindled1 when another quarrel took    
place2 the fire was pulled away  from   
him when about half dead1 and a         
committee of twelve appointed to  say in
 what manner he should be disposed of4  
,they brought in that he  should then be
 cut down1 his head cut off1 his body   
burned1 and his  head stuck on a pole at
 the corner of the road in the edge of  
the  town4 ,that was done and all       
parties satisfied6    ,g---- owned the  
negro's wife1 and was in the habit of   
sleeping with  her6 ,the negro said he  
had killed him1 and he believed he      
should be  rewarded in heaven for it4   
,this is but one instance among many of 
a similar nature4    ,s4,s4    ,we have 
received a more detailed account of this
 transaction from ,mr4  ,william        
,armstrong1 of ,putnam1 ,ohio1 through  
,maj4 ,horace ,nye1 of that  place4 ,mr4
 ,a4 who has been for some years        
employed as captain and  supercargo of  
boats descending the river1 was at      

,grand ,gulf at the  time of the        
tragedy1 and witnessed it4 ,it was on   
the ,sabbath4  ,from ,mr4 ,armstrong's  
statement1 it appears that the slave was
  a man of uncommon intelligence2 had   
the over-sight of a large               
business--superintended the purchase of 
supplies for his master1  c4--that      
exasperated by the intercourse of his   
master with his wife1  he was upbraiding
 her one evening1 when his master       
overhearing him1  went out to quell him1
 was attacked by the infuriated man and 
killed  on the spot4 ,the name of the   
master was ,green2 he was a native of   
,auburn1 ,new ,york1 and had been at the
 south but a few years4    ,mr4         
,,ezekiel ,,birdseye1 of ,cornwall1     
,conn41 a gentleman well known and      
highly respected in ,litchfield county1 
who resided a number of years  in ,south
 ,carolina1 gives the following         
testimony3--    ,a man by the name of   
,waters was killed by his slaves1 in    
,newberry  ,district4 ,three of them    

were tried before the court1 and ordered
 to be  burnt4 ,i was but a few miles   
distant at the time1 and conversed with 
those who saw the execution4 ,the slaves
 were tied to a stake1 and  pitch pine  
wood piled around them1 to which the    
fire was communicated4  ,thousands were 
collected to witness this barbarous     
transaction4 ,other  executions of this 
kind took place in various parts of the 
state1  during my residence in it1 from 
#ahah to #ahbd4 ,about three or four    
years ago1 a young negro was burnt in   
,abbeville ,district1 for an  attempt at
 rape4    ,in the fall of #ahcg1 there  
was a rumor of a projected insurrection 
on  the ,red ,river1 in ,louisiana4 ,the
 citizens forthwith seized and hanged   
,,nine ,,slaves1 ,,and ,,three ,,free   
,,colored ,,men1 ,,without ,,trial4 ,a  
few months  previous to that            
transaction1 a slave was seized in a    
similar manner  and publicly burned to  
death1 in ,arkansas4 ,in ,july1 #ahce1  
the citizens  of ,madison county1       

,mississippi1 were alarmed by rumors of 
an  insurrection arrested five slaves   
and publicly executed them without      
trial4    ,the ,missouri ,republican1   
,april #cj1 #ahch1 gives the particulars
 of the  deliberate murder of a negro   
man named ,tom1 a cook on board the     
steamboat ,pawnee1 on her passage up    
from ,new ,orleans to ,st4 ,louis4      
,some of the facts stated by the        
,republican are the following3    ,on   
,friday night1 about #aj o'clock1 a deaf
 and dumb ,german girl was  found in the
 storeroom with ,tom4 ,the door was     
locked1 and at first ,tom  denied she   
was there4 ,the girl's father came4 ,tom
 unlocked the door1  and the girl was   
found secreted in the room behind a     
barrel4 ,the next  morning some four or 
five of the deck passengers spoke to the
 captain  about it4 ,this was about     
breakfast time4 ,immediately after he   
left the  deck1 a number of the deck    
passengers rushed upon the negro1 bound 
his  arms behind his back and carried   

him forward to the bow of the boat4 ,a  
voice cried out 'throw him overboard1'  
and was responded to from every  quarter
 of the deck--and in an instant he was  
plunged into the river4  ,the whole     
scene of tying him and throwing him     
overboard scarcely  occupied ten        
minutes1 and was so precipitate that the
 officers were  unable to interfere in  
time to save him4    ,there were between
 two hundred and fifty and three hundred
 passengers  on board4    ,the whole    
process of seizing ,tom1 dragging him   
upon deck1 binding his  arms behind his 
back1 forcing him to the bow of the     
boat1 and throwing  him overboard1      
occupied1 the editor informs us1 about  
,,ten ,,minutes1 and  of the two hundred
 and fifty or three hundred deck        
passengers1 with  perhaps as many cabin 
passengers1 it does not appear that a   
single  individual raised a finger to   
prevent this deliberate murder2 and the 
cry throw him overboard1 was it seems1  
responded to from every  quarter of the 

deck6    ,rev4 ,,james ,a4 ,,thome1 of  
,augusta1 ,ky41 son of ,arthur ,thome1  
,esq41 till  recently a slaveholder1    
published five years since the following
  description of a scene witnessed by   
him in ,new ,orleans3    ,in ,december  
of #ahcc1 ,i landed at ,new ,orleans1 in
 the steamer ,w----4  ,it was after     
night1 dark and rainy4 ,the passengers  
were called out of  the cabin1 from the 
enjoyment of a fire1 which the cold1    
damp  atmosphere rendered very          
comfortable1 by a sudden shout of1      
'catch  him--catch him--catch the       
negro4' ,the cry was answered by a      
hundred  voices--',catch him--kill him1'
 and a rush from every direction  toward
 our boat1 indicated that the object of 
pursuit was near4 ,the  next moment we  
heard a man plunge into the river1 a few
 paces above  us4 ,a crowd gathered upon
 the shore1 with lamps and stones1 and  
clubs1  still crying1 'catch him--kill  
him--catch him--shoot him4'    ,i soon  
discovered the poor man4 ,he had taken  

refuge under the prow of  another boat1 
and was standing in the water up to his 
waist4 ,the  angry vociferation of his  
pursuers1 did not intimidate him4 ,he   
defied  them all4 ',don't you dare to   
come near me1 or ,i will sink you in the
  river4' ,he was armed with despair4   
,for a moment the mob was palsied by    
the energy of his threatenings4 ,they   
were afraid to go to him with a  skiff1 
but a number of them went on to the boat
 and tried to seize  him4 ,they threw a 
noose rope down repeatedly1 that they   
might pull  him up by the neck6 but he  
planted his hand firmly against the boat
  and dashed the rope away with his     
arms4 ,one of them took a long bar of   
wood1 and leaning over the prow1        
endeavored to strike him on the head1   
,the blow must have shattered the skull1
 but it did not reach low  enough4 ,the 
monster raised up the heavy club again  
and said1 ',come out  now1 you old      
rascal1 or die4' ',strike1' said the    
negro2  'strike--shiver my brains now2  

,i want to die2' and down went the  club
 again1 without striking4 ,this was     
repeated several times4 ,the  mob1      
seeing their efforts fruitless1 became  
more enraged and  threatened to stone   
him1 if he did not surrender himself    
into their  hands4 ,he again defied     
them1 and declared that he would drown  
himself  in the river1 before they      
should have him4 ,they then resorted to 
persuasion1 and promised they would not 
hurt him4 ',i'll die first2'  was his   
only reply4 ,even the furious mob was   
awed1 and for a while  stood dumb4      
,after standing in the cold water for an
 hour1 the miserable being  began to    
fail4 ,we observed him gradually        
sinking--his voice grew weak  and       
tremulous--yet he continued to curse6   
,in the midst of his oaths  he uttered  
broken sentences--',i did'nt steal the  
meat--,i did'nt  steal--my master       
lives--master--master lives up the      
river--7his voice  began to gurgle in   
his throat1 and he was so chilled that  

his teeth  chattered audibly7--,i       
did'nt--steal--,i did'nt steal--my--my  
master--my--,i want to see my master--,i
 didn't--no--my mas--you  want--you want
 to kill me--,i didn't steal the'--,his 
last words could  just be heard as be   
sunk under the water4    ,during this   
indescribable scene1 not one of the     
hundred that stood  around made any     
effort to save the man until he was     
apparently  drowned4 ,he was then       
dragged out and stretched on the bow of 
the  boat1 and soon sufficient means    
were used for his recovery4 ,the brutal 
captain ordered him to be taken off his 
boat--declaring1 with an oath1  that he 
would throw him into the river again1 if
 he was not  immediately removed4 ,i    
withdrew1 sick and horrified with this  
appalling exhibition of wickedness4     
,upon inquiry1 ,i learned that the      
colored man lived some fifty miles  up  
the ,mississippi2 that he had been      
charged with stealing some  article from
 the wharf2 was fired upon with a       

pistol1 and pursued by  the mob4    ,in 
reflecting upon this unmingled          
cruelty--this insensibility to          
suffering and disregard of life--,i     
exclaimed1      ',is there no flesh in  
man's obdurate heart8'      ,one poor   
man1 chased like a wolf by a hundred    
blood hounds1 yelling1  howling1 and    
gnashing their teeth upon him--plunges  
into the cold  river to seek protection6
 ,a crowd of spectators witness the     
scene1  with all the composure with     
which a ,roman populace would look upon 
a  gladiatorial show4 ,not a voice heard
 in the sufferer's behalf4 ,at  length  
the powers of nature give way2 the blood
 flows back to the  heart--the teeth    
chatter--the voice trembles and dies1   
while the  victim drops down into his   
grave4    ,what an atrocious system is  
that which leaves two millions of souls1
  friendless and powerless--hunted and  
chased--afflicted and tortured  and     
driven to death1 without the means of   
redress4--,yet such is the  system of   

slavery4    ,the 'public opinion' of    
slaveholders is illustrated by scores of
  announcements in southern papers1 like
 the following1 from the  ,raleigh1     
7,n4,c47 ,register1 ,august #bj1 #ahch4 
,joseph ,gale and ,son1  editors and    
proprietors--the father and brother of  
the editor of the  ,national            
,intelligence1 ,washington city1 ,d4,c4 
,on ,saturday night1 ,mr4 ,george       
,holmes1 of this county1 and some of his
  friends1 were in pursuit of a runaway 
slave 7the property of ,mr4  ,holmes7   
and fell in with him in attempting to   
make his escape4 ,mr4 ,h4  discharged a 
gun at his legs1 for the purpose of     
disabling him2 but  unfortunately1 the  
slave stumbled1 and the shot struck him 
near the  small of the back1 of which   
wound he died in a short time4 ,the     
slave  continued to run some distance   
after he was shot1 until overtaken by   
one of the party4 ,we are satisfied1    
from all that we can learn1 that  ,mr4  
,h4 had no intention of inflicting a    

mortal wound4    ,oh6 the gentleman1 it 
seems1 only shot at his legs1 merely to 
'disable'--and it must be expected that 
every gentleman will amuse  himself in  
shooting at his own property whenever   
the notion takes him1  and if he should 
happen to hit a little higher and go    
through the  small of the back instead  
of the legs1 why every body says it is  
'unfortunate1' and the whole of the     
editorial corps1 instead of  branding   
him as a barbarous wretch for shooting  
at his slave1 whatever  part be aimed   
at1 join with the oldest editor in      
,north ,carolina1 in  complacently      
exonerating ,mr4 ,holmes by saying1 ,we 
are satisfied that  ,mr4 ,h4 had no     
intention of inflicting a mortal wound4 
,and so 'public  opinion' wraps it up6  
,the ,franklin 7,la47 ,republican1      
,august #ai1 #ahcg1 has the following3  
,,negroes ,,taken4--,four gentlemen of  
this vicinity1 went out yesterday  for  
the purpose of finding the camp of some 
noted runaways1 supposed  to be near    

this place2 the camp was discovered     
about #aa o'clock1 the  negroes four in 
number1 three men and one woman1 finding
 they were  discovered1 tried to make   
their escape through the cane2 two of   
them  were fired on1 one of which made  
his escape2 the other one fell after    
running a short distance1 his wounds are
 not supposed to be dangerous2  the     
other man was taken without any hurt2   
the woman also made her  escape4        
,thus terminated the mornings amusement 
of the 'four gentlemen1'  whose exploits
 are so complacently chronicled by the  
editor of the  ,franklin ,republican4   
,the three men and one woman were all   
fired upon1  it seems1 though only one  
of them was shot down4 ,the half        
famished  runaways made not the least   
resistance1 they merely rushed in panic 
among the canes1 at the sight of their  
pursuers1 and the bullets  whistled     
after them and brought to the ground one
 poor fellow1 who was  carried back by  
his captors as a trophy of the 'public  

opinion' among  slaveholders4    ,in the
 ,macon 7,ga47 ,telegraph1 ,nov4 #bg1   
#ahch1 we find the following  account of
 a runaway's den1 and of the good luck  
of a ',mr4 ,adams1' in  running down one
 of them 'with his excellent dogs3'     
,a runaway's den was discovered on      
,sunday near the ,washington ,spring1   
in a little patch of woods1 where it had
 been for several months1 so  artfully  
concealed under ground1 that it was     
detected only by  accident1 though in   
sight of two or three houses1 and near  
the road  and fields where there has    
been constant daily passing4 ,the       
entrance  was concealed by a pile of    
pine straw1 representing a hog          
bed--which  being removed1 discovered a 
trap door and steps that led to a room  
about six feet square1 comfortably      
ceiled with plank1 containing a  small  
fire-place the flue of which was        
ingeniously conducted above  ground and 
concealed by the straw4 ,the inmates    
took the alarm and made  their escape2  

but ,mr4 ,adams and his excellent dogs  
being put upon the  trail1 soon run down
 and secured one of them1 which proved  
to be a  negro fellow who had been out  
about a year4 ,he stated that the other 
occupant was a woman1 who had been a    
runaway a still longer time4 ,in  the   
den was found a quantity of meal1 bacon1
 corn1 potatoes1 c41 and  various       
cooking utensils and wearing apparel4   
,yes1 ,mr4 ,adams' ',,excellent ,,dogs' 
did the work6 ,they were well trained1  
swift1 fresh1 keen-scented1 'excellent' 
men-hunters1 and though the  poor       
fugitive in his frenzied rush for       
liberty1 strained every muscle1  yet    
they gained upon him1 and after dashing 
through fens1 brier-beds1  and the      
tangled undergrowth till faint and torn1
 he sinks1 and the  blood-hounds are    
upon him4 ,what blood-vessels the poor  
struggler burst  in his desperate push  
for life--how much he was bruised and   
lacerated  in his plunge through the    
forest1 or how much the dogs tore him1  

the  ,macon editor has not              
chronicled--they are matters of no      
moment--but  his heart is touched with  
the merits of ,mr4 ,adams' ',,excellent 
,,dogs1'  that 'soon run down and       
secured' a guiltless and trembling human
  creature6    ,the ,georgia            
,constitutionalist1 of ,jan4 #ahcg1     
contains the following  letter from the 
coroner of ,barnwell ,district1 ,south  
,carolina1 dated  ,aiken1 ,s4,c4 ,dec4  
#bj1 #ahcf4    ,to the ,editor of the   
,constitutionalist3    ,i have just     
returned from an inquest ,i held over   
the body of a negro  man1 a runaway1    
that was shot near the ,south ,edisto1  
in this ,district1  7,barnwell17 on     
,saturday last4 ,he came to his death by
 his own  recklessness4 ,he refused to  
be taken alive--and said that other     
attempts to take him had been made1 and 
he was determined that he  would not be 
taken4 ,he was at first1 7when those in 
pursuit of him  found it absolutely     
necessary17 shot at with small shot1    

with the  intention of merely crippling 
him4 ,he was shot at several times1 and 
at last he was so disabled as to be     
compelled to surrender4 ,he kept in  the
 run of a creek in a very dense swamp   
all the time that the  neighbors were in
 pursuit of him4 ,as soon as the negro  
was taken1 the  best medical aid was    
procured1 but he died on the same       
evening4 ,one of  the witnesses at the  
,inquisition1 stated that the negro boy 
said he  was from ,mississippi1 and     
belonged to so many persons1 that he did
 not  know who his master was1 but again
 he said his master's name was  ,brown4 
,he said his name was ,sam1 and when    
asked by another witness1  who his      
master was1 he muttered something like  
,augusta or ,augustine4  ,the boy was   
apparently above thirty-five or forty   
years of age1 about  six feet high1     
slightly yellow in the face1 very long  
beard or  whiskers1 and very stout      
built1 and a stern countenance2 and     
appeared  to have been a runaway for a  

long time4    ,,william ,h4 ,,pritchard1
  ,coroner 7,ex-officio17 ,barnwell     
,dist4 ,s4,c4      ,the ,norfolk 7,va47 
,herald1 of ,feb4 #ahcg1 has the        
following3    ,three negroes in a ship's
 yawl1 came on shore yesterday evening1 
near  ,new ,point ,comfort1 and were    
soon after apprehended and lodged in    
jail4  ,their story is1 that they       
belonged to a brig from ,new ,york bound
 to  ,havana1 which was cast away to the
 southward of ,cape ,henry1 some day    
last week2 that the brig was called the 
,maria1 ,captain ,whittemore4 ,i  have  
no doubt they are deserters from some   
vessel in the bay1 as their  statements 
are very confused and inconsistent4 ,one
 of these fellows is  a mulatto1 and    
calls himself ,isaac ,turner2 the other 
two are quite  black1 the one passing by
 the name of ,james ,jones and the other
 ,john  ,murray4 ,they have all their   
clothing with them1 and are dressed in  
sea-faring apparel4 ,they attempted to  
make their escape1 and it was  not till 

a musket was fired at them1 and one of  
them slightly  wounded1 that they       
surrendered4 ,they will be kept in jail 
till  something further is discovered   
respecting them4    ,the ',st4          
,francisville 7,la47 ,chronicle1' of    
,feb4 #a1 #ahci4 ,gives the  following  
account of a 'negro hunt1' in that      
,parish4    ,two or three days since a  
gentleman of this parish1 in hunting    
runaway negroes1 came upon a camp of    
them in the swamp on ,cat ,island4  ,he 
succeeded in arresting two of them1 but 
the third made fight2 and  upon being   
shot in the shoulder1 fled to a sluice1 
where the dogs  succeeded in drowning   
him before assistance could arrive4     
',the dogs succeeded in drowning him'6  
,poor fellow6 ,he tried hard for  his   
life1 plunged into the sluice1 and1 with
 a bullet in his shoulder1  and the     
blood hounds unfleshing his bones1 he   
bore up for a moment  with feeble stroke
 as best he might1 but 'public opinion1'
  'succeeded in drowning him1' and the  

same 'public opinion1' calls  the man   
who fired and crippled him1 and cheered 
on the dogs1 'a  gentleman1' and the    
editor who celebrates the exploit is a  
'gentleman'  also6    ,a large number of
 extracts similar to the above1 might   
here be  inserted from ,southern        
newspapers in our possession1 but the   
foregoing  are more than sufficient for 
our purpose1 and we bring to a close the
  testimony on this point1 with the     
following4 ,extract of a letter1 from   
the ,rev4 ,samuel ,j4 ,may1 of ,south   
,scituate1 ,mass4 dated ,dec4 #bj1      
#ahch4    ,you doubtless recollect the  
narrative given in the ,oasis1 of a     
slave  in ,georgia1 who having ranaway  
from his master1 7accounted a very      
hospitable and even humane gentleman17  
was hunted by his master and  his       
retainers with horses1 dogs1 and rifles1
 and having been driven  into a tree by 
the hounds1 was shot down by his more   
cruel pursuers4  ,all the facts there   
given1 and some others equally shocking1

 connected  with the same case1 were    
first communicated to me in #ahcc1 by   
,mr4 ,w4  ,russell1 a highly respectable
 teacher of youth in ,boston4 ,he is    
doubtless ready to vouch for them4 ,the 
same gentleman informed me that  he was 
keeping school on or near the plantation
 of the monster who  perpetrated the    
above outrage upon humanity1 that he was
 even invited  by him to join in the    
hunt1 and when he expressed abhorrence  
at the  thought1 the planter holding up 
the rifle which he had in his hand  said
 with an oath1 'damn that rascal1 this  
is the third time he has  runaway1 and  
he shall never run again4 ,i'd rather   
put a ball into his  side1 than into the
 best buck in the land4'    ,mr4        
,russell1 in the account given by him of
 this tragedy in the  ',oasis1' page    
#bfg1 thus describes the slaveholder who
 made the above  expression1 and was the
 leader of the 'hunt1' and in whose     
family he  resided at the time as an    
instructor he says of him--he was an    

opulent planter1 in whose family the    
evils of slaveholding were  palliated by
 every expedient that a humane and      
generous disposition  could suggest4 ,he
 was a man of noble and elevated        
character1 and  distinguished for his   
generosity1 and kindness of heart4      
,in a letter to ,mr4 ,may1 dated ,feb4  
#c1 #ahci1 ,mr4 ,russell1 speaking of   
the hunting of runaways with dogs and   
guns1 says3 ,occurrences of a  nature   
similar to the one related in the       
',oasis1' were not unfrequent  in the   
interior of ,georgia and ,south         
,carolina twenty years ago4  ,several   
such fell under my notice within the    
space of fifteen  months4 ,in two such  
'hunts1' ,i was solicited to join4      
,the following was written by a         
sister-in-law of ,gerrit ,smith1 ,esq41 
,peterboro4 ,she is married to the son  
of a ,north ,carolinian4    ,in ,north  
,carolina1 some years ago1 several      
slaves were arrested for  committing    
serious crimes and depredations1 in the 

neighborhood of  ,wilmington1 among     
other things1 burning houses1 and1 in   
one or more  instances1 murder4    ,it  
happened that the wife of one of these  
slaves resided in one of  the most      
respectable families in ,w4 in the      
capacity of nurse4 ,mr4 ,j4  the first  
lawyer in the place1 came into the room1
 where the lady of  the house1 was      
sitting1 with the nurse1 who held a     
child in her arms1  and1 addressing the 
nurse1 said1 ,hannah6 would you know    
your husband  if you should see         
him8--,oh1 yes1 sir1 she replied--,when 
,,he ,,drew ,,from  ,,beneath ,,his     
,,cloak ,,the ,,head ,,of ,,the ,,slave1
 at the sight of which the  poor woman  
immediately fainted4 ,the heads of the  
others were placed  upon poles1 in some 
part of the town1 afterwards known as   
',negro ,head  ,point4'    ,we have just
 received the above testimony1 enclosed 
in a letter from  ,mr4 ,smith1 in which 
he says1 that the fact stated by my     
sister-in-law1 actually occurred1 there 

can be no doubt4    ,the following      
extract from the ,diary of the ,rev4    
,,elias ,,cornelius1 we  insert here1   
having neglected to do it under a       
preceding head1 to  which it more       
appropriately belongs4    ,new ,orleans1
 ,sabbath1 ,february #ae1 #ahah4 ,early 
this morning  accompanied ,a4,h4 ,esq4  
to the hospital1 with the view of making
  arrangements to preach to such of the 
sick as could understand  ,english4 ,the
 first room we entered presented a scene
 of human misery1  such as ,i had never 
before witnessed4 ,a poor negro man was 
lying upon  a couch1 apparently in great
 distress2 a more miserable object can  
hardly be conceived4 ,his face was much 
disfigured1 an ,,iron ,,collar1  ,,two  
,,inches ,,wide ,,and ,,half ,,an ,,inch
 ,,thick1 ,,was ,,clasped ,,about ,,his 
,,neck1  while one of his feet and part 
of the leg were in a state of           
putrefaction4 ,we inquired the cause of 
his being in this distressing           
condition1 and he answered us in a      

faltering voice1 that he was  willing to
 tell us all the truth4    ,he belonged 
to ,mr4 ---- a ,frenchman1 ran-away1 was
 caught1 and  punished with one hundred 
lashes6 ,this happened about ,christmas2
 and  during the cold weather at that   
time1 he was confined in the            
,cane-house1 with a scanty portion of   
clothing1 and without fire4 ,in  this   
situation his foot had frozen1 and      
mortified1 and having been  removed from
 place to place1 he was yesterday       
brought here by order of  his new       
master1 who was an ,american4 ,i had no 
time to protract my  conversation with  
him then1 but resolved to return in a   
few hours and  pray with him4    ,having
 returned home1 ,i again visited the    
hospital at half past  eleven o'clock1  
and concluded first of all he was to    
preach at #ab1  to pray with the poor   
lacerated negro4 ,i entered the         
apartment in  which he lay1 and observed
 an old man sitting upon a couch2 but1  
without saying anything went up to the  

bed-side of the negro1 who  appeared to 
be asleep4 ,i spoke to him1 but he gave 
no answer4 ,i spoke  again1 and moved   
his head1 still he said nothing4 ,my    
apprehensions  were immediately excited1
 and ,i felt for his pulse1 but it was  
gone4  ,said ,i to the old man1 'surely 
this negro is dead4' ',no1' he answered1
  'he has fallen asleep1 for he had a   
very restless season last night4'  ,i   
again examined and called the old       
gentleman to the bed1 and alas1 it  was 
found true1 that he was dead4 ,not an   
eye had witnessed his last  struggle1   
and ,i was the first1 as it should      
happen1 to discover the  fact4 ,i called
 several men into the room1 and without 
ceremony they  wrapped him in a sheet1  
and carried him to the dead-house as it 
is  called4--,edwards' ,life of ,rev4   
,elias ,cornelius1 pp4 #aja1 #b1 #c4    
,,the ,,protection ,,extended ,,by      
',,public ,,opinion1' ,,to ,,the        
,,health#ch ,,of ,,the  ,,slaves4       
,this may be judged of from the fact    

that it is perfectly notorious  among   
slaveholders1 both ,north and ,south1   
that of the tens of  thousands of slaves
 sold annually in the northern slave    
states to be  transported to the south1 
large numbers of them die under the     
severe1  process of acclimation1 all    
suffer more or less1 and multitudes     
much1 in their health and strength1     
during their first years in the  far    
south and south west4 ,that such is the 
case is sufficiently proved  by the care
 taken by all who advertise for sale or 
hire in ,louisiana1  ,mississippi1      
,alabama1 ,arkansas1 c4 to inform the   
reader1 that their  slaves are          
',creoles1' 'southern born1' 'country   
born1' c4 or if they  are from the      
north1 that they are 'acclimated1' and  
the importance  attached to their       
acclimation1 is shown in the fact1 that 
it is  generally distinguished from the 
rest of the advertisements either by    
italics or ,,capitals4 ,almost every    
newspaper published in the states  far  

south contains advertisements like the  
following4    ,footnote #ch3 ,see pp4   
#cg-ci4      ,from the ,vicksburg 7,mi47
 ,register1 ,dec4 #bg1 #ahch4    ,i     
,,offer my plantation for sale4 ,also   
seventy-five acclimated  ,negroes4      
,o4,b4 ,,cobb4    ,from the ,southerner1
 ,june #g1 #ahcg4    ,i ,,will sell my  
,old-,river plantation near ,columbia in
 ,arkansas2--also  ,,one ,,hundred ,,and
 ,,thirty ,,acclimated ,,slaves4        
,,benj4 ,,hughes4  ,port ,gibson1 ,jan4 
#ad1 #ahcg4      ,from the ,planters'   
7,la47 ,intelligencer1 ,march #bb4      
,probate sale--,will be offered for sale
 at ,public ,auction1 to the  highest   
bidder1 ,,one ,,hundred ,,and ,,thirty  
acclimated slaves4    ,g4,w4 ,,keeton4  
,judge of the ,parish of ,concordia     
,from the ,arkansas ,advocate1 ,may #bb1
 #ahcg4    ,by virtue of a ,deed of     
,trust1 executed to me1 ,i will sell at 
public  auction at ,fisher's ,prairie1  
,arkansas1 sixty ,,likely ,,negroes1    
consisting of ,men1 ,women1 ,boys and   

,girls1 the most of whom are ,,well     
,,acclimated4    ,,grandison ,d4        
,,royston1 ,trustee4      ,from the ,new
 ,orleans ,bee1 ,feb4 #i1 #ahch4        
,,valuable ,,acclimated ,,negroes       
,will be sold on ,saturday1 #ajth inst4 
at #ab o'clock1 at the city  exchange1  
,st4 ,louis street4    ,then follows a  
description of the slaves1 closing with 
the same  assertion1 which forms the    
caption of the advertisement ,,all      
,,acclimated4    ,general ,felix        
,houston1 of ,natchez1 advertises in the
 ,natchez  ,courier1 ,april #f1 #ahch1  
,thirty five very fine acclimated       
,negroes4    ,without inserting more    
advertisements1 suffice it to say1 that 
when  slaves are advertised for sale or 
hire1 in the lower southern country1  if
 they are natives1 or have lived in that
 region long enough to  become          
acclimated1 it is invariably stated4    
,but we are not left to conjecture the  
amount of suffering  experienced by     
slaves from the north in undergoing the 

severe process  of 'seasoning' to the   
climate1 or 'acclimation' ,a writer in  
the ,new  ,orleans ,argus1 ,september1  
#ahcj1 in an article on the culture of  
the  sugar cane1 says2 ',the loss by    
death in bringing slaves from a         
northern climate1 which our planters are
 under the necessity of doing1  is not  
less than ,,twenty-,,five ,,per ,,cent4'
    ,nothwithstanding the immense amount
 of suffering endured in the  process of
 acclimation1 and the fearful waste of  
life1 and the  notoriety of this fact1  
still the 'public opinion' of ,virginia1
  ,maryland1 ,delaware1 ,kentucky1      
,missouri1 c4 annually ,,drives to the  
far  south1 thousands of their slaves to
 undergo these sufferings1 and the      
'public opinion1' of the far south buys 
them1 and forces the helpless  victims  
to endure them4      ,,the              
',,protection' ,,vouchsafed ,,by        
',,public ,,opinion1' ,,to ,,liberty4   
,this is shown by hundreds of           
advertisements in southern papers1 like 

the following3    ,from the ,mobile     
,register1 ,july #ba4 #ahcg4 ,,will ,,be
 ,,sold ,,cheap ,,for  ,,cash1 in front 
of the ,court ,house of ,mobile ,county1
 on the #bb;d day of  ,july next1 one   
mulatto man named ,,henry ,,hall1 ,,who 
,,says ,,he ,,is ,,free2 his  owner or  
owners1 if any1 having failed to demand 
him1 he is to be  sold according to the 
statute in such cases made and provided1
 to pay  ,jail fees4    ,,wm4 ,,magee1  
,sh'ff ,m4,c4      ,from the ,grand     
,gulf 7,miss47 ,advertiser1 ,dec4 #g1   
#ahch4    ,,committed to the jail of    
,chickasaw ,co4 ,edmund1 ,martha1 ,john 
and  ,louisa2 the man #ej1 the woman    
#ce1 ,john #c years old1 and ,louisa #ad
  months4 ,they say they are ,,free and 
were decoyed to this state4      ,the   
,southern ,argus1 of ,july #be1 #ahcg1  
contains the following4    ,,ranaway    
from my plantation1 a negro boy named   
,william4 ,said boy was  taken up by    
,thomas ,walton1 and says he was free1  
and that his  parents live near         

,shawneetown1 ,illinois1 and that he was
 taken from  that place in ,july #ahcf2 
says his father's name is ,william1 and 
his  mother's ,sally ,brown1 and that   
they moved from ,fredericksburg1        
,virginia4 ,i will give twenty dollars  
to any person who will deliver  said boy
 to me or ,col4 ,byrn1 ,columbus4       
,,samuel ,h4 ,,byrn      ,the first of  
the following advertisements was a      
standing one1 in the  ,vicksburg        
,register1 from ,dec4 #ahce till ,aug4  
#ahcf4 ,the second  advertises the same 
,,free man for sale4    ,,sheriff',s    
,,sale ,,committed1 to the jail of      
,warren county1 as a  ,runaway1 on the  
#bc;d inst4 a ,negro man1 who calls     
himself ,john ,j4  ,robinson2 says that 
he is free1 says that he kept a baker's 
shop in  ,columbus1 ,miss4 and that he  
peddled through the ,chickasaw nation to
  ,pontotoc1 and came to ,memphis1 where
 he sold his horse1 took water1  and    
came to this place4 ,the owner of said  
boy is requested to come  forward1 prove

 property1 pay charges1 and take him    
away1 or he will be  dealt with as the  
law directs4    ,,wm4 ,,everett1        
,jailer4  ,dec4 #bd1 #ahce    ,,notice  
is hereby given1 that the above         
described boy1 who calls  himself ,john 
,j4 ,robinson1 having been confined in  
the ,jail of ,warren  county as a       
,runaway1 for six months--and having    
been regularly  advertised during this  
period1 ,i shall proceed to sell said   
,negro boy  at public auction1 to the   
highest bidder for cash1 at the door of 
the  ,court ,house in ,vicksburg1 on    
,monday1 #ast day of ,august1 #ahcf1 in 
pursuance of the statute in such cases  
made and provided4    ,e4 ,w4 ,,morris1 
,sheriff4  ,vicksburg1 ,july #b1 #ahcf4 
,see ,newborn 7,n4,c47 ,spectator1 of   
,jan4 #e1 #ahch1 for the following      
advertisement4    ,,ranaway1 from the   
subscriber a negro man known as ,frank  
,pilot4 ,he is  five feet eight inches  
high1 dark complexion1 and about #ej    
years old1  ,,has ,,been ,,free ,,since 

#ahbi--;is now my property1 as heir at  
law of his  last owner1 ,samuel         
,ralston1 dec4 ,i will give the above   
reward if he  is taken and confined in  
any jail so that ,i can get him4        
,,samuel ,,ralston4 ,pactolus1 ,pitt    
,county4    ,from the ,tuscaloosa       
7,ala47 ,flag of the ,union1 ,june #g4  
,,committed to the jail of ,tuscaloosa  
county1 a negro man1 who says his  name 
is ,robert ,winfield1 and says he is    
free4    ,r4,w4 ,,barber1 ,jailer4      
,that public opinion1 in the slave      
states affords no protection to  the    
liberty of colored persons1 even after  
those persons become  legally free1 by  
the operation of their own laws1 is     
declared by  ,governor ,comegys1 of     
,delaware1 in his recent address to the 
,legislature of that state1 ,jan4 #ahci4
 ,the ,governor1 commenting upon  the   
law of the state which provides that    
persons convicted of certain  crimes    
shall be sold as servants for a limited 
time1 says1    ,the case is widely      

different with the negro767 ,although   
ordered to  be disposed of as a servant 
for a term of years1 perpetual slavery  
in  the south is his inevitable doom2   
unless1 peradventure1 age or  disease   
may have rendered him worthless1 or some
 resident of the  ,state1 from motives  
of benevolence1 will pay for him three  
or four  times his intrinsic value4 ,it 
matters not for how short a time he is  
ordered to be sold1 so that he can be   
carried from the ,state4 ,once  beyond  
its limits1 all chance of restored      
freedom is gone--for he is  removed far 
from the reach of any testimony to aid  
him in an effort to  be released from   
bondage1 when his legal term of         
servitude has  expired4 ,of the many    
colored convicts sold out of the ,state1
 it is  believed none ever return4 ,of  
course they are purchased with the      
express view to their transportation for
 life1 and bring such  enormous prices  
as to prevent all competition on the    
part of those  of our citizens who      

require their services1 and would keep  
them in  the ,state4    ,from the       
,memphis 7,ten47 ,enquirer1 ,dec4 #bh1  
#ahch4    #ej ,,reward4 ,ranaway1 from  
the subscriber1 on ,thursday last1 a    
negro  man named ,isaac1 #bb years old1 
about #e feet #aj or #aa inches high1   
dark  complexion1 well made1 full face1 
speaks quick1 and very correctly for  a 
negro4 ,he was originally from          
,new-,york1 and no doubt will attempt   
to pass himself as free4 ,i will give   
the above reward for his  apprehension  
and delivery1 or confinement1 so that ,i
 obtain him1 if  taken out of the state1
 or #cj if taken within the state4      
,,jno4 ,,simpson4 ,memphis1 ,dec4 #bh4  
,mark1 with what shameless hardihood    
this ,,jno4 ,,simpson1 tells the  public
 that he knew ,isaac ,wright was a free 
man6 ',,he ,,was ,,originally  ,,from   
,,new ,,york1' he tells us4 ,and yet he 
adds with brazen effrontery1  'he will  
attempt to pass himself as free4' ,this 
,isaac ,wright1 was  shipped by a man   

named ,lewis1 of ,new ,bedford1         
,massachusetts1 and sold  as a slave in 
,new ,orleans4 ,after passing through   
several hands1 and  being flogged nearly
 to death1 he made his escape1 and five 
days ago1  7,march #e17 returned to his 
friends in ,philadelphia4    ,from the  
,baltimore ,sun1 ,dec4 #bc1 #ahch4      
,,free ,,negroes--,merry ,ewall1 a      
,,free ,,negro1 from ,virginia1 was     
committed  to jail1 at ,snow ,hill1 ,md4
 last week1 for remaining in the ,state 
longer than is allowed by the law of    
#ahca4 ,the fine in his case  amounts to
 #bbe4 ,capril ,purnell1 a negro from   
,delaware1 is now in jail  in the same  
place1 for a violation of the same act4 
,his fine amounts  to ,,four ,,thousand 
,,dollars1 and he ,,will ,,be ,,sold    
,,in ,a ,,short ,,time4    ,the         
following is the decision of the        
,supreme ,court1 of ,louisiana1 in  the 
case of ,gomez vs4 ,bonneval1 ,martin's 
,la4 ,reports1 #fef1 and  ,wheeler's    
,law of ,slavery1 p4 #chj-a4            

,marginal remark of the ,compiler4--,a  
slave does not become free on  his being
 illegally imported into the state4     
,per ,cur4 ,derbigny1 ,j4 ,the          
petitioner is a negro in actual state of
  slavery2 he claims his freedom1 and is
 bound to prove it4 ,in his  attempt1   
however1 to show that he was free before
 he was introduced  into this country1  
he has failed1 so that his claim rests  
entirely on  the laws prohibiting the   
introduction of slaves in the ,united   
,states4  ,that the plaintiff was       
imported since that prohibition does    
exist is a  fact sufficiently           
established by the evidence4 ,what right
 he has  acquired under the laws        
forbidding such importation is the only 
question which we have to examine4      
,formerly1 while the act dividing       
,louisiana into two territories was in  
force in this country1 slaves           
introduced here in contravention to it1 
were freed by operation of  law2 but    
that act was merged in the legislative  

provisions which were  subsequently     
enacted on the subject of importation of
 slaves into the  ,united ,states       
generally4 ,under the now existing laws1
 the individuals  thus imported acquire 
no personal right1 they are mere passive
  beings1 who are disposed of according 
to the will of the different  state     
legislatures4 ,in this country they are 
to remain slaves1 and  ,,to ,,be ,,sold 
,,for ,,the ,,benefit ,,of ,,the        
,,state4 ,the plaintiff1 therefore1 has 
nothing to claim as a freeman2 and as to
 a mere change of master1  should such  
be his wish1 he cannot be listened to in
 a court of  justice4    ,extract from a
 speech of ,mr4 ,thomson of ,penn4 in   
,congress1 ,march #a1  #ahbf1 on the    
prisons in the ,district of ,columbia4  
,i visited the prisons twice that ,i    
might myself ascertain the truth4  99 99
 ,in one of these cells 7but eight feet 
square17 were confined at  that time1   
seven persons1 three women and four     
children4 ,the children  were confined  

under a strange system of law in this   
,district1 by which  a colored person   
who alleges ,,he ,,is ,,free1 and       
appeals to the  tribunals of the        
country1 to have the matter tried1 is   
,,committed ,,to  ,,prison1 till the    
decision takes place4 ,they were almost 
naked--one of  them was sick1 lying on  
the damp brick floor1 without bed1      
pillow1 or  covering4 ,in this          
abominable cell1 seven human beings were
 confined  day by day1 and night after  
night1 without a bed1 chair1 or stool1  
or  any other of the most common        
necessaries of life4--,gales'           
,congressional ,debates1 v4#b1 p4 #adhj4
    ,the following facts serve to show1 
that the present generation of          
slaveholders do but follow in the       
footsteps of their fathers1 in their    
zeal for ,,liberty4    ,extract from a  
document submitted by the ,committee of 
the yearly  meeting of ,friends in      
,philadelphia1 to the ,committee of     
,congress1 to  whom was referred the    

memorial of the people called ,quakers1 
in #agig4    ,in the latter part of the 
year #aggf1 several of the people called
  ,quakers1 residing in the counties of 
,perquimans and ,pasquotank1 in the     
state of ,north ,carolina1 liberated    
their negroes1 as it was then clear     
there was no existing law to prevent    
their so doing2 for the law of  #agda   
could not at that time be carried into  
effect2 and they were  suffered to      
remain free1 until a law passed1 in the 
spring of #aggg1  under which they were 
taken up and sold1 contrary to the ,bill
 of  ,rights1 recognized in the         
constitution of that state1 as a part   
thereof1 and to which it was annexed4   
,in the spring of #aggg1 when the       
,general ,assembly met for the first    
time1 a law was enacted to prevent      
slaves from being emancipated1  except  
for meritorious services1 c4 to be      
judged of by the county  courts or the  
general assembly2 and ordering1 that if 
any should be  manumitted in any other  

way1 they be taken up1 and the county   
courts  within whose jurisdictions they 
are apprehended should order them to  be
 sold4 ,under this law the county courts
 of ,perquimans and  ,pasquotank1 in the
 year #aggg1 ordered ,a ,,large ,,number
 ,,of ,,persons ,,to ,,be  ,,sold1 ,,who
 ,,were ,,free ,,at ,,the ,,time ,,the  
,,law ,,was ,,made4 ,in the year #aggh  
several of those cases were1 by         
certiorari1 brought before the  superior
 court for the district of ,edentorn1   
where the decisions of  the county      
courts were reversed1 the superior court
 declaring1 that  said county courts1 in
 such their proceedings1 have exceeded  
their  jurisdiction1 violated the rights
 of the subject1 and acted in direct    
opposition to the ,bill of ,rights of   
this state1 considered justly as  part  
of the constitution thereof2 by giving  
to a law1 not intended to  affect this  
case1 a retrospective operation1 thereby
 to deprive free  men of this state of  
their liberty1 contrary to the laws of  

the land4  ,in consequence of this      
decree several of the negroes were again
 set at  liberty2 but the next ,general 
,assembly1 early in #aggi1 passed a law1
  wherein they mention1 that doubts have
 arisen1 whether the purchasers  of such
 slaves have a good and legal title     
thereto1 and ,,confirm the  same2 under 
which they were again taken up by the   
purchasers and  reduced to slavery4     
,the number of persons thus re-enslaved 
was #acd4    ,the following are the     
decrees of the ,courts1 ordering the    
sale of  those freemen3--    ,perquimans
 ,county1 ,july term1 at ,hartford1     
,a4,d4 #aggg4    ,these may certify1    
that it was then and there ordered1 that
 the  sheriff of the county1 to-morrow  
morning1 at ten o'clock1 expose to      
sale1 to the highest bidder1 for ready  
money1 at the court-house door1  the    
several negroes taken up as free1 and in
 his custody1 agreeable to  law4        
,test4 ,,wm4 ,,skinner1 ,clerk4 ,a true 
copy1 #beth ,august1 #agia4 ,test4 ,j4  

,,harvey1 ,clerk4    ,pasquotank        
,county1 ,september ,court1 c4 c4 #aggg4
    ,present1 the ,worshipful ,thomas   
,boyd1 ,timothy ,hickson1 ,john ,paelin1
  ,edmund ,clancey1 ,joseph ,reading1   
and ,thomas ,rees1 ,esqrs4 ,justices4   
,it was then and there ordered1 that    
,thomas ,reading1 ,esq4 take the  ,,free
 negroes taken up under an act to       
prevent domestic insurrections  and     
other purposes1 and expose the same to  
the best bidder1 at  public vendue1 for 
ready money1 and be accountable for the 
same1  agreeable to the aforesaid act2  
and make return to this or the next     
succeeding court of his proceedings4    
,a copy4 ,,enoch ,,reese1 ,c4,c4        
,,the ,,protection ,,of ,,public        
,,opinion ,,to ,,domestics ,,ties4      
,the barbarous indifference with which  
slaveholders regard the forcible        
sundering of husbands and wives1 parents
 and children1 brothers and  sisters1   
and the unfeeling brutality indicated by
 the language in  which they describe   

the efforts made by the slaves1 in their
 yearnings  after those from whom they  
have been torn away1 reveals a 'public  
opinion' towards them as dead to their  
agony as if they were cattle4  ,it is   
well nigh impossible to open a southern 
paper without finding  evidence of this4
 ,though the truth of this assertion can
 hardly be  called in question1 we      
subjoin a few illustrations1 and could  
easily  give hundreds4      ,from the   
,savannah ,georgian1 ,jan4 #ag1 #ahci4  
#ajj reward will be  given for my two   
fellows1 ,abram and ,frank4 ,abram has a
 wife at  ,colonel ,stewart's1 in       
,liberty county1 and a sister in        
,savannah1 at  ,capt4 ,grovenstine's4   
,frank has a wife at ,mr4 ,le ,cont's1  
,liberty  county2 a mother at           
,thunderbolt1 and a sister in ,savannah4
    ,,wm4 ,,robarts4 ,wallhourville1    
#eth ,jan4 #ahci      ,from the         
,lexington 7,ky47 ,intelligencer4 ,july 
#g1 #ahch4    #afj ,reward4--,ranaway   
from the subscribers living in this     

city1 on  ,saturday #afth inst4 a negro 
man1 named ,dick1 about #cg years of    
age4 ,it  is highly probable said boy   
will make for ,new ,orleans as he has a 
wife living in that city1 and he has    
been heard to say frequently  that he   
was determined to go to ,new ,orleans4  
,,drake ,c4 ,,thompson4 ,lexington1     
,june #ag1 #ahch      ,from the         
,southern ,argus1 ,oct4 #ca1 #ahcg4     
,runaway--my negro man1 ,frederick1     
about #bj years of age4 ,he is no  doubt
 near the plantation of ,g4,w4 ,corprew1
 ,esq of ,noxubbee ,county1             
,mississippi1 as his wife belongs to    
that gentleman1 and he followed  her    
from my residence4 ,the above reward    
will be paid to any one who  will       
confine him in jail and inform me of it 
at ,athens1 ,ala4 ,athens1  ,alabama4   
,,kerkman ,,lewis4      ,from the       
,savannah ,georgian1 ,july #h1 #ahcg4   
,ran away from the subscriber1 his man  
,joe4 ,he visits the city  occasionally1
 where he has been harbored by his      

mother and sister4  ,i will give one    
hundred dollars for proof sufficient to 
convict his  harborers4 ,r4,p4,t4       
,,mongin4      ,the ,macon 7,georgia7   
,messenger1 ,nov4 #bc1 #ahcg1 has the   
following3--    #be ,reward4--,ran away1
 a negro man1 named ,cain4 ,he was      
brought from  ,florida1 and has a wife  
near ,mariana1 and probably will attempt
 to  make his way there4 ,h4,l4 ,,cook4 
,from the ,richmond 7,va47 ,whig1 ,july 
#be1 #ahcg4    ,absconded from the      
subscriber1 a negro man1 by the name of 
,wilson4 ,he  was born in the county of 
,new ,kent1 and raised by a gentleman   
named  ,ratliffe1 and by him sold to a  
gentleman named ,taylor1 on whose farm  
he had a wife and several children4 ,mr4
 ,taylor sold him to a ,mr4  ,slater1   
who1 in consequence of removing to      
,alabama1 ,wilson left2 and  when       
retaken was sold1 and afterwards        
purchased1 by his present owner1  from  
,t4 ,mc,cargo and ,co4 of ,richmond4    
,from the ,savannah 7,ga4 7 ,republican1

 ,sept4 #c1 #ahch4    #bj ,reward for my
 negro man ,jim4--,jim is about #ej or  
#ee years of age4  ,it is probable he   
will aim for ,savannah1 as he said he   
had children  in that vicinity4         
,j4,g4 ,,owens4  ,barnwell ,district1   
,s4,c4      ,from the ,staunton 7,va47  
,spectator1 ,jan4 #c1 #ahci4            
,runaway1 ,jesse4--,he has a wife1 who  
belongs to ,mr4 ,john ,ruff1 of         
,lexington1 ,rockbridge county1 and he  
may probably be lurking in that         
neighborhood4 ,,moses ,mc,c,u,e4        
,from the ,augusta 7,georgia7           
,chronicle1 ,july #aj1 #ahcg4    #abj   
,reward for my negro ,charlotte4 ,she is
 about #bj years old4 ,she  was         
purchased some months past from ,mr4    
,thomas4 ,j4 ,walton1 of ,augusta1  by  
,thomas ,w4 ,oliver2 and1 as her mother 
and acquaintances live in  that city1 it
 is very likely she is harbored by some 
of them4 ,,martha  ,,oliver4      ,from 
the ,raleigh 7,n4,c47 ,register1 ,july  
#ah1 #ahcg4    ,ranaway from the        

subscriber1 a negro man named ,jim1 the 
property of  ,mrs4 ,elizabeth           
,whitfield4 ,he has a wife at the late  
,hardy ,jones'1  and may probably be    
lurking in that neighborhood4 ,,john    
,o',,rorke4      ,from the ,richmond    
7,va47 ,compiler1 ,sept4 #h1 #ahcg4     
,ranaway from the subscriber1 ,ben4 ,he 
ran off without any known cause1  and ,i
 suppose he is aiming to go to his wife1
 who was carried from  the neighborhood 
last winter4 ,,john ,,hunt4      ,from  
the ,charleston 7,s4,c47 ,mercury1 ,aug4
 #a1 #ahcg4    ,absconded from ,mr4     
,e4,d4 ,bailey1 on ,wadmalaw1 his negro 
man1 named  ,saby4 ,said fellow was     
purchased in ,january1 from ,francis    
,dickinson1 of  ,st4 ,paul's parish1 and
 is probably now in that neighborhood1  
where he  has a wife4 ,,thomas ,n4      
,,gadsden4      ,from the ,portsmouth   
7,va47 ,times1 ,august #c1 #ahch4    #ej
 dollars ,reward will be given for the  
apprehension of my negro man  ,isaac4   
,he has a wife at ,james ,m4 ,riddick's1

 of ,gates county1 ,n4,c4  where he may 
probably be lurking4 ,c4 ,,miller4      
,from the ,savannah 7,georgia7          
,republican4 ,may #bd1 #ahch4    #dj    
,reward4--,ran away from the subscriber 
in ,savannah1 his negro girl  ,patsey4  
,she was purchased among the gang of    
negroes1 known as the  ,hargreave's     
estate4 ,she is no doubt lurking about  
,liberty county1 at  which place she has
 relatives4 ,,edward ,,houstoun1 of     
,florida      ,from the ,charleston     
7,s4,c47 ,courier1 ,june #bi1 #ahcg4    
#bj ,reward will be paid for the        
apprehension and delivery1 at the       
workhouse in ,charleston1 of a mulatto  
woman1 named ,ida4 ,it is probable  she 
may have made her way into ,georgia1    
where she has connections4  ,,matthew   
,,muggridge4      ,from the ,norfolk    
7,va47 ,beacon1 ,march #ca1 #ahch4      
,the subscriber will give #bj for the   
apprehension of his negro woman1        
,maria1 who ran away about twelve months
 since4 ,she is known to be  lurking in 

or about ,chuckatuch1 in the county of  
,nansemond1 where she  has a husband1   
and formerly belonged4 ,,peter ,,oneill4
      ,from the ,macon 7,georgia7       
,messenger1 ,jan4 #af1 #ahci4           
,ranaway from the subscriber1 two       
negroes1 ,davis1 a man about #de years  
old2 also ,peggy1 his wife1 near the    
same age4 ,said negroes will  probably  
make their way to ,columbia county1 as  
they have children  living in that      
county4 ,i will liberally reward any    
person who may  deliver them to me4     
,,nehemiah ,,king4      ,from the       
,petersburg 7,va47 ,constellation1 ,june
 #bg1 #ahcg4    ,ranaway1 a negro man1  
named ,peter4 ,he has a wife at the     
plantation  of ,mr4 ,c4 ,haws1 near     
,suffolk1 where it is supposed he is    
still  lurking4 ,,john ,l4 ,,dunn4      
,from the ,richmond 7,va47 ,whig1 ,dec4 
#g1 #agci4    ,ranaway from the         
subscriber1 a negro man1 named ,john    
,lewis4 ,it is  supposed that he is     
lurking about in ,new ,kent county1     

where he  professes to have a wife4     
,,hill ,,jones1 ,agent for ,r4,f4  ,p4  
,railroad ,co4      ,from the ,red      
,river 7,la47 ,whig1 ,june #b;d1 #ahch4 
,ran away from the subscriber1 a mulatto
 woman1 named ,maria4 ,it is  probable  
she may be found in the neighborhood of 
,mr4 ,jesse ,bynum's  plantation1 where 
she has relations1 c4 ,,thomas ,j4      
,,wells4      ,from the ,lexington      
7,ky47 ,observer and ,reporter1 ,sept4  
#bh1 #ahch4    #ej ,reward4--,ran away  
from the subscriber1 a negro girl1 named
 ,maria4  ,she is of a copper color1    
between #ac and #ad years of age--bare  
headed and bare footed4 ,she is small of
 her age--very sprightly and  very      
likely4 ,she stated she was going to see
 her mother at  ,maysville4 ,,sanford   
,,thomson4      ,from the ,jackson      
7,tenn47 ,telegraph1 ,sept4 #ad1 #ahch4 
,committed to the jail of ,madison      
county1 a negro woman1 who calls her    
name ,fanny1 and says she belongs to    
,william ,miller1 of ,mobile4 ,she      

formerly belonged to ,john ,givins1 of  
this county1 who now owns  several of   
her children4 ,,david ,,shropshire1     
,jailor4      ,from the ,norfolk 7,va47 
,beacon1 ,july #c;d1 #ahch4    ,runaway 
from my plantation below ,edenton1 my   
negro man1 ,nelson4 ,he  has a mother   
living at ,mr4 ,james ,goodwin's1 in    
,ballahack1 ,perquimans  county2 and two
 brothers1 one belonging to ,job        
,parker1 and the other  to ,josiah      
,coffield4 ,,wm4 ,d4 ,,rascoe4          
,from the ,charleston 7,s4,c47 ,courier1
 ,jan4 #ab1 #ahch4    #ajj              
,reward4--,run away from the subscriber1
 his negro fellow1 ,john4  ,he is well  
known about the city as one of my bread 
carriers3 has a  wife living at ,mrs4   
,weston's1 on ,hempstead4 ,john formerly
 belonged to  ,mrs4 ,moor1 near ,st4    
,paul's church1 where his mother still  
lives1 and  has been harbored by her    
before4    ,,john ,t4 ,,marshall4  #fj1 
,tradd street4      ,from the ,newbern  
7,n4,c47 ,sentinel1 ,march #ag1 #ahcg4  

,ranaway1 ,moses1 a black fellow1 about 
#dj years of age--has a wife  in        
,washington4    ,,thomas ,,bragg1 ,sen4 
,warrenton1 ,n4,c4      ,from the       
,richmond 7,va47 ,whig1 ,june #cj1      
#ahcg4    ,ranaway1 my man ,peter4--,he 
has a sister and mother in ,new ,kent1  
and a wife about fifteen or eighteen    
miles above ,richmond1 at or  about     
,taylorsville4 ,,theo4 ,a4 ,,lacy4      
,from the ,new ,orleans ,bulletin1 ,feb4
 #g1 #ahch4    ,ranaway1 my negro       
,philip1 aged about #dj years4--,he may 
have gone to  ,st4 ,louis1 as he has a  
wife there4 ,w4,g4 ,,clark1 #gj ,new    
,levee4      ,from the ,georgian1 ,jan4 
#bi1 #ahch4    ,a ,reward of #e will be 
paid for the apprehension of his negro  
woman1  ,diana4 ,diana is from #de to   
#ej age4 ,she formerly belonged to ,mr4 
,nath4  ,law1 of ,liberty county1 where 
her husband still lives4 ,she will      
endeavor to go there perhaps4 ,d4       
,o',,byrne4      ,from the ,richmond    
7,va47 ,enquirer1 ,feb4 #bj1 #ahch4     

#aj ,reward for a negro woman1 named    
,sally1 #dj years old4 ,we have just    
reason to believe the said negro to be  
now lurking on the ,james ,river        
,canal1 or in the ,green ,spring        
neighborhood1 where1 we are informed1   
her husband resides4 ,the above reward  
will be given to any person  securing   
her4    ,,polly ,c4 ,,shields4  ,mount  
,elba1 ,feb4 #ai1 #ahch4      #ej       
,reward4--,ran away from the subscriber1
 his negro man ,pauladore1  commonly    
called ,paul4 ,i understand ,,gen4      
,r4,y4 ,,hayne has purchased his  wife  
and children from ,h4,l4 ,,pinckney1    
,esq4 and has them now on his           
plantation at ,goosecreek1 where1 no    
doubt1 the fellow is frequently         
lurking4 ,t4 ,,davis4      #be          
,reward4--,ran away from the subscriber1
 a negro woman1 named  ,matilda4 ,it is 
thought she may be somewhere up ,james  
,river1 as she was  claimed as a wife by
 some boatman in ,goochland4 ,j4        
,,alvis4      ,stop the ,runaway666--#be

 ,reward4 ,ranaway from the ,eagle      
,tavern1 a  negro fellow1 named ,nat4   
,he is no doubt attempting to follow his
  wife1 who was lately sold to a        
speculator named ,redmond4 ,the above   
reward will be paid by ,mrs4 ,lucy ,m4  
,downman1 of ,sussex county1 ,va4       
,multitudes of advertisements like the  
above appear annually in the  southern  
papers4 ,reader1 look at the preceding  
list--mark the  unfeeling barbarity with
 which their masters and mistresses     
describe  the struggles and perils of   
sundered husbands and wives1 parents and
  children1 in their weary midnight     
travels through forests and rivers1     
with torn limbs and breaking hearts1    
seeking the embraces of each  other's   
love4 ,in one instance1 a mother torn   
from all her children and  taken to a   
remote part of another state1 presses   
her way back through  the wilderness1   
hundreds of miles1 to clasp once more   
her children to  her heart3 but1 when   
she has arrived within a few miles of   

them1 in  the same county1 is           
discovered1 seized1 dragged to jail1 and
 her  purchaser told1 through an        
advertisement1 that she awaits his      
order4  ,but we need not trace out the  
harrowing details already before the    
reader4    ,rev4 ,c4,s4 ,,renshaw1 of   
,quincy1 ,illinois1 who resided some    
time in  ,kentucky1 says2--    ,i was   
told the following fact by a young lady1
 daughter of a  slaveholder in ,boone   
county1 ,kentucky1 who lived within half
 a mile of  ,mr4 ,hughes' farm4 ,hughes 
and ,neil traded in slaves down the     
river3  they had bought up a part of    
their stock in the upper counties of    
,kentucky1 and brought them down to     
,louisville1 where the remainder of     
their drove was in jail1 waiting their  
arrival4 ,just before the  steamboat put
 off for the lower country1 two negro   
women were offered  for sale1 each of   
them having a young child at the breast4
 ,the traders  bought them1 took their  
babes from their arms1 and offered them 

to the  highest bidder2 and they were   
sold for one dollar apiece1 whilst the  
stricken parents were driven on board   
the boat2 and in an hour were on  their 
way to the ,new ,orleans market4 ,you   
are aware that a young babe  decreases  
the value of a field hand in the lower  
country1 whilst it  increases her value 
in the 'breeding states4'    ,the       
following is an extract from an address1
 published by the  ,presbyterian ,synod 
of ,kentucky1 to the churches under     
their care1 in  #ahce3--    ,brothers   
and sisters1 parents and children1      
husbands and wives1 are  torn asunder1  
and permitted to see each other no more4
 ,these acts  are ,,daily occurring in  
the midst of us4 ,the shrieks and the   
agony1  often witnessed on such         
occasions1 proclaim1 with a trumpet     
tongue1  the iniquity of our system4    
,there is not a neighborhood where these
  heart-rending scenes are not          
displayed4 ,there is not a village or   
road that does not behold the sad       

procession of manacled outcasts1  whose 
mournful countenances tell that they are
 exiled by force from  ,,all ,,that     
,,their ,,hearts ,,hold                 
,,dear4--,address1 p4 #ab4    ,professor
 ,,andrews1 late of the ,university of  
,north ,carolina1 in his  recent work on
 ,slavery and the ,slave ,trade1 page   
#adg1 in relating a  conversation with a
 slave-trader1 whom he met near         
,washington ,city1  says1 he inquired1  
',do you often buy the wife without the 
husband8' ',yes1 ,,very ,,often2  and   
,,frequently1 too1 they sell me the     
mother while they keep her  children4 ,i
 have often known them take away the    
infant from its  mother's breast1 and   
keep it1 while they sold her4'    ,the  
following sale is advertised in the     
,georgia ,journal1 ,jan1 #b1  #ahch4    
,will be sold1 the following ,,property1
 to wit3 ,one ---- ,,child1 by the  name
 of ,james1 about eight months old1     
levied on as the property of  ,gabriel  
,gunn4    ,the following is a standing  

advertisement in the ,charleston        
7,s4,c47  papers3--    #abj ,negroes for
 ,sale--,the subscriber has just arrived
 from  ,petersburg1 ,virginia1 with one 
hundred and twenty likely young  negroes
 of both sexes and every description1   
which he offers for sale  on the most   
reasonable terms4    ,the lot now on    
hand consists of plough boys several    
likely and  well-qualified house        
servants of both sexes1 several women   
with  children1 small girls suitable for
 nurses1 and several ,,small ,,boys     
,,without ,,their ,,mothers4 ,planters  
and traders are earnestly requested to  
give the subscriber a call previously to
 making purchases elsewhere1  as he is  
enabled and will sell as cheap1 or      
cheaper1 than can be sold  by any other 
person in the trade4 ,,benjamin ,,davis4
 ,hamburg1 ,s4,c4 ,sept4  #bh1 #ahch4   
,extract ,of a letter to a member of    
,congress from a friend in              
,mississippi1 published in the          
,washington ,globe1 ,june1 #ahcg4       

,the times are truly alarming here4     
,many plantations are entirely  stripped
 of negroes 7protection67 and horses1 by
 the marshal or  sheriff4--,suits are   
multiplying--two thousand five hundred  
in the  ,united ,states ,circuit ,court1
 and three thousand in ,hinds ,county   
,court4    ,testimony of ,,mr4 ,,silas  
,,stone1 of ,hudson1 ,new ,york4 ,mr4   
,stone is a  member of the ,episcopal   
,church1 has several times been elected 
an  ,assessor of the city of ,hudson1   
and for three years has filled the      
office of ,treasurer of the ,county4 ,in
 the fall of #ahjg1 ,mr4 ,stone         
witnessed a sale of slaves1 in          
,charleston1 ,south ,carolina1 which he 
thus describes in a communication       
recently received from him4    ,i saw   
droves of the poor fellows driven to the
 slave markets kept in  different parts 
of the city1 one of which ,i visited4   
,the arrangements  of this place        
appeared something like our northern    
horse-markets1  having sheds1 or barns1 

in the rear of a public house1 where    
alcohol  was a handy ingredient to      
stimulate the spirit of jockeying4 ,as  
the  traders appeared1 lots of negroes  
were brought from the stables into  the 
bar room1 and by a flourish of the whip 
were made to assume an  active          
appearance4 ',what will you give for    
these fellows8' ',how old  are they8    
',are they healthy8' ',are they quick8' 
c4 at the same time  the owner would    
give them a cut with a cowhide1 and tell
 them to dance  and jump1 cursing and   
swearing at them if they did not move   
quick4 ,in  fact all the transactions in
 buying and selling slaves1 partakes of 
jockey-ship1 as much as buying and      
selling horses4 ,there was as little    
regard paid to the feelings of the      
former as we witness in the latter4     
,from these scenes ,i turn to another1  
which took place in front of the  noble 
',exchange ,buildings1' in the heart of 
the city4 ,on the left side  of the     
steps1 as you leave the main hall1      

immediately under the  windows of that  
proud building1 was a stage built1 on   
which a mother  with eight children were
 placed1 and sold at auction4 ,i watched
 their  emotions closely1 and saw their 
feelings were in accordance to human    
nature4 ,the sale began with the eldest 
child1 who1 being struck off to  the    
highest bidder1 was taken from the stage
 or platform by the  purchaser1 and led 
to his wagon and stowed away1 to be     
carried into  the country2 the second1  
and third were also sold1 and so until  
seven  of the children were torn from   
their mother1 while her discernment     
told her they were to be separated      
probably forever1 causing in that       
mother the most agonizing sobs and      
cries1 in which the children seemed  to 
share4 ,the scene beggars description2  
suffice it to say1 it was  sufficient to
 cause tears from one at least 'whose   
skin was not  colored like their own1'  
and ,i was not ashamed to give vent to  
them4      ,,the ,,protection ,,afforded

 ,,by ,,public ,,opinion  ,,to          
,,childhood ,,and ,,old ,,age4    ,in   
the ,new ,orleans ,bee1 ,may #ca1 #ahcg1
 ,,mr4 ,p4 ,,bahi1 gives notice that  he
 has committed to ,,jail as a runaway 'a
 little negro ,,aged ,,about  ,,seven   
,,years4'    ,in the ,mobile            
,advertiser1 ,sept4 #ac1 #ahch1         
,,william ,,magee1 ,sheriff1  gives     
notice that ,george ,walton1 ,esq4      
,mayor of the city has  committed to    
,,jail as a runaway slave1 ,jordan1     
,,about ,,twelve ,,years  ,,old1 and the
 ,sheriff proceeds to give notice that  
if no one claims him  the boy will be   
sold as a slave to pay jail fees4    ,in
 the ,memphis 7,tenn47 ,gazette1 ,may   
#b1 #ahcg1 ,w4,h4 ,,montgomery          
advertises that he will sell at auction 
a ,,boy ,,aged #ad1 ,,another ,,aged    
#ab1 ,,and ,a ,,girl #aj1 to pay the    
debts of their deceased master4         
,b4,f4 ,,chapman1 ,sheriff1             
,natchitoches 7,la47 advertises in the  
',herald1' of ,may #ag1 #ahcg1 that he  

has committed to ,,jail1 as a  runaway a
 negro boy ,,between #aa ,,and #ab      
,,years ,,of ,,age4    ,in the ,augusta 
7,ga47 ,chronicle1 ,feb4 #ac1 #ahch4    
,r4,h4 ,,jones1 jailor1  says1 ,brought 
to jail a negro woman ,sarah1 she is    
about #fj or #fe  years old4    ,in the 
,winchester ,virginian1 ,august #h1     
#ahcg1 ,mr4 ,r4,h4 ,,menifee1  offers   
ten dollars reward to any one who will  
catch and lodge in jail1  ,abram and    
,nelly1 about #fj years old1 so that he 
can get them  again4    ,j4 ,,snowden1  
,jailor1 ,columbia1 ,s4,c4 gives notice 
in the ,telescope1  ,nov1 #ah1 #ahcg1   
that he has committed to jail as a      
runaway slave1  ,caroline fifty years of
 age4    ,y4,s4 ,,pickard1 ,jailor1     
,savannah1 ,georgia1 gives notice in the
  ,georgian1 ,june #bb1 #ahcg1 that he  
has taken up for a runaway and  lodged  
in jail ,charles1 #fj years of age4     
,in the ,savannah ,georgian1 ,april #ab1
 #ahcg1 ,mr4 ,j4 ,,cuyler1 says he  will
 give five dollars1 to anyone who will  

catch and bring back to him  ,saman1 an 
old negro man1 and grey1 and has only   
one eye4    ,in the ,macon 7,ga47       
,telegraph1 ,jan4 #ae1 #ahci1 ,,messrs4 
,t4 ,,and ,l4  ,,napier1 advertise for  
sale ,nancy1 a woman #fe years of age1  
and  ,peggy1 a woman #fe years of age4  
,the following is from the ,columbian   
7,ga47 ,enquirer1 ,march #h1 #ahch4     
#be ,,reward4--,ranaway1 a ,negro ,woman
 named ,,matilda1 aged about #cj or  #ce
 years4 ,also1 on the same night1 a     
,negro ,fellow of small size1 ,,very    
,,aged1 stoop-shouldered1 who walks     
,,very ,,decrepidly1 is supposed to     
have gone off4 ,his name is ,,dave1 and 
he has claimed ,matilda for wife4  ,it  
may be they have gone off together4     
,i will give twenty-five dollars for the
 woman1 delivered to me in  ,muscogee   
county1 or confined in any jail so that 
,i can get her4 ,,moses  ,,butt4        
,j4,b4 ,,randall1 ,jailor1 ,cobb 7,co47 
,georgia1 advertises an old negro man1  
in the ,milledgeville ,recorder1 ,nov4  

#f1 #ahch4    ,a ,,negro ,,man1 has been
 lodged in the common jail of this      
county1 who  says his name is ,,jupiter4
 ,he has lost all his front teeth above 
and  below--speaks very indistinctly1 is
 very lame1 so that he can hardly  walk4
    ,rev4 ,,charles ,,stewart ,,renshaw1
 of ,quincy1 ,illinois1 who spent some  
time  in slave states1 speaking of his  
residence in ,kentucky1 says3--    ,one 
,sabbath morning1 whilst riding to      
meeting near ,burlington1 ,boone  ,co4  
,kentucky1 in company with ,mr4 ,willis1
 a teacher of sacred music  and a member
 of the ,presbyterian ,church1 ,i was   
startled at mingled  shouts and screams1
 proceeding from an old log house1 some 
distance  from the road side4 ,as we    
passed it1 some five or six boys from   
#ab to  #ae years of age1 came out1 some
 of them cracking whips1 followed by    
two colored boys crying4 ,i asked ,mr4  
,w4 what the scene meant4 ',oh1' he     
replied1 'those boys have been whipping 
the niggers2 that is the way  we bring  

slaves into subjection in ,kentucky--we 
let the children beat  them4' ,the boys 
returned again into the house1 and again
 their  shouting and stamping was heard1
 but ever and anon a scream of agony    
that would not be drowned1 rose above   
the uproar2 thus they continued  till   
the sounds were lost in the distance4   
,well did ,jefferson say1 that the      
children of slaveholders are ',,nursed1 
,,educated1 ,,and ,,daily ,,exercised   
,,in ,,tyranny4'    ,the 'protection'   
thrown around a mother's yearnings1 and 
the  helplessness of childhood by the   
'public opinion' of slaveholders1 is    
shown by thousands of advertisements of 
which the following are  samples4       
,from the ,new ,orleans ,bulletin1 ,june
 #b4    ,,negroes ,,for ,,sale4--,a     
negro woman #ba years of age1 and has   
two  children1 one eight and the other  
three years4 ,said negroes will be  sold
 ,,separately or together as desired4   
,the woman is a good  seamstress4 ,she  
will be sold low for cash1 or exchanged 

for  ,,groceries4 ,for terms apply to   
,,mayhew ,,bliss1  ,,co4 #a ,front      
,levee4      ,from the ,georgia         
,journal1 ,nov4 #g4    ,,to ,,be        
,,sold--,one negro girl about #ah months
 old1 belonging to the  estate of       
,william ,chambers1 dec'd4 ,sold for the
 purpose of  distribution66 ,,jethro    
,,dean1 ,,samuel ,,beall1 ,ex'ors4      
,from the ,natchez ,courier1 ,april #b1 
#ahch4    ,,notice--,is hereby given    
that the undersigned pursuant to a      
certain  ,deed of ,trust will on        
,thursday the #abth day of ,april next1 
expose to  sale at the ,court ,house1 to
 the highest bidder for cash1 the       
following  ,negro slaves1 to wit2       
,fanny1 aged about #bh years2 ,mary1    
aged about #g  years2 ,amanda1 aged     
about #c months2 ,wilson1 aged about #i 
months4    ,said slaves1 to be sold for 
the satisfaction of the debt secured in 
said ,deed of ,trust4 ,w4,j4 ,,minor4   
,from the ,milledgeville ,journal1 ,dec4
 #bf1 #ahcg4    ,,executor',s ,,sale4   

,agreeable to an order of the court of  
,wilkinson county1 will be sold  on the 
first ,tuesday in ,april next1 before   
the ,court-house door in the  town of   
,irwington1 ,,one ,,negro ,,girl about  
two years old1 named ,rachel1  belonging
 to the estate of ,william ,chambers    
dec'd4 ,sold for the  benefit of the    
heirs and creditors of said estate4     
,,samuel ,,bell1 ,,jesse ,,peacock1     
,ex'ors4      ,from the ,alexandria     
7,d4,c47 ,gazette ,dec4 #ai4    ,i will 
give the highest cash price for likely  
negroes1 from #aj to #be  years of age4 
,,geo4 ,,kephart4      ,from the        
,southern ,whig1 ,march #b1 #ahch4--    
,,will be sold in ,la ,grange1 ,troup   
county1 one negro girl1 by the name  of 
,charity1 aged about #aj or #ab years2  
as the property of ,littleton ,l4       
,burk1 to satisfy a mortgage fi4 fa4    
from ,troup ,inferior ,court1 in  favor 
of ,daniel ,s4 ,robertson vs4 said      
,burk4      ,from the ,petersburgh      
7,va47 ,constellation1 ,march #ah1      

#ahcg4    #ej ,negroes wanted           
immediately4--,the subscriber will give 
a good  market price for fifty likely   
negroes1 from #aj to #cj years of age4  
,,henry ,,davis4      ,the following is 
an extract of a letter from a gentleman1
 a native and  still a resident of one  
of the slave states1 and still a        
slaveholder4 ,he is an elder in the     
,presbyterian ,church1 his letter is    
now before us1 and his name is with the 
,executive ,committee of the ,am4       
,anti-slavery ,society4    ,permit me to
 say1 that around this very place where 
,i reside1 slaves  are brought almost   
constantly1 and sold to ,miss4 and      
,orleans2 that it  is usual to part     
families forever by such sales--the     
parents from the  children and the      
children from the parents1 of every size
 and age4 ,a  mother was taken not long 
since1 in this town1 from a sucking     
child1  and sold to the lower country4  
,three young men ,i saw some time ago   
taken from this place in chains--while  

the mother of one of them1 old  and     
decrepid1 followed with tears and       
prayers her son1 #ah or #bj  miles1 and 
bid him a final farewell6 ,o1 thou      
,great ,eternal1 is this  justice6 is   
this equity66--,equal ,rights66    ,we  
subjoin a few miscellaneous facts       
illustrating the ,,inhumanity of        
slaveholding 'public opinion4'    ,the  
shocking indifference manifested at the 
death of slaves as human  beings1       
contrasted with the grief at their loss 
as property1 is a  true index to the    
public opinion of slaveholders4         
,colonel ,oliver of ,louisville1 lost a 
valuable race-horse by the  explosion of
 the steamer ,oronoko1 a few months     
since on the  ,mississippi river4 ,eight
 human beings whom he held as slaves    
were also  killed by the explosion4     
,they were the riders and grooms of his 
race-horses4 ,a ,louisville paper thus  
speaks of the occurrence3    ,colonel   
,oliver suffered severely by the        
explosion of the ,oronoko4 ,he  lost    

eight of his rubbers and riders1 and his
 horse1 ,joe ,kearney1  which he had    
sold the night before for #c1jjj4       
,mr4 ,king1 of the ,new ,york ,american1
 makes the following just comment  on   
the barbarity of the above paragraph3   
,would any one1 in reading this         
paragraph from an evening paper1        
conjecture that these 'eight rubbers and
 riders1' that together with  a horse1  
are merely mentioned as a 'loss' to     
their owner1 were human                 
beings--immortal as the writer who thus 
brutalizes them1 and perhaps  cherishing
 life as much8 ,in this view1 perhaps1  
the 'eight' lost as  much as ,colonel   
,oliver4      ,the following is from the
 ,charleston 7,s4,c47 ,patriot1 ,oct4   
#ah4    ,loss of ,property6--,since ,i  
have been here1 7,rice ,hope1 ,n4       
,santee17  ,i have seen much misery1 and
 much of human suffering4 ,the loss of  
,,property has been immense1 not only on
 ,south ,santee1 but also on this       
river4 ,mr4 ,shoolbred has lost1        

7according to the statement of the      
physician17 forty-six negroes--the      
majority lost being the primest  hands  
he had--bricklayers1 carpenters1        
blacksmiths and ,coopers4 ,mr4  ,wm4    
,mazyck has lost #ce negroes4 ,col4     
,thomas ,pinkney1 in the  neighborhood  
of #dj1 and many other planters1 #aj to 
#bj on each  plantation4 ,mrs4 ,elias   
,harry1 adjoining the plantation of ,mr4
 ,lucas1  has lost up to date1 #cb      
negroes--the best part of her primest   
negroes on her plantation4      ,from   
the ,natchez 7,miss47 ,daily ,free      
,trader1 ,feb4 #ab1 #ahch4              
,found4--,a ,,negro',s ,,head ,,was     
,,picked ,,up ,,on ,,the ,,rail-,,road  
,,yesterday1  ,,which ,,the ,,owner     
,,can ,,have ,,by ,,calling ,,at ,,this 
,,office ,,and ,,paying ,,for ,,the     
,,advertisement4      ,the way in which 
slaveholding 'public opinion' protects a
 poor female  lunatic is illustrated in 
the following advertisement in the      
,fayetteville 7,n4,c47 ,observer1 ,june 

#bg1 #ahch3    ,taken and committed to  
jail1 a negro girl named ,nancy1 who is 
supposed to belong to ,spencer ,p4      
,wright1 of the ,state of ,georgia4 ,she
  is about #cj years of age1 and is a   
,,lunatic4 ,the owner is requested to   
come forward1 prove property1 pay       
charges1 and take her away1 or ,,she    
,,will ,,be ,,sold ,,to ,,pay ,,her     
,,jail ,,fees4    ,,fred',k ,,home1     
,jailor4    ,a late ,,prospectus ,of the
 ,south ,carolina ,medical ,college1    
located in  ,charleston1 contains the   
following passage3--    ,some advantages
 of a peculiar character are connected  
with this  ,institution1 which it may be
 proper to point out4 ,no place in the  
,united ,states offers as great         
opportunities for the acquisition of    
anatomical knowledge1 ,,subjects ,,being
 ,,obtained ,,from ,,among ,,the        
,,colored  ,,population ,,in            
,,sufficient ,,number ,,for ,,every     
,,purpose1 ,,and ,,proper  ,,dissections
 ,,carried ,,on ,,without ,,offending   

,,any ,,individuals ,,in ,,the          
,,community66    ,without offending any 
individuals in the community6 ,more than
 half  the population of ,charleston1 we
 believe1 is 'colored2' their graves    
may be ravaged1 their dead may be dug   
up1 dragged into the dissecting  room1  
exposed to the gaze1 heartless gibes1   
and experimenting knives1  of a crowd of
 inexperienced operators1 who are given 
to understand in  the prospectus1 that1 
if they do not acquire manual dexterity 
in  dissection1 it will be wholly their 
own fault1 in neglecting to  improve the
 unrivalled advantages afforded by the  
institution--since  each can have as    
many human bodies as he pleases to      
experiment  upon--and as to the fathers1
 mothers1 husbands1 wives1 brothers1 and
  sisters1 of those whom they cut to    
pieces from day to day1 why1 they  are  
not 'individuals in the community1' but 
'property1' and however  their feelings 
may be tortured1 the 'public opinion' of
 slaveholders  is entirely too          

'chivalrous' to degrade itself by caring
 for them6    ,the following which has  
been for some time a standing           
advertisement of  the ,south ,carolina  
,medical ,college1 in the ,charleston   
papers1 is  another index of the same   
'public opinion' toward slaves4 ,we give
 an  extract3--    ,surgery of the      
,medical ,college of ,south ,carolina1  
,queen st4--,the  ,faculty inform their 
professional brethren1 and the public   
that they  have established a ,surgery1 
at the ,old ,college1 ,queen street1    
,,for  ,,the ,,treatment ,,of ,,negroes1
 which will continue in operation1      
during the  session of the ,college1 say
 from first ,november1 to the fifteenth 
of  ,march ensuing4    ,the object of   
the ,faculty1 in opening this ,surgery1 
is to collect  as many interesting      
cases1 as possible1 for the benefit and 
instruction of their pupils--at the same
 time1 they indulge the  hope1 that it  
may not only prove an accommodation1 but
 also a matter  of economy to the       

public4 ,they would respectfully call   
the attention  of planters1 living in   
the vicinity of the city1 to this       
subject2  particularly such as may have 
servants laboring under ,surgical       
diseases4 ,such persons of color as may 
not be able to pay for  ,medical advice1
 will be attended to gratis1 at stated  
hours1 as often  as may be necessary4   
,the ,faculty take this opportunity of  
soliciting the co-operation of  such of 
their professional brethren1 as are     
favorable to their  objects4    ,the    
first thing that strikes the reader of  
the advertisement is1 that  this        
,surgery is established exclusively 'for
 the treatment of  negroes2 and1 if he  
knows little of the hearts of           
slaveholders  towards their slaves1 he  
charitably supposes1 that they 'feel the
 dint  of pity1' for the poor sufferers 
and have founded this institution as  a 
special charity for their relief4 ,but  
the delusion vanishes as he  reads on2  
the professors take special care that no

 such derogatory  inference shall be    
drawn from their advertisement4 ,they   
give us the  three reasons which have   
induced them to open this ',surgery for 
the  treatment of negroes4' ,the first  
and main one is1 'to collect as many    
interesting cases as possible for the   
benefit and instruction of  their       
pupils--another is1 'the hope that it   
may prove an  accommodation1'--and the  
third1 that it may be 'a matter of      
economy  to the public' ,another reason1
 doubtless1 and controlling one1  though
 the professors are silent about it1 is 
that a large collection  of 'interesting
 surgical cases1' always on hand1 would 
prove a  powerful attraction to         
students1 and greatly increase the      
popularity  of the institution4 ,in     
brief1 then1 the motives of its         
founders1 the  professors1 were these1  
the accommodation of their students--the
  accommodation of the public 7which    
means1 the whites7--and the             
accommodation of slaveholders who have  

on their hands disabled slaves1  that   
would make 'interesting cases1' for     
surgical operation in the  presence of  
the pupils--to these reasons we may add 
the accommodation  of the ,medical      
,institution and the accommodation of   
themselves6 ,not  a syllable about the  
accommodation of the hopeless sufferers1
  writhing with the agony of those gun  
shot wounds1 fractured sculls1  broken  
limbs and ulcerated backs which         
constitute the 'interesting  cases' for 
the professors to 'show off' before     
their pupils1 and1 as  practice makes   
perfect1 for the students themselves to 
try their hands  at by way of           
experiment4    ,why1 we ask1 was this   
surgery established 'for the treatment  
of  negroes' alone8 ,why were these     
'interesting cases' selected from  that 
class exclusively8 ,no man who knows the
 feeling of slave holders  towards      
slaves will be at a loss for the reason4
 ',public opinion'  would tolerate      
surgical experiments1 operations1       

processes1 performed  upon them1 which  
it would execrate if performed upon     
their master or  other whites4 ,as the  
great object in collecting the disabled 
negroes  is to have 'interesting cases' 
for the students1 the professors who    
perform the operations will of course   
endeavor to make them as  'interesting' 
as possible4 ,the instruction of the    
student is the  immediate object1 and if
 the professors can accomplish it best  
by  protracting the operation1 pausing  
to explain the different  processes1 c4 
the subject is only a negro1 and what is
 his protracted  agony1 that it should  
restrain the professor from making the  
case as  'interesting' as possible to   
the students by so using his knife as   
will give them the best knowledge of the
 parts1 and the process1  however it may
 protract or augment the pain of the    
subject4 ,the end  to be accomplished is
 the instruction of the student1        
operations  upon the negroes are the    
means to the end2 that tells the whole  

story--and he who knows the hearts of   
slaveholders and has common  sense1     
however short the allowance1 can find   
the way to his  conclusions without a   
lantern4    ,by an advertisement of the 
same ,medical ,institution1 dated       
,november  #ab1 #ahch1 and published in 
the ,charleston papers1 it appears that 
an  'infirmary has been opened in       
connection with the college4' ,the      
professors manifest a great desire that 
the masters of servants should  send in 
their disabled slaves1 and as an        
inducement to the furnishing  of such   
interesting cases say1 all medical and  
surgical aid will be  offered without   
making them liable to any professional  
charges4  ,disinterested bounty1 pity1  
sympathy1 philanthropy4 ,however        
difficult  or numerous the surgical     
cases of slaves thus put into their     
hands by  the masters1 they charge not a
 cent for their professional services4  
,their yearnings over human distress are
 so intense1 that they beg the          

privilege of performing all operations1 
and furnishing all the medical          
attention needed1 gratis1 feeling that  
the relief of misery is its  own        
reward666 ,but we have put down our     
exclamation points too  soon--upon      
reading the whole of the advertisement  
we find the  professors conclude it with
 the following paragraph3--    ,the     
,,sole ,,object ,of the faculty in the  
establishment of such an  institution   
being to promote the interest of        
,medical ,education within  their native
 ,state and ,city4    ,in the           
,charleston 7,south ,carolina7 ,mercury 
of ,october #ab1 #ahch1 we  find an     
advertisement of half a column1 by a    
,dr4 ,t4 ,stillman1 setting  forth the  
merits of another ',medical ,infirmary1'
 under his own special  supervision1 at 
,no4 #aaj ,church street1 ,charleston4  
,the doctor1 after  inveighing loudly   
against 'men totally ignorant of medical
 science1'  who flood the country with  
quack nostrums backed up by 'fabricated 

proofs of miraculous cures1' proceeds to
 enumerate the diseases to  which his   
',infirmary' is open1 and to which his  
practice will be  mainly confined4      
,appreciating the importance of         
'interesting cases1'  as a stock in     
trade1 on which to commence his         
experiments1 he copies  the example of  
the medical professors1 and advertises  
for them4 ,but1  either from a keener   
sense of justice1 or more generosity1 or
 greater  confidence in his skill1 or   
for some other reason1 he proposes to   
buy  up an assortment of damaged        
negroes1 given over1 as incurable1 by   
others1 and to make such his            
'interesting cases1' instead of         
experimenting on those who are the      
'property' of others4    ,dr4 ,stillman 
closes his advertisement with the       
following notice3--    ,to ,,planters   
,,and ,,others4--,wanted fifty negroes4 
,any person having  sick negroes1       
considered incurable by their respective
 physicians1 and  wishing to dispose of 

them1 ,dr4 ,s4 will pay cash for negroes
 affected  with scrofula or king's evil1
 confirmed hypocondriasm1 apoplexy1     
diseases of the liver1 kidneys1 spleen1 
stomach and intestines1  bladder and its
 appendages1 diarrhea1 dysentery1 c4    
,the highest cash  price will be paid on
 application as above4    ,the absolute 
barbarism of a 'public opinion' which   
not only tolerates1  but produces such  
advertisements as this1 was outdone by  
nothing in  the dark ages4 ,if the      
reader has a heart of flesh1 he can feel
 it  without help1 and if he has not1   
comment will not create it4 ,the total  
indifference of slaveholders to such a  
cold blooded proposition1 their  utter  
unconsciousness of the paralysis of     
heart1 and death of  sympathy1 and every
 feeling of common humanity for the     
slave1 which it  reveals1 is enough1 of 
itself to show that the tendency of the 
spirit  of slaveholding is1 to kill in  
the soul whatever it touches4 ,it has no
  eyes to see1 nor ears to hear1 nor    

mind to understand1 nor heart to  feel  
for its victims as human beings4 ,to    
show that the above  indication of the  
savage state is not an index of         
individual feeling1  but of 'public     
opinion1' it is sufficient to say1 that 
it appears to  be a standing            
advertisement in the ,charleston        
,mercury1 the leading  political paper  
of ,south ,carolina1 the organ of the   
,honorables ,john ,c4  ,calhoun1 ,robert
 ,barnwell ,rhett1 ,hugh ,s4 ,legare1   
and others regarded as  the elite of her
 statesmen and literati4 ,besides1      
candidates for  popular favor1 like the 
doctor who advertises for the fifty     
'incurables1' take special care to      
conciliate1 rather than outrage1        
'public opinion4' ,is the doctor so     
ignorant of 'public opinion' in his  own
 city1 that he has unwittingly committed
 violence upon it in his  advertisement8
 ,we trow not4 ,the same 'public        
opinion' which gave birth  to the       
advertisement of doctor ,stillman1 and  

to those of the  professors in both the 
medical institutions1 founded the       
,charleston  ',work ,house'--a soft name
 for a ,moloch temple dedicated to      
torture1  and reeking with blood1 in the
 midst of the city2 to which masters and
  mistresses send their slaves of both  
sexes to be stripped1 tied up1  and cut 
with the lash till the blood and mangled
 flesh flow to their  feet1 or to be    
beaten and bruised with the terrible    
paddle1 or forced  to climb the         
tread-mill till nature sinks1 or to     
experience other  nameless torments4    
,the ,vicksburg 7,miss47 ,register1     
,dec4 #bg1 #ahch1 contains the          
following item of information3 ,,ardor  
,,in ,,betting4--,two gentlemen1 at a   
tavern1 having summoned the waiter1 the 
poor fellow had scarcely  entered1 when 
he fell down in a fit of apoplexy4      
',he's dead6'  exclaimed one4 ',he'll   
come to6' replied the other4 ',dead1 for
 five  hundred6' ',done6' retorted the  
second4 ,the noise of the fall1 and the 

confusion which followed1 brought up the
 landlord1 who called out to  fetch a   
doctor4 ',no6 no6 we must have no       
interference--there's a bet  depending6'
 ',but1 sir1 ,i shall lose a valuable   
servant6' ',never mind6  you can put him
 down in the bill6'    ,about the time  
the ,vicksburg paper containing the     
above came to hand1  we received a      
letter from ,n4,p4 ,,rogers1 ,esq4 of   
,concord1 ,n4,h4 the  editor of the     
',herald of ,freedom1' from which the   
following is an  extract3    ,some      
thirty years ago1 ,i think it was1 ,col4
 ,thatcher1 of ,maine1 a  lawyer1 was in
 ,virginia1 on business1 and was there  
invited to dine at  a public house1 with
 a company of the gentry of the south4  
,the place  ,i forget--the fact was told
 me by ,george ,kimball1 ,esq4 now of   
,alton1  ,illinois who had the story    
from ,col4 ,thatcher himself4 ,among the
  servants waiting was a young negro    
man1 whose beautiful person1  obliging  
and assiduous temper1 and his activity  

and grace in serving1  made him a       
favorite with the company4 ,the dinner  
lasted into the  evening1 and the wine  
passed freely about the table4 ,at      
length1 one of  the gentlemen1 who was  
pretty highly excited with wine1 became 
unfortunately incensed1 either at some  
trip of the young slave1 in  waiting1 or
 at some other cause happening when the 
slave was within  his reach4 ,he seized 
the long-necked wine bottle1 and struck 
the young  man suddenly in the temple1  
and felled him dead upon the floor4 ,the
  fall arrested1 for a moment1 the      
festivities of the table4 ',devilish    
unlucky1' exclaimed one4 ',the gentleman
 is very unfortunate1' cried  another4  
',really a loss1' said a third1 c1 c4   
,the body was dragged  from the dining  
hall1 and the feast went on2 and at the 
close1 one of  the gentlemen1 and the   
very one1 ,i believe1 whose hand had    
done the  homicide1 shouted1 in         
bacchanalian bravery1 and southern      
generosity1  amid the broken glasses and

 fragments of chairs1 ',,landlord6 ,,put
 ,,the  ,,nigger ,,into ,,the ,,bill6'  
,this was that murdered young man's     
requiem and  funeral service4    ,mr4   
,,george ,a4 ,,avery1 a merchant in     
,rochester1 ,new ,york1 and an elder  in
 the ,fourth ,presbyterian ,church in   
that city1 who resided four years  in   
,virginia1 gives the following          
testimony3    ,i knew a young man who   
had been out hunting1 and returning with
 some  of his friends1 seeing a negro   
man in the road1 at a little distance1  
deliberately drew up his rifle1 and shot
 him dead4 ,this was done  without the  
slightest provocation1 or a word        
passing4 ,this young man  passed through
 the form of a trial1 and1 although it  
was not even  pretended by his counsel  
that he was not guilty of the act1      
deliberately and wantonly perpetrated1  
he was acquitted4 ,it was  urged by his 
counsel1 that he was a young man1 7about
 #bj years of  age17 had no malicious   
intention1 his mother was a widow1 c1 c 

,mr4 ,,benjamin ,,clendenon1 of         
,colerain1 ,lancaster county1           
,pennsylvania1 a  member of the ,society
 of ,friends1 gives the following       
testimony3    ,three years ago the      
coming month1 ,i took a journey of about
  seventy-five miles from home1 through 
the eastern shore of ,maryland1  and a  
small part of ,delaware4 ,calling one   
day1 near noon1 at  ,georgetown         
,cross-,roads1 ,i found myself          
surrounded in the tavern by             
slaveholders4 ,among other subjects of  
conversation1 their human cattle  came  
in for a share4 ,one of the company1 a  
middle-aged man1 then  living with a    
second wife1 acknowledged1 that after   
the death of his  first wife1 he lived  
in a state of concubinage with a female 
slave2  but when the time drew near for 
the taking of a second wife1 he found   
it expedient to remove the slave from   
the premises4 ,the same person  gave an 
account of a female slave he formerly   
held1 who had a  propensity for some one

 pursuit1 ,i think the attendance of    
religious  meetings4 ,on a certain      
occasion1 she presented her petition to 
him1  asking for this indulgence2 he    
refused--she importuned--and he1 with   
sovereign indignation1 seized a chair1  
and with a blow upon the head1  knocked 
her senseless upon the floor4 ,the same 
person1 for some act of  disobedience1  
on the part1 ,i think1 of the same      
slave1 when employed  in stacking straw1
 felled her to the earth with the handle
 of a pitch  fork4 ,all these           
transactions were related with the      
utmost composure1  in a bar-room within 
thirty miles of the ,pennsylvania line4 
,the two following advertisements are   
illustrations of the regard paid  to the
 marriage relations by slaveholding     
judges1 governors1 senators  in         
,congress1 and mayors of cities4        
,from the ,montgomery1 7,ala47          
,advertiser1 ,sept4 #bi1 #ahcg4    #bj  
,,reward4--,ranaway from the subscriber1
 a negro man named ,moses4 ,he  is of   

common size1 about #bh years old4 ,he   
formerly belonged to ,judge  ,benson1 of
 ,montgomery1 and it is said1 has a wife
 in that county4 ,john  ,gayle    ,the  
,john ,gayle who signs this             
advertisement1 is an ,ex-,governor of   
,alabama4    ,from the ,charleston      
,courier1 ,nov4 #bh4    ,ranaway from   
the subscriber1 about twelve months     
since1 his negro man  ,paulladore4 ,his 
complexion is dark--about #ej years old4
 ,i understand  ,gen4 ,r4,y4 ,hayne has 
purchased his wife and children from    
,h4,l4  ,pinckney1 ,esq4 and has them   
now on his plantation1 at ,goose ,creek1
  where1 no doubt1 the fellow is        
frequently lurking4 ,thomas ,davis4     
,it is hardly necessary to say1 that the
 ,,general ,r4,y4 ,,hayne1 and ,h4,l4   
,,pinckney1 ,esq4 named in the          
advertisement1 are ,ex-,governor ,hayne1
  formerly ,u4,s4 ,senator from ,south  
,carolina1 and ,hon4 ,henry ,l4         
,pinckney1 late member of ,congress from
 ,charleston ,district1 and now         

,intendant 7mayor7 of that city4    ,it 
is no difficult matter to get at the    
'public opinion' of a  community1 when  
ladies 'of property and standing'       
publish1 under  their own names1 such   
advertisements as the following4        
,mrs4 ,,elizabeth ,l4 ,,carter1 of      
,groveton1 ,prince ,william county1     
,virginia1 thus advertises her negro man
 ,moses3    ,ranaway from the           
subscriber1 a negro man named ,moses1   
aged about #dj  years1 about six feet   
high1 well made1 and possessing a good  
address1  and ,,has ,,lost ,a ,,part    
,,on ,,one ,,of ,,his ,,ears4    ,mrs4  
,b4 ,,newman1 of the same place1 and in 
the same paper1 advertises--    ,penny1 
the wife of ,moses1 aged about #cj      
years1 brown complexion1 tall  and      
likely1 no particular marks of person   
recollected4    ,both of the above      
advertisements appear in the ,national  
,intelligencer1  7,washington city17    
,june #aj1 #ahcg4    ,in the ,mobile    
,mercantile ,advertiser1 of ,feb4 #ac1  

#ahch1 is an  advertisement ,signed     
,,sarah ,,walsh1 of which the following 
is an  extract3    ,twenty-five dollars 
reward will be paid to any one who may  
apprehend  and deliver to me1 or confine
 in any jail1 so that1 ,i can get him1  
my  man ,isaac1 who ranaway sometime in 
,september last4 ,he is #bf years of    
age1 #e feet #aj inches high1 has a scar
 on his forehead1 caused by a  blow1 and
 one on his back1 ,,made ,,by ,a ,,shot 
,,from ,a ,,pistol4    ,in the ,new     
,orleans ,bee1 ,dec4 #ba1 #ahch1 ,mrs4  
,,burvant1 whose residence  is at the   
corner of ,chartres and ,toulouse       
streets1 advertises a woman  as follows3
    ,ranaway1 a negro woman named       
,rachel--has lost all her toes except   
the large one4    ,from the ,huntsville 
7,ala47 ,democrat1 ,june #af1 #ahch3    
,,ten ,,dollars ,,reward4--,ranaway from
 the subscriber1 a negro woman named    
,sally1 about #ba years of age1 taking  
along her two children--one three       
years1 and the other seven months old4  

,these negroes were ,,purchased ,,by    
,,me at the sale of ,george ,mason's    
negroes1 on the first ,monday in ,may1  
and left a few days thereafter4 ,any    
person delivering them to the  jailor in
 ,huntsville1 or to me1 at my           
plantation1 five miles above  ,triana1  
on the ,tennessee river1 shall receive  
the above reward4  ,,charity ,,cooper   
,from the ,mississippian1 ,may #ac1     
#ahch3    ,,ten ,,dollars               
,,reward4--,ranaway from the subscriber1
 a man named ,aaron1  yellow complexion1
 blue eyes1 c4 ,i have no doubt he is   
lurking about  ,jackson and its         
vicinity1 probably harbored by some of  
the negroes  sold as the property of my 
late husband1 ,harry ,long1 deceased4   
,some  of them are about ,richland1 in  
,madison co4 ,i will give the above     
reward when brought to me1 about six    
miles north-west of ,jackson1 or  put   
,,in ,,jail1 so that ,i can get him4    
,,lucy ,,long4    ,if the reader1 after 
perusing the preceding facts1 testimony1

 and  arguments1 still insists that the 
'public opinion' of the slave states    
protects the slave from outrages1 and   
alleges1 as proof of it1 that  cruel    
masters are frowned upon and shunned by 
the community  generally1 and regarded  
as monsters1 we reply by presenting the 
following facts and testimony4    ,col4 
,,means1 of ,manchester1 ,ohio1 says1   
that when he resided in ,south          
,carolina1 his neighbor1 a physician1   
became enraged with his slave1  and     
sentenced him to receive two hundred    
lashes4 ,after having received  one     
hundred and forty1 he fainted4 ,after   
inflicting the full number of  lashes1  
the cords with which he was bound were  
loosed4 ,when he  revived1 he staggered 
to the house1 and sat down in the sun4  
,being  faint and thirsty1 he begged for
 some water to drink4 ,the master  went 
to the well1 and procured some water but
 instead of giving him to  drink1 he    
threw the whole bucket-full in his face4
 ,nature could not  stand the shock--he 

sunk to rise no more4 ,for this crime1  
the  physician was bound over to ,court1
 and tried1 and acquitted--and ,,the    
,,next ,,year ,,he ,,was ,,elected ,,to 
,,the ,,legislature6    ,testimony of   
,hon4 ,,john ,,randolph1 of ,virginia   
,in one of his ,congressional speeches1 
,mr4 ,r4 says3 ,avarice alone can       
drive1 as it does drive1 this infernal  
traffic1 and the wretched  victims of   
it1 like so many post horses1 whipped to
 death in a mail  coach4 ,ambition has  
its cover-sluts in the pride1 pomp1 and 
circumstance of glorious war2 but where 
are the trophies of avarice8  ,the hand 
cuff1 the manacle1 the blood-stained    
cowhide6 ,,what ,,man ,,is  ,,worse     
,,received ,,in ,,society ,,for ,,being 
,a ,,hard ,,master8 ,,who ,,denies ,,the
 ,,hand  ,,of ,a ,,sister ,,or          
,,daughter ,,to ,,such ,,monsters8      
,mr4 ,,george ,a4 ,,avery1 of           
,rochester1 ,new ,york1 who resided four
 years in  ,virginia1 testifies as      
follows3    ,i know a local ,methodist  

minister1 a man of talents1 and popular 
as a  preacher1 who took his negro girl 
into his barn1 in order to whip         
her--and she was brought out a corpse6  
,his friends seemed to think  this of so
 little importance to his ministerial   
standing1 that  although ,i lived near  
him about three years1 ,i do not        
recollect to  have heard them apologize 
for the deed1 though ,i recollect having
  heard ,,one of his neighbors allege   
this fact as a reason why he did not    
wish to hear him preach4                
,notwithstanding the mass of testimony  
which has been presented  establishing  
the fact that in the 'public opinion' of
 the ,south the  slaves find no         
protection1 some may still claim that   
the 'public  opinion' exhibited by the  
preceding facts is not that of the      
highest  class of society at the ,south1
 and in proof of this assertion1 refer  
to the fact1 that ',negro ,brokers1'    
,negro ,speculators1 ,negro             
,auctioneers1 and ,negro ,breeders1 c41 

are by that class universally  despised 
and avoided1 as are all who treat their 
slaves with cruelty4    ,to this we     
reply1 that1 if all claimed by the      
objector were true1 it  could avail him 
nothing for 'public opinion' is neither 
made nor  unmade by 'the first class of 
society4' ,that class produces in it1 at
  most1 but slight modifications2 those 
who belong to it have generally  a      
'public opinion1' within their own      
circle which has rarely more1  either of
 morality or mercy than the public      
opinion of the mass1 and  is1 at least1 
equally heartless and more intolerant4  
,as to the  estimation in which         
'speculators1' 'soul drivers1' c4 are   
held1 we  remark1 that1 they are not    
despised because they trade in slaves   
but  because they are working men1 all  
such are despised by slaveholders4      
,white drovers who go with droves of    
swine and cattle from the free  states  
to the slave states1 and ,yankee        
pedlars1 who traverse the  south1 and   

white day-laborers are1 in the main1    
equally despised1 or1  if negro-traders 
excite more contempt than drovers1      
pedlars1 and  day-laborers1 it is       
because1 they are1 as a class more      
ignorant and  vulgar1 men from low      
families and boors in their manners4    
,ridiculous  to suppose1 that a people1 
who have1 by law1 made men articles of  
trade equally with swine1 should despise
 men-drovers and traders1 more  than    
hog-drovers and traders4 ,that they are 
not despised because it is  their       
business to trade in human beings and   
bring them to market1 is  plain from the
 fact that when some 'gentleman of      
property and  standing' and of a 'good  
family' embarks in a negro speculation1 
and  employs a dozen 'soul drivers' to  
traverse the upper country1 and  drive  
to the south coffles of slaves1         
expending hundreds of thousands  in his 
wholesale purchases1 he does not lose   
caste4 ,it is known in  ,alabama1 that  
,mr4 ,erwin1 son-in-law of the ,hon4    

,henry ,clay1 and  brother of ,j4,p4    
,erwin1 formerly postmaster1 and late   
mayor of the  city of ,nashville1 laid  
the foundation of a princely fortune in 
the  slave-trade1 carried on from the   
,northern ,slave ,states to the         
,planting  ,south2 that the ,hon4 ,h4   
,hitchcock1 brother-in-law of ,mr4 ,e41 
and since  one of the judges of the     
,supreme ,court of ,alabama1 was        
interested with  him in the traffic2 and
 that a late member of the ,kentucky    
,senate  7,col4 ,wall7 not only carried 
on the same business1 a few years ago1  
but accompanied his droves in person    
down the ,mississippi4 ,not as the      
driver1 for that would be vulgar        
drudgery1 beneath a gentleman1 but  as a
 nabob in state1 ordering his           
understrappers4    ,it is also well     
known that ,president ,jackson was a    
'soul driver1' and  that even so late as
 the year before the commencement of the
 last war1  he bought up a coffle of    
slaves and drove them down to ,louisiana

 for  sale4    ,thomas ,n4 ,gadsden1    
,esq4 the principal slave auctioneer in 
,charleston1  ,s4,c4 is of one of the   
first families in the state1 and moves  
in the  very highest class of society   
there4 ,he is a descendant of the       
distinguished ,general ,gadsden of      
revolutionary memory1 the most          
prominent southern member in the        
,continental ,congress of #agfe1 and    
afterwards elected lieutenant governor  
and then governor of the state4  ,the   
,rev4 ,dr4 ,gadsden1 rector of ,st4     
,phillip's ,church1 ,charleston1 and    
the ,rev4 ,phillip ,gadsden1 both       
prominent ,episcopal clergymen in ,south
  ,carolina1 and ,colonel ,james        
,gadsden of the ,united ,states army1   
after  whom a county in ,florida was    
recently named1 are all brothers of this
  ,thomas ,n4 ,gadsden1 ,esq4 the       
largest slave auctioneer in the state1  
under whose hammer1 men1 women and      
children go off by thousands2 its       
stroke probably sunders daily1 husbands 

and wives1 parents and  children1       
brothers and sisters1 perhaps to see    
each other's faces no  more4 ,now who   
supply the auction table of this ,thomas
 ,n4 ,gadsden1 ,esq4  with its loads of 
human merchandize8 ,these same detested 
'soul  drivers' forsooth6 ,they prowl   
through the country1 buy1 catch1 and    
fetter them1 and drive their chained    
coffles up to his stand1 where  ,thomas 
,n4 ,gadsden1 ,esq4 knocks them off to  
the highest bidder1 to  ,ex-,governor   
,butler perhaps1 or to ,ex-,governor    
,hayne1 or to ,hon4 ,robert  ,barnwell  
,rhett1 or to his own reverend brother1 
,dr4 ,gadsden4 ,now this  high born1    
wholesale soul-seller doubtless despises
 the retail  'soul-drivers' who give him
 their custom1 and so does the wholesale
  grocer1 the drizzling tapster who     
sneaks up to his counter for a keg  of  
whiskey to dole out under a shanty in   
two cent glasses2 and both  for the same
 reason4    ,the plea that the 'public  
opinion' among the highest classes of   

society at the south is mild and        
considerate towards the slaves1 that    
they do not overwork1 underfeed1 neglect
 when old and sick1 scantily  clothe1   
badly lodge1 and half shelter their     
slaves2 that they do not  barbarously   
flog1 load with irons1 imprison in the  
stocks1 brand and  maim them2 hunt them 
when runaway with dogs and guns1 and    
sunder by  force and forever the nearest
 kindred--is shown1 by almost every page
  of this work1 to be an assumption1 not
 only utterly groundless1 but  directly 
opposed to masses of irrefragable       
evidence4 ,if the reader  will be at the
 pains to review the testimony recorded 
on the foregoing  pages he will find    
that a very large proportion of the     
atrocities  detailed were committed1 not
 by the most ignorant and lowest classes
  of society1 but by persons 'of        
property and standing1' by masters and  
mistresses belonging to the 'upper      
classes1' by persons in the learned     
professions1 by civil1 judicial1 and    

military officers1 by the  literati1 by 
the fashionable elite and persons of    
more than ordinary  'respectability' and
 external morality--large numbers of    
whom are  professors of religion4    ,it
 will be recollected that the testimony 
of ,sarah ,m4 ,grimk1 and  ,angelina ,g4
 ,weld1 was confined exclusively to the 
details of slavery  as exhibited in the 
highest classes of society1 mainly in   
,charleston1 ,s4,c4 ,see their testimony
 pp4 #bb-bd and #eb-eg4 ,the former  has
 furnished us with the following        
testimony in addition to that  already  
given4    ,nathaniel ,heyward of        
,combahee1 ,s4,c41 one of the wealthiest
 planters  in the state1 stated1 in     
conversation with some other planters   
who  were complaining of the idle and   
lazy habits of their slaves1 and the    
difficulty of ascertaining whether their
 sickness was real or  pretended1 and   
the loss they suffered from their       
frequent absence on  this account from  
their work1 said1 ',i never lose a day's

 work3 it is  an established rule on my 
plantations that the tasks of all the   
sick  negroes shall be done by those who
 are well in addition to their  own4 ,by
 this means a vigilant supervision is   
kept up by the slaves  over each other1 
and they take care that nothing but real
 sickness  keeps any one out of the     
field4' ,i spent several winters in the 
neighborhood of ,nathaniel ,heyward's   
plantations1 and well remember his      
character as a severe task master4 ,i   
was present when the above  statement   
was made4    ,the cool barbarity of such
 a regulation is hardly surpassed by the
  worst edicts of the ,roman            
,caligula--especially when we consider  
that  the plantations of this man were  
in the neighborhood of the ,combahee    
river1 one of the most unhealthy        
districts in the low country of ,south  
,carolina2 further1 that large numbers  
of his slaves worked in the  rice       
marshes1 or 'swamps' as they are called 
in that state--and that  during six     

months of the year1 so fatal to health  
is the malaria of  the swamps in that   
region that the planters and their      
families  invariably abandon their      
plantations1 regarding it as downright  
presumption to spend a single day upon  
them 'between the frosts' of  the early 
spring and the last of ,november4       
,the reader may infer the high standing 
of ,mr4 ,heyward in ,south  ,carolina1  
from the fact that he was selected with 
four other  freeholders to constitute a 
,court for the trial of the conspirators
 in  the insurrection plot at           
,charleston1 in #ahbb4 ,another of the  
individuals chosen to constitute that   
court was ,colonel ,henry ,deas1  now   
president of the ,board of ,trustees of 
,charleston ,college1 and a  few years  
since a member of the ,senate of ,south 
,carolina4 ,from a late  correspondence 
in the ,greenvile 7,s4,c47 ,mountaineer1
 between ,rev4  ,william ,m4 ,wightman1 
a professor in ,randolph1 ,macon1       
,college1 and a  number of the citizens 

of ,lodi1 ,south ,carolina1 it appears  
that the  cruelty of this ,colonel ,deas
 to his slaves1 is proverbial in ,south 
,carolina1 so much that ,professor      
,wightman1 in the sermon which          
occasioned the correspondence1 spoke of 
the ,colonel's inhumanity to  his slaves
 as a matter of perfect notoriety4      
,another ,south ,carolina slaveholder1  
,hon4 ,whitmarsh ,b4 ,seabrook1         
recently1 we believe1 ,lieut4 ,governor 
of the state1 gives the  following      
testimony to his own inhumanity1 and his
 certificate of the  'public opinion'   
among ,south ,carolina slaveholders 'of 
high degree4'    ,in an essay on the    
management of slaves1 read before the   
,agricultural  ,society of ,st4 ,johns1 
,s4,c4 and published by the ,society1   
,charleston1  #ahcd1 ,mr4 ,s4 remarks3  
,i consider imprisonment in the stocks  
at night1 with or without  hard labor in
 the day1 as a powerful auxiliary in the
 cause of good  government4 ,to the     
correctness of this opinion many can    

bear  testimony4 ,,experience has       
convinced ,,me that there is no         
punishment to  which the slave looks    
with more horror4    ,the advertisements
 of the ,professors in the ,medical     
,colleges of ,south  ,carolina1         
published with comments--on pp4 #afi1   
#agj1 are additional  illustrations of  
the 'public opinion' of the literati4   
,that the 'public opinion' of the       
highest class of society in ,south      
,carolina1 regards slaves a mere cattle1
 is shown by the following              
advertisement1 which we copy from the   
,charleston 7,s4,c47 ,mercury of  ,may  
#af3    ,,negroes ,,for ,,sale4--,a girl
 about twenty years of age1 7raised in  
,virginia17 and her two female children1
 one four and the other two  year       
old--is remarkably strong and           
healthy--never having had a day's       
sickness1 with the exception of the     
small pox1 in her life4 ,the  children  
are fine and healthy4 ,she is ,,very    
,,prolific ,,in ,,her ,,generating      

,,qualities1 and affords a rare         
opportunity to any person who wishes to 
raise a family of strong and healthy    
servants for their own use4    ,any     
person wishing to purchase will please  
leave their address at the  ,mercury    
office4    ,the ,charleston ,mercury1 in
 which this advertisement appears1 is   
the  leading political paper in ,south  
,carolina1 and is well known to be  the 
political organ of ,messrs4 ,calhoun1   
,rhett1 ,pickens1 and others of  the    
most prominent politicians in the state4
 ,its editor1 ,john ,stewart1  ,esq41 is
 a lawyer of ,charleston1 and of a      
highly respectable family4  ,he is a    
brother-in-law of ,hon4 ,robert         
,barnwell ,rhett1 the late              
,attorney-,general1 now a ,member of    
,congress1 and ,hon4 ,james ,rhett1 a   
leading member of the ,senate of ,south 
,carolina2 his wife is a niece of  the  
late ,governor ,smith1 of ,north        
,carolina1 and of the late ,hon4 ,peter 
,smith1 ,intendant 7,mayor7 of the city 

of ,charleston2 and a cousin of  the    
late ,hon4 ,thomas ,s4 ,grimk4    ,the  
circulation of the ',mercury' among the 
wealthy1 the literary1 and  the         
fashionable1 is probably much larger    
than that of any other paper  in the    
state4    ,these facts in connection    
with the preceding advertisement1 are a 
sufficient exposition of the 'public    
opinion' towards slaves1  prevalent in  
these classes of society4    ,the       
following scrap of 'public opinion' in  
,florida1 is instructive4 ,we  take it  
from the ,florida ,herald1 ,june #bc1   
#ahch3    ,ranaway from my plantation1  
on ,monday night1 the #acth instant1 a  
negro  fellow named ,ben2 eighteen years
 of age1 polite when spoken to1 and     
speaks very good ,english for a negro4  
,as ,i have traced him out in  several  
places in town1 ,i am certain he is     
harbored4 ,this notice is  given that ,i
 am determined1 that whenever he is     
taken1 to punish him  till he informs me
 who has given him food and protection1 

and ,i  shall apply the law of ,judge   
,lynch to my own satisfaction1 on those 
concerned in his concealment4    ,a4    
,,watson4  ,june #af1 #ahch4      ,now1 
who is this ,a4 ,watson1 who proclaims  
through a newspaper1 his  determination 
to put to the torture this youth of     
eighteen1 and to  ,lynch to his         
'satisfaction' whoever has given a cup  
of cold water to  the panting fugitive4 
,is he some low miscreant beneath public
  contempt8 ,nay1 verily1 he is a       
'gentleman of property and standing1'   
one of the wealthiest planters and      
largest slaveholders in ,florida4 ,he   
resides in the vicinity of ,st4         
,augustine1 and married the daughter of 
the late ,thomas ,c4 ,morton1 ,esq4 one 
of the first merchants in ,new  ,york4  
,we may mention in this connection the  
well known fact1 that many  wealthy     
planters make it a rule never to employ 
a physician among  their slaves4 ,hon4  
,william ,smith1 ,senator in ,congress1 
from ,south  ,carolina1 from #ahaf to   

#ahbc1 and afterwards from #ahbf to     
#ahca1 is one  of this number4 ,he owns 
a number of large plantations in the    
south  western states4 ,one of these1   
borders upon the village of ,huntsville1
  ,alabama4 ,the people of that village 
can testify that it is a part of  ,judge
 ,smith's system never to employ a      
physician even in the most  extreme     
cases4 ,if the medical skill of the     
overseer1 or of the slaves  themselves1 
can contend successfully with the       
disease1 they live1 if  not1 they die4  
,at all events1 a physician is not to be
 called4  ,judge ,smith was appointed a 
judge of the ,supreme ,court of the     
,united  ,states three years since4     
,the reader will recall a similar fact  
in the testimony of ,rev4 ,w4,t4        
,allan1 son of ,rev4 ,dr4 ,allan1 of    
,huntsville1 7see p4 #dg17 who says     
that ,colonel ,robert ,h4 ,watkins1 a   
wealthy planter1 in ,alabama1 and a     
,,presidential ,,elector in #ahcf1 who  
works on his plantations three  hundred 

slaves1 ',after employing a physician   
for some time among his  negroes1 he    
ceased to do so1 alledging as the       
reason1 that it was  cheaper to lose a  
few negroes every year than to pay a    
physician4'    ,it is a fact perfectly  
notorious1 that the late ,general ,wade 
,hampton1  of ,south ,carolina1 who was 
the largest slaveholder in the ,united  
,states1 and probably the wealthiest man
 south of the ,potomac1 was  excessively
 cruel in the treatment of his slaves4  
,the anecdote of  him related by a      
clergyman1 on page #bi1 is perfectly    
characteristic4    ,for instances of    
barbarous inhumanity of various kinds1  
and manifested  by persons ,,belonging  
,,to ,,the ,,most ,,respectable         
,,circles ,,of ,,society1 the  reader   
can consult the following               
references3--,testimony of ,rev4 ,john  
,graham1 p4 #be1 near the bottom2 of    
,mr4 ,poe1 p4 #bf1 middle2 of ,rev4 ,j4 
,o4 ,choules1 p4 #ci1 middle2 of ,rev4  
,dr4 ,channing1 p4 #da1 top2 of ,mr4    

,george ,a4 ,avery1 p4 #dd1 bottom2 of  
,rev4 ,w4,t4 ,allan1 p4 #dg2 of ,mr4    
,john  ,m4 ,nelson1 p4 #ea1 bottom2 of  
,dr4 ,j4,c4 ,finley1 p4 #fa1 top2 of    
,mr4  ,dustin1 p4 #ff1 bottom2 of ,mr4  
,john ,clarke1 p4 #hg2 of ,mr4 ,nathan  
,cole1  p4 #hi1 middle2 ,rev4 ,william  
,dickey1 p4 #ic2 ,rev4 ,francis ,hawley1
 p4 #ig2  of ,mr4 ,powell1 p4 #ajj1     
middle2 of ,rev4 ,p4 ,smith p4 #ajb4    
,the preceding are but a few of a large 
number of similar cases  contained in   
the foregoing testimonies4 ,the         
slaveholder mentioned by  ,mr4 ,ladd1 p4
 #hf1 who knocked down a slave and      
afterwards piled brush  upon his body1  
and consumed it1 held the hand of a     
female slave in the  fire till it was   
burned so as to be useless for life1 and
 confessed to  ,mr4 ,ladd1 that he had  
killed four slaves1 had been a member of
 the  ,senate of ,georgia and a         
clergyman4 ,the slaveholder who whipped 
a  female slave to death in ,st4 ,louis1
 in #ahcg1 as stated by ,mr4 ,cole1  p4 

#fi1 was a ,major in the ,united ,states
 ,army4 ,one of the physicians  who was 
an abettor of the tragedy on the        
,brassos1 in which a slave was  tortured
 to death1 and another so that he barely
 lived1 7see ,rev4 ,mr4  ,smith's       
testimony1 p4 #ajb47 was ,dr4 ,anson    
,jones1 a native of  ,connecticut1 who  
was soon after appointed minister       
plenipotentiary  from ,texas to this    
government1 and now resides at          
,washington city4 ,the  slave mistress  
at ,lexington1 ,ky41 who1 as her husband
 testifies1 has  killed six of his      
slaves1 7see testimony of ,mr4 ,clarke1 
p4 #hg17 is the  wife of ,hon4 ,fielding
 ,s4 ,turner1 late judge of the criminal
 court of  ,new ,orleans1 and one of the
 wealthiest slaveholders in ,kentucky4  
,lilburn ,lewis1 who deliberately       
chopped in pieces his slave ,george1    
with a broad-axe1 7see testimony of     
,rev4 ,mr4 ,dickey1 p4 #ic7 was a       
wealthy slaveholder1 and a nephew of    
,president ,jefferson4 ,rev4 ,francis   

,hawley1 who was a general agent of the 
,baptist ,state ,convention of  ,north  
,carolina1 confesses 7see p4 #dg17 that 
while residing in that  state he once   
went out with his hounds and rifle1 to  
hunt fugitive  slaves4 ,but instead of  
making further reference to testimony   
already  before the reader1 we will     
furnish additional instances of the     
barbarous cruelty which is tolerated and
 sanctioned by the 'upper  classes' of  
society at the south2 we begin with     
clergymen1 and other  officers and      
members of churches4    ,that the reader
 may judge of the degree of 'protection'
 which slaves  receive from 'public     
opinion1' and among the members and     
ministers of  professed christian       
churches1 we insert the following       
illustrations4    ,extract from an      
editorial article in the ,lowell        
7,mass47 ,observer a  religious paper   
edited at the time 7#ahcc7 by the ,rev4 
,,daniel ,s4  ,,southmayd1 who recently 
died in ,texas4    ,we have been among  

the slaves at the south4 ,we took pains 
to make  discoveries in respect to the  
evils of slavery4 ,we formed our        
sentiments on the subject of the        
cruelties exercised towards the  slaves 
from having witnessed them4 ,we now     
affirm that we never saw a  man1 who had
 never been at the south1 who thought as
 much of the  cruelties practiced on the
 slaves1 as we know to be a fact4    ,a 
slave whom ,i loved for his kindness and
 the amiableness of his  disposition1   
and who belonged to the family where ,i 
resided1 happened  to stay out fifteen  
minutes longer than he had permission to
 stay4  ,it was a mistake--it was       
unintentional4 ,but what was the        
penalty8 ,he  was sent to the house of  
correction with the order that he should
 have  thirty lashes upon his naked body
 with a knotted rope666 ,he was  brought
 home and laid down in the stoop1 in the
 back of the house1 in  the sun1 upon   
the floor4 ,and there he lay1 with more 
the appearance  of a rotten carcass than

 a living man1 for four days before he  
could  do more than move4 ,and who was  
this inhuman being calling ,god's       
property his own1 and ruing it as he    
would not have dared to use a  beast8   
,you may say he was a tiger--one of the 
more wicked sort1 and  that we must not 
judge others by him4 ,he was a professor
 of that  religion which will pour upon 
the willing slaveholder the retribution 
due to his sin4    ,we wish to mention  
another fact1 which our own eyes saw and
 our own  ears heard4 ,we were called to
 evening prayers4 ,the family assembled 
around the altar of their accustomed    
devotions4 ,there was one female  slave 
present1 who belonged to another master1
 but who had been  hired for the day and
 tarried to attend family worship4 ,the 
precious  ,bible was opened1 and nearly 
half a chapter had been read1 when the  
eye of the master1 who was reading1     
observed that the new female  servant1  
instead of being seated like his own    
slaves1 flat upon the  floor1 was       

standing in a stooping posture upon her 
feet4 ,he told her  to sit down on the  
floor4 ,she said it was not her custom  
at home4 ,he  ordered her again to do   
it4 ,she replied that her master did not
  require it4 ,irritated by this answer1
 he repeatedly struck her upon  the head
 with the very ,bible he held in his    
hand4 ,and not content  with this1 he   
seized his cane and caned her down      
stairs most  unmercifully4 ,he then     
returned to resume his profane work1 but
 we  need not say that all the family   
were not there4 ,do you ask again1  who 
was this wicked man8 ,he was a professor
 of religion66      ,rev4 ,,huntington  
,,lyman1 late pastor of the ,free       
,church in ,buffalo1 ,new  ,york1       
says3--    ,walking one day in ,new     
,orleans with a professional gentleman1 
who was  educated in ,connecticut1 we   
were met by a black man2 the gentleman  
was  greatly incensed with the black man
 for passing so near him1 and  turning  
upon him he pushed him with violence off

 walk into the  street4 ,this man was a 
professor of religion4    7,and we add1 
a member1 and if we mistake not an      
officer of the  ,presbyterian ,church   
which was established there by ,rev4    
,joel ,parker1  and which was then under
 his teachings-,,ed47      ,mr4         
,,ezekiel ,,birdseye1 a gentleman of    
known probity1 in ,cornwall1            
,litchfield county1 ,conn4 gives the    
testimony which follows3--    ,a        
,,baptist ,,clergyman in ,laurens       
,district1 ,s4,c4 ,,whipped ,,his       
,,slave ,,to  ,,death1 whom he suspected
 of having stolen about sixty dollars4  
,the  slave was in the prime of life and
 was purchased a few weeks before  for  
#hjj of a slave trader from ,virginia or
 ,maryland4 ,the coroner1 ,wm4  ,irby1  
at whose house ,i was then boarding1    
told me1 that on reviewing  the dead    
body1 he found it beat to a jelly from  
head to foot4 ,the  master's wife       
discovered the money a day or two after 
the death of the  slave4 ,she had       

herself removed it from where it was    
placed1 not  knowing what it was1 as it 
was tied up in a thick envelope4 ,i     
happened  to be present when the trial  
of this man took place1 at ,laurens     
,court  ,house4 ,his daughter testified 
that her father untied the slave1 when  
he appeared to be failing1 and gave him 
cold water to drink1 of which  he took  
freely4 ,his counsel pleaded that his   
death might have been  caused by        
drinking cold water in a state of       
excitement4 ,the ,judge  charged the    
jury1 that it would be their duty to    
find the defendant  guilty1 if they     
believed the death was caused by the    
whipping2 but if  they were of opinion  
that drinking cold water caused the     
death1 they  would find him not guilty6 
,the jury found him--,,not ,,guilty6    
,dr4 ,,jeremiah ,s4 ,,waugh1 a physician
 in ,somerville1 ,butler county1 ,ohio1 
testifies as follows3--    ,in the year 
#ahbe1 ,i boarded with the ,rev4 ,john  
,mushat1 a ,seceder  minister1 and      

principal of an academy in ,iredel      
county1 ,n4,c4 ,he had  slaves1 and was 
in the habit of restricting them on the 
,sabbath4 ,one  of his slaves1 however1 
ventured to disobey his injunctions4    
,the  offence was he went away on       
,sabbath evening1 and did not return    
till  ,monday morning4 ,about the time  
we were called to breakfast1 the ,rev4  
gentleman was engaged in chastising him 
for breaking the ,sabbath4 ,he          
determined not to submit--attempted to  
escape by flight4 ,the master           
immediately took down his gun and       
pursued him--levelled his instrument  of
 death1 and told him1 if he did not stop
 instantly he would blow  him through4  
,the poor slave returned to the house   
and submitted  himself to the lash2 and 
the good master1 while ,,yet ,,pale     
,,with ,,rage1  sat down to the table1  
and with a trembling voice ,,asked      
,,god',s  ,,blessing6      ,the         
following letter was sent by ,capt4     
,,jacob ,,dunham1 of ,new ,york city1   

to a slaveholder in ,georgetown1 ,d4,c4 
more than twenty years since3           
,georgetown1 ,june #ac1 #ahae4    ,dear 
sir--,passing your house yesterday1 ,i  
beheld a scene of cruelty  seldom       
witnessed--that was the brutal          
chastisement of your negro girl1  lashed
 to a ladder and beaten in an inhuman   
manner1 too bad to  describe4 ,my blood 
chills while ,i contemplate the subject4
 ,this has  led me to investigate your  
character from your neighbors2 who      
inform  me that you have caused the     
death of one negro man1 whom you struck 
with a sledge for some trivial          
fault--that you have beaten another     
black girl with such severity that the  
splinters remained in her  back for some
 weeks after you sold her--and many     
other acts of  barbarity1 too lengthy to
 enumerate4 ,and to my great surprise1  
,i find  you are a professor of the     
,christian religion6    ,you will       
naturally inquire1 why ,i meddle with   
your family affairs4 ,my  answer is1 the

 cause of humanity and a sense of my    
duty requires  it4--these hasty remarks 
,i leave you to reflect on the subject2 
but  wish you to remember1 that there is
 an all-seeing eye who knows all  our   
faults and will reward us according to  
our deeds4    ,i remain1 sir1 yours1 c  
,,jacob ,,dunham4  ,master of the brig  
,cyrus1 of ,n4,y4      ,rev4 ,,sylvester
 ,,cowles1 pastor of the ,presbyterian  
church in ,fredonia1  ,n4,y4 says3--    
,a young man1 a member of the church in 
,conewango1 went to ,alabama  last year1
 to reside as a clerk in an uncle's     
store4 ,when he had been  there about   
nine months1 he wrote his father that he
 must return home4  ,to see members of  
the same church sit at the communion    
table of our  ,lord one day1 and the    
next to see one seize any weapon and    
knock the  other down1 as he had seen1  
he could not live there4 ,his good      
father forthwith gave him permission to 
return home4    ,the following is a     
specimen of the shameless hardihood with

 which a  professed minister of the     
,gospel1 and editor of a religious      
paper1  assumes the right to hold ,god's
 image as a chattel4 ,it is from the    
,southern ,christian ,herald3--    ,it  
is stated in the ,georgetown ,union1    
that a negro1 supposed to have  died of 
cholera1 when that disease prevailed in 
,charleston1 was  carried to the public 
burying ground to be interred2 but      
before  interment signs of life         
appeared1 and1 by the use of proper     
means1 he  was restored to health4 ,and 
now the man who first perceived the     
signs  of life in the slave1 and that   
led to his preservation1 claims the     
property as his own1 and is about       
bringing suit for its recovery4 ,as     
well might a man who rescued his        
neighbor's slave1 or his horse1  from   
drowning1 or who extinguished the flames
 that would otherwise  soon have burnt  
down his neighbor's house1 claim the    
property as his  own4    ,rev4 ,,george 
,,bourne1 of ,new ,york city1 late      

,editor of the ,protestant  ,vindicator1
 who was a preacher seven years in      
,virginia1 gives the  following         
testimony4#ci    ,benjamin ,lewis1 who  
was an elder in the ,presbyterian       
church1 engaged  a carpenter to repair  
and enlarge his house4 ,after some time 
had  elapsed1 ,kyle1 the builder1 was   
awakened very early in the morning by  a
 most piteous moaning and shrieking4 ,he
 arose1 and following the  sound1       
discovered a colored woman nearly naked1
 tied to a fence1 while  ,lewis was     
lacerating her4 ,kyle instantly         
commanded the slave driver to  desist4  
,lewis maintained his jurisdiction over 
his slaves1 and  threatened ,kyle that  
he would punish him for his             
interference4  ,finally ,kyle obtained  
the release of the victim4    ,a second 
and a third scene of the same kind      
occurred1 and on the  third occasion the
 altercation almost produced a battle   
between the  elder and the carpenter4   
,kyle immediately arranged his affairs1 

packed up his tools and  prepared to    
depart4 ',where are you going8' demanded
 ,lewis4 ',i am  going home2' said      
,kyle4 ',then ,i will pay you nothing   
for what you  have done1' retorted the  
slave driver1 'unless you complete your 
contract4'  ,the carpenter went away    
with this edifying declaration1 ',i     
will not stay here a day longer2 for ,i 
expect the fire of ,god will  come down 
and burn you up altogether1 and ,i do   
not choose to go to  hell with you4'    
,through hush-money and promises not to 
whip the women  any more1 ,i believe    
,kyle returned and completed his        
engagement4    ,james ,kyle of          
,harrisonburg1 ,virginia1 frequently    
narrated that  circumstance1 and his    
son1 the carpenter1 confirmed it with   
all the  minute particulars combined    
with his temporary residence on the     
,shenandoah river4    ,john ,m',cue of  
,augusta county1 ,virginia1 a           
,presbyterian preacher1  frequently on  
the ,lord's day morning1 tied up his    

slaves and whipped  them2 and left them 
bound1 while he went to the meeting     
house and  preached--and after his      
return home repeated his scourging4     
,that  fact1 with others more heinous1  
was known to all persons in his         
congregation and around the vicinity2   
and so far from being censured  for it1 
he and his brethren justified it as     
essential to preserve  their 'domestic  
institutions4'    ,mrs4 ,pence1 of      
,rockingham county1 ,virginia1 used to  
boast1--',i am the  best hand to whip a 
wench in the whole county4'  ,she used  
to pinion  the girls to a post in the   
yard on the ,lord's day morning1 scourge
  them1 put on the 'negro plaster1'     
salt1 pepper1 and vinegar1 leave  them  
tied1 and walk away to church as demure 
as a nun1 and after  service repeat her 
flaying1 if she felt the whim4 ,i once  
expostulated  with her upon her cruelly4
 ',mrs4 ,pence1 how can you whip your   
girls  so publicly and disturb your     
neighbors so on the ,lord's day         

morning4'  ,her answer was memorable4   
',if ,i were to whip them on any other  
day ,i  should lose a day's work2 but by
 whipping them on ,sunday1 their backs  
get well enough by ,monday morning4'    
,that woman1 if alive1 is  doubtless a  
member of the church now1 as then4      
,rev4 ,dr4 ,staughton1 formerly of      
,philadelphia1 often stated1 that when  
he lived at ,georgetown1 ,s4,c4 he could
 tell the doings of one of the          
slaveholders of the ,baptist church     
there by his prayers at the prayer      
meeting4 ',if1' said he1 'that man was  
upon good terms with his  slaves1 his   
words were cold and heartless as frost2 
if he had been  whipping a man1 he would
 pray with life2 but if he had left a   
woman  whom he had been flogging1 tied  
to a post in his cellar1 with a         
determination to go back and torture her
 again1 ,o6 how he would pray6'   ,the  
,rev4 ,cyrus ,p4 ,grosvenor of          
,massachusetts can confirm the above    
statement by ,dr4 ,staughton4           

,william ,wilson1 a ,presbyterian       
preacher of ,augusta county1 ,virginia1 
had a young colored girl who was        
constitutionally unhealthy4 ,as no      
means to amend her were availing1 he    
sold her to a member of his             
congregation1 and in the usual style of 
human flesh dealers1 warranted  her     
'sound1' c4 ,the fraud was instantly    
discovered2 but he would not  refund the
 amount4 ,a suit was commenced1 and was 
long continued1 and  finally the        
plaintiff recovered the money out of    
which he had been  swindled by          
slave-trading with his own preacher4 ,no
 ,presbytery  censured him1 although    
,judge ,brown1 the chancellor1 severely 
condemned  the imposition4    ,in the   
year #ahaa1 ,johab ,graham1 a preacher1 
lived with ,alexander  ,nelson a        
,presbyterian elder1 near ,stanton1     
,virginia1 and he informed  me that a   
man had appeared before ,nelson1 who was
 a magistrate1 and  swore falsely       
against his slave1--that the elder      

ordered him  thirty-nine lashes4 ,all   
that wickedness was done as an excuse   
for his  dissipated owner to obtain     
money4 ,a negro trader had offered him a
  considerable sum for the 'boy1' and   
under the pretence of saving him  from  
the punishment of the law1 he was       
trafficked away from his woman  and     
children to another state4 ,the         
magistrate was aware of the  perjury1   
and the whole abomination1 but all the  
truth uttered by every  colored person  
in the southern states would not be of  
any avail  against the notorious false  
swearing of the greatest white villain  
who  ever cursed the world4 ',how1' said
 ,johab ,graham1 can ,i preach          
to-morrow8' ,i replied1 ',very well2 go 
and thunder the doctrine of  retribution
 in their ears1 ,obadiah #ae1 till by   
the divine blessing you  kill or cure   
them4 ,my friends1 ,john ,m4 ,nelson of 
,hillsborough1 ,ohio1  ,samuel ,linn1   
and ,robert ,herron1 and others of the  
same vicinity1 could  'make both the    

ears of every one who heareth them      
tingle' with the  accounts which they   
can give of slave-driving by professors 
of  religion in the ,shenandoah ,valley1
 ,virginia4    ,in #ahae1 near          
,frederick1 in ,maryland1 a most        
barbarous planter was  killed in a fit  
of desperation1 by four of his slaves in
  self-defence4 ,it was declared by     
those slaves while in prison that1      
besides his atrocities among their      
female associates1 he had  deliberately 
butchered a number of his slaves4 ,the  
four men were  murdered by law1 to      
appease the popular clamor4 ,i saw them 
executed on  the twenty-eighth day of   
,jan'y1 #ahaf4 ,the facts ,i received   
from the  ,rev4 ,patrick ,davidson of   
,frederick1 who constantly visited them 
during  their imprisonment--and who     
became an abolitionist in consequence of
  the disclosures which he heard from   
those men in the jail4 ,the name of  the
 planter is not distinctly recollected1 
but it can be known by a  inspection of 

the record of the trial in the clerk's  
office1  ,frederick4    ,a minister of  
,virginia1 still living1 and whose name 
must not be  mentioned for fear of ,nero
 ,preston and his confederate-hanging   
myrmidons1 informed me of this fact in  
#ahae1 in his own house4 ',a  member of 
my church1 said he1 lately whipped a    
colored youth to death4  ,what shall ,i 
do8' ,i answered1 ',i hope you do not   
mean to continue him  in your church4'  
,that minister replied1 ',how can we    
help it'  ,we dare not call him to an   
account4 ,we have no legal testimony4'  
,their communion season was then        
approaching4 ,i addressed his           
wife1--',mrs4 ---- do you mean to sit at
 the ,lord's table with that            
murderer8'--1',not ,i1' she answered3   
',i would as soon commune with the      
devil himself4' ,the slave killer was   
equally unnoticed by the civil  and     
ecclesiastical authority4    ,john      
,baxter1 a ,presbyterian elder1 the     
brother of that slaveholding  doctor in 

divinity1 ,george ,a4 ,baxter1 held as a
 slave the wife of a  ,baptist colored  
preacher1 familiarly called ',uncle     
,jack4' ,in a late  period of pregnancy 
he scourged her so that the lives of    
herself and  her unborn child were      
considered in jeopardy4 ,uncle ,jack was
 advised  to obtain the liberation of   
his wife4 ,baxter finally agreed1 ,i    
think1  to sell the woman and her       
children1 three of them1 ,i believe for 
six  hundred dollars1 and an additional 
hundred if the unborn child  survived a 
certain period after its birth4 ,uncle  
,jack was to pay one  hundred dollars   
per annum for his wife and children for 
seven years1  and ,baxter held a sort of
 mortgage upon them for the payment4    
,uncle  ,jack showed me his back in     
furrows like a ploughed field4 ,his     
master  used to whip up the flesh1 then 
beat it downwards1 and then apply the   
'negro plaster1' salt1 pepper1 mustard1 
and vinegar1 until all ,jack's  back was
 almost as hard and unimpressible as the

 bones4 ,there is  slaveholding         
religion6 ,a ,presbyterian elder        
receiving from a ,baptist  preacher     
seven hundred dollars for his wife and  
children4 ,james ,kyle  and uncle ,jack 
used to tell that story with great      
,christian  sensibility2 and uncle ,jack
 would weep tears of anguish over his   
wife's piteous tale1 and tears of       
ecstasy at the same moment that he  was 
free1 and that soon1 by the grace of    
,god1 his wife and children1  as he     
said1 'would be all free together4'     
,rev4 ,,james ,,nourse1 a ,presbyterian 
clergyman of ,mifflia co4 ,penn41  whose
 father is1 we believe1 a slaveholder in
 ,washington ,city1 says1--    ,the     
,rev4 ,mr4 ,m----1 now of the           
,huntingdon ,presbytery1 after an       
absence  of many months1 was about      
visiting his old friends on what is     
commonly  called the ',eastern ,shore4' 
,late in the afternoon1 on his journey1 
he  called at the house of ,rev4 ,a4,c4 
of ,p----town1 ,md4 ,with this brother  

he had been long acquainted4 ,just at   
that juncture ,mr4 ,c4 was about        
proceeding to whip a colored female1 who
 was his slave4 ,she was firmly  tied to
 a post in ,,front of his               
dwelling-house4 ,the arrival of a       
clerical visitor at such a time1        
occasioned a temporary delay in the     
execution of ,mr4 ,c's purpose4 ,but the
 delay was only temporary2 for  not even
 the presence of such a guest could     
destroy the bloody design4  ,the guest  
interceded with all the mildness yet    
earnestness of a  brother and new       
visitor4 ,but all in vain1 'the woman   
had been saucy  and must be punished4'  
,the cowhide was accordingly produced1  
and the  ,rev4 ,mr4 ,c41 a large and    
very stout man1 applied it 'manfully' on
  'woman's' bare and 'shrinking flesh4' 
,i say bare1 because you know  that the 
slave women generally have but three or 
four inches of the  arm near the        
shoulder covered1 and the neck is left  
entirely exposed4  ,as the cowhide moved

 back and forward1 striking right and   
left1 on the  head1 neck and arms1 at   
every few strokes the sympathizing guest
 would  exclaim1 ',o1 brother ,c4       
desist' ,but brother ,c4 pursued his    
brutal  work1 till1 after inflicting    
about sixty lashes1 the woman was found 
to be suffused with blood on the hinder 
part of her neck1 and under  her frock  
between the shoulders4 ,yet this ,rev4  
gentleman is well  esteemed in the      
church--was1 three or four years since1 
moderator of  the synod of              
,philadelphia1 and yet walks abroad1    
feeling himself  unrebuked by law or    
gospel4 ,ah1 sir does not this narration
 give  fearful force to the query--,what
 has the church to do with slavery8'    
,comment on the facts is unnecessary1   
yet allow me to conclude by  saying1    
that it is my opinion such occurrences  
are not rare in the  south4    ,j4,n4   
,,rev4 ,,charles ,,stewart ,,renshaw1 of
 ,quincy1 ,illinois1 in a recent letter1
  speaking of his residence1 for a      

period1 in ,kentucky1 says--    ,in a   
conversation with ,mr4 ,robert ,willis1 
he told me that his negro  girl had run 
away from him some time previous4 ,he   
was convinced that  she was lurking     
round1 and he watched for her4 ,he soon 
found the place  of her concealment1    
drew her from it1 got a rope1 and tied  
her hands  across each other1 then threw
 the rope over a beam in the kitchen1   
and  hoisted her up by the wrists2      
'and1' said he1 ',i whipped her there   
till ,i made the lint fly1 ,i tell you4'
 ,i asked him the meaning of  making    
'the lint fly1' and he replied1 'till   
the blood flew4' ,i spoke  of the       
iniquity and cruelty of slavery1 and of 
its immediate  abandonment4 ,he         
confessed it an evil1 but said1 ',i am a
  colonizationist--,i believe in that   
scheme4' ,mr4 ,willis is a teacher  of  
sacred music1 and a member of the       
,presbyterian ,church in ,lexington1    
,kentucky4    ,mr4 ,r4 speaking of the  
,,presbyterian ,,minister and church    

where he  resided1 says3    ,the        
minister and all the church members held
 slaves4 ,some were  treated kindly1    
others harshly4 ,there was not a shade  
of difference  between their slaves and 
those of their infidel neighbors1 either
 in  their physical1 intellectual1 or   
moral state3 in some cases they would   
suffer in the comparison4    ,in the    
kitchen of the minister of the church1 a
 slave man was living  in open adultery 
with a slave woman1 who was a member of 
the church1  with an 'assured hope' of  
heaven--whilst the man's wife was on the
  minister's farm in ,fayette county4   
,the minister had to bring a cook  down 
from his farm to the place in which he  
was preaching4 ,the choice  was between 
the wife of the man and this church     
member4 ,he left the  wife1 and brought 
the church member to the adulterer's    
bed4    ,a ,,methodist ,,preacher last  
fall took a load of produce down the    
river4  ,amongst other things he took   
down five slaves4 ,he sold them at ,new 

,orleans--he came up to ,natchez--bought
 seven there--and took them down  and   
sold them also4 ,last ,march he came up 
to preach the ,gospel again4  ,a number 
of persons on board the steamboat 7the  
,tuscarora47 who had  seen him in the   
slave-shambles in ,natchez and ,new     
,orleans1 and now1  for the first time1 
found him to be a preacher1 had much    
sport at the  expense of 'the fine old  
preacher who dealt in slaves4'    ,a    
non-professor of religion1 in ,campbell 
county1 ,ky4 sold a female and  two     
children to a ,methodist professor1 with
 the proviso that they  should not leave
 that region of country4 ,the           
slave-driver came1 and  offered #e more 
for the woman than he had given1 and he 
sold her4 ,she  is now in the lower     
country1 and her orphan babes are in    
,kentucky4    ,i was much shocked once1 
to see a ,presbyterian elder's wife call
 a  little slave to her to kiss her     
feet4 ,at first the boy hesitated--but  
the command being repeated in tones not 

to be misunderstood1 be  approached     
timidly1 knelt1 and kissed her foot4    
,rev4 ,w4,t4 ,,allan1 of ,chatham1      
,illinois1 gives the following in a     
letter  dated ,feb4 #d1 #ahci3    ,mr4  
,peter ,vanarsdale1 an elder of the     
,presbyterian church in  ,carrollton1   
formerly from ,kentucky1 told me1 the   
other day1 that a  ,mrs4 ,burford1 in   
the neighborhood of ,harrodsburg1       
,kentucky1 had  separated a woman and   
her children from their husband and     
father1  taking them into another state4
 ,mrs4 ,b4 was a member of the          
,presbyterian ,church4 ,the bereaved    
husband and father was also a  professor
 of religion4    ,mr4 ,v4 told me of a  
slave woman who had lost her son1       
separated from  her by public sale4 ,in 
the anguish of her soul1 she gave vent  
to her  indignation freely1 and perhaps 
harshly4 ,sometime after1 she wished to 
become a member of the church4 ,before  
they received her1 she had to  make     
humble confession for speaking as she   

had done4 ,some of the  elders that     
received her1 and required the          
confession1 were engaged is  selling the
 son from his mother4      ,the         
following communication from the ,rev4  
,,william ,,bardwell1 of  ,sandwich1    
,massachusetts1 has just been published 
in ,zion's ,watchman1  ,new ,york city3 
,mr4 ,editor3--,the following fact was  
given me last evening1 from the  pen of 
a shipmaster1 who has traded in several 
of the principal ports  in the south4   
,he is a man of unblemished character1 a
 member of the  ,m4,e4 ,church in this  
place1 and familiarly known in this     
town4 ,the  facts were communicated to  
me last fall in a letter to his wife1   
with  a request that she would cause    
them to be published4 ,i give verbatim1 
as they were written from the letter by 
brother ,perry's own hand while  ,i was 
in his house4    ,a ,methodist preacher1
 ,wm4 ,whitby by name1 who married in   
,bucksville1  ,s4,c41 and by marriage   
came into possession of some slaves1 in 

,july1  #ahch1 was about moving to      
another station to preach1 and wished1  
also1  to move his family and slaves to 
,tennessee1 much against the will of    
the slaves1 one of which1 to get clear  
from him1 ran into the woods  after     
swimming a brook4 ,the parson took after
 him with his gun1 which1  however1 got 
wet and missed fire1 when he ran to a   
neighbor for  another gun1 with the     
intention1 as he said1 of killing him3  
he did  not1 however1 catch or kill him2
 he chained another for fear of his     
running away also4 ,the above           
particulars were related to me by       
,william  ,whitby himself4 ,,thomas ,c4 
,,perry4 ,march #c1 #ahci4    ,i find by
 examining the minutes of the ,s4,c4    
,conference1 that there is  such a      
preacher in the ,conference1 and brother
 ,perry further stated to  me that he   
was well acquainted with him1 and if    
this statement was  published1 and if it
 could be known where he was since the  
last  ,conference1 he wished a paper to 

be sent him containing the whole        
affair4 ,he also stated to me1 verbally1
 that the young man he  attempted to    
shoot was about nineteen years of age1  
and had been shut  up in a corn-house1  
and in the attempt of ,mr4 ,whitby to   
chain him1 he  broke down the door and  
made his escape as above mentioned1 and 
that  ,mr4 ,w4 was under the necessity  
of hiring him out for one year1 with    
the risk of his employer's getting him4 
,brother ,perry conversed with  one of  
the slaves1 who was so old that he      
thought it not profitable to  remove so 
far1 and had been sold2 he informed him 
of all the above  circumstances1 and    
said1 with tears1 that he thought he had
 been so  faithful as to be entitled to 
liberty1 but instead of making him free1
  he had sold him to another master1    
besides parting one husband and  wife   
from those ties rendered a thousand     
times dearer by an infant  child which  
was torn for ever from the husband4     
,,william ,,bardwell4  ,sandwich1       

,mass41 ,march #d1 #ahci4      ,mr4     
,,william ,,poe1 till recently a        
slaveholder in ,virginia1 now an elder  
in the ,presbyterian ,church at ,delhi1 
,ohio1 gives the following  testimony3--
    ,an elder in the ,presbyterian      
,church in ,lynchburg had a most        
faithful  servant1 whom he flogged      
severely and sent him to prison1 and had
 him  confined as a felon a number of   
days1 for being saucy4 ,another elder   
of the same church1 an auctioneer1      
habitually sold slaves at his           
stand--very frequently parted           
families--would often go into the       
country to sell slaves on execution and 
otherwise2 when remonstrated  with1 he  
justified himself1 saying1 'it was his  
business2' the church  also justified   
him on the same ground4    ,a ,doctor   
,duval1 of ,lynchburg1 ,va4 got offended
 with a very faithful1  worthy servant1 
and immediately sold him to a negro     
trader1 to be  taken to ,new ,orleans2  
,duval still keeping the wife of the man

 as his  slave4 ,this ,duval was a      
professor of religion4    ,mr4 ,,samuel 
,,hall1 a teacher in ,marietta ,college1
 ,ohio1 says1 in a  recent letter3--    
,a student in ,marietta ,college1 from  
,mississippi1 a professor of  religion1 
and in every way worthy of entire       
confidence1 made to me the  following   
statement4 ,if his name were published  
it would probably  cost him his life4   
,when ,i was in the family of the ,rev4 
,james ,martin1 of ,louisville1         
,winston county1 ,mississippi1 in the   
spring of #ahch1 ,mrs4 ,martin became   
offended at a female slave1 because she 
did not move faster4 ,she  commanded her
 to do so2 the girl quickened her pace2 
again she was  ordered to move faster1  
or1 ,mrs4 ,m4 declared1 she would break 
the  broomstick over her head4 ,again   
the slave quickened her pace2 but not   
coming up to the maximum desired by     
,mrs4 ,m4 the latter declared she  would
 see whether she 7the slave7 could move 
or not3 and1 going into  another        

apartment1 she brought in a raw hide1   
awaiting the return of  her husband for 
its application4 ,in this instance ,i   
know not what was  the final result1 but
 ,i have heard the sound of the raw-hide
 in at  least two other instances1      
applied by this same reverend gentleman 
to the back of his female servant4      
,mr4 ,hall adds--,the name of my        
informant must be suppressed1 as he     
says1 there are those who would cut my  
throat in a moment1 if the  information 
,i give were to be coupled with my name4
 ,suffice it to say  that he is a       
professor of religion1 a native of      
,virginia1 and a  student of ,marietta  
,college1 whose character will bear the 
strictest  scrutiny4 ,he says3--    ,in 
#ahch1 at ,charlestown1 ,va4 ,i         
conversed with several members of the   
church under the care of the ,rev4 ,mr4 
,brown1 of the same place4 ,taking      
occasion to speak of slavery1 and of the
 sin of slaveholding1 to one  of them   
who was a lady1 she replied1 ,i am a    

slaveholder1 and ,i  glory in it4 ,i had
 a conversation1 a few days after1 with 
the  pastor himself1 concerning the     
state of religion in his church1 and    
who were the most exemplary members in  
it4 ,the pastor mentioned  several of   
those who were of that description2 the 
first of whom1  however1 was the        
identical lady who gloried in being a   
slaveholder6  ,that church numbers      
nearly two hundred members4    ,another 
lady1 who was considered as devoted a   
,christian as any in the  same church1  
but who was in poor health1 was         
accustomed to flog some  of her female  
domestics with a raw-hide till she was  
exhausted1 and  then go and lie down    
till her strength was recruited1 rising 
again and  resuming the flagellation4   
,this she considered as not at all      
derogatory to her ,christian character4 
,mr4 ,,joel ,s4 ,,bingham1 of ,cornwall1
 ,vermont1 lately a student in          
,middlebury ,college1 and a member of   
the ,congregational ,church1 spent a    

few weeks in ,kentucky1 in the summer of
 #ahch4 ,he relates the following       
occurrence which took place in the      
neighborhood where he resided1 and  was 
a matter of perfect notoriety in the    
vicinity4    ,rev4 ,mr4 ,lewis1 a       
,baptist minister in the vicinity of    
,frankfort1 ,ky4  had a slave that ran  
away1 but was retaken and brought back  
to his  master1 who threatened him with 
punishment for making an attempt to     
escape4 ,though terrified the slave     
immediately attempted to run away       
again4 ,mr4 ,l4 commanded him to stop1  
but he did not obey4 ,mr4 ,l4 then  took
 a gun1 loaded with small shot and fired
 at the slave1 who fell2  but was not   
killed1 and afterward recovered4 ,mr4   
,l4 did not probably  intend to kill the
 slave1 as it was his legs which were   
aimed at and  received the contents of  
the gun4 ,the master asserted that he   
was  driven to this necessity to        
maintain his authority4 ,this took place
  about the first of ,july1 #ahch4      

,the following is given upon the        
authority of ,rev4 ,,orange ,,scott1 of 
,lowell1 ,mass4 for many years a        
presiding elder in the ,methodist       
,episcopal ,church4    ,rev4 ,joseph    
,hough1 a ,baptist minister1 formerly of
 ,springfield1 ,mass4  now of           
,plainfield1 ,n4,h4 while traveling in  
the south1 a few years ago1  put up one 
night with a ,methodist family1 and     
spent the ,sabbath with  them4 ,while   
there1 one of the female slaves did     
something which  displeased her         
mistress4 ,she took a chisel and mallet1
 and very  deliberately cut off one of  
her toes6      ,,slave ,,breeding ,,an  
,,index ,,of ,,public ',,opinion'       
,,among ,,the ',,highest ,,class  ,,of  
,,society' ,,in ,,virginia ,,and ,,other
 ,,northern ,,slave ,,states4    ,but we
 shall be told1 that 'slave-breeders'   
are regarded with  contempt1 and the    
business of slave breeding is looked    
upon as  despicable2 and the hot        
disclaimer of ,mr4 ,stevenson1 our      

,minister  ,plenipotentiary at the      
,court of ,st4 ,james1 in reply to ,mr4 
,o',connell1  who had intimated that he 
might be a 'slave breeder1' will        
doubtless  be quoted4#dj ,in reply1 we  
need not say what every body knows1 that
  if ,mr4 ,stevenson is not a 'slave    
breeder1' he is a solitary exception    
among the large slaveholders of         
,virginia4 ,what6 ,virginia slaveholders
  not 'slave-breeders8' the pretence is 
ridiculous and contemptible2 it  is     
meanness1 hypocrisy1 and falsehood1 as  
is abundantly proved by the  testimony  
which follows3--    ,mr4 ,,gholson1 of  
,virginia1 in his speech in the         
,legislature of that  state1 ,jan4 #ah1 
#ahcb1 7see ,richmond ,whig17 says3--   
,it has always 7perhaps erroneously7    
been considered by steady and           
old-fashioned people1 that the owner of 
land had a reasonable right to  its     
annual profits2 the owner of orchards1  
to their annual fruits2 the  owner of   
brood mares1 to their product2 and the  

owner of female  slaves1 to their       
increase4 ,we have not the fine-spun    
intelligence1  nor legal acumen1 to     
discover the technical distinctions     
drawn by  gentlemen4 ,the legal maxim of
 ',partus sequitur ventrem' is coeval   
with the existence of the rights of     
property itself1 and is founded in      
wisdom and justice4 ,it is on the       
justice and inviolability of this  maxim
 that the master foregoes the service of
 the female slave2 has  her nursed and  
attended during the period of her       
gestation1 and raises  the helpless and 
infant offspring4 ,the value of the     
property justifies  the expense2 and ,i 
do not hesitate to say1 that in its     
increase  consists much of our wealth4  
,hon4 ,,thomas ,,mann ,,randolph1 of    
,virginia4 formerly ,governor of that   
state1 in his speech before the         
legislature in #ahcb1 while speaking of 
the number of slaves annually sold from 
,virginia to the more southern  slave   
states1 said3--    ,the exportation has 

averaged ,,eight ,,thousand ,,five      
,,hundred for the  last twenty years4   
,forty years ago1 the whites exceeded   
the colored  #be1jjj1 the colored now   
exceed the whites #ha1jjj2 and these    
results  too during an exportation of   
near #bfj1jjj slaves since the year     
#agij1  now perhaps the fruitful        
progenitors of half a million in other  
states4 ,it is a practice and an        
increasing practice1 in parts of        
,virginia1 to rear slaves for market4   
,how can an honorable mind1 a  patriot  
and a lover of his country1 bear to see 
this ancient dominion  converted into   
one grand menagerie1 where men are to be
 reared for  market1 like oxen for the  
shambles4    ,professor ,,dew1 now      
,president of the ,university of        
,william and ,mary1  ,virginia1 in his  
,review of the ,debate in the ,virginia 
,legislature1  #ahca-b1 says1 p #di4    
,from all the information we can obtain1
 we have no hesitation in  saying that  
upwards of six thousand slaves are      

yearly exported from  ,virginia to other
 states4' ,again1 p4 #fa3 ',the #fjjj   
slaves which  ,virginia annually sends  
off to the south1 are a source of wealth
 to  ,virginia'--,again1 p4 #abj3 ',a   
full equivalent being thus left in the  
place of the slave1 this emigration     
becomes an advantage to the state1  and 
does not check the black population as  
much as1 at first view1 we  might       
imagine--because it furnishes every     
inducement to the master to  attend to  
the negroes1 to ,,encourage ,,breeding1 
and to cause the  greatest number       
possible to be raised4 c4    ,virginia  
is1 in fact1 a negro-raising state for  
other states4    ,extract from the      
speech of ,,mr4 ,,faulkner1 in the ,va4 
,house of  ,delegates1 #ahcb4 ,see      
,richmond ,whig4    ,but he ,mr4        
,gholson1 has labored to show that the  
,abolition of  ,slavery1 were it        
practicable1 would be impolitic1 because
 as the  drift of this portion of his   
argument runs1 your slaves constitute   

the  entire wealth of the state1 all the
 productive capacity ,virginia          
possesses4 ,and1 sir1 as things are1 ,i 
believe he is correct4 ,he  says1 and in
 this he is sustained by the gentleman  
from ,halifax1 ,mr4  ,bruce1 that the   
slaves constitute the entire available  
wealth at  present1 of ,eastern         
,virginia4 ,is it true that for #bjj    
years the only  increase in the wealth  
and resources of ,virginia1 has been a  
remnant  of the natural increase of this
 miserable race8--,can it be1 that on   
this increase1 she places her solo      
dependence8 ,i had always  understood   
that indolence and extravagance were the
 necessary  concomitants of slavery2    
but1 until ,i heard these declarations1 
,i had  not fully conceived the horrible
 extent of this evil4 ,these gentlemen  
state the fact1 which the history and   
present aspect of the  ,commowealth but 
too well sustain4 ,the gentlemen's facts
 and argument  in support of his plea of
 impolicy1 to me1 seem rather unhappy4  

,to me1  such a state of things would   
itself be conclusive at least1 that     
something1 even as a measure of policy1 
should be done4 ,what1 sir1  have you   
lived for two hundred years1 without    
personal effort or  productive industry1
 in extravagance and indolence1         
sustained alone  by the return from     
sales of the increase of slaves1 and    
retaining  merely such a number as your 
now impoverished lands can sustain1 ,,as
  ,,stock1 depending1 too1 upon a most  
uncertain market8 ,when that  market is 
closed1 as in the nature of things it   
must be1 what then  will become of this 
gentleman's hundred millions worth of   
slaves1 ,,and  ,,the ,,annual ,,product8
    ,in the debates in the ,virginia    
,convention1 in #ahbi1 ,judge ,upsher   
said--,the value of slaves as an article
 of property and it is in  that view    
only that they are legitimate subjects  
of taxation depends  much on the state  
of the market abroad4 ,in this view1 it 
is the value  of land abroad1 and not of

 land here1 which furnishes the ratio4  
,it  is well known to us all1 that      
nothing is more fluctuating than the    
value of slaves4 ,a late law of         
,louisiana reduced their value #be per  
cent1 in two hours after its passage was
 known4 ,,if ,,it ,,should ,,be ,,our   
,,lot1 ,,as ,i ,,trust ,,it ,,will ,,be1
 ,,to ,,acquire ,,the ,,country ,,of    
,,texas1 ,,their  ,,price ,,will ,,rise 
,,again4--p4 #gg4    ,mr4 ,goode1 ,of   
,virginia1 in his speech before the     
,virginia ,legislature1  in ,jan4 #ahcb1
 ,see ,richmond ,whig1 of that date1    
said3--    ,the superior usefulness of  
the slaves in the south1 will constitute
  an effectual demand1 which will remove
 them from our limits4 ,we  shall send  
them from our state1 because it will be 
our interest to do  so4 ,our planters   
are already becoming farmers4 ,many who 
grew tobacco  as their only staple1 have
 already introduced1 and commingled the 
wheat crop4 ,they are already           
semi-farmers2 and in the natural course 

of events1 they must become more and    
more so4--,as the greater quantity  of  
rich western lands are appropriated to  
the production of the staple  of our    
planters1 that staple will become less  
profitable4--,we shall  gradually divert
 our lands from its production1 until we
 shall become  actual farmers4--,then   
will the necessity for slave labor      
diminish2  then will the effectual      
demand diminish1 and then will the      
quantity of  slaves diminish1 until they
 shall be adapted to the effectual      
demand4    ,but gentlemen are alarmed   
lest the markets of other states be     
closed  against the introduction of our 
slaves4 ,sir1 the demand for slave      
labor ,,must ,,increase through the     
,south and ,west4 ,it has been          
heretofore  limited by the want of      
capital2 but when emigrants shall be    
relieved  from their embarrassments1    
contracted by the purchase of their     
lands1  the annual profits of their     
estates1 will constitute an accumulating

  capital1 which they will seek to      
invest in labor4 ,that the demand  for  
labor must increase in proportion to the
 increase of capital1 is  one of the    
demonstrations of political economists2 
and ,i confess1 that  for the removal of
 slavery from ,virginia1 ,i look to the 
efficacy of  that principle2 together   
with the circumstance that our southern 
brethren are constrained to continue    
planters1 by their position1 soil  and  
climate4    ,the following is from      
,niles' ,weekly ,register1 published at 
,baltimore1  ,md4 vol4 #ce1 p4 #d4      
,dealing in slaves has become a large   
business2 establishments are  made in   
several places in ,maryland and         
,virginia1 at which they are  sold like 
cattle2 these places of deposit are     
strongly built1 and well  supplied with 
thumb-screws and gags1 and ornamented   
with cow-skins and  other whips         
oftentimes bloody4      ,r4,s4 ,,finley1
 ,esq41 late ,general ,agent of the     
,american ,colonization  ,society1 at a 

meeting in ,new ,york1 #bgth ,feb4      
#ahcc1 said3    ,in ,virginia and other 
grain-growing slave states1 the blacks  
do not  support themselves1 and the only
 profit their masters derive from them  
is1 repulsive as the idea may justly    
seem1 in breeding them1 like  other live
 stock for the more southern states4    
,rev4 ,dr4 ,,graham1 of ,fayetteville1  
,n4,c4 at a ,colonization ,meeting1     
held in that place in the fall of #ahcg 
said3    ,he had resided for #ae years  
in one of the largest slaveholding      
counties in the state1 had long and     
anxiously considered the subject1  and  
still it was dark4 ,there were nearly   
#gjjj slaves offered in ,new  ,orleans  
market last winter4 ,from ,virginia     
alone #fjjj were annually  sent to the  
south2 and from ,virginia and ,n4,c4    
there had gone1 in the  same direction1 
in the last twenty years1 #cjj1jjj      
slaves4 ,while not  #djjj had gone to   
,africa4 ,what it portended1 he could   
not predict1 but  he felt deeply1 that  

we must awake in these states and       
consider the  subject4      ,hon4       
,,philip ,,doddridge1 of ,virginia1 in  
his speech in the ,virginia             
,convention1 in #ahbi1 ,debates p4 #hi4 
said3--    ,the acquisition of ,texas   
will greatly enhance the value of the   
property1 in question1 ,virginia slaves4
      ,hon ,c4,f4 ,,mercer1 in a speech 
before the same ,convention1 in #ahbi1  
says3    ,the tables of the natural     
growth of the slave population          
demonstrate1  when compared with the    
increase of its numbers in the          
commonwealth for  twenty years past1    
that an annual revenue of not less than 
a million  and a half of dollars is     
derived from the exportation of a part  
of  this population4 7,debates1 p4      
#aii47      ,hon4 ,,henry ,,clay1 of    
,ky41 in his speech before the          
,colonization  ,society1 in #ahbi1 says3
    ,it is believed that nowhere in the 
farming portion of the ,united  ,states1
 would slave labor be generally         

employed1 if the proprietor  were not   
tempted to ,,raise ,,slaves ,,by ,,the  
,,high ,,price ,,of ,,the ,,southern    
,,market ,,which ,,keeps ,,it ,,up ,,in 
,,his ,,own4    ,the ,new ,orleans      
,courier1 ,feb4 #ae1 #ahci1 speaking of 
the prohibition of  the ,african        
,slave-trade1 while the internal        
slave-trade is plied1  says3    ,the    
,united ,states law may1 and probably   
does1 put ,,millions into the  pockets  
of the people living between the        
,roanoke1 and ,mason and  ,dixon's line2
 still we think it would require some   
casuistry to show  that the present     
slave-trade from that quarter is a whit 
better than  the one from ,africa4 ,one 
thing is certain--that its results are  
more  menacing to the tranquillity of   
the people in this quarter1 as there    
can be no comparison between the ability
 and inclination to do  mischief1       
possessed by the ,virginia negro1 and   
that of the rude and  ignorant ,african4
    ,that the ,new ,orleans ,editor does

 not exaggerate in saying that the      
internal slave-trade puts 'millions'    
into the pockets of the  slaveholders in
 ,maryland and ,virginia1 is very clear 
from the  following statement1 made by  
the editor of the ,virginia ,times1 an  
influential political paper1 published  
at ,wheeling1 ,virginia4 ,of the  exact 
date of the paper we are not quite      
certain1 it was1 however1  sometime in  
#ahcf1 probably near the middle of the  
year--the file will  show4 ,the editor  
says3--    ,we have heard intelligent   
men estimate the number of slaves       
exported  from ,virginia within the last
 twelve months1 at #abj1jjj--;each slave
  averaging at least #fjj1 making an    
aggregate at #gb1jjj1jjj4 ,of the       
number of slaves exported1 not more than
 one-third have been sold1  7the others 
having been carried by their owners1 who
 have removed17  which would leave in   
the state the ,,sum ,,of #bd1jjj1jjj    
,,arising ,,from  ,,the ,,sale ,,of     
,,slaves4    ,according to this estimate

 about ,,forty ,,thousand ,,slaves      
,,were ,,sold ,,out  ,,of ,,the ,,state 
,,of ,,virginia ,,in ,a ,,single ,,year1
 and the 'slave-breeders'  who hold     
them1 put into their pockets            
,,twenty-,,four ,,million ,,of          
,,dollars1  the price of the 'souls of  
men4'    ,the ,new ,york ,journal of    
,commerce of ,oct4 #ab1 #ahce1 contained
 a letter  from a ,virginian1 whom the  
editor calls 'a very good and sensible  
man1' asserting that ,,twenty ,,thousand
 ,,slaves had been driven to the  south 
from ,virginia during that year1 nearly 
one-fourth of which was  then remaining4
    ,the ,maryville 7,tenn47            
,intelligencer1 some time in the early  
part of  #ahcf1 7we have not the date17 
says1 in an article reviewing a         
communication of ,rev4 ,j4,w4 ,douglass1
 of ,fayetteville1 ,north ,carolina3    
,sixty thousand slaves passed through a 
little western town for the  southern   
market1 during the year #ahce4    ,the  
,natchez 7,miss47 ,courier1 says that   

the states of ,louisiana1  ,mississippi1
 ,alabama1 and ,arkansas1 imported ,,two
 ,,hundred ,,and ,,fifty  ,,thousand    
,,slaves from the more northern slave   
states in the year #ahcf4    ,the       
,baltimore ,american gives the following
 from a ,mississippi paper1  of #ahcg3  
,the report made by the committee of the
 citizens ,of ,mobile1 appointed  at    
their meeting held on the #ast instant1 
on the subject of the  existing         
pecuniary pressure1 states1 among other 
things3 that so large  has been the     
return of slave labor1 that purchases by
 ,alabama of that  species of property  
from other states since #ahcc1 have     
amounted to  about ,,ten ,,million      
,,dollars ,,annually4    ,,further the  
inhumanity of a slaveholding 'public    
opinion' toward  slaves1 follows        
legitimately from the downright         
ruffianism of the  slaveholding spirit  
in the 'highest class of society1' ,when
 roused1  it tramples upon all the      
proprieties and courtesies1 and even    

common  decencies of life1 and is held  
in check by none of those               
considerations of time1 and place1 and  
relations of station1  character1 law1  
and national honor1 which are usually   
sufficient1 even  in the absence of     
conscientious principles1 to restrain   
other men from  outrages4 ,our ,national
 ,legislature is a fit illustration of  
this4  ,slaveholders have converted the 
,congress of the ,united ,states into a 
very bear garden4 ,within the last three
 years some of the most  prominent      
slaveholding members of the ,house1 and 
among them the late  speaker1 have      
struck and kicked1 and throttled1 and   
seized each other  by the hair1 and with
 their fists pummelled each other's     
faces1 on the  floor of ,congress4 ,we  
need not publish an account of what     
every body  knows1 that during the      
session of the last ,congress1 ,mr4     
,wise of  ,virginia and ,mr4 ,bynum of  
,north ,carolina1 after having called   
each  other liars1 villains and damned  

rascals sprung from their seats  both   
sufficiently armed for any desperate    
purpose1 cursing each  other as they    
rushed together1 and would doubtless    
have butchered each  other on the floor 
of ,congress1 if both had not been      
seized and held  by their friends4      
,the ,new ,york ,gazette relates the    
following which occurred at the close   
of the session of #ahch4    ,the ,house 
could not adjourn without another brutal
 and bloody row4 ,it  occurred on       
,sunday morning immediately at the      
moment of adjournment1  between ,messrs4
 ,campbell and ,maury1 both of          
,tennessee4 ,he took offence  at some   
remarks made to him by his colleague1   
,mr4 ,campbell1 and the  fight followed4
    ,the ,huntsville 7,ala47 ,democrat  
of ,june #af1 #ahch1 gives the          
particulars  which follow3    ,mr4      
,maury is said to be badly hurt4 ,he was
 near losing his life by  being knocked 
through the window2 but his adversary1  
it is said1 saved  him by clutching the 

hair of his head with his left hand1    
while he  struck him with his right4    
,the same number of the ,huntsville     
,democrat1 contains the particulars  of 
a fist-fight on the floor of the ,house 
of ,representatives1 between  ,mr4      
,bell1 the late ,speaker1 and his       
colleague ,mr4 ,turney of ,tennessee4   
,the following is an extract3    ,mr4   
,turney concluded his remarks in reply  
to ,mr4 ,bell1 in the course  of which  
he commented upon that gentleman's      
course at different  periods of his     
political career with great severity4   
,he did not think his colleague ,mr4    
,turney1 was actuated by private        
malice1 but was the willing voluntary   
instrument of others1 the tool  of      
tools4    ,mr4 ,turney4 ,it is false6 it
 is false6    ,mr4 ,stanley called ,mr4 
,,turney to order4    ,at the same      
moment both gentlemen were perceived in 
personal conflict1  and blows with the  
fist were aimed by each at the other4   
,several  members interfered1 and       

suppressed the personal violence2 others
  called order1 order1 and some called  
for the interference of the  ,speaker4  
,the ,speaker hastily took the chair1   
and insisted upon order2 but both       
gentlemen continued struggling1 and     
endeavoring1 notwithstanding the        
constraint of their friends1 to strike  
each other4    ,the correspondent of the
 ,new ,york ,gazette gives the          
following1 which  took place about the  
time of the preceding affrays3    ,the  
,house was much agitated last night1 by 
the passage between ,mr4  ,biddle1 of   
,pittsburgh1 and ,mr4 ,downing1 of      
,florida4 ,mr4 ,d4 exclaimed  do you    
impute falsehood to me6 at the same time
 catching up some  missile and making a 
demonstration to advance upon ,mr4      
,biddle4 ,mr4  ,biddle repeated his     
accusation1 and meanwhile1 ,mr4 ,downing
 was  arrested by many members4    ,the 
last three fights all occurred1 if we   
mistake not1 in the short  space of one 
month4 ,the fisticuffs between ,messrs4 

,bynum and ,wise  occurred at the       
previous session of ,congress4 ,at the  
same session  ,messrs4 ,peyton of ,tenn4
 and ,wise of ,virginia1 went armed with
 pistols  and dirks to the meeting of a 
committee of ,congress1 and threatened  
to  shoot a witness while giving his    
testimony4    ,we begin with the first  
on the list4 ,who are ,messrs4 ,wise and
 ,bynum8  ,both slaveholders4 ,who are  
,messrs4 ,campbell and ,maury8 ,both    
slaveholders4 ,who are ,messrs4 ,bell   
and ,turney8 ,both slaveholders4 ,who   
is ,mr4 ,downing1 who seized a weapon   
and rushed upon ,mr4 ,biddle8 ,a        
slaveholder4 ,who is ,mr4 ,peyton who   
drew his pistol on a witness before  a  
committee of ,congress8 ,a slaveholder  
of course4 ,all these bullies  were     
slaveholders1 and they magnified their  
office1 and slaveholding  was justified 
of her children4 ,we might fill a volume
 with similar  chronicles of            
slaveholding brutality4 ,but time would 
fail us4 ,suffice  it to say1 that since

 the organization of the government1 a  
majority  of the most distinguished men 
in the slaveholding states have gloried 
in strutting over the stage in the      
character of murderers4 ,look at the    
men whom the people delight to honor4   
,president ,jackson1 ,senator  ,benton1 
the late ,gen4 ,coffee1--it is but a few
 years since these  slaveholders shot   
at1 and stabbed1 and stamped upon each  
other in a  tavern broil4 ,general      
,jackson had previously killed ,mr4     
,dickenson4  ,senator ,clay of ,kentucky
 has immortalized himself by shooting at
 a  near relative of ,chief ,justice    
,marshall1 and being wounded by him2 and
  not long after by shooting at ,john   
,randolph of ,virginia4 ,governor       
,m',duffie of ,south ,carolina has      
signalized himself also1 both by        
shooting and being shot1--so has        
,governor ,poindexter1 and ,governor    
,rowan1 and ,judge ,m',kinley of the    
,u4,s4 ,supreme ,court1 late senator in 
,congress from ,alabama1--but we desist2

 a full catalogue would fill  pages4 ,we
 will only add1 that a few months since1
 in the city of  ,london1 ,governor     
,hamilton1 of ,south ,carolina1 went    
armed with pistols1  to the lodgings of 
,daniel ,o',connell1 'to stop his wind' 
in the  bullying slang of his own       
published boast4 ,during the last       
session of  ,congress ,messrs4          
,dromgoole and ,wise#da of ,virginia1   
,w4 ,cost ,johnson  and ,jenifer of     
,maryland1 ,pickens and ,campbell of    
,south ,carolina1 and  we know not how  
many more slaveholding members of       
,congress have been  engaged1 either as 
principals or seconds1 in that species  
of murder  dignified with the name of   
duelling4 ,but enough2 we are           
heart-sick4  ,what meaneth all this8    
,are slaveholders worse than other men8 
,no6 but  arbitrary power has wrought in
 them its mystery of iniquity1 and      
poisoned their better nature with its   
infuriating sorcery4    ,their savage   
ferocity toward each other when their   

passions are up1 is  the natural result 
of their habit of daily plundering and  
oppressing  the slave4    ,the ,north   
,carolina ,standard of ,august #cj1     
#ahcg1 contains the following           
illustration of this ferocity exhibited 
by two southern lawyers in  settling the
 preliminaries of a duel4    ,the       
following conditions were proposed by   
,alexander ,k4 ,mc,clung1 of  ,raymond1 
in the ,state of ,mississippi1 to ,h4,c4
 ,stewart1 as the laws to  govern a duel
 they were to fight near ,vicksburg3    
,article #ast4 ,the parties shall meet  
opposite ,vicksburg1 in the ,state  of  
,louisiana1 on ,thursday the #bith inst4
 precisely at #d o'clock1 ,p4,m4        
,agreed to4    #b;d4 ,the weapons to be 
used by each shall weigh one pound two  
and a  half ounces1 measuring sixteen   
inches and a half in length1 including  
the handle1 and one inch and            
three-eighths in breadth4 ,agreed to4   
#c;d4 ,both knives shall be sharp on one
 edge1 and on the back shall be  sharp  

only one inch at the point4 ,agreed to4 
#dth4 ,each party shall stand at the    
distance of eight feet from the  other1 
until the word is given4 ,agreed to4    
#eth4 ,the second of each party shall   
throw up1 with a silver dollar1 on  the 
ground1 for the word1 and two best out  
of three shall win the  word4 ,agreed   
to4    #fth4 ,after the word is given1  
either party may take what advantage he 
can with his knife1 but on throwing his 
knife at the other1 shall be  shot down 
by the second of his opponent4 ,agreed  
to4    #gth4 ,each party shall be       
stripped entirely naked1 except one pair
 of  linen pantaloons2 one pair of      
socks1 and boots or pumps as the party  
please4 ,acceded to4    #hth4 ,the wrist
 of the left arm of each party shall be 
tied tight to  his left thigh1 and a    
strong cord shall be fastened around his
 left  arm at the elbow1 and then around
 his body4 ,rejected4    #ith4 ,after   
the word is given1 each party shall be  
allowed to advance  or recede as he     

pleases1 over the space of twenty acres 
of ground1  until death ensues to one of
 the parties4 ,agreed to--the parties to
 be  placed in the centre of the space4 
#ajth4 ,the word shall be given by the  
winner of the same1 in the  following   
manner1 viz3 ,gentlemen are you ready8  
,each party shall  then answer1 ,i am6  
,the second giving the word shall then  
distinctly  command--strike4 ,agreed to4
    ,if either party shall violate these
 rules1 upon being notified by the      
second of either party1 he may be liable
 to be shot down instantly4 ,as         
established usage points out the duty of
 both parties1 therefore  notification  
is considered unnecessary4    ,the      
,,favorite ,,amusements of slaveholders1
 like the gladiatorial shows  of ,rome  
and the ,bull ,fights of ,spain1 reveal 
a public feeling  insensible to         
suffering1 and a depth of brutality in  
the highest  degree revolting to every  
truly noble mind4 ,one of their most    
common  amusements is cock fighting4    

,mains of cocks1 with twenty1 thirty1   
and  fifty cocks on each side1 are      
fought for hundreds of dollars aside4   
,the fowls are armed with steel spurs or
 'gafts1' about two inches  long4 ,these
 'gafts' are fastened upon the legs by  
sawing off the  natural 'spur1' leaving 
only enough of it to answer the purpose 
of a  stock for the tube of the gafts1  
which are so sharp that at a  stroke the
 fowls thrust them through each other's 
necks and heads1 and  tear each other's 
bodies till one or both dies1 then two  
others are  brought forward for the     
amusement of the multitude assembled1   
and this  barbarous pastime is often    
kept up for days in succession1 hundreds
  and thousands gathering from a        
distance to witness it4 ,the following  
advertisements from the ,raleigh        
,register1 ,june #ah1 #ahch1 edited by  
,messrs4 ,gales and ,son1 the father and
 brother of ,mr4 ,gales1 editor of  the 
,national ,intelligencer1 and late      
,mayor of ,washington ,city1 reveal  the

 public sentiment of ,north ,carolina4  
,,chatham ,,against ,,nash1 or any other
 county in the ,state4 ,i am  authorized
 to take a bet of any amount that may be
 offered1 to ,,fight ,a  ,,main ,,of    
,,cocks1 at any place that may be agreed
 upon by the parties--to  be fought the 
ensuing spring4 ,,gideon ,,alston4      
,chatham county1 ,june #g1  #ahch4      
,two weeks after1 this challenge was    
answered as follows3    ,,to ,,mr4      
,,gideon ,,alston1 of ,chatham county1  
,n4,c4    ,,sir3 ,in looking over the   
,north ,carolina ,standard of the #bjth 
inst4 ,i  discover a challenge over your
 signature1 headed ',chatham against    
,nash1' in which you state3 that you are
 'authorized to take a bet of  any      
amount that may be offered1 to fight a  
main of cocks1 at any place  that may be
 agreed upon by the parties1 to be      
fought the ensuing  spring' which       
challenge ,i ,,accept3 and do propose to
 meet you at  ,rolesville1 in ,wake     
county1 ,n4,c4 on the last ,wednesday in

 ,may next1  the parties to show        
thirty-one cocks each--fight four days1 
and be  governed by the rules as laid   
down in ,turner's ,cock ,laws--which1 if
  you think proper to accede to1 you    
will signify through this or any  other 
medium you may select1 and then ,i will 
name the sum for which we  shall fight1 
as that privilege was surrendered by you
 in your  challenge4    ,i am1 sir1 very
 respectfully1 c4 ,,nicholas ,w4        
,,arrington1 near  ,hilliardston1 ,nash 
co4 ,north ,carolina ,june #bbnd1 #ahch 
,the following advertisement in the     
,richmond ,whig1 of ,july #ab1 #ahcg1   
exhibits the public sentiment of        
,virginia4    ,,main ,,of ,,cocks4--,a  
large ',,main ,,of ,,cocks1' #ba a side1
 for #be 'the  fight'1 and #ejj 'the    
odd1' will be fought between the ,county
 of  ,dinwiddie on one part1 and the    
,counties of ,hanover and ,henrico on   
the  other4    ,the 'regular' fighting  
will be continued three days1 and from  
the  large number of 'game uns' on both 

sides and in the adjacent country1  will
 be prolonged no doubt a fourth4 ,to    
prevent confusion and  promote 'sport1' 
the ,pit will be enclosed and furnished 
with seats2  so that those having a     
curiosity to witness a species of       
diversion  originating in a better day  
7for they had no rag money then17 can   
have  that very natural feeling         
gratified4    ,the ,petersburg          
,constellation is requested to copy4    
,horse-racing too1 as every body knows1 
is a favorite amusement of              
slaveholders4 ,every slave state has its
 race course1 and in the older  states  
almost every county has one on a small  
scale4 ,there is hardly a  day in the   
year1 the weather permitting1 in which  
crowds do not  assemble at the south to 
witness this barbarous sport4 ,horrible 
cruelty is absolutely inseparable from  
it4 ,hardly a race occurs of any        
celebrity in which some one of the      
coursers is not lamed1 'broken  down1'  
or in some way seriously injured1 often 

for life1 and not  unfrequently they are
 killed by the rupture of some vital    
part in the  struggle4 ,when the heats  
are closely contested1 the blood of the 
tortured animal drips from the lash and 
flies at every leap from the  stroke of 
the rowel4 ,from the breaking of girths 
and other accidents1  their riders      
7mostly slaves7 are often thrown and    
maimed or killed4  ,yet these amusements
 are attended by thousands in every part
 of the  slave states4 ,the wealth and  
fashion1 the gentlemen and ladies of    
the 'highest circles' at the south1     
throng the race course4    ,that those  
who can fasten steel spurs upon the legs
 of dunghill fowls1  and goad the poor  
birds to worry and tear each other to   
death--and  those who can crowd by      
thousands to witness such               
barbarity--that  those who can throng   
the race-course and with keen relish    
witness the  hot pantings of the        
life-struggle1 the lacerations and      
fitful spasms  of the muscles1 swelling 

through the crimsoned foam1 as the      
tortured  steeds rush in                
blood-welterings to the goal--that such1
 should look  upon the sufferings of    
their slaves with1 indifference is      
certainly  small wonder4    ,perhaps we 
shall be told that there are thronged   
race-courses at the  ,north4 ,true1     
there are a few1 and they are thronged  
chiefly by  ,southerners1 and ',northern
 men with ,southern principles1' and    
supported mainly by the patronage of    
slaveholders who summer at the  ,north4 
,cock-fighting and horse-racing are     
,southern institutions4  ,the idleness1 
contempt of labor1 dissipation1         
sensuality1 brutality1  cruelty1 and    
meanness1 engendered by the habit of    
making men and women  work without pay1 
and flogging them if they demur at it1  
constitutes a  congenial soil out of    
which cock-fighting and horse-racing are
 the  spontaneous growth4               
,again1--,the kind treatment of the     
slaves is often argued from the  liberal

 education and enlarged views of        
slaveholders4 ,the facts and  reasonings
 of the preceding pages have shown1 that
 'liberal  education1' despotic habits  
and ungoverned passions work together   
with  slight friction4 ,and every day's 
observation shows that the former is    
often a stimulant to the latter4    ,but
 the notion so common at the north that 
the majority of the  slaveholders are   
persons of education1 is entirely       
erroneous4 ,a very  few slaveholders in 
each of the slave states have been men  
of ripe  education1 to whom our national
 literature is much indebted4 ,a larger 
number may be called well               
educated--these reside mostly in the    
cities and large villages1 but a        
majority of the slaveholders are        
ignorant men1 thousands of them         
notoriously so1 mere boors unable to    
write their names or to read the        
alphabet4    ,no one of the slave states
 has probably so much general education 
as  ,virginia4 ,it is the oldest of     

them--has furnished one half of the     
presidents of the ,united ,states--has  
expended more upon her university  than 
any state in the ,union has done during 
the same time upon its  colleges--sent  
to ,europe nearly twenty years since for
 her most  learned professors1 and in   
fine1 has far surpassed every other     
slave  state in her efforts to          
disseminate education among her         
citizens1 and  yet1 the ,governor of    
,virginia in his message to the         
legislature 7,jan4  #g1 #ahci7 says1    
that of four thousand six hundred and   
fourteen adult  males in that state1 who
 applied to the county clerks for       
marriage  licenses in the year #ahcg1   
',,one ,,thousand ,,and ,,forty ,,seven 
were unable  to write their names4' ,the
 governor adds1 ',these statements1 it  
will  be remembered1 are confined to one
 sex3 the education of females it is  to
 be feared1 is in a condition of much   
greater neglect4'    ,the ,editor of the
 ,virginia ,times1 published at         

,wheeling1 in his paper  of ,jan4 #bc1  
#ahci1 says1--    ,we have every reason 
to suppose that one-fourth of the people
 of the  state cannot write their names1
 and they have not1 of course1 any      
other species of education4    ,kentucky
 is the child of ,virginia2 her first   
settlers were some of the  most         
distinguished citizens of the mother    
state2 in the general  diffusion of     
intelligence amongst her citizens       
,kentucky is probably in  advance of all
 the slave states except ,virginia and  
,south ,carolina2  and yet ,governor    
,clark1 in his last message to the      
,kentucky  ,legislature1 7,dec #e1      
#ahch7 makes the following declaration3 
,from the  computation of those most    
familiar with the subject1 it appears   
that  ,,at ,,least ,,one ,,third ,,of   
,,the ,,adult ,,population ,,of ,,the   
,,state ,,are ,,unable ,,to  ,,write    
,,their ,,names4    ,the following      
advertisement in the ,milledgeville     
7,geo47 ,journal1  ,dec4 #bf1 #ahcg1 is 

another specimen from one of the 'old   
thirteen4'    ,,notice4--,i1 ,pleasant  
,webb1 of the ,state of ,georgia1       
,oglethorpe  county1 being an illiterate
 man1 and not able to write my own name1
  and whereas it hath been represented  
to me that there is a certain           
promissory note or notes out against me 
that ,i know nothing of1 and  further   
that some man in this ,state holds a    
bill of sale for a  certain negro woman 
named ,ailsey and her increase1 a part  
of which is  now in my possession1 which
 ,i also know nothing of4 ,now do hereby
  certify and declare1 that ,i have no  
knowledge whatsoever of any such  papers
 existing in my name as above stated and
 ,i hereby require all or  any person or
 persons whatsoever holding or          
pretending to hold any  such papers1 to 
produce them to me within thirty days   
from the date  hereof1 shewing their    
authority for holding the same1 or they 
will be  considered fictitious and      
fraudulently obtained or raised1 by some

  person or persons for base purposes   
after my death4    ,given under my hand 
this #bnd day of ,december1 #ahcg4      
,,pleasant ,,webb4  his mark ,x4        
,,finally1 ,,that ,,slaves ,,must       
,,habitually ,,suffer ,,great           
,,cruelties1 ,,follows  ,,inevitably    
,,from ,,the ,,brutal ,,outrages ,,which
 ,,their ,,masters ,,inflict ,,on       
,,each ,,other4    ,slaveholders1       
exercising from childhood irresponsible 
power over human  beings1 and in the    
language of ,president ,jefferson1      
giving loose to  the worst of passions  
in the treatment of their slaves1 become
 in a  great measure unfitted for self  
control in their intercourse with each  
other4 ,tempers accustomed to riot with 
loose reins1 spurn restraints1  and     
passions inflamed by indulgence1 take   
fire on the least friction4  ,we repeat 
it1 the state of society in the slave   
states1 the duels1 and  daily deadly    
affrays of slaveholders with each       
other--the fact that  the most          

deliberate and cold-blooded murders are 
committed at noon  day1 in the presence 
of thousands1 and the perpetrators      
eulogized by  the community as honorable
 men1 reveals such a prostration of law1
  as gives impunity to crime--a state of
 society1 an omnipresent public         
sentiment reckless of human life1 taking
 bloody vengeance on the spot  for every
 imaginary affront1 glorying in such    
assassinations as the  only true honor  
and chivalry1 successfully defying the  
civil arm1 and  laughing its impotency  
to scorn4    ,when such things are done 
in the green tree1 what will be done in 
the  dry8 ,when slaveholders are in the 
habit of caning1 stabbing1 and  shooting
 each other at every supposed insult1   
the unspeakable  enormities perpetrated 
by such men1 with such passions1 upon   
their  defenceless slaves1 must be      
beyond computation4 ,to furnish the     
reader with an illustration of          
slaveholding civilization and morality1 
as exhibited in the unbridled fury1     

rage1 malignant hate1 jealousy1         
diabolical revenge1 and all those       
infernal passions that shoot up rank  in
 the hot-bed of arbitrary power1 we will
 insert here a mass of  testimony1      
detailing a large number of affrays1    
lynchings1  assassinations1 c41 c41     
which have taken place in various parts 
of  the slave states within a brief     
period--and to leave no room for cavil  
on the subject1 these extracts will be  
made exclusively from  newspapers       
published in the slave states1 and      
generally in the  immediate vicinity of 
the tragedies described4 ,they will not 
be made  second hand from northern      
papers1 but from the original southern  
papers1 which now lie on our table4     
,before proceeding to furnish details of
 certain classes of crimes in  the slave
 states1 we advertise the reader--#ast4 
,that we shall not  include in the list 
those crimes which are ordinarily       
committed in the  free1 as well as in   
the slave states4 #b;d4 ,we shall not   

include any of  the crimes perpetrated  
by whites upon slaves and free colored  
persons1  who constitute a majority of  
the population in ,mississippi and      
,louisiana1 a large majority in ,south  
,carolina1 and1 on an average1          
two-fifths in the other slave states4   
#c;d4 ,fist fights1 canings1  beatings1 
biting off noses and ears1 gougings1    
knockings down1 c41  unless they result 
in death1 will not be included in the   
list1 nor  will ordinary murders1 unless
 connected with circumstances that      
serve as a special index of public      
sentiment4 #dth4 ,neither will          
ordinary1 formal duels be included1     
except in such cases as just  specified4
 #eth4 ,the only crimes which1 as the   
general rule1 will be  specified1 will  
be deadly affrays with bowie knives1    
dirks1 pistols4  rifles1 guns1 or other 
death weapons1 and lynchings4 #fth4 ,the
 crimes  enumerated will1 for the most  
part1 be only those perpetrated  openly1
 without attempt at concealment4 #gth4  

,we shall not attempt  to give a full   
list of the affrays1 c41 that took place
 in the  respective states during the   
period selected1 as the only files of   
southern papers to which we have access 
are very imperfect4    ,the reader will 
perceive1 from these preliminaries1 that
 only a  small proportion of the crimes 
actually perpetrated in the  respective 
slave states during the period selected1
 will be entered  upon this list4 ,he   
will also perceive1 that the crimes     
which will be  presented are of a class 
rarely perpetrated in the free states2  
and if  perpetrated there at all1 they  
are1 with scarcely an exception1        
committed either by slaveholders1       
temporarily resident in them1 or by     
persons whose passions have been        
inflamed by the poison of a southern    
contact--whose habits and characters    
have become perverted by living  among  
slaveholders1 and adopting the code of  
slaveholding morality4    ,we now       
proceed to the details1 commencing with 

the new state of  ,arkansas4            
,,arkansas4    ,at the last session of  
the legislature of that state1 ,col4    
,john  ,wilson1 ,president of the ,bank 
at ,little ,rock1 the capital of the    
state1 was elected ,speaker of the      
,house of ,representatives4 ,he had     
been elected to that office for a number
 of years successively1 and  was one of 
the most influential citizens of the    
state4 ,while presiding  over the       
deliberations of the ,house1 he took    
umbrage at words spoken  in debate by   
,major ,anthony1 a conspicuous member1  
came down from the  ,speaker's chair1   
drew a large bowie knife from his bosom1
 and attacked  ,major ,a41 who defended 
himself for some time1 but was at last  
stabbed  through the heart1 and fell    
dead on the floor4 ,wilson deliberately 
wiped the blood from his knife1 and     
returned to his seat4 ,the  following   
statement of the circumstances of the   
murder1 and the trial  of the murderer1 
is abridged from the account published  

in the  ,arkansas ,gazette1 a few months
 since--it is here taken from the       
,knoxville 7,tennessee7 ,register1 ,july
 #d1 #ahch4    ,on the #adth of         
,december last1 ,maj4 ,joseph ,j4       
,anthony1 a member of the  ,legislature 
of ,arkansas1 was murdered1 while       
performing his duty as a  member of the 
,house of ,representatives1 by ,john    
,wilson1 ,speaker of  that ,house4      
,the facts were these3 ,a bill came from
 the ,senate1 commonly called the  ,wolf
 ,bill4 ,among the amendments proposed1 
was one by ,maj4 ,anthony1  that the    
signature of the ,president of the ,real
 ,estate ,bank should be  attached to   
the certificate of the wolf scalp4 ,col4
 ,wilson1 the  ,speaker1 asked ,maj4    
,anthony whether he intended the remark 
as  personal4 ,maj4 ,anthony promptly   
said1 ,no1 ,i do not4 ,and at that      
instant of time1 a message was delivered
 from the ,senate1 which  suspended the 
proceedings of the ,house for a few     
minutes4 ,immediately  after the        

messenger from the ,senate had retired1 
,maj4 ,anthony rose  from his seat1 and 
said he wished to explain1 that he did  
not intend  to insult the ,speaker or   
the ,house2 when ,wilson1 interrupting1 
peremptorily ordered him to take his    
seat4 ,maj4 ,anthony said1 as a  member1
 he had a right to the floor1 to explain
 himself4 ,wilson said1  in an angry    
tone1 ',sit down1 or you had better2'   
and thrust his hand  into his bosom1 and
 drew out a large bowie knife1 #aj or   
#aa inches in  length1 and descended    
from the ,speaker's chair to the floor1 
with the  knife drawn in a menacing     
manner4 ,maj4 ,anthony1 seeing the      
danger he  was placed in1 by ,wilson's  
advance on him with a drawn knife1 rose 
from his chair1 set it out of his way1  
stepped back a pace or two1 and  drew   
his knife4 ,wilson caught up a chair1   
and struck ,anthony with it4  ,anthony1 
recovering from the blow1 caught the    
chair in his left hand1  and a fight    
ensued over the chair4 ,wilson received 

two wounds1 one on  each arm1 and       
,anthony lost his knife1 either by      
throwing it at ,wilson1  or it escaped  
by accident4 ,after ,anthony had lost   
his knife1 ,wilson  advanced on         
,anthony1 who was then retreating1      
looking over his  shoulder4 ,seeing     
,wilson pursuing him1 he threw a chair4 
,wilson still  pursued1 and ,anthony    
raised another chair as high as his     
breast1 with  a view1 it is supposed1 of
 keeping ,wilson off4 ,wilson then      
caught hold  of the chair with his left 
hand1 raised it up1 and with his right  
hand  deliberately thrust the knife1 up 
to the hilt1 into ,anthony's heart1  and
 as deliberately drew it out1 and wiping
 off the blood with his  thumb and      
finger1 retired near to the ,speaker's  
chair4    ,as the knife was withdrawn   
from ,anthony's heart1 he fell a        
lifeless  corpse on the floor1 without  
uttering a word1 or scarcely making a   
struggle2 so true did the knife1 as     
deliberately directed1 pierce his       

heart4    ,three days elapsed before the
 constituted authorities took any notice
  of this horrible deed2 and not then1  
until a relation of the murdered        
,anthony had demanded a warrant for the 
apprehension of ,wilson4 ,several  days 
then elapsed before he was brought      
before an examining court4 ,he  then1 in
 a carriage and four1 came to the place 
appointed for his  trial4 ,four or five 
days were employed in the examination of
  witnesses1 and never was a clearer    
case of murder proved than on that      
occasion4 ,notwithstanding1 the court   
7,justice ,brown dissenting7  admitted  
,wilson to bail1 and positively refused 
that the prosecuting  attorney for the  
state should introduce the law1 to show 
that it was  not a bailable case1 or    
even to hear an argument from him4      
,at the time appointed for the session  
of the ,circuit ,court1 ,wilson         
appeared agreeably to his recognizance4 
,a motion was made by ,wilson's  counsel
 for change of venue1 founded on the    

affidavits of ,wilson1  and two other   
men4 ,the court thereupon removed the   
case to ,saline  county1 and ordered the
 ,sheriff to take ,wilson into custody1 
and  deliver him over to the ,sheriff of
 ,saline county4    ,the ,sheriff of    
,pulaski never confined ,wilson one     
minute1 but  permitted him to go where  
he pleased1 without a guard1 or any     
restraint imposed on him whatever4 ,on  
his way to ,saline1 he  entertained him 
freely at his own house1 and the next   
day delivered  him over to the ,sheriff 
of that county1 who conducted the       
prisoner to  the debtor's room in the   
jail1 and gave him the key1 so that he  
and  every body else had free egress and
 ingress at all times4 ,wilson  invited 
every body to call on him1 as he wished 
to see his friends1  and his room was   
crowded with visitors1 who called to    
drink grog1 and  laugh and talk with    
him4 ,but this theatre was not          
sufficiently large  for his purpose4 ,he
 afterwards visited the dram-shops1     

where he freely  treated all that would 
partake with him1 and went fishing and  
hunting  with others at pleasure1 and   
entirely with out restraint4 ,he also   
ate  at the same table with the ,judge1 
while on trial4    ,when the court met  
at ,saline1 ,wilson was put on his      
trial4 ,several  days were occupied in  
examining the witnesses in the case4    
,after the  examination was closed1     
while ,col4 ,taylor was engaged in a    
very able1  lucid1 and argumentative    
speech1 on the part of the prosecution1 
some  man collected a parcel of the     
rabble1 and came within a few yards of  
the court-house door1 and bawled in a   
loud voice1 'part them--part  them6'    
,every body supposed there was an       
affray1 and ran to the doors  and       
windows to see2 behold1 there was       
nothing more than the man1 and  the     
rabble he had collected around him1 for 
the purpose of annoying  ,col4 ,taylor  
while speaking4 ,a few minutes          
afterwards1 this same person  brought a 

horse near the court-house door1 and    
commenced crying the  horse1 as though  
he was for sale1 and continued for ten  
or fifteen  minutes to ride before the  
court-house door1 crying the horse1 in a
  loud and boisterous tone of voice4    
,the ,judge sat as a silent listener  to
 the indignity thus offered the court   
and counsel by this man1  without       
interposing his authority4    ,to show  
the depravity of the times1 and the     
people1 after the verdict  had been     
delivered by the jury1 and the court    
informed ,wilson that he  was           
discharged1 there was a rush toward him3
 some seized him by the  hand1 some by  
the arm1 and there was great and loud   
rejoicing and  exultation1 directly in  
the presence of the court3 and ,wilson  
told the  ,sheriff to take the jury to a
 grocery1 that he might treat them1 and 
invited every body that chose to go4    
,the house was soon filled to           
overflowing4 ,the rejoicing was kept up 
till near supper time3 but to  cap the  

climax1 soon after supper was over1 a   
majority of the jury1  together with    
many others1 went to the rooms that had 
been occupied  several days by the      
friend and relation of the murdered     
,anthony1 and  commenced a scene of the 
most ridiculous dancing1 7as it is      
believed17  in triumph for ,wilson1 and 
as a triumph over the feelings of the   
relations of the departed ,anthony4 ,the
 scene did not close here4 ,the  party  
retired to a dram-shop1 and continued   
their rejoicing until  about half after 
#aj o'clock4 ,they then collected a     
parcel of horns1  trumpets1 c41 and     
marched through the streets1 blowing    
them1 till  near day1 when one of the   
company rode his horse in the porch     
adjoining the room which was occupied by
 the relations of the  deceased4        
,this case is given to the reader at    
length1 in order fully to show1  that in
 a community where the law sanctions the
 commission of every  species of outrage
 upon one class of citizens1 it fosters 

passions  which will paralyze its power 
to protect the other classes4 ,look at  
the facts developed in this case1 as    
exhibiting the state of society  among  
slaveholders4 #ast4 ,that the members of
 the legislature are in  the habit of   
wearing bowie knives4 ,wilson's knife   
was #aj or #aa inches  long4#db #b;d4   
,the murderer1 ,wilson1 was a man of    
wealth1 president of  the bank at the   
capital of the state1 a high military   
officer1 and  had1 for many years1 been 
,speaker of the ,house of               
,representatives1 as  appears from a    
previous statement in the ,arkansas     
,gazette4 #c;d4 ,the  murder was        
committed in open day1 before all the   
members of the ,house1  and many        
spectators1 not one of whom seems to    
have made the least  attempt to         
intercept ,wilson1 as he advanced upon  
,anthony with his  knife drawn1 but made
 way for him1 as is stated in another   
account4  #dth4 ,though the murder was  
committed in the state-house1 at the    

capital of the state1 days passed before
 the civil authorities moved  in the    
matter2 and they did not finally do it1 
until the relations of  the murdered man
 demanded a warrant for the apprehension
 of the  murderer4 ,even then1 several  
days elapsed before he was brought      
before  an examining court4 ,when his   
trial came on1 he drove to it in state1 
drew up before the door with his coach  
and four1 alighted1 and  strided into   
court like a lord among his vassals2 and
 there1 though a  clearer case of       
deliberate murder never reeked in the   
face of the sun1  yet he was admitted to
 bail1 the court absolutely refusing to 
hear an  argument from the prosecuting  
attorney1 showing that it was not a     
bailable case4 #eth4 ,the sheriff of    
,pulaski county1 who had ,wilson in     
custody1 never confined him a moment1   
but permitted him to go at  large wholly
 unrestrained4 ,when transferred to     
,saline co4 for trial1  the sheriff of  
that county gave ,wilson the same       

liberty1 and he spent  his time in      
parties of pleasure1 fishing1 hunting1  
and at houses of  entertainment4 #fth4  
,finally1 to demonstrate to the world1  
that justice  among slaveholders is     
consistent with itself2 that authorizing
  man-stealing and patronising robbery1 
it will1 of course1 be the  patron and  
associate of murder also1 the judge who 
sat upon the case1  and the murderer who
 was on trial for his life before him1  
were  boon-companions together1 eating  
and drinking at the same table          
throughout the trial4 ,then came the    
conclusion of the farce--the  uproar    
round the court-house during the trial1 
drowning the voice of  the prosecutor   
while pleading1 without the least       
attempt by the court  to put it         
down--then the charge of the judge to   
the jury1 and their  unanimous verdict  
of acquittal--then the rush from all    
quarters around  the murderer with      
congratulations--the whole crowd in the 
court room  shouting and cheering--then 

,wilson leading the way to a tavern1    
inviting the sheriff1 and jury1 and all 
present to a treat--then the            
bacchanalian revelry kept up all night1 
a majority of the jurors                
participating--the dancing1 the         
triumphal procession through the        
streets with the blowing of horns and   
trumpets1 and the prancing of  horses   
through the porch of the house occupied 
by the relations of the  murdered       
,anthony1 adding insult and mockery to  
their agony4    ,a few months before    
this murder on the floor of the         
legislature1  ,george ,scott1 ,esq41    
formerly marshall of the state was shot 
in an  affray at ,van ,buren1 ,crawford 
co41 ,arkansas1 by a man named ,walker2 
and ,robert ,carothers1 in an affray in 
,st4 ,francis co41 shot ,william        
,rachel1 just as ,rachel was shooting at
 ,carothers' father4 7,national         
,intelligencer1 ,may #h1 #ahcg1 and     
,little ,rock ,gazette1 ,august #cj1    
#ahcg47    ,while ,wilson's trial was in

 progress1 ,mr4 ,gabriel ,sibley was    
stabbed  to the heart at a public       
dinner1 in ,st4 ,francis co41 ,arkansas1
 by  ,james ,w4 ,grant4 7,arkansas      
,gazette1 ,may #cj1 #ahch47    ,hardly a
 week before this1 the following        
occurred3    ,on the #afth ult41 an     
encounter took place at ,little ,rock1  
,ark41  between ,david ,f4 ,douglass1 a 
young man of #ah or #ai1 and ,dr4 ,wm4  
,c4  ,howell4 ,a shot was exchanged     
between them at the distance of #h or   
#aj  feet with double-barrelled guns4   
,the load of ,douglass entered the left 
hip of ,dr4 ,howell1 and a buckshot from
 the gun of the latter struck a  negro  
girl1 #ac or #ad years of age1 just     
below the pit of the stomach4  ,douglass
 then fired a second time and hit       
,howell in the left groin1  penetrating 
the abdomen and bladder1 and causing his
 death in four  hours4 ,the negro girl1 
at the last dates1 was not dead1 but no 
hopes  were entertained of her recovery4
 ,douglass was committed to await his   

trial at the ,april term of the ,circuit
 ,court4--,louisville ,journal4    ,the 
,little ,rock ,gazette of ,oct4 #bd1    
says1 ,we are again called upon  to     
record the cold blooded murder of a     
valuable citizen4 ,on the #ajth         
instant1 ,col4 ,john ,lasater1 of       
,franklin co41 was murdered by ,john ,w4
  ,whitson1 who deliberately shot him   
with a shot gun1 loaded with a  handful 
of rifle balls1 six of which entered his
 body4 ,he lived twelve  hours after he 
was shot4    ,whitson is the son of     
,william ,whitson1 who was unfortunately
 killed1  about a year since1 in a      
rencontre with ,col4 ,lasater1 7who was 
fully  exonerated from all blame by a   
jury17 and1 in revenge of his father's  
death1 committed this bloody deed4      
,these atrocities were all perpetrated  
within a few months of the time  of the 
deliberate assassination1 on the floor  
of the legislature by  the speaker1     
already described1 and are probably but 
a small portion  of the outrages        

committed in that state during the same 
period4 ,the  state of ,arkansas        
contains about forty-five thousand white
  inhabitants1 which is1 if we mistake  
not1 the present population of          
,litchfield county1 ,connecticut4 ,and  
we venture the assertion1 that a  public
 affray1 with deadly weapons1 has not   
taken place in that county  for fifty   
years1 if indeed ever since its         
settlement a century and a  half ago4   
,,missouri4    ,missouri became one of  
the ,united ,states in #ahba4 ,its      
present white  population is about two  
hundred and fifty thousand4 ,the        
following are  a few of the affrays that
 have occurred there during the years   
#ahcg  and '#ch4    ,the ,salt ,river   
,journal ,march #h1 #ahch1 has the      
following4    ,fatal ,affray4--,an      
affray took place during last week1 in  
the town  of ,new ,london1 between ,dr4 
,peake and ,dr4 ,bosley1 both of that   
village1  growing out of some trivial   
matter at a card party4 ,after some     

words1  ,bosley threw a glass at ,peake1
 which was followed up by other acts of 
violence1 and in the quarrel ,peake     
stabbed ,bosley1 several times with  a  
dirk1 in consequence of which1 ,bosley  
died the following morning4  ,the court 
of inquiry considered ,peake            
justifiable1 and discharged him  from   
arrest4    ,from the ,st4 ,louis        
,republican1 of ,september #bi1 #ahcg4  
,we learn that a fight occurred at      
,bowling-,green1 in this state1 a few   
days since1 between ,dr4 ,michael       
,reynolds and ,henry ,lalor4 ,lalor     
procured a gun1 and ,mr4 ,dickerson     
wrested the gun from him2 this  produced
 a fight between ,lalor and ,dickerson1 
in which the former  stabbed the latter 
in the abdomen4 ,mr4 ,dickerson died of 
the wound4    ,the following was in the 
same paper about a month previous1      
,august #ba1  #ahcg4    ,a ,horse ,thief
 ,shot4--,a thief was caught in the act 
of stealing a  horse on ,friday last1 on
 the opposite side of the river1 by a   

company  of persons out sporting4 ,mr4  
,kremer1 who was in the company1        
levelled  his rifle and ordered him to  
stop2 which he refused2 he then fired   
and  lodged the contents in the thief's 
body1 of which he died soon  afterwards4
 ,mr4 ,k4 went before a magistrate1 who 
after hearing the  case1 ,,refused ,,to 
,,hold ,,him ,,for ,,further ,,trial6   
,on the #eth of ,july1 #ahch1 ,alpha ,p4
 ,buckley murdered ,william ,yaochum in 
an affray in ,jackson county1 ,missouri4
 7,missouri ,republican1 ,july #bd1     
#ahch47    ,general ,atkinson of the    
,united ,states ,army was waylaid on the
 #dth of  ,september1 #ahch1 by a number
 of persons1 and attacked in his        
carriage  near ,st4 ,louis1 on the road 
to ,jefferson ,barracks1 but escaped    
after  shooting one of the assailants4  
,the ,new ,orleans ,true ,american of   
,october #bi1 '#ch1 speaking of this    
says3 ,it will be recollected that a    
few weeks ago1 ,judge ,dougherty1 one of
 the most respectable citizens  of ,st4 

,louis1 was murdered upon the same road4
    ,the same paper contains the        
following letter from the murderer of   
,judge ,dougherty4    ,murder of ,judge 
,dougherty4--,the ,st4 ,louis           
,republican received the  following     
mysterious letter1 unsealed1 regarding  
this brutal  murder3--    ,,natchez1    
,miss41 ,sept4 #bd4    ,messrs4         
,editors3--,revenge is sweet4 ,on the   
night of the #aath1 #abth1  and #acth1  
,i made preparations1 and did1 on the   
#adth ,july kill a  rascal1 and only    
regret that ,i have not the privilege of
 telling the  circumstance4 ,i have so  
placed it that ,i can never be          
identified2 and  further1 ,i have no    
compunctions of conscience for the death
 of ,thomas  ,m4 ,dougherty4    ,but    
instead of presenting individual affrays
 and single atrocities1  however        
numerous1 7and the ,missouri papers     
abound with them17 in order  to exhibit 
the true state of society there1 we     
refer to the fact now  universally      

notorious1 that for months during the   
last fall and  winter1 some hundreds of 
inoffensive ,mormons1 occupying a       
considerable  tract of land2 and a      
flourishing village in the interior of  
the state1  have suffered every species 
of inhuman outrage from the inhabitants 
of  the surrounding counties--that for  
weeks together1 mobs consisting of      
hundreds and thousands1 kept them in a  
state of constant siege1 laying  waste  
their lands1 destroying their cattle and
 provisions1 tearing  down their houses1
 ravishing the females1 seizing and     
dragging off and  killing the men4 ,not 
one of the thousands engaged in these   
horrible  outrages and butcheries has1  
so far as we can learn1 been indicted4  
,the following extract of a letter from 
a military officer of one of  the       
brigades ordered out by the ,governor of
 ,missouri1 to terminate the  matter1 is
 taken from the ,north ,alabamian of    
,december #bb1 #ahch4    ,correspondence
 of the ,nashville ,whig4      ,,the    

,,mormon ,,war4    ,,millersburg1 ,mo4  
,november #h4    ,dear ,sir--,a lawless 
mob had organized themselves for the    
express  purpose of driving the ,mormons
 from the country1 or exterminating     
them1 for no other reason1 that ,i can  
perceive1 than that these poor  deluded 
creatures owned a large and fertile body
 of land in their  neighborhood1 and    
would not let them 7the ,mobocrats7 have
 it for their  own price4 ,i have just  
returned from the seat of difficulty1   
and am  perfectly conversant with all   
the facts in relation to it4 ,the mob   
meeting with resistance altogether      
unanticipated1 called loudly upon  the  
kindred spirits of adjacent counties for
 help4 ,the ,mormons  determined to die 
in defence of their rights1 set about   
fortifying  their town ,far ,west1 with 
a resolution and energy that kept the   
mob  7who all the time were extending   
their cries of help to all parts of     
,missouri7 at bay4 ,the ,governor1 from 
exaggerated accounts of the  ,mormon    

depredations1 issued orders for the     
raising of several thousand  mounted    
riflemen1 of which this division raised 
five hundred1 and the  writer of this   
was honored with the appointment of ----
 to the  ,brigade4    ,on the first day 
of this month1 we marched for the seat  
of war1 but  ,general ,clark1           
,commander-in-chief1 having reached ,far
 ,west on the day  previous with a large
 force1 the difficulty was settled when 
we  arrived1 so we escaped the infamy   
and disgrace of a bloody victory4       
,before ,general ,clark's arrival1 the  
mob had increased to about four         
thousand1 and determined to attack the  
town4 ,the ,mormons upon the  approach  
of the mob1 sent out a white flag1 which
 being fired on by  the mob1 ,jo ,smith 
and ,rigdon1 and a few other ,mormons of
 less  influence1 gave themselves up to 
the mob1 with a view of so far          
appeasing their wrath as to save their  
women and children from  violence4 ,vain
 hope6 ,the prisoners being secured1 the

 mob entered the  town and perpetrated  
every conceivable act of brutality and  
outrage--forcing fifteen or twenty      
,mormon girls to yield to their  brutal 
passions666 ,of these things ,i was     
assured by many persons while  ,i was at
 ,far ,west1 in whose veracity ,i have  
the utmost confidence4 ,i  conversed    
with many of the prisoners1 who numbered
 about eight  hundred1 among whom there 
were many young and interesting girls1  
and ,i  assure you1 a more distracted   
set of creatures ,i never saw4 ,i assure
  you1 my dear sir1 it was peculiarly   
heart-rending to see old gray  headed   
fathers and mothers1 young ladies and   
innocent babes1 forced at  this         
inclement season1 with the thermometer  
at #h degrees below zero1  to abandon   
their warm houses1 and many of them the 
luxuries and  elegances of a high degree
 of civilization and intelligence and   
take  up their march for the            
uncultivated wilds of the ,missouri     
frontier4    ,the better informed here  

have but one opinion of the result of   
this  ,mormon persecution1 and that is1 
it is a most fearful extension of       
,judge ,lynch's jurisdiction4    ,the   
present white population of ,missouri is
 but thirty thousand less  than that of 
,new ,hampshire1 and yet the insecurity 
of human life in  the former state to   
that in the latter1 is probably at least
 twenty to  one4        ,,alabama4      
,this state was admitted to the ,union  
in #ahai4 ,its present white  population
 is not far from three hundred thousand4
 ,the security of  human life to        
,alabama1 may be inferred from the facts
 and testimony  which follow3    ,the   
,mobile ,register of ,nov4 #ae1 #ahcg1  
contains the annual message of  ,mr4    
,mc,vay1 the acting ,governor of the    
state1 at the opening of the            
,legislature4 ,the message has the      
following on the frequency of           
homicides3    ,we hear of homicides in  
different parts of the state            
continually1  and yet how few           

convictions for murder1 and still fewer 
executions8  ,how is this to be         
accounted for8 ,in regard to 'assault   
and battery  with intent to commit      
murder1' why is it that this offence    
continues  so common--why do we hear of 
stabbings and shootings almost daily in 
some part or other of our state8    ,the
 ,montgomery 7,alabama7 ,advertiser of  
,april #bb1 #ahcg1 has the  following   
from the ,mobile ,register3    ,within a
 few days a man was shot in an affray in
 the upper part of  the town1 and has   
since died4 ,the perpetrator of the     
violence is at  large4 ,we need hardly  
speak of another scene which occurred in
 ,royal  street1 when a fray occurred   
between two individuals1 a third        
standing  by with a cocked pistol to    
prevent interference4 ,on ,saturday     
night a  still more exciting scene of   
outrage took place in the theatre4      
,an altercation commenced at the        
porquett entrance between the           
check-taker and a young man1 which ended

 in the first being  desperately wounded
 by a stab with a knife4 ,the other also
 drew a  pistol4 ,if some strange       
manifestations of public opinion1 do not
  coerce a spirit of deference to law1  
and the abandonment of the habit  of    
carrying secret arms1 we shall deserve  
every reproach we may  receive1 and have
 our punishment in the unchecked growth 
of a spirit  of lawlessness1 reckless   
deeds1 and exasperated feeling1 which   
will  destroy our social comfort at     
home1 and respectability abroad4        
,from the ,huntsville ,democrat1 of     
,nov4 #g1 #ahcg4    ,a trifling dispute 
arose between ,silas ,randal and        
,pharaoh ,massingale1  both of ,marshall
 county4 ,they exchanged but a few      
words1 when the  former drew a ,bowie   
knife and stabbed the latter in the     
abdomen  fronting the left hip to the   
depth of several inches2 also inflicted 
several other dangerous wounds1 of which
 ,massengale died  immediately4--,randal
 is yet at large1 not having been       

apprehended4    ,from the ,free ,press  
of ,august #af1 #ahch4    ,the streets  
of ,gainesville1 ,alabama1 have recently
 been the scene of  a most tragic       
affair4 ,some five weeks since1 at a    
meeting of the  citizens1 ,col4         
,christopher ,scott1 a lawyer of good   
standing1 and one  of the most          
influential citizens of the place1 made 
a violent attack  on the ,tombeckbee    
,rail ,road ,company4 ,a ,mr4 ,smith1   
agent for the ,t4,r4,r4  ,company1 took 
,col4 ,c's remarks as a personal insult1
 and demanded an  explanation4 ,a day or
 two after1 as ,mr4 ,smith was passing  
,colonel  ,scott's door1 he was shot    
down by him1 and after lingering a few  
hours  expired4    ,it appears also from
 an ,alabama paper1 that ,col4 ,scott's 
brother1  ,l4,s4 ,scott ,esq41 and      
,l4,j4 ,smith ,esq41 were accomplices of
 the ,colonel  in the murder4    ,the   
following is from the ,natchez ,free    
,trader1 ,june #ad1 #ahch4    ,an       
affray1 attended with fatal             

consequences1 occurred in the town of   
,moulton1 ,alabama1 on the #abth ,may4  
,it appears that three young men  from  
the country1 of the name of ,j4 ,walton1
 ,geo4 ,bowling1 and  ,alexander        
,bowling1 rode into ,moulton on that day
 for the purpose of  chastising the     
bar-keeper at ,mc,cord's tavern1 whose  
name is ,cowan1 for  an alleged insult  
offered by him to the father of young   
,walton4 ,they  made a furious attack on
 ,cowan1 and drove him into the bar room
 of the  tavern4 ,some time after1 a    
second attack was made upon ,cowan in   
the  street by one of the ,bowlings and 
,walton1 when pistols were resorted  to 
by both parties4 ,three rounds were     
fired1 and the third shot1 which  was   
said to have been discharged by ,walton1
 struck a young man by the  name of     
,neil1 who happened to be passing in the
 street at the time1  and killed him    
instantly4 ,the combatants were taken   
into custody1 and  after an examination 
before two magistrates1 were bailed4    

,the following exploits of the ,alabama 
,volunteers1 are recorded in  the       
,florida ,herald1 ,jan4 #a1 #ahch4      
,,save ,,us ,,from ,,our ,,friends4--,on
 ,monday last1 a large body of men1     
calling themselves ,alabama ,volunteers1
 arrived in the vicinity of this  city4 
,it is reported that their conduct      
during their march from  ,tallahassee to
 this city has been a series of excesses
 of every  description4 ,they have      
committed almost every crime except     
murder1 and  have even threatened life4 
,large numbers of them paraded our      
streets1 grossly insulted our  females1 
and were otherwise extremely riotous in 
their conduct4 ,one of  the squads1     
forty or fifty in number1 on reaching   
the bridge1 where  there was a small    
guard of three or four men stationed1   
assaulted the  guard1 overturned the    
sentry-box into the river1 and bodily   
seized two  of the guard1 and threw them
 into the river1 where the water was    
deep1  and they were forced to swim for 

their lives4 ,at one of the men while   
in the water1 they pointed a musket1    
threatening to kill him2 and  pelted    
with every missile which came to hand4  
,the following ,alabama tragedy is      
published by the ,columbia 7,s4,c47     
,telescope1 ,sept4 99991 #ahcg1 from the
 ,wetumpka ,sentinel4    ,our highly    
respectable townsman1 ,mr4 ,hugh ,ware1 
a merchant of  ,wetumpka1 was standing  
in the door of his counting room1       
between the  hours of #h and #i o'clock 
at night1 in company with a friend1 when
 an  assassin lurked within a few paces 
of his position1 and discharged his     
musket1 loaded with ten or fifteen      
buckshot4 ,mr4 ,ware instantly fell1    
and expired without a struggle or a     
groan4 ,a coroner's inquest decided     
that the deceased came to his death by  
violence1 and that ,abner ,j4  ,cody1   
and his servant ,john1 were the         
perpetrators4 ,john frankly  confessed1 
that his master1 ,cody1 compelled him to
 assist1 threatening  his life if he    

dared to disobey2 that he carried the   
musket to the  place at which it was    
discharged2 that his master then        
received it  from him1 rested it on the 
fence1 fired and killed ,mr4 ,ware4     
,from the ,southern 7,miss47 ,mechanic1 
,april #ag1 #ahch4    ,,horrid          
,,butchery4--,a desperate fight occurred
 in ,montgomery1 ,alabama1  on the #bhth
 ult4 ,we learn from the ,advocate of   
that city1 that the  persons engaged    
were ,wm4 ,s4 ,mooney and ,kenyon       
,mooney1 his son1 ,edward  ,bell1 and   
,bushrod ,bell1 ,jr4 ,the first received
 a wound in the abdomen1  made by that  
fatal instrument1 the ,bowie knife1     
which caused his death  in about fifteen
 hours4 ,the second was shot in the     
side1 and would  doubtless have been    
killed1 had not the ball partly lost its
 force by  first striking his arm4 ,the 
third received a shot in the neck1 and  
now  lies without hope of recovery4 ,the
 fourth escaped unhurt1 and1 we         
understand has fled4 ,this is a brief   

statement of one of the bloodiest       
fights that we ever heard of4      ,from
 the ,virginia ,statesman1 ,may #f1     
#ahcg4    ,several affrays1 wherein     
pistols1 dirks and knives were used1    
lately  occurred at ,mobile4 ,one took  
place on the #hth inst41 at the theatre1
  in which a ,mr4 ,bellum was so badly  
stabbed that his life is despaired  of4 
,on the ,wednesday preceding1 a man     
named ,johnson shot another named  ,snow
 dead4 ,no notice was taken of the      
affair4      ,from the ,huntsville      
,advocate1 ,june #bj1 #ahcg4            
,,desperate ,,affray4--,on ,sunday the  
#aath inst41 an affray of desparate  and
 fatal character occurred near ,jeater's
 ,landing1 ,marshall county1  ,alabama4 
,the dispute which led to it arose out  
of a contested right to  possession of a
 piece of land4 ,a ,mr4 ,steele was the 
occupant1 and  ,mr4 ,james ,mc,farlane  
and some others1 claimants4 ,mr4 ,f4 and
 his friends  went to ,mr4 ,steele's    
house with a view to take possession1   

whether  peaceably or by violence1 we do
 not certainly know4 ,as they entered   
the house a quarrel ensued between the  
opposite parties1 and some  blows       
perhaps followed2 in a short time1      
several guns were discharged  from the  
house at ,mr4 ,mc,farlane and friends4  
,mr4 ,m4 was killed1 a ,mr4  ,freamster 
dangerously wounded1 and it is thought  
will not recover2 two  others were also 
wounded1 though not so as to endanger   
life4 ,mr4  ,steele's brother was       
wounded by the discharge of a pistol    
from one of  ,mr4 ,m's friends4 ,we have
 heard some other particulars about the 
affray1 but we abstain from giving them1
 as incidental versions are  often      
erroneous1 and as the whole matter will 
be submitted to legal  investigation4   
,four of ,steele's party1 his brother1  
and three whose  names are ,lenten1     
,collins and ,wills1 have been arrested1
 and are now  confined in the gaol in   
this place4      ,from the ,norfolk     
,beacon1 ,july #ad1 #ahch4    ,a few    

days since at ,claysville1 ,marshal co41
 ,alabama1 ,messrs4  ,nathaniel and     
,graves ,w4 ,steele1 while riding in a  
carriage1 were shot  dead1 and ,alex4   
,steele and ,wm4 ,collins1 also in the  
carriage1 were  severely wounded1 7the  
former supposed mortally17 by ,messrs4  
,jesse  ,allen1 ,alexander and ,arthur  
,mc,farlane1 and ,daniel ,dickerson4    
,the  ,steeles1 it appears1 last year   
killed ,james ,mc,farlane and another   
person in a similar manner1 which led to
 this dreadful retaliation4      ,from  
the ,montgomery 7,ala47                 
,advocate--,washington1 ,autauga ,co41  
,dec4 #bh1  #ahch4    ,,fatal           
,,rencontre4--,on ,friday last1 the     
#bhth ult41 a fatal rencontre  took     
place in the town of ,washington1       
,autauga county1 between ,john  ,tittle 
and ,thomas ,j4 ,tarleton1 which        
resulted in the death of the  former4   
,after a patient investigation of the   
matter1 ,mr4 ,tarleton was  released by 
the investigating tribunal1 on the      

ground that the  homicide was clearly   
justifiable4      ,the ,columbus 7,ga47 
,sentinel ,july #f1 #ahcg1 quotes the   
following from  the ,mobile 7,ala47     
,examiner4    ,a man by the name of     
,peter ,church was killed on one of the 
wharves  night before last4 ,the person 
by whom it was done delivered himself to
  the proper authorities yesterday      
morning4 ,the deceased and destroyer    
were friends and the act occurred in    
consequence of an immaterial  quarrel4  
,the ,milledgeville ,federal ,union of  
,july #aa1 #ahcg1 has the following     
,in ,selma1 ,alabama resided lately     
messrs4 ,philips and ,dickerson1        
physicians4 ,mr4 ,p4 is brother to the  
wife of ,v4 ,bleevin ,esq41 a rich      
cotton planter in that neighborhood2 the
 latter has a very lovely  daughter1 to 
whom ,dr4 ,d4 paid his addresses4 ,a    
short time since a  gentleman from      
,mobile married her4 ,soon after this1 a
 schoolmaster in  ,selma set a cry      
afloat to the effect1 that he had heard 

,dr4 ,d4 say  things about the lady's   
conduct before marriage which ought not 
to be  said about any lady4 ,dr4 ,d4    
denied having said such things1 and the 
other denied having spread the story2   
but neither denials sufficed to  pacify 
the enraged parent4 ,he met ,dr4 ,d4    
fired at him two pistols1 and  wounded  
him4 ,dr4 ,d4 was unarmed1 and advanced 
to ,mr4 ,bleevin1 holding  up his hands 
imploringly1 when ,mr4 ,b4 drew a ,bowie
 knife1 and stabbed  him to the heart4  
,the doctor dropped dead on the spot3   
and ,mr4 ,bleevin  has been held to     
bail4      ,the following is taken from 
the ,alabama1 ,intelligencer1 ,sept4    
#ag1  #ahch4    ,on the #eth instant1 a 
deadly rencounter took place in the     
streets of  ,russelville1 7our county   
town17 between ,john ,a4 ,chambers1     
,esq41 of the  city of ,mobile1 and     
,thomas ,l4 ,jones1 of this county4 ,in 
the  rencounter1 ,jones was wounded by  
several balls which took effect in  his 
chin1 mouth1 neck1 arm1 and shoulder1   

believed to be mortal2 he  did not fire 
his gun4    ,mr4 ,chambers forthwith    
surrendered himself to the ,sheriff of  
the  county1 and was on the #fth1 tried 
and fully acquitted1 by a court of      
inquiry4      ,the ,maysville 7,ky47    
,advocate of ,august #ad1 #ahch1 gives  
the following  affray1 which took place 
in ,girard1 ,alabama1 ,july #ajth4      
,two brothers named ,thomas and ,hal    
,lucas1 who had been much in the  habit 
of quarrelling1 came together under     
strong excitement1 and ,tom1  as was his
 frequent custom1 being about to flog   
,hal with a stick of  some sort1 the    
latter drew a pistol and shot the       
former1 his own  brother1 through the   
heart1 who almost instantly expired6    
,the ,new ,orleans ,bee of ,oct4 #e1    
#ahch1 relates an affray in ,mobile1    
,alabama1 between ,benjamin ,alexander1 
an aged man of ninety1 with  ,thomas    
,hamilton1 his grandson1 on the #bdth of
 ,september1 in which the  former killed
 the latter with a dirk4    ,the ,red   

,river ,whig of ,july #g1 #ahch1 gives  
the particulars of a  tragedy in        
,western ,alabama1 in which a planter   
near ,lakeville1 left  home for some    
days1 but suspecting his wife's         
fidelity1 returned home  late at night1 
and finding his suspicions verified1 set
 fire to his  house and waited with his 
rifle before the door1 till his wife and
 her  paramour attempted to rush out1   
when he shot them both dead4      ,from 
the ,morgan 7,ala47 ,observer1 ,dec4    
#ahch4    ,we are informed from private 
sources1 that on last ,saturday1 a poor 
man who was moving westward with his    
wife and three little children  and     
driving a small drove of sheep1 and     
perhaps a cow or two1 which  was driven 
by his family1 on arriving in ,florence1
 and while passing  through1 met with a 
citizen of that place1 who rode into his
 flock and  caused him some trouble to  
keep it together1 when the mover        
informed  the individual that he must   
not do so again or he would throw a rock

  at him1 upon which some words ensued1 
and the individual again  disturbed the 
flock1 when the mover1 as near as we can
 learn1 threw at  him upon this the     
troublesome man got off his horse1 went 
into a  grocery1 got a gun1 and came out
 and deliberately shot the poor         
stranger in the presence of his wife and
 little children4 ,the wounded  man then
 made an effort to get into some house1 
when his murderous  assailant overtook  
and stabbed him to the heart with a     
,bowie knife4  ,this revolting scene1 we
 are informed1 occurred in the presence 
of  many citizens1 who1 report says1    
never even lifted their voices in       
defence of the murdered man4    ,a late 
number of the ,flag of the ,union1      
published at ,tuscalosa1 the  seat of   
the government of ,alabama1 states that 
since the commencement  of the late     
session of the legislature of that      
state1 no less than  ,,thirteen ,,fights
 had been had within sight of the       
capitol4 ,pistols  and ,bowie knives    

were used in every case4    ,the present
 white population of ,alabama is about  
the same with that of  ,new ,jersey1 yet
 for the last twenty years there has not
 been so many  public deadly affrays1   
and of such a horrible character1 in    
,new  ,jersey1 as have taken place in   
,alabama within the last eight months4  
,,mississippi4    ,mississippi became   
one of the ,united ,states in #ahag4    
,its present white  population is about 
one hundred and sixty thousand4    ,the 
following extracts will serve to show   
that those who combine  together to     
beat1 rob1 and manacle innocent men1    
women and children1  will stick at      
nothing when their passions are up4     
,the following murderous affray at      
,canton1 ,mississippi1 is from the      
,alabama ,beacon1 ,sept1 #ac1 #ahch4    
,a terrible tragedy recently occurred at
 ,canton1 ,miss41 growing out of  the   
late duel between ,messrs4 ,dickins and 
,drane of that place4 ,a  ,kentuckian   
happening to be in ,canton1 spoke of the

 duel1 and charged  ,mr4 ,mitchell      
,calhoun1 the second of ,drane1 with    
cowardice and  unfairness4 ,mr4 ,calhoun
 called on the ,kentuckian for an       
explanation1  and the offensive charge  
was repeated4 ,a challenge and fight    
with  ,bowie knives1 toe to toe1 were   
the consequences4 ,both parties were    
dreadfully and dangerously wounded1     
though neither was dead at the  last    
advices4 ,mr4 ,calhoun is a brother to  
the ,hon4 ,john ,calhoun1  member of    
,congress4    ,here follows the account 
of the duel referred to above1 between  
,messrs4 ,dickins and ,drane4           
,intelligence has been received in this 
town of a fatal duel that took  place in
 ,canton1 ,miss41 on the #bhth ult41    
between ,rufus ,k4 ,dickins1  and a ,mr4
 ,westley ,drane4 ,they fought with     
double barrelled guns1  loaded with     
buckshot--both were mortally wounded4   
,the ,louisville ,journal publishes the 
following1 ,nov4 #bc4    ,on the #gth   
instant1 a fatal affray took place at   

,gallatin1  ,mississippi4 ,the principal
 parties concerned were1 ,messrs4 ,john 
,w4  ,scott1 ,james ,g4 ,scott1 and     
,edmund ,b4 ,hatch4 ,the latter was shot
 down  and then stabbed twice through   
the body1 by ,j4,g4 ,scott4      ,the   
,alabama ,beacon of ,sept4 #ac1 #ahch1  
says3    ,an attempt was made in        
,vicksburg lately1 by a gang of         
,lynchers1 to  inflict summary          
punishment on three men of the name of  
,fleckenstein4  ,the assault was made   
upon the house1 about #aa o'clock at    
night4  ,meeting with some resistance   
from the three ,fleckensteins1 a leader 
of  the gang1 by the name of ,helt1     
discharged his pistol1 and wounded one  
of the brothers severely in the neck and
 jaws4 ,a volley of four or  five shots 
was almost instantly returned1 when     
,helt fell dead1 a piece  of the top of 
the skull being torn off1 and almost the
 whole of his  brains dashed out4 ,his  
comrades seeing him fall1 suddenly took 
to  their heels4 ,there were1 it is     

supposed1 some ten or fifteen  concerned
 in the transaction4      ,the          
,manchester 7,miss47 ,gazette1 ,august  
#aa1 #ahch1 says3    ,it appears that   
,mr4 ,asa ,hazeltine1 who kept a public 
or boarding  house in ,jackson1 during  
the past winter1 and ,mr4 ,benjamin     
,tanner1  came here about five or six   
weeks since1 with the intention of      
opening  a public house4 ,foiled in the 
design1 in the settlement of their      
affairs some difficulty arose as to a   
question of veracity between the        
parties4 ,mr4 ,tanner1 deeply excited1  
procured a pistol and loaded it  with   
the charge of death1 sought and found   
the object of his hatred in  the        
afternoon1 in the yard of ,messrs4      
,kezer  ,maynard1 and in the  presence  
of several persons1 after repeated and  
ineffectual attempts  on the part of    
,capt4 ,jackson to baffle his fell      
spirit1 shot the  unfortunate victim1 of
 which wound ,mr4 ,hazeltine died in a  
short time4    ,we understand that ,mr4 

,hazeltine was a native of ,boston4     
,the ,columbia 7,s4,c47 ,telescope1     
,sept4 #af1 #ahcg1 gives the details    
below3    ,by a letter from             
,mississippi1 we have an account of a   
rencontre which  took place in ,rodney1 
on the #bgth ,july1 between ,messrs4    
,thos4 ,j4  ,johnston and ,g4,h4        
,wilcox1 both formerly of this city4 ,in
 consequence  of certain publications   
made by these gentlemen against each    
other1  ,johnston challenged ,wilcox4   
,the latter declining to accept the     
challenge1 ,johnston informed his       
friends at ,rodney1 that he would be    
there at the term of the court then not 
distant1 when he would make an  attack  
upon him4 ,he repaired thither on the   
#bfth1 and on the next  morning the     
following communication was read aloud  
in the presence of  ,wilcox and a large 
crowd3    ,rodney1 ,july #bg1 #ahcg4    
,mr4 ,johnston informs ,mr4 ,wilcox1    
that at or about #a o'clock of this     
day1 he will be on the common1 opposite 

the ,presbyterian ,church of  this town1
 waiting and expecting ,mr4 ,wilcox to  
meet him there4    ,i pledge my honor   
that ,mr4 ,johnston will not fire at    
,mr4 ,wilcox1  until he arrives at a    
distance of one hundred yards from him1 
and ,i  desire ,mr4 ,wilcox or any of   
his friends1 to see that distance       
accurately measured4    ,mr4 ,johnston  
will wait there thirty minutes4    ,j4  
,m4 ,,duffield4    ,mr4 ,wilcox declined
 being a party to any such arrangement1 
and ,mr4 ,d4  told him to be prepared   
for an attack4 ,accordingly1 about an   
hour  after this1 ,johnston proceeded   
towards ,wilcox's office1 armed with a  
double-barrelled gun1 7one of the       
barrels rifled17 and three pistols  in  
his belt4 ,he halted about fifty yards  
from ,w's door and leveled his  gun4 ,w4
 withdrew before ,johnston could fire1  
and seized a musket1  returned to the   
door and flashed4 ,johnston fired both  
barrels without  effect4 ,wilcox then   
seized a double barrel gun1 and         

,johnston a musket1  and both again     
fired4 ,wilcox sent twenty-three buck   
shot over  ,johnston's head1 one of them
 passing through his hat1 and ,wilcox   
was  slightly wounded on both hands1 his
 thigh and leg4      ,from the ,alabama 
,beacon1 ,may #bg1 #ahch4    ,an affray 
of the most barbarous nature was        
expected to take place in  ,arkansas    
opposite ,princeton1 on ,thursday last4 
,the two original  parties have been    
endeavoring for several weeks1 to settle
 their  differences at ,natchez4 ,one of
 the individuals concerned stood        
pledged1 our informant states1 to fight 
three different antagonists in  one day4
 ,the fights1 we understand1 were to be 
with pistols2 but a  variety of other   
weapons were taken along--among others1 
the deadly  ,bowie knife4 ,these latter 
instruments1 we are told1 were whetted  
and  dressed up at ,grand ,gulf1 as the 
parties passed up1 avowedly with the    
intention of being used in the field4   
,from the ,southern 7,miss7 ,argus1     

,nov4 #ba1 #ahcg4    ,we learn that1 at 
a wood yard above ,natchez1 on ,sunday  
evening last1  a difficulty arose       
between ,captain ,crosly1 of the        
steamboat ,galenian1  and one of his    
deck passengers4 ,capt4 ,c4 drew a      
,bowie knife1 and made  a pass at the   
throat of the passenger1 which failed to
 do any harm1  and the captain then     
ordered him to leave his boat4 ,the man 
went on  board to get his baggage1 and  
the captain immediately sought the cabin
  for a pistol4 ,as the passenger was   
about leaving the boat1 the captain     
presented a pistol to his breast1 which 
snapped4 ,instantly the enraged  and    
wronged individual seized ,capt4 ,crosly
 by the throat1 and brought  him to the 
ground1 when he drew a dirk and stabbed 
him eight or nine  times in the breast1 
each blow driving the weapon into his   
body up to  the hilt4 ,the passenger was
 arrested1 carried to ,natchez1 tried   
and  acquitted4    ,the ,planter's      
,intelligencer publishes the following  

from the  ,vicksburg ,sentinel of ,june 
#ai1 #ahch4    ,about #a o'clock1 we    
observed two men 'pummeling' one another
 in the  street1 to the infinite        
amusement of a crowd4 ,presently a third
 hero  made his appearance in the arena1
 with ,bowie knife in hand1 and he      
cried out1 ,let me come at him6 ,upon   
hearing this threat1 one of the         
pugilists 'took himself off1' our hero  
following at full speed4  ,finding his  
pursuit was vain1 our hero returned1    
when an attack was  commenced upon      
another individual4 ,he was most cruelly
 beat1 and cut  through the skull with a
 knife2 it is feared the wounds will    
prove  mortal4 ,the sufferer1 we learn1 
is an inoffensive ,german4      ,from   
the ,mississippian1 ,nov4 #i1 #ahch4    
,on ,tuesday evening last1 #bc;d1 an    
affray occurred at the town of          
,tallahasse1 in this county1 between    
,hugh ,roark and ,captain ,flack1  which
 resulted in the death of ,roark4 ,roark
 went to bed1 and ,flack1  who was in   

the barroom below1 observed to some     
persons there1 that he  believed they   
had set up ,roark to whip him2 ,roark1  
upon hearing his  name mentioned1 got   
out of bed and came downstairs4 ,flack  
met and  stabbed him in the lower part  
of his abdomen with a knife1 letting out
  his bowels4 ,roark ran to the door1   
and received another stab in the  back4 
,he lived until ,thursday night1 when he
 expired in great agony4  ,flack was    
tried before a justice of the peace1 and
 we understand was  only held to bail to
 appear at court in the event ,roark    
should die4      ,from the ,grand ,gulf 
,advertiser ,nov4 #g1 #ahch4    ,attempt
 at ,riot at ,natchez4--,the ,courier   
says1 that in  consequence of the       
discharge of certain individuals who had
 been  arraigned for the murder of a man
 named ,medill1 a mob of about #bjj     
persons assembled on the night of the   
#ast instant1 with the avowed  purpose  
of lynching them4 ,but fortunately1 the 
objects of their  vengeance had escaped 

from town4 ,foiled in their purpose1 the
 rioters  repaired to the shantee where 
the murder was committed1 and           
precipitated it over the bluff4 ,the    
military of the city were ordered  out  
to keep order4      ,from the ,natchez  
,free ,trader4    ,a violent attack was 
lately made on ,captain ,barrett1 of the
 steamboat  ,southerner1 by three       
persons from ,wilkinson co41 ,miss41    
whose names  are ,carey1 and one of the 
name of ,j4,s4 ,towles4 ,the only reason
 for the  outrage was1 that ,captain ,b4
 had the assurance to require of the    
gentlemen1 who were quarreling on board 
his boat1 to keep order for  the peace  
and comfort of the other passengers4    
,towles drew a ,bowie  knife upon the   
,captain2 which the latter wrested from 
him4 ,a pistol1  drawn by one of the    
,careys was also taken1 and the         
assailant was  knocked overboard4       
,fortunately for him he was rescued from
 drowning4  ,the brave band then landed4
 ,on her return up the river1 the       

,southerner  stopped at ,fort ,adams1   
and on her leaving that place1 an armed 
party1  among whom were the ,careys and 
,towles1 fired into the boat1 but       
happily the shot missed a crowd of      
passengers on the hurricane deck4       
,from the ,mississippian1 ,dec4 #ah1    
#ahch4    ,greet ,spikes1 a citizen of  
this county1 was killed a few days ago1 
between this place and ,raymond1 by a   
man named ,pegram4 ,it seems that       
,pegram and ,spikes had been carrying   
weapons for each other for some  time   
past4 ,pegram had threatened to take    
,spikes' life on first sight1  for the  
base treatment he had received at his   
hands4    ,we have heard something of   
the particulars1 but not enough to give 
them at this time4 ,pegram had not been 
seen since4      ,the ,lynchburg        
,virginian1 ,july #bc1 #afch1 says3     
,a fatal affray occurred a few days ago 
in ,clinton1 ,mississippi4 ,the  actors 
in it were a ,mr4 ,parham1 ,mr4         
,shackleford1 and a ,mr4 ,henry4        

,shackleford was killed on the spot1 and
 ,henry was slightly wounded by  a shot 
gun with which ,parham was armed4       
,from the ,columbus 7,ga47 ,sentinel1   
,nov4 #bb1 #ahch4    ,butchery4--,a     
,bowie knife slaughter took place a few 
days since in  ,honesville1 ,miss4 ,a   
,mr4 ,hobbs was the victim2 ,strother   
the butcher4      ,the ,vicksburg       
,sentinel1 ,sept4 #bh1 #ahcg1 says3     
,it is only a few weeks since humanity  
was shocked by a most atrocious         
outrage1 inflicted by the ,lynchers1 on 
the person of a ,mr4 ,saunderson  of    
,madison1 co4 in this state4 ,they      
dragged this respectable planter  from  
the bosom of his family1 and mutilated  
him in the most brutal  manner--maiming 
him most inhumanly1 besides cutting off 
his nose and  ears and scarifying his   
body to the very ribs6 ,we believe the  
subject  of this foul outrage still     
drags out a miserable existence--an     
object  of horror and of pity4 ,last    
week a club of ,lynchers1 amounting to  

four  or five individuals1 as we have   
been credibly informed1 broke into the  
house of ,mr4 ,scott of ,wilkinson co41 
a respectable member of the bar1  forced
 him out1 and hung him dead on the next 
tree4 ,we have heard of  numerous minor 
outrages committed against the peace of 
society1 and  the welfare and happiness 
of the country2 but we mention these as 
the  most enormous that we have heard   
for some months4    ,it now becomes our 
painful duty1 to notice a most          
disgraceful outrage  committed by the   
,lynchers of ,vicksburg1 on last        
,sunday4 ,the victim was  a ,mr4 ,grace1
 formerly of the neighborhood of        
,warrenton1 ,va41 but for  two years a  
resident of this city4 ,he was detected 
in giving free  passes to slaves and    
brought to trial before ,squire ,maxey4 
,unfortunately for the wretch1 either   
through the want of law or  evidence1 he
 could not be punished1 and he was set  
at liberty by the  magistrate4 ,the city
 marshal seeing that a few in the crowd 

were  disposed to lay violent hands on  
the prisoner in the event of his        
escaping punishment by law1 resolved to 
accompany him to his house4  ,the ,lynch
 mob still followed1 and the marshal    
finding the prisoner  could only be     
protected by hurrying him to jail1      
endeavored to effect  that object4 ,the 
,lynchers1 however1 pursued the officer 
of the law1  dragged him from his horse1
 bruised him1 and conveyed the prisoner 
to  the most convenient point of the    
city for carrying their blood-thirsty   
designs into execution4 ,we blush while 
we record the atrocious deed2  in this  
city1 containing nearly #e1jjj souls1 in
 the broad light of  day1 this aged     
wretch was stripped and flogged1 we     
believe within  hearing of the          
lamentations and the shrieks of his     
afflicted wife and  children4      ,in  
an affray at ,montgomery1 ,mississippi1 
,july #a1 #ahch1 ,mr4 ,a4,l4  ,herbert  
was killed by ,dr4 ,j4,b4 ,harrington4  
,see ,grand ,gulf ,advertiser1  ,august 

#a1 #ahch4      ,the ,maryland          
,republican of ,january #cj1 #ahch1 has 
the following3    ,a street rencounter  
lately took place in ,jackson1 ,miss41  
between ,mr4  ,robert ,mc,donald and    
,mr4 ,w4,h4 ,lockhart1 in which         
,mc,donald was shot with  a pistol and  
immediately expired4 ,lockhart was      
committed to prison4      ,the          
,nashville ,banner1 ,june #bb1 #ahch1   
has the following3    ,on the #hth inst4
 ,col4 ,james ,m4 ,hulet was shot with a
 rifle without  any apparent provocation
 in ,gallatin1 ,miss41 by one ,richard  
,m4 ,jones4      ,from the ,huntsville  
,democrat1 ,dec4 #h1 #ahch4    ,the     
,aberdeen 7,miss47 ,advocate1 of        
,saturday last1 states that on the      
morning of the day previous1 7the #ith7 
a dispute arose between ,mr4  ,robert   
,smith and ,mr4 ,alexander ,eanes1 both 
of ,aberdeen1 which resulted  in the    
death of ,mr4 ,smith1 who kept a        
boarding house1 and was an  amiable man 
and a good citizen4 ,in the course of   

the contradictory  words of the         
disputants1 the lie was given by ,eanes1
 upon which ,smith  gathered up a piece 
of iron and threw it at ,eanes1 but     
which missed  him and lodged in the     
walls of the house4 ,at this ,eanes drew
 a large  dirk knife1 and stabbed ,smith
 in the abdomen1 the knife penetrating  
the vitals1 and thus causing immediate  
death4 ,smith breathed only a  few      
seconds after the fatal thrust4         
,eanes immediately mounted his horse and
 rode off1 but was pursued by  ,mr4     
,hanes1 who arrested and took him back1 
when he was put under guard  to await a 
trial before the proper authorities4    
,from the ,vicksburg ,register1 ,nov4   
#ag1 #ahch4    ,on the #b;d inst4 an    
affray occurred between one ,stephen    
,scarbrough and  ,a4,w4 ,higbee of      
,grand ,gulf1 in which ,scarbrough was  
stabbed with a  knife1 which occasioned 
his death in a few hours4 ,higbee has   
been  arrested and committed for trial4 
,from the ,huntsville 7,ala47 ,democrat 

,nov4 #aj1 #ahch4    ,life in the       
,southwest4--,a friend in ,louisiana    
writes1 under date of  the #cast ult41  
that a fight took place a few days ago  
in ,madison  parish1 #fj miles below    
,lake ,providence1 between a ,mr4       
,nevils and a ,mr4  ,harper1 which      
terminated fatally4 ,the police jury had
 ordered a road  on the right bank of   
the ,mississippi1 and the neighboring   
planters  were out with their forces to 
open it4 ,for some offence1 ,nevils1 the
  superintendent of the operations1     
flogged two of ,harper's negroes4 ,the  
next day the parties met on horseback1  
when ,harper dismounted1 and  proceeded 
to cowskin ,nevils for the chastisement 
inflicted on the  negroes4 ,nevils      
immediately drew a pistol and shot his  
assailant dead  on the spot4 ,both were 
gentlemen of the highest respectability4
    ,an affray also came off recently1  
as the same correspondent writes  us1 in
 ,raymond1 ,hinds co41 ,miss41 which for
 a serious one1 was rather  amusing4    

,the sheriff had a process to serve on a
 man of the name of  ,bright1 and1 in   
consequence of some difficulty and      
intemperate  language1 thought proper to
 commence the service by the application
 of  his cowskin to the defendant4      
,bright thereupon floored his adversary1
  and1 wresting his cowhide from him1   
applied it to its owner to the  extent  
of at least five hundred lashes1        
meanwhile threatening to shoot  the     
first bystander who attempted to        
interfere4 ,the sheriff was  carried    
home in a state of insensibility1 and   
his life has been  despaired of4 ,the   
mayor of the place1 however1 issued his 
warrant1 and  started three of the      
sheriff's deputies in pursuit of the    
delinquent1  but the latter1 after      
keeping them at bay till they found it  
impossible to arrest him1 surrendered   
himself to the magistrate1 by  whom he  
was bound over to the next ,circuit     
,court4 ,from the mayor's  office1 his  
honor and the parties litigant proceeded

 to the tavern to  take a drink by way  
of ending hostilities4 ,but the civil   
functionary  refused to sign articles of
 peace by touching glasses with ,bright1
  whereupon the latter made a furious   
assault upon him1 and then turned  and  
flogged 'mine host' within an inch of   
his life because he  interfered4        
,satisfied with his day's work1 ,bright 
retired4 ,can we show  any such         
specimens of chivalry and refinement in 
,kentucky6      ,from the ,grand ,gulf  
7,miss47 ,advertiser1 ,june #bg1 #ahcg4 
,,death ,,by ,,violence4--,the moral    
atmosphere in our state appears to be   
in a deleterious and sanguinary         
condition4 ,almost every exchange  paper
 which reaches us contains some inhuman 
and revolting case of  murder or death  
by violence4 ,not less than fifteen     
deaths by violence  have occurred1 to   
our certain knowledge1 within the past  
three  months4 ,such a state of things1 
in a country professing to be moral  and
 christian1 is a disgrace to human      

nature and is well calculated1  to      
induce those abroad unacquainted with   
our general habits and  feelings1 to    
regard the morals of our people in no   
very enviable  light2 and does more to  
injure and weaken our political         
institutions  than years of pecuniary   
distress4 ,the frequency of such events 
is a  burning disgrace to the morality1 
civilization1 and refinement of  feeling
 to which we lay claim and so often     
boast in comparison with  the older     
states4 ,and unless we set about and put
 an immediate and  effectual termination
 to such revolting scenes1 we shall be  
compelled  to part with what all genuine
 southerners have ever regarded as their
  richest inheritance1 the proud        
appellation of the 'brave1 high-minded  
and chivalrous sons of the south4'      
,this done1 we should soon discover a   
change for the better--peace and  good  
order would prevail1 and the ends of    
justice be effectually and  speedily    
attained1 and then the people of this   

wealthy state would be  in a condition  
to bid defiance to the disgraceful      
reproaches which are  now daily heaped  
upon them by the religious and moral of 
other  states4    ,the present white    
population of ,mississippi is but little
 more than  half as great as that of    
,vermont1 and yet more horrible crimes  
are  perpetrated by them ,,every        
,,month1 than have ever been perpetrated
 in  ,vermont since it has been a state1
 now about half a century4 ,whoever     
doubts it1 let him get data and make his
 estimate1 and he will find  that this  
is no random guess4        ,,louisiana4 
,louisiana became one of the ,united    
,states in #ahaa4 ,its present white    
population is about one hundred and     
fifteen thousand4    ,the extracts which
 follow furnish another illustration of 
the horrors  produced by passions blown 
up to fury in the furnace of arbitrary  
power4 ,we have just been looking over a
 broken file of ,louisiana  papers1     
including the last six months of #ahcg1 

and the whole of #ahch1  and find       
ourselves obliged to abandon our design 
of publishing even an  abstract of the  
scores and hundreds of affrays1 murders1
  assassinations1 duels1 lynchings1     
assaults1 c4 which took place in  that  
state during that period4 ,those which  
have taken place in ,new  ,orleans      
alone1 during the last eighteen months1 
would1 in detail1 fill  a volume4       
,instead of inserting the details of the
 principal atrocities  in ,louisiana1 as
 in the states already noticed1 we will 
furnish the  reader with the testimony  
of various editors of newspapers1 and   
others1 residents of the state1 which   
will perhaps as truly set forth  the    
actual state of society there1 as could 
be done by a publication  of the        
outrages themselves4      ,from the ,new
 ,orleans ,bee1 of ,may #bc1 #ahch4     
,contempt of human life4--,in view of   
the crimes which are daily  committed1  
we are led to inquire whether it is     
owing to the  inefficiency of our laws1 

or to the manner in which those laws are
  administered1 that this frightful     
deluge of human blood fowl through  our 
streets and our places of public resort4
    ,whither will such contempt for the 
life of man lead us8 ,the  unhealthiness
 of the climate mows down annually a    
part of our  population2 the murderous  
steel despatches its proportion2 and if 
crime increases as it has1 the latter   
will soon become the most  powerful     
agent in destroying life4    ,we cannot 
but doubt the perfection of our criminal
 code1 when we see  that almost every   
criminal eludes the law1 either by      
boldly avowing  the crime1 or by the    
tardiness with which legal prosecutions 
are  carried on1 or1 lastly1 by the     
convenient application of bail in       
criminal cases4      ,the ,new ,orleans 
,picayune of ,july #cj1 #ahcg1 says3    
,it is with the most painful feelings   
that we daily hear of some  fatal duel4 
,yesterday we were told of the unhappy  
end of one of our  most influential and 

highly respectable merchants1 who fell  
yesterday  morning at sunrise in a duel4
 ,as usual1 the circumstances which led 
to  the meeting were trivial4      ,the 
,new ,orleans correspondent of the ,new 
,york ,express1 in his letter  dated    
,new ,orleans1 ,july #cj1 #ahcg1 says3  
,,thirteen ,,duels have been fought in  
and near the city during the week2  five
 more were to take place this morning4  
,the ,new ,orleans ,merchant of ,march  
#bj1 #ahch1 says3    ,murder has been   
rife within the two or three weeks last 
past2 and  what is worse1 the           
authorities of those places where they  
occur are  perfectly regardless of the  
fact4      ,the ,new ,orleans ,bee of   
,september #h1 #ahch1 says3    ,not two 
months since1 the miserable ,,barba     
became a victim to one of  the most     
cold-blooded schemes of assassination   
that ever disgraced a  civilized        
community4 ,last ,sunday evening an     
individual1 ,gonzales by  name1 was seen
 in perfect health1 in conversation with

 his friends4 ,on  ,monday morning his  
dead body was withdrawn from the        
,mississippi1 near  the ferry of the    
first municipality1 in a state of       
terrible  mutilation4 ,to cap the climax
 of horror1 on ,friday morning1 about   
half  past six o'clock1 the coroner was 
called to hold an inquest over the  body
 of an individual1 between ,magazine and
 ,tchoupitoulas streets4 ,the  head was 
entirely severed from the body2 the     
lower extremities had  likewise suffered
 amputation2 the right foot was         
completely  dismembered from the leg1   
and the left knee nearly severed from   
the  thigh4 ,several stabs1 wounds and  
bruises1 were discovered on various     
parts of the body1 which of themselves  
were sufficient to produce  death4      
,the ,georgetown 7,south ,carolina7     
,union of ,may #bj1 #ahcg1 has the      
following extract from a ,new ,orleans  
paper4    ,a short time since1 two men  
shot one another down in one of our bar 
rooms1 one of whom died instantly4 ,a   

day or two after1 one or two  infants   
were found murdered1 there was every    
reason to believe1 by  their own        
mothers4 ,last week we had to chronicle 
a brutal and bloody  murder1 committed  
in the heart of our city3 the very next 
day a  murder-trial was commenced in our
 criminal court3 the day ensuing  this1 
we published the particulars of ,hart's 
murder4 ,the day after  that1 ,tibbetts 
was hung for attempting to commit a     
murder2 the next  day again we had to   
publish a murder committed by two       
,spaniards at the  ,lake--this was on   
,friday last4 ,on ,sunday we published  
the account of  another murder committed
 by the ,italian1 ,gregorio4 ,on        
,monday1 another  murder was committed1 
and the murderer lodged in jail4 ,on    
,tuesday  morning another man was       
stabbed and robbed1 and is not likely to
  recover1 but the assassin escaped4    
,the same day ,reynolds1 who killed     
,barre1 shot himself in prison4 ,on     
,wednesday1 another person1 ,mr4        

,nicolet1 blew out his brains4          
,yesterday1 the unfortunate ,george     
,clement destroyed himself in his cell2 
and in addition to this  dreadful       
catalogue we have to add that of the    
death of two1 brothers1  who destroyed  
themselves through grief at the death of
 their mother2  and truly may we say    
that 'we know not what to-morrow will   
bring  forth4'      ,the ,louisiana     
,advertiser1 as quoted by the ,salt     
,river 7,mo47 ,journal  of ,may #be1    
#ahcg1 says3    ,within the last ten or 
twelve days1 three suicides1 four       
murders1 and  two executions1 have      
occurred in the city6    ,the ,new      
,orleans ,bee of ,october #be1 #ahcg1   
says3    ,we remark with regret the     
frightful list of homicides that are    
daily committed in ,new ,orleans4       
,the ,planter's ,banner of ,september   
#cj4 #ahch1 published at ,franklin1     
,louisiana1 after giving an account of  
an affray between a number of  planters1
 in which three were killed and a fourth

 mortally wounded1  says that ,davis    
7one of the murderers7 was arrested by  
the  by-standers1 but a justice of the  
peace came up and told them1 he  did not
 think it right to keep a man 'tied in  
that manner1' and  'thought it best to  
turn him loose4' ,it was accordingly so 
done4    ,this occurred in the parish of
 ,harrisonburg4 ,the ,banner closes the 
account by saying3    ,our informant    
states that five white men and one negro
 have been  murdered in the parish of   
,madison1 during the months of ,july and
  ,august4    ,this justice of the      
peace1 who bade the by-standers unloose 
the  murderer1 mentioned above1 has     
plenty of birds of his own feather      
among the law officers of ,louisiana4   
,two of the leading officers in  the    
,new ,orleans police took two witnesses1
 while undergoing legal  examination at 
,covington1 near ,new ,orleans1 carried 
them to a  bye-place1 and lynched them1 
during which inquisitorial operation1   
they divulged every thing to the        

officers1 ,messrs4 ,foyle and ,crossman4
  ,the preceding fact is published in   
the ,maryland ,republican of ,august    
#bb1 #ahcg4    ,judge ,canonge of ,new  
,orleans1 in his address at the opening 
of the  criminal court1 ,nov4 #d1 #ahcg1
 published in the ,bee of ,nov4 #h1 in  
remarking upon the prevalence of        
out-breaking crimes1 says3    ,is it    
possible in a civilized country such    
crying abuses are  constantly           
encountered8 ,how many individuals have 
given themselves  up to such culpable   
habits6 ,yet we find magistrates and    
juries  hesitating to expose crimes of  
the blackest dye to eternal contempt    
and infamy1 to the vengeance of the law4
    ,as a ,louisianian parent1 ,i       
reflect with terror that our beloved    
children1 reared to become one day      
honorable and useful citizens1 may  be  
the victims of these votaries of vice   
and licentiousness4 ,without  some      
powerful and certain remedy1 our streets
 will become butcheries  overflowing    

with the blood of our citizens4    ,the 
,editor of the ,new ,orleans ,bee1 in   
his paper of ,oct4 #ba1 #ahcg1  has a   
long editorial article1 in which he     
argues for the virtual  legalizing of   
,,lynch ,,law1 as follows3    ,we think 
then that in the circumstances in which 
we are placed1 the  ,legislature ought  
to sanction such measures as the        
situation of the  country render        
necessary1 by giving to justice a       
convenient  latitude4 ,there are        
occasions when the delays inseparable   
from the  administration of justice     
would be inimical to the public safety1 
and  when the most fatal consequences   
would be the result4    ,it appears to  
us1 that there is an urgent necessity to
 provide  against the inconveniences    
which result from popular judgment1 and 
to  check the disposition for the speedy
 execution of justice resulting  from   
the unconstitutional principle of a     
pretended ,lynch law1 by  authorizing   
the parish court to take cognizance     

without delay1 against  every free man  
who shall be convicted of a crime2 from 
the accusations  arising from the mere  
provocations to the insurrection of the 
working  classes4    ,all judicial      
sentences ought to be based upon law1   
and the terrible  privilege which the   
populace now have of punishing with     
death certain  crimes1 ought to be      
consecrated by law1 powerful interests  
would not  suffice in our view to excuse
 the interruption of social order1 if   
the  public safety was not with us the  
supreme law4    ,this is the reason that
 whilst we deplore the imperious        
necessity  which exists1 we entreat the 
legislative power to give the sanction  
of  principle to what already exists in 
fact4    ,the ,editor of the ,new       
,orleans ,bee1 in his paper1 ,oct #be1  
#ahcg1 says3    ,we remark with regret  
the frightful list of homicides1 whether
  justifiable or not1 that are daily    
committed in ,new ,orleans4 ,it is not  
through any inherent vice of legal      

provision that such outrages are        
perpetrated with impunity3 it is rather 
in the neglect of the  application of   
the law which exists on this subject4   
,we will confine our observation to the 
dangerous facilities afforded  by this  
code for the escape of the homicide4 ,we
 are well aware that  the laws in       
question are intended for the           
distribution of equal  justice1 yet we  
have too often witnessed the acquittal  
of delinquents  whom we can denominate  
by no other title than that of          
homicides1 while  the simple affirmation
 of others has been admitted 7in default
 of  testimony7 who are themselves the  
authors of the deed1 for which they     
stand in judgment4 ,the indiscriminate  
system of accepting bail is a  blot on  
our criminal legislation1 and is one    
great reason why so many  violators of  
the law avoid its penalties4 ,to this   
doubtless must be  ascribed the         
non-interference of the ,attorney       
,general4 ,the law of  habeas corpus    

being subjected to the interpretation of
 every  magistrate1 whether versed or   
not in criminal cases1 a degree of      
arbitrary and incorrect explanation     
necessarily results4 ,how  frequently   
does it happen that the ,mayor or       
,recorder decides upon the  gravest case
 without putting himself to the smallest
 trouble to inform  the ,attorney       
,general1 who sometimes only hears of   
the affair when  investigation is no    
longer possible1 or when the criminal   
has wisely  commuted his punishment into
 temporary or perpetual exile4    ,that 
morality suffers by such practices1 is  
beyond a doubt2 yet  moderation and     
mercy are so beautiful in themselves1   
that we would  scarcely protest against 
indulgence1 were it not well known that 
the  acceptance of bail is the safeguard
 of every delinquent who1 through       
wealth or connections1 possesses        
influence enough to obtain it4 ,here    
arbitrary construction glides amidst the
 confusion of testimony2 there  it      

presumes upon the want of evidence1 and 
from one cause or another  it is        
extremely rare1 that a refusal to bail  
has delivered the accused  into the     
hands of justice4 ,in criminal cases1   
the ,court and ,jury are  the proper    
tribunals to decide upon the reality of 
the crime1 and the  palliating          
circumstances2 yet it is not unfrequent 
for the public  voice to condemn as an  
odious assassin1 the very individual who
 by the  acquittal of the judge1 walks  
at large and scoffs at justice4    ,it  
is time to restrict within its proper   
limits this pretended right  of personal
 protection2 it is time to teach our    
population to abstain  from mutual      
murder upon slight                      
provocation4--,duelling1 ,heaven knows1 
is dreadful enough1 and quite a         
sufficient means of gratifying private  
aversion1 and avenging insult4 ,frequent
 and serious brawls in our  cafes1      
streets and houses1 every where attest  
the insufficiency or  misapplication of 

our legal code1 or the want of energy in
 its organs4  ,to say that unbounded    
license is the insult of liberty is     
folly4  ,liberty is the consequence of  
well regulated laws--without these1     
,freedom can exist only in name1 and the
 law which favors the escape of  the    
opulent and aristocratic from the       
penalties of retribution1 but  consigns 
the poor and friendless to the          
chain-gang or the gallows1 is  in fact  
the very essence of slavery66      ,the 
editor of the same paper says 7,nov4 #d1
 #ahcg47    ,perhaps by an equitable1   
but strict application of that law1 7the
 law  which forbids the wearing of      
deadly weapons concealed17 the effusion 
of human blood might be stopt which now 
defiles our streets and our             
coffee-houses as if they were shambles6 
,reckless disregard of the  life of man 
is rapidly gaining ground among us1 and 
the habit of  seeing a man whom it is   
taken for granted was armed1 murdered   
merely  for a gesture1 may influence the

 opinion of a jury composed of          
citizens1 whom1 ,,long ,,impunity ,,to  
,,homicides ,,of ,,every ,,kind has     
persuaded1 that the right of            
self-defence extends even to the taking 
of life for gestures1 more or less      
threatening4 ,so many ,,daily  instances
 of outbreaking passion which have      
thrown whole families into  the deepest 
affliction1 teach us a terrible lesson4 
,from the ,columbus 7,ga47 ,sentinel1   
,july #f1 #ahcg4    ,wholesale          
,murders4--,no less than three murders  
were committed in  ,new ,orleans on     
,monday evening last4 ,the first was    
that of a man in  ,poydras1 near the    
corner of ,tehapitoulas4 ,the murdered  
individual had  been suspected of a     
liason with another man's wife in the   
neighbourhood1 was caught in the act1   
followed to the above corner and  shot4 
,the second was that of a man in        
,perdido street4 ,circumstances not     
known4    ,the third was that of a      
watchman1 on the corner of ,custom      

,house and  ,burgundy street1 who was   
found dead yesterday morning1 shot      
through  the heart4 ,the deed was       
evidently committed on the opposite side
 from  where he was found1 as the       
unfortunate man was tracked by his blood
  across the street4 ,in addition to    
being shot through the heart1 two       
wounds in his breast1 supposed to have  
been done with a ,bowie knife1  were    
discovered4 ,no arrests have been made  
to our knowledge4      ,the editor of   
the ,charleston1 7,s4,c47 ,mercury of   
,april1 #ahcg1 snakes  the following    
remarks4    ,the energy of a ,tacon is  
much needed to vivify the police of ,new
  ,orleans4 ,in a single paper we find  
an account of the execution of one  man 
for robbery and intent to kill1 of the  
arrest of another for  stabbing a man to
 death with a carving knife2 and of a   
third found  murdered on the ,levee on  
the previous ,sunday morning4 ,in the   
last  case1 although the murderer was   
known1 no steps had been taken for  his 

arrest2 and to crown the whole1 it is   
actually stated in so many  words1 that 
the ,city guards are not permitted1     
according to their  instructions1 to    
patrol the ,levee after night1 for fear 
of attacks  from persons employed in    
steamboats6    ,the present white       
population of ,louisiana is but little  
more than that  of ,rhode ,island1 yet  
more appalling crime is committed in    
,louisiana  every day1 than in ,rhode   
,island during a year1 notwithstanding  
the  tone of public morals is probably  
lower in the latter than in any  other  
,new ,england state4        ,,tennessee4
      ,tennessee became one of the      
,united ,states in #agif4 ,its present  
white  population is about seven hundred
 thousand4    ,the details which follow1
 go to confirm the old truth1 that the  
exercise of arbitrary power tends to    
make men monsters4 ,the following1  from
 the ,memphis 7,tennessee7 ,enquirer1   
was published in the ,virginia          
,advocate1 ,jan4 #bf1 #ahch4    ,below  

will be found a detailed account of one 
of the most unnatural  and aggravated   
murders ever recorded4 ,col4 ,ward1 the 
deceased1 was a  man of high standing in
 the state1 and very much esteemed by   
his  neighbors1 and by all who knew him4
 ,the brothers concerned in this        
'murder1 most foul and unnatural1' were 
,lafayette1 ,chamberlayne1  ,caesar1 and
 ,achilles ,jones1 7the nephews of ,col4
 ,ward47    ,the four brothers1 all     
armed1 went to the residence of ,mr4    
,a4,g4 ,ward1  in ,shelby co41 on the   
evening of #bb;d instant4 ,they were    
conducted into  the room in which ,col4 
,ward was sitting1 together with some   
two or  three ladies1 his intended wife 
amongst the number4 ,upon their         
entering the room1 ,col4 ,ward rose1 and
 extended his hand to ,lafayette4  ,he  
refused1 saying he would shake hands    
with no such d----d rascal4  ,the rest  
answered in the same tone4 ,col4 ,ward  
remarked that they were  not in a proper
 place for a difficulty1 if they sought 

one4 ,col4 ,ward  went from the room to 
the passage1 and was followed by the    
brothers4  ,he said he was unarmed1 but 
if they would lay down their arms1 he   
could whip the whole of them2 or if they
 would place him on an equal  footing1  
he could whip the whole of them one by  
one4 ,caesar told  ,chamberlayne to give
 the ,col4 one of his pistols1 which he 
did1 and  both went out into the yard1  
the other brothers following4 ,while    
standing a few paces from each other1   
,lafayette came up1 and remarked  to the
 ,col41 ',if you spill my brother's     
blood1 ,i will spill yours1'  about     
which time ,chamberlayne's pistol fired1
 and immediately  ,lafayette bursted a  
cap at him4 ,the ,colonel turned to     
,lafayette1 and  said1 ',lafayette1 you 
intend to kill1' and discharged his     
pistol at  him4 ,the ball struck the    
pistol of ,lafayette1 and glanced into  
his  arm4 ,by this time ,albert ,ward1  
being close by1 and hearing the fuss1   
came up to the assistance of the        

,colonel1 when a scuffle amongst all    
hands ensued4 ,the ,colonel stumbled and
 fell down--he received several  wounds 
from a large bowie knife2 and1 after    
being stabbed1  ,chamberlayne jumped    
upon him1 and stamped him several times4
 ,after the  scuffle1 ,caesar ,jones was
 seen to put up a large bowie knife4    
,colonel  ,ward said he was a dead man4 
,by the assistance of ,albert ,ward1 he 
reached the house1 distance about #ae or
 #bj yards1 and in a few minutes        
expired4 ,on examination by the         
,coroner1 it appeared that he had       
received several wounds from pistols and
 knives4 ,albert ,ward was also  badly  
bruised1 not dangerously4      ,the ,new
 ,orleans ,bee1 ,sept4 #bb1 #ahch1      
published the following from  the       
,nashville 7,tennessee7 ,whig4    ,the  
,nashville ,whig1 of the #aath ult41    
says3 ,pleasant ,watson1 of ,de  ,kalb  
county1 and a ,mr4 ,carmichael1 of      
,alabama1 were the principals in  an    
affray at ,livingston1 ,overton county1 

last week1 which terminated  in the     
death of the former4 ,watson made the   
assault with a dirk1 and  ,carmichael   
defended himself with a pistol1 shooting
 his antagonist  through the body1 a few
 inches below the heart4 ,watson was    
living at  the last account4 ,the       
dispute grew out of a horse race4       
,the ,new ,orleans ,courier1 ,april #g1 
#ahcg1 has the following extract from   
the ,mc,minersville 7,tennessee7        
,gazette4    ,on ,saturday1 the #hth    
instant1 ,colonel ,david ,l4 ,mitchell1 
the worthy  sheriff of ,white county1   
was most barbarously murdered by a man  
named  ,joseph ,little4 ,colonel        
,mitchell had a civil process against   
,little4 ,he  went to ,little's house   
for the purpose of arresting him4 ,he   
found  ,little armed with a rifle1      
pistols1 c4 ,he commenced a conversation
  with ,little upon the impropriety of  
his resisting1 and stated his           
determination to take him1 at the same  
time slowly advancing upon  ,little1 who

 discharged his rifle at him without    
effect4 ,mitchell then  attempted to    
jump in1 to take hold of him when       
,little struck him over  the head with  
the barrel of his rifle1 and literally  
mashed his skull  to pieces2 and1 as he 
lay prostrate on the earth1 ,little     
deliberately  pulled a large pistol from
 his belt1 and placing the muzzle close 
to  ,mitchell's head1 he shot the ball  
through it4 ,little has made his        
escape4 ,there were three men near by   
when the murder was committed1  who made
 no attempt to arrest the murderer4     
,the following affray at ,athens1       
,tennessee1 from the ,mississippian1    
,august #aj1 #ahch4    ,an unpleasant   
occurrence transpired at ,athens on     
,monday4 ,captain  ,james ,byrnes was   
stabbed four times1 twice in the arm1   
and twice in  the side by ,a4,r4        
,livingston4 ,the wounds are said to be 
very severe1  and fears are entertained 
of their proving mortal4 ,the affair    
underwent an examination before         

,sylvester ,nichols1 ,esq41 by whom     
,livingston was let to bail4      ,the  
,west ,tennessean1 ,aug4 #d1 #ahcg1     
says--    ,a duel was fought at         
,calhoun1 ,tenn41 between ,g4,w4 ,carter
 and ,j4,c4  ,sherley4 ,they used       
yaugers at the distance of #bj yards4   
,the former was  slightly wounded1 and  
the latter quite dangerously4    ,june  
#bc;d1 #ahch1 ,benjamin ,shipley1 of    
,hamilton co41 ,tennessee1 shot         
,archibald ,mc,callie4 7,nashville      
,banner1 ,july #af1 #ahch47    ,june    
#bc;d1 #ahch1 ,levi ,stunston1 of       
,weakly co41 ,tennessee1 killed         
,william ,price1 of said county1 in an  
affray4 7,nashville ,banner1 ,july  #f1 
#ahch47    ,october #h1 #ahch1 in an    
affray at ,wolf's ,ferry1 ,tennessee1   
,martin  ,farley1 ,senior1 was killed by
 ,john and ,solomon ,step4 7,georgia    
,telegraph1 ,nov #f1 #ahch447    ,feb4  
#ad1 #ahch1 ,john ,manie was killed by  
,william ,doss at ,decatur1  ,tennessee4
 7,memphis ,gazette1 ,may #ae1 #ahch47  

,from the ,nashville ,whig4    ,fatal   
,affray in ,columbia1 ,tenn4--,a fatal  
street encounter occurred  at that      
place1 on the #c;d inst41 between       
,richard ,h4 ,hays1 attorney at  law1   
and ,wm4 ,polk1 brother to the ,hon4    
,jas4 ,k4 ,polk4 ,the parties met1      
armed with pistols1 and exchanged shots 
simultaneously4 ,a buck-shot  pierced   
the brain of ,hays1 and he died early   
the next morning4 ,the  quarrel grew out
 of a sportive remark of ,hays'1 at     
dinner1 at the  ,columbia ,inn1 for     
which he offered an apology1 not        
accepted1 it seems1  as ,polk went to   
,hays' office1 the same evening1 and    
chastised him with  a whip4 ,this       
occurred on ,friday1 the fatal result   
took place on  ,monday4    ,in a fight  
near ,memphis1 ,tennessee1 ,may #ae1    
#ahcg1 ,mr4 ,jackson1 of that  place1   
shot through the heart ,mr4 ,w4,f4      
,gholson1 son of the late ,mr4          
,gholson1 of ,virginia4 7,raleigh       
,register1 ,june #ac1 #ahcg47    ,the   

following horrible outrage1 committed in
 ,west ,tennessee1 not far  from        
,randolph1 was published by the         
,georgetown 7,s4,c47 ,union1 ,may #bf1  
#ahcg1 from the ,louisville ,journal4   
,a feeble bodied man settled a few years
 ago on the ,mississippi1 a  short      
distance below ,randolph1 on the        
,tennessee side4 ,he succeeded in       
amassing property to the value of about 
#ad1jjj1 and1 like most of the          
settlers1 made a business of selling    
wood to the boats4 ,this he sold  at    
#b4ej a cord1 while his neighbors asked 
#c4 ,one of them came to  remonstrate   
against his underselling1 and had a     
fight with his  brother-in-law ,clark1  
in which he was beaten4 ,he then went   
and  obtained legal process against     
,clark1 and returned with a deputy      
sheriff1 attended by a posse of         
desperate villains4 ,when they arrived  
at ,clark's house1 he was seated among  
his children--they put two or  three    
balls through his body4 ,clark ran1 was 

overtaken and knocked  down2 in the     
midst of his cries for mercy1 one of the
 villains fired a  pistol in his mouth1 
killing him instantly4 ,they then       
required the  settler to sell his       
property to them1 and leave the country4
 ,he1  fearing that they would otherwise
 take his life1 sold them his  valuable 
property for #cjj1 and departed with his
 family4 ,the sheriff  was one of the   
purchasers4    ,the ,baltimore          
,american1 ,feb4 #h1 #ahch1 publishes   
the following from the  ,nashville      
7,tennessee7 ,banner3    ,a most        
atrocious murder was committed a few    
days ago at ,lagrange1 in  this state1  
on the body of ,mr4 ,john ,t4 ,foster1 a
 respectable merchant  of that town4    
,the perpetrators of this bloody act are
 ,e4 ,moody1 ,thomas  ,moody1 ,j4,e4    
,douglass1 ,w4,r4 ,harris1 and ,w4,c4   
,harris4 ,the circumstances  attending  
this horrible affair1 are the           
following3--,on the night  previous to  
the murder1 a gang of villains1 under   

pretence of wishing  to purchase goods1 
entered ,mr4 ,foster's store1 took him  
by force1 and  rode him through the     
streets on a rail4 ,the next morning1   
,mr4 ,f4 met  one of the party1 and gave
 him a caning4 ,for this just           
retaliation for  the outrage which had  
been committed on his person1 he was    
pursued by  the persons alone named1    
while taking a walk with a friend1 and  
murdered in the open face of day4       
,the following presentment of a         
,tennessee ,grand ,jury1 sufficiently   
explains and comments on itself3    ,the
 ,grand ,jurors empanelled to inquire   
for the county of ,shelby1 would        
separate without having discharged their
 duties1 if they were to omit  to notice
 public evils which they have found     
their powers inadequate  to put in train
 for punishment4 ,the evils referred to 
exist more  particularly in the town of 
,memphis4    ,the audacity and frequency
 with which outrages are committed1     
forbid  us1 in justice to our           

consciences1 to omit to use the powers  
we  possess1 to bring them to the severe
 action of the law2 and when we  find   
our powers inadequate1 to draw upon them
 public attention1 and  the rebuke of   
the good4    ,an infamous female        
publicly and grossly assaults a lady2   
therefore a  public meeting is called1  
the mayor of the town is placed in the  
chair1 resolutions are adopted1         
providing for the summary and lawless   
punishment of the wretched woman4 ,in   
the progress of the affair1  hundreds of
 citizens assemble at her house1 and    
raze it to the  ground4 ,the unfortunate
 creature1 together with two or three   
men of  like character1 are committed1  
in an open canoe or boat1 without oar   
or paddle1 to the middle of the         
,mississippi river4    ,such is a       
concise outline of the leading incidents
 of a recent  transaction in ,memphis4  
,it might be filled up by the detail of 
individual exploits1 which would give   
vivacity to the description2 but  we    

forbear to mention them4 ,we leave it to
 others to admire the  manliness of the 
transaction1 and the courage displayed  
by a mob of  hundreds1 in the various   
outrages upon the persons and property  
of  three or four individuals who fell  
under its vengeance4    ,the present    
white population of ,tennessee is about 
the same with that  of ,massachusetts1  
and yet more outbreaking crimes are     
committed in  ,tennessee in a single    
month1 than in ,massachusetts during a  
whole  year2 and this1 too1             
notwithstanding the largest town in     
,tennessee has  but six thousand        
inhabitants2 whereas1 in ,massachusetts1
 besides one  of eighty thousand1 and   
two others of nearly twenty thousand    
each1  there are at least a dozen larger
 than the chief town in ,tennessee1     
which gives to the latter state an      
important advantage on the score of     
morality1 the country being so much more
 favorable to it than large  towns4     
,,kentucky4      ,kentucky has been one 

of the ,united ,states since #agib4 ,its
 present  white population is about six 
hundred thousand4    ,the details which 
follow show still further that those who
 unite to  plunder of their rights one  
class of human beings1 regard as sacred 
the rights of no class4      ,the       
following affair at ,maysville1         
,kentucky1 is extracted from the        
,maryland ,republican1 ,january #cj1    
#ahch4    ,a fight came on at           
,maysville1 ,ky4 on the #bith ultimo1 in
 which a ,mr4  ,coulster was stabbed in 
the side and is dead2 a ,mr4 ,gibson was
 well  hacked with a knife2 a ,mr4      
,ferris was dangerously wounded in the  
head1  and another of the same name in  
the hip2 a ,mr4 ,shoemaker was severely 
beaten1 and several others seriously    
hurt in various ways4    ,the following 
is extracted from the ,n4,c4 ,standard4 
,a most bloody and shocking transaction 
took place in the little town  of       
,clinton1 ,hickman co4 ,ken4 ,the       
circumstances are briefly as follows3   

,a special canvass for a representative 
from the county of ,hickman1 had  for   
some time been in progress4 ,a gentleman
 by the name of ,binford was  a         
candidate4 ,the ,state ,senator from the
 district1 ,judge ,james1 took  some    
exceptions to the reputation of         
,binford1 and intimated that if ,b4     
should be elected1 he 7,james7 would    
resign rather than serve with such  a   
colleague4 ,hearing this1 ,binford went 
to the house of ,james to  demand an    
explanation4 ,mrs4 ,james remarked1 in a
 jest as ,binford  thought1 that if she 
was in the place of her husband she     
would resign  her seat in the ,senate1  
and not serve with such a character4 ,b4
 told  her that she was a woman1 and    
could say what she pleased4 ,she replied
  that she was not in earnest4 ,james   
then looked ,b4 in the face and said    
that1 if his wife said so1 it was the   
fact--'he was an infamous  scoundrel and
 d----d rascal4' ,he asked ,b4 if he was
 armed1 and on  being answered in the   

affirmative1 he stepped into an         
adjoining room  to arm himself2 ,he was 
prevented by the family from returning1 
and  ,binford walked out4 ,j4 then told 
him from his piazza1 that he would  meet
 him next day in ,clinton4    ,true to  
their appointment1 the enraged parties  
met on the streets the  following day4  
,james shot first1 his ball passing     
through his  antagonist's liver1 whose  
pistol fired immediately afterwards1 and
  missing ,j41 the ball pierced the head
 of a stranger by the name of  ,collins1
 who instantly fell and expired4 ,after 
being shot1 ,binford  sprang upon ,j4   
with the fury of a wounded tiger1 and   
would have taken  his life but for a    
second shot received through the back   
from ,bartin  ,james1 the brother of    
,thomas4 ,even after he received the    
last fatal  wound he struggled with his 
antagonist until death relaxed his      
grasp1  and he fell with the horrid     
exclamation1 ',i am a dead man6'        
,judge ,james gave himself up to the    

authorities2 and when the  informant of 
the editor left ,clinton1 ,binford1 and 
the unfortunate  stranger lay shrouded  
corpses together4      ,the ,n4,o4 ,bee 
thus gives the conclusion of the matter3
    ,judge ,james was tried and         
acquitted1 the death of ,binford being  
regarded as an act of justifiable       
homicide4      ,from the ,flemingsburg  
,kentuckian1 ,june #bc1'ch4             
,,affray4--,thomas ,binford1 of ,hickman
 county1 ,kentucky1 recently attacked  a
 ,mr4 ,gardner of ,dresden1 with a drawn
 knife1 and cut his face pretty  badly4 
,gardner picked up a piece of iron and  
gave him a side-wipe  above the ear that
 brought him to terms4 ,the skull was   
fractured about  two inches4 ,binford's 
brother was killed at ,clinton1         
,kentucky1 last  fall by ,judge ,james4 
,the ,red ,river ,whig of ,september    
#ae1 #ahch1 says3--,a ruffian of the    
name of ,charles ,gibson1 attempted to  
murder a girl named ,mary ,green1  of   
,louisville1 ,ky4 on the #bc;d ult4 ,he 

cut her in six different places  with a 
,bowie knife4 ,his object1 as stated in 
a subsequent  investigation before the  
,police ,court1 was to cut her throat1  
which  she prevented by throwing up her 
arms4      ,from the ,louisville        
,advertiser1 ,dec4 #agth1 #ahch3--;,a   
startling  tragedy occurred in this city
 on ,saturday evening last1 in which    
,a4,h4  ,meeks was instantly killed1    
,john ,rothwell mortally wounded1       
,william  ,holmes severely wounded1 and 
,henry ,oldham slightly1 by the use of  
,bowie knives1 by ,judge ,e4,c4         
,wilkinson1 and his brother1 ,b4,r4     
,wilkinson1 of ,natchez1 and ,j4        
,murdough1 of ,holly ,springs1          
,mississippi4  ,it seems that ,judge    
,wilkinson had ordered a coat at the    
shop of  ,messrs4 ,varnum  ,redding4    
,the coat was made2 the ,judge1         
accompanied by  his brother and ,mr4    
,murdough1 went to the shop of ,varnum  
,redding1  tried on the coat1 and was   
irritated because1 as he believed1 it   

did  not fit him4 ,mr4 ,redding         
undertook to convince him that he was in
  error1 and ventured to assure the     
,judge that the coat was well made4     
,the ,judge instantly seized an iron    
poker1 and commenced an attack on       
,redding4 ,the blow with the poker was  
partially warded off--,redding  grappled
 his assailant1 when a companion of the 
,judge drew a ,bowie  knife1 and1 but   
for the interposition and interference  
of the  unfortunate ,meeks1 a journeyman
 tailor1 and a gentleman passing by at  
the moment1 ,redding might have been    
assassinated in his own shop4  ,shortly 
afterwards1 ,redding1 ,meeks1 ,rothwell1
 and ,holmes went to the  ,galt ,house4 
,they sent up stairs for ,judge         
,wilkinson1 and he came down  into the  
bar room1 when angry words were passed4 
,the ,judge went up  stairs again1 and  
in a short time returned with his       
companions1 all  armed with knives4     
,harsh language was again used4 ,meeks1 
felt called  on to state what he had    

seen of the conflict1 and did so1 and   
,murdough  gave him the d--d lie1 for   
which ,meeks struck him4 ,on receiving  
the  blow with the whip1 ,murdough      
instantly plunged his ,bowie knife into 
the abdomen of ,meeks1 and killed him on
 the spot4    ,at the same instant      
,b4,r4 ,wilkinson attempted to get at   
,redding1 and  ,holmes and ,rothwell    
interfered1 or joined in the affray4    
,holmes was  wounded1 probably by ,b4,r4
 ,wilkinson2 and the ,judge1 having left
 the  room for an instant1 returned1 and
 finding ,rothwell contending with  his 
brother1 or bending over him1 he 7the   
,judge7 stabbed ,rothwell in  the back1 
and inflicted a mortal wound4    ,judge 
,wilkinson1 his brother1 and ,j4        
,murdough1 have been recently  tried and
 ,,acquitted4    ,from the ,new ,orleans
 ,bee1 ,sept4 #bg1 #ahch4    ,it appears
 from the statement of the ,lexington   
,intelligencer1 that  there has been for
 some time past1 an enmity between the  
drivers of  the old and opposition lines

 of stages running from that city4 ,on  
the  evening of the #acth an encounter  
took place at the ,circus between two   
of them1 ,powell and ,cameron1 and the  
latter was so much injured that  his    
life was in imminent danger4 ,about #ab 
o'clock the same night1  several drivers
 of the old line rushed into ,keizer's  
,hotel1 where  ,powell and other drivers
 of the opposition-line boarded1 and a  
general  melee took place1 in the course
 of which several pistols were          
discharged1 the ball of one of them     
passing through the head of  ,crabster1 
an old line driver1 and killing him on  
the spot4 ,crabster1  before he was     
shot1 had discharged his own pistol     
which had burst into  fragments4 ,two or
 three drivers of the opposition were   
wounded with  buck shot1 but not        
dangerously4    ,the ,mobile ,advertiser
 of ,september #ae1 #ahch1 copies the   
following  from the ,louisville 7,ky47  
,journal4    ,a ,mr4 ,campbell was      
killed in ,henderson county on the #cast

 ult4 by a  ,mr4 ,harrison4 ,it appears1
 that there was an affray between the   
parties  some months ago1 and that      
,harrison subsequently left home and    
returned  on the #cast in a trading     
boat4 ,campbell met him at the boat with
 a  loaded rifle and declared his       
determination to kill him1 at the same  
time asking him whether he had a rifle  
and expressing a desire to give  him a  
fair chance4 ,harrison affected to laugh
 at the whole matter and  invited       
,campbell into his boat to take a drink 
with him4 ,campbell  accepted the       
invitation1 but1 while he was in the act
 of drinking1  ,harrison seized his     
rifle1 fired it off1 and laid ,campbell 
dead by  striking him with the barrel of
 it4    ,the ,missouri ,republican of   
,july #bi1 #ahcg published the details  
which  follow from the ,louisville      
,journal4    ,,mount ,,sterling1 ,ky4   
,july #bj1 #ahcg4    ,gentlemen3--,a    
most unfortunate and fatal occurrence   
transpired in our  town last evening1   

about #f o'clock4 ,some of the most     
prominent friends  of ,judge ,french had
 a meeting yesterday at ,col4 ,young's1 
near this  place1 and warm words ensued 
between ,mr4 ,albert ,thomas and        
,belvard  ,peters1 ,esq41 and a few     
blows were exchanged1 and several of the
  friends of each collected at the spot4
 ,whilst the parties were thus  engaged4
 ,mr4 ,wm4 ,white1 who was a friend of  
,mr4 ,peters1 struck ,mr4  ,thomas1     
whereupon ,b4,f4 ,thomas ,esq4 engaged  
in the combat on the side  of his       
brother and ,mr4 ,w4 ,roberts on the    
part of ,peters--,mr4 ,g4,w4  ,thomas   
taking part with his brothers4 ,albert  
,thomas had ,peters down  and was taken 
off by a gentleman present1 and whilst  
held by that  gentleman1 he was struck  
by ,white2 and ,b4,f4 ,thomas having    
made some  remark ,white struck him4    
,b4,f4 ,thomas returned the blow1 and   
having a  large knife1 stabbed ,white1  
who nevertheless continued the contest1 
and1 it is said1 broke ,thomas's arm    

with a rock of a chair4 ,thomas  then   
inflicted some other stabs1 of which    
,white died in a few minutes4  ,roberts 
was knocked down twice by ,albert       
,thomas1 and1 ,i believe1 is  much hurt4
 ,g4,w4 ,thomas was somewhat hurt also4 
,white and ,b4,f4 ,thomas  had always   
been on friendly terms4 ,you are        
acquainted with the ,messrs4  ,thomas4  
,mr4 ,white was a much larger man than  
either of them1 weighing  nearly #bjj   
pounds1 and in the prime of life4 ,as   
you may very naturally  suppose1 great  
excitement prevails here1 and ,mr4      
,b4,f4 ,thomas regrets  the fatal       
catastrophe as much as any one else1 but
 believes from all  the circumstances   
that he was justifiable in what he did1 
although he  would be as far from doing 
such an act when cool and deliberate as 
any  man whatever4      ,the ,new       
,orleans ,bulletin of ,aug4 #bd1 #ahch1 
extracts the following  from the        
,louisville ,journal4    ,news has just 
reached us1 that ,thomas ,p4 ,moore1    

attacked the ,senior  ,editor of this   
paper in the yard of the ,harrodsburg   
,springs4 ,mr4 ,moore  advanced upon    
,mr4 ,prentice with a drawn pistol and  
fired at him2 ,mr4  ,prentice then      
fired1 neither shot taking effect4 ,mr4 
,prentice drew a  second pistol1 when   
,mr4 ,moore quailed and said he had no  
other arms2  whereupon ,mr4 ,prentice   
from superabundant magnanimity spared   
the  miscreant's life4      ,from ,the  
,floridian of ,june #aj1 #ahcg4         
,,murder4 ,mr4 ,gillespie1 a            
respectable citizen aged #ej1 was       
murdered a few days since by a ,mr4     
,arnett1 near ,mumfordsville1 ,ky41     
which latter shot his victim twice  with
 a rifle4      ,the ,augusta 7,ga47     
,sentinel1 ,may #aa1 #ahch1 has the     
following account  of murders in        
,kentucky3    ,at ,mill's ,point1       
,kentucky1 ,dr4 ,thomas ,rivers was shot
 one day last  week1 from out of a      
window1 by ,lawyer ,ferguson1 both      
citizens of that  place1 and both       

parties are represented to have stood   
high in the  estimation of the community
 in which they lived4 ,the difficulty we
  understand to have grown out of a law 
suit at issue between them4    ,just as 
our paper was going to press1 we learn  
that the brother of ,dr4  ,rivers1 who  
had been sent for1 had arrived1 and     
immediately shot  ,lawyer ,ferguson4 ,he
 at first shot him with a shot gun1 upon
 his  retreat1 which did not prove      
fatal2 he then approached him           
immediately  with a pistol1 and killed  
him on the spot4    ,the ,right ,rev4   
,b4,b4 ,smith1 ,bishop of the ,episcopal
 diocese of  ,kentucky1 published about 
two years since an article in the       
,lexington  7,ky47 ,intelligencer1      
entitled ,thoughts on the frequency of  
homicides  in the state of ,kentucky4   
,we conclude this head with a brief     
extract  from the testimony of the      
,bishop1 contained in that article4     
,the writer has never conversed with a  
traveled and enlightened  ,european or  

eastern man1 who has not expressed the  
most undisguised  horror at the         
frequency of homicide and murder within 
our bounds1 and  at the ease with which 
the homicide escapes from punishment4   
,as to the frequency of these shocking  
occurrences1 the writer has  some       
opportunity of being correctly          
impressed1 by means of a yearly  tour   
through many counties of the ,state4 ,he
 has also been particular  in making    
inquiries of our most distinguished     
legal and political  characters1 and    
from some has derived conjectural       
estimates which were  truly alarming4 ,a
 few have been of the opinion1 that on  
an average one  murder a year may be    
charged to the account of every county  
in the  state1 making the frightful     
aggregate of #hej human lives sacrificed
 to  revenge1 or the victims of         
momentary passion1 in the course of     
every  ten years4    ,others have placed
 the estimate much lower1 and have      
thought that  thirty for the whole      

state1 every year1 would be found much  
nearer the  truth4 ,an attempt has been 
made lately to obtain data more         
satisfactory than conjecture1 and       
circulars have been addressed to the    
clerks of most of the counties1 in order
 to arrive at as correct an  estimate as
 possible of the actual number of       
homicides during the  three years last  
past4 ,it will be seen1 however1 that   
statistics thus  obtained1 even from    
every county in the state1 would        
necessarily be  imperfect1 inasmuch as  
the records of the courts by no means   
show all  the cases1 which occur1 some  
escaping without any of the forms of a  
legal examination1 and there being many 
affrays which end only in  wounds1 or   
where the parties are separated4        
,from these returns1 it appears that in 
#bg counties there have been1  within   
the last three years1 of homicides of   
every grade1 #ce1 but only  #h          
convictions in the same period1 leaving 
#bg cases which have passed  wholly     

unpunished4 ,during the same period     
there have been from  eighty-five       
counties1 only eleven commitments to the
 state prison1  nine for manslaughter1  
and two for shooting with intent to     
kill1 and  not an instance of capital   
punishment in the person of any white   
offender4 ,thus an approximation is made
 to a general average1 which  probably  
would not vary much from one in each    
county every three  years1 or about #bhj
 in ten years4    ,it is believed that  
such a register of crime amongst a      
people  professing the protestant       
religion and speaking the ,english      
language1  is not to be found1 with     
regard to any three-quarters of a       
million of  people1 since the downfall  
of the feudal system4 ,compared with the
  records of crime in ,scotland1 or the 
eastern states1 the results are         
,,absolutely ,,shocking6 ,it is believed
 there are more homicides1 on an        
average of two years1 in any of our more
 populous counties1 than in  the whole  

of several of our states1 of equal or   
nearly equal white  population with     
,kentucky4    ,the victims of these     
affrays are not always1 by any means1   
the most  worthless of our population4  
,it too often happens that the          
enlightened citizen1 the devoted        
lawyer1 the affectionate husband1 and   
precious father1 are thus               
instantaneously taken from their useful 
stations on earth1 and  hurried1 all    
unprepared1 to their final account6     
,the question1 is again asked1 what     
could have brought about1 and can       
perpetuate1 this shocking state of      
things8      ,as an illustration of the 
recklessness of life in ,kentucky1 and  
the  terrible paralysis of public       
sentiment1 the bishop states the        
following fact4    ,a case of shocking  
homicide is remembered1 where the guilty
 person  was acquitted by a sort of     
acclamation1 and the next day was seen  
in  public1 with two ladies hanging on  
his arm6      ,notwithstanding the      

frightful frequency of deadly affrays in
 ,kentucky1  as is certified by the     
above testimony of ,bishop ,smith1 there
 are  fewer1 in proportion to the white 
population1 than in any of the  states  
which have passed under review1 unless  
,tennessee may be an  exception4 ,the   
present white population of ,kentucky is
 perhaps seventy  thousand more than    
that of ,maine1 and yet more public     
fatal affrays  have taken place in the  
former1 within the last six months1 than
 in  the latter during its entire       
existence as a state4    ,the seven     
slave states which we have already      
passed under review1 are  just one half 
of the slave states and territories1    
included in the  ,american ,union4      
,before proceeding to consider the      
condition of society  in the other slave
 states1 we pause a moment to review the
 ground  already traversed4    ,the     
present entire white population of the  
states already considered1  is about two
 and a quarter millions2 just about     

equal to the present  white population  
of the state of ,new ,york4 ,if the     
amount of crime  resulting in loss of   
life1 which is perpetrated by the white 
population of those states upon the     
whites alone1 be contrasted with  the   
amount perpetrated in the state of ,new 
,york1 by all classes1  upon all1 we    
believe it will be found1 that more of  
such crimes have  been committed in     
these states within the last #ah months1
 than have  occurred in the state of    
,new ,york for half a century4 ,but     
perhaps we  shall be told that in these 
seven states1 there are scores of cities
  and large towns1 and that a majority  
of all these deadly affrays1 c41  take  
place in them2 to this we reply1 that   
there are three times as  many cities   
and large towns in the state of ,new    
,york1 as in all those  states together1
 and that nearly all the capital crimes 
perpetrated in  the state take place in 
these cities and large villages4 ,in the
 state  of ,new ,york1 there are more   

than half a million of persons who live 
in cities and villages of more than two 
thousand inhabitants1 whereas  in       
,kentucky1 ,tennessee1 ,alabama1        
,mississippi1 ,louisiana1 ,arkansas and 
,missouri1 there are on the largest     
computation not more than one  hundred  
thousand persons1 residing in cities and
 villages of more  than two thousand    
inhabitants1 and the white population of
 these  places 7which alone is included 
in the estimate of crime1 and that too  
inflicted upon whites only17 is probably
 not more than sixty-five  thousand4    
,but it will doubtless be pleaded in    
mitigation1 that the cities and  large  
villages in those states are new2 that  
they have not had  sufficient time      
thoroughly to organize their police1 so 
as to make it  an effectual terror to   
evil doers2 and further1 that the rapid 
growth  of those places has so          
overloaded the authorities with all     
sorts of  responsibilities1 that due    
attention to the preservation of the    

public  peace has been nearly           
impossible2 and besides1 they have had  
no  official experience to draw upon1 as
 in the older cities1 the offices  being
 generally filled by young men1 as a    
necessary consequence of the  newness of
 the country1 c4 ,to this we reply1 that
 ,new ,orleans is more  than a century  
old1 and for half that period has been  
the centre of a  great trade2 that ,st4 
,louis1 ,natchez1 ,mobile1 ,nashville1  
,louisville  and ,lexington1 are all    
half a century old1 and each had arrived
 at  years of discretion1 while yet the 
sites of ,buffalo1 ,rochester1          
,lockport1 ,canandaigua1 ,geneva1       
,auburn1 ,ithaca1 ,oswego1 ,syracuse1   
and  other large towns in ,western      
,new-,york1 were a wilderness4 ,further1
  as a number of these places are larger
 than either of the former1  their      
growth must have been more rapid1 and1  
consequently1 they must  have           
encountered still greater obstacles in  
the organization of an  efficient police

 than those south western cities1 with  
this exception1  ,,they ,,were ,,not    
,,settled ,,by ,,slaveholders4    ,the  
absurdity of assigning the newness of   
the country1 the  unrestrained habits of
 pioneer settlers1 the recklessness of  
life  engendered by wars with the       
,indians1 c41 as reasons sufficient to  
account for the frightful amount of     
crime in the states under review1  is   
manifest from the fact1 that ,vermont is
 of the same age with  ,kentucky2 ,ohio1
 ten years younger than ,kentucky1 and  
six years younger  than ,tennessee2     
,indiana1 five years younger than       
,louisiana2 ,illinois1  one year younger
 than ,mississippi2 ,maine1 of the same 
age with  ,missouri1 and two years      
younger than ,alabama2 and ,michigan of 
the same  age with ,arkansas4 ,now1 let 
any one contrast the state of society in
  ,maine1 ,vermont1 ,ohio1 ,indiana1    
,illinois1 and ,michigan with that of   
,kentucky1 ,tennessee1 ,alabama1        
,missouri1 ,louisiana1 ,arkansas1 and   

,mississippi1 and candidly ponder the   
result4 ,it is impossible               
satisfactorily to account for the       
immense disparity in crime1 on any      
other supposition than that the latter  
states were settled and are  inhabited  
almost exclusively by those who carried 
with them the  violence1 impatience of  
legal restraint1 love of domination1    
fiery  passions1 idleness1 and contempt 
of laborious industry1 which are        
engendered by habits of despotic sway1  
acquired by residence in  communities   
where such manners1 habits and passions1
 mould society  into their own image4#dc
 ,the practical workings of this cause  
are  powerfully illustrated in those    
parts of the slave states where slaves  
abound1 when contrasted with those where
 very few are held4 ,who does  not know 
that there are fewer deadly affrays in  
proportion to the  white                
population--that law has more sway and  
that human life is less  insecure in    
,east ,tennessee1 where there are very  

few slaves1 than in  ,west ,tennessee1  
where there are large numbers4 ,this is 
true also of  northern and western      
,virginia1 where few slaves are held1   
when  contrasted with eastern ,virginia2
 where they abound2 the same remark     
applies to those parts of ,kentucky and 
,missouri1 where large numbers  of      
slaves are held1 when contrasted with   
others where there are  comparatively   
few4    ,we see the same cause operating
 to a considerable extent in those      
parts of ,ohio1 ,indiana and ,illinois1 
settled mainly by slaveholders  and     
others1 who were natives of slave       
states1 in contrast with other  parts of
 these states settled almost exclusively
 by persons from free  states2 that     
affrays and breaches of the peace are   
far more frequent  in the former than in
 the latter1 is well known to all4      
,we now proceed to the remaining slave  
states4 ,those that have not yet  been  
considered1 are ,delaware1 ,maryland1   
,virginia1 ,north and ,south  ,carolina1

 ,georgia1 and the territory of         
,florida4 ,as ,delaware has  hardly two 
thousand five hundred slaves1 arbitrary 
power over human  beings is exercised by
 so few persons1 that the turbulence    
infused  thereby into the public mind is
 but an inconsiderable element1 quite   
insufficient to inflame the passions1   
much less to cast the character  of the 
mass of the people2 consequently1 the   
state of society there1  and the general
 security of life is but little less    
than in ,new ,jersey  and ,pennsylvania1
 upon which states it borders on the    
north and east4  ,the same causes       
operate in a considerable measure1      
though to a much  less extent to        
,maryland and in ,northern and ,western 
,virginia4 ,but in  lower ,virginia1    
,north and ,south ,carolina1 ,georgia   
and ,florida1 the  general state of     
society as it respects the successful   
triumph of  passion over law1 and the   
consequent and universal insecurity of  
life  is1 in the main1 very similar to  

that of the states already  considered4 
,in some portions of each of these      
states1 human life has  probably as     
little real protection as in ,arkansas1 
,mississippi and  ,louisiana2 but       
generally throughout the former states  
and sections1  the laws are not so      
absolutely powerless as in the latter   
three4  ,deadly affrays1 duels1 murders1
 lynchings1 c41 are1 in proportion to   
the white population1 as frequent and as
 rarely punished in lower  ,virginia as 
in ,kentucky and ,missouri2 in ,north   
,carolina and ,south  ,carolina as in   
,tennessee2 and in ,georgia and ,florida
 as in ,alabama4    ,to insert the      
criminal statistics of the remaining    
slave states in  detail1 as those of the
 states already considered have been    
presented1  would1 we find1 fill more   
space than can well be spared4 ,instead 
of  this1 we propose to exhibit the     
state of society in all the             
slaveholding region bordering on the    
,atlantic1 by the testimony of the      

slaveholders themselves1 corroborated by
 a few plain facts4 ,leaving  out of    
view ,florida1 where law is the most    
powerless1 and ,maryland  where probably
 it is the least so1 we propose to      
select as a fair  illustration of the   
actual state of society in the ,atlantic
  slaveholding regions1 ,north ,carolina
 whose border is but #bej miles  from   
the free states of ,pennsylvania and    
,new ,jersey1 and ,georgia which        
constitutes its south western boundary4 
,we will begin with ,,georgia4 ,this    
state was settled more than a century   
ago by a colony under ,general          
,oglethorpe4 ,the colony was memorable  
for  its high toned morality4 ,one of   
its first regulations was an absolute   
prohibition of slavery in every form3   
but another generation arose1  the      
prohibition was abolished1 a multitude  
of slaves were imported1  the exercise  
of unlimited power over them lashed up  
passion to the  spurning of all control1
 and now the dreadful state of society  

that  exists in ,georgia1 is revealed by
 the following testimony out of her  own
 mouth4    ,the editor of the ,darien   
7,georgia7 ,telegraph1 in his paper of  
,november  #f1 #ahch1 published the     
following4    ,murderous                
,attack4--,between the hours of three   
and four o'clock1 on  ,saturday last1   
the editor of this paper was attacked by
 ,,fourteen armed  ruffians1 and knocked
 down by repeated blows of bludgeons4   
,all his  assailants were armed with    
pistols1 dirks1 and large clubs4 ,many  
of  them are known to us2 but there is  
neither law nor justice to be had  in   
,darien6 ,we are doomed to death by the 
employers of the assassins  who attacked
 us on ,saturday1 and no less than our  
blood will satisfy  them4 ,the cause    
alleged for this unmanly1 base1 cowardly
 outrage1 is  some expressions which    
occurred in an election squib1 printed  
at this  office1 and extensively        
circulated through the county1 before   
the  election4 ,the names of those who  

surrounded us1 when the attack was      
made1 are1 ,a4 ,lefils1 jr4 7son to the 
representative71 ,madison ,thomas1      
,francis ,harrison1 ,thomas ,hopkins1   
,alexander ,blue1 ,george ,wing1 ,james 
,eilands1 ,w4,i4 ,perkins1 ,a4,j4       
,raymur3 the others we cannot at present
  recollect4 ,the two first1 ,,lefils   
and ,,thomas struck us at the same      
time4 ,pistols were levelled at us in   
all directions4 ,we can produce  the    
most respectable testimony of the truth 
of this statement4    ,the same number  
of the ,darien ,telegraph1 from which   
the preceding is  taken1 contains a     
correspondence between six individuals1 
settling the  preliminaries of duels4   
,the correspondence fills1 with the     
exception  of a dozen lines1 five       
columns of the paper4 ,the parties were 
,col4  ,w4 ,whig ,hazzard1 commander of 
one of the ,georgia regiments in the    
recent ,seminole campaign1 ,dr4 ,t4,f4  
,hazzard1 a physician of ,st4  ,simons1 
and ,thomas ,hazzard1 ,esq4 a county    

magistrate1 on the one side1  and       
,messrs4 ,j4,a4 ,willey1 ,a4,w4 ,willey1
 and ,h4,b4 ,gould1 ,esqs4 of  ,darien1 
on the other4 ,in their published       
correspondence the parties  call each   
other liar1 mean rascal1 puppy1 villain1
 c4    ,the magistrate1 ,thomas         
,hazzard1 who accepts the challenge of  
,j4,a4  ,willey1 says1 in one of his    
letters1 ,being a magistrate1 under a   
solemn oath to do all in my power to    
keep the peace1 c41 and yet  this       
personification of ,georgia justice     
superscribes his letter as  follows3 ,to
 the ,liar1 ,puppy1 ,fool1 and          
,poltroon1 ,mr4 ,john ,a4 ,willey  ,the 
magistrate closes his letter thus3      
,here ,i am2 call upon me for personal  
satisfaction 7in propria  forma72 and in
 the ,farm ,field1 on ,st4 ,simon's     
,island1 7,deo  juvante17 ,i will give  
you a full front of my body1 and do all 
in my  power to satisfy your thirst for 
blood6 ,and more1 ,i will wager you     
#ajj1 to be planked on the scratch6 that

 ,j4,a4 ,willey will neither  kill or   
defeat ,t4,f4 ,hazzard4    ,the         
following extract from the              
correspondence is a sufficient index of 
slaveholding civilization4    ,,articles
 ,,of ,,battle ,,between ,,john ,a4     
,,willey ,,and ,w4 ,,whig ,,hazzard4    
,condition #a4 ,the parties to fight on 
the same day1 and at the same  place1   
7,st4 ,simon's beach1 near the          
lighthouse17 where the meeting  between 
,t4,f4 ,hazzard and ,j4,a4 ,willey will 
take place4    ,condition #b4 ,the      
parties to fight with broad-swords in   
the right hand1  and a dirk in the left4
    ,condition #c4 ,on the word ,charge1
 the parties to advance1 and attack     
with the broadsword1 or close with the  
dirk4    ,condition #d4 ,,the ,,head    
,,of ,,the ,,vanquished ,,to ,,be ,,cut 
,,off ,,by ,,the ,,victor1  ,,and       
,,stuck ,,upon ,a ,,pole ,,on ,,the     
,,farm ,,field ,,dam1 the original cause
 of  dispute4    ,condition #e4 ,neither
 party to object to each other's        

weapons2 and if a  sword breaks1 the    
contest to continue with the dirk4      
,this ,col4 ,w4 ,whig ,hazzard is one of
 the most prominent citizens in the     
southern part of ,georgia1 and          
previously signalized himself1 as we    
learn from one of the letters in the    
correspondence1 by three  deliberate    
rounds in a duel4    ,the ,macon        
7,georgia7 ,telegraph of ,october #i1   
#ahch1 contains the  following notice of
 two affrays in that place1 in each of  
which an  individual was killed1 one on 
,tuesday and the other on ,saturday of  
the  same week4 ,in publishing the case1
 the ,macon editor remarks3    ,we are  
compelled to remark on the inefficiency 
of our laws in  bringing to the bar of  
public justice1 persons committing      
capital  offences4 ,under the present   
mode1 a man has nothing more to do than 
to  leave the state1 or step over to    
,texas1 or some other place not  farther
 off1 and he need entertain no fear of  
being apprehended4 ,so  long as such a  

state of things is permitted to exist1  
just so long  will every man who has an 
enemy 7and there are but few who have   
not7  be in constant danger of being    
shot down in the streets4    ,to these  
remarks of the ,macon editor1 who is in 
the centre of the  state1 near the      
capital1 the editor of the ,darien      
,telegraph1 two  hundred miles distant1 
responds as follows1 in his paper of    
,october  #cj4 #ahch4    ,the remarks of
 our contemporary are not without cause4
 ,they apply1  with peculiar force1 to  
this community4 ,murderers and rioters  
will  never stand in need of a sanctuary
 as long as ,darien is what it is4      
,it is a coincidence which carries a    
comment with it1 that in less than  a   
week after this ,darien editor made     
these remarks1 he was attacked in  the  
street by fourteen gentlemen armed with 
bludgeons1 knives1  dirks1 pistols1 c41 
and would doubtless have been butchered 
on the  spot if he had not been rescued4
    ,we give the following statement at 

length as the chief perpetrator of  the 
outrages1 ,col4 ,w4,n4 ,bishop1 was at  
the time a high functionary of  the     
,state of ,georgia1 and1 as we learn    
from the ,macon ,messenger1 still  holds
 two public offices in the ,state1 one  
of them from the direct  appointment of 
the governor4    ,from the ,georgia     
,messenger of ,august #be1 #ahcg4       
,during the administration of ,,wilson  
,,lumpkin1 ,,william ,n4 ,,bishop       
received from his ,excellency the       
appointment of ,indian ,agent1 in the   
place of ,william ,springer4 ,during    
that year 7#ahcd17 the said governor    
gave the command of a company of men1   
#dj in number1 to the said ,w4,n4       
,bishop1 to be selected by him1 and     
armed with the muskets of the  ,state4  
,this band was organized for the special
 purpose of keeping the  ,cherokees in  
subjection1 and although it is a        
notorious fact that the  ,cherokees in  
the neighborhood of ,spring ,place were 
peaceable and by no  means refractory1  

the said band were kept there1 and      
seldom made any  excursion whatever out 
of the county of ,murray4 ,it is also a 
notorious fact1 that the said band1 from
 the day of their  organization1 never  
permitted a citizen of ,murray county   
opposed to  the dominant party of       
,georgia1 to exercise the right of      
suffrage at  any election whatever4     
,from that period to the last of        
,january  election1 the said band       
appeared at the polls with the arms of  
the  ,state1 rejecting every vote that  
was not of the true stripe1 as they     
called it4 ,that they frequently seized 
and dragged to the polls honest         
citizens1 and compelled them to vote    
contrary to their will4    ,such acts of
 arbitrary despotism were tolerated by  
the  administration4 ,appeals from the  
citizens of ,murray county brought  them
 no relief--and incensed at such        
outrages1 they determined on the  first 
,monday in ,january last1 to turn out   
and elect such ,judges of the  ,inferior

 ,court and county officers1 as would be
 above the control of  ,bishop1 that he 
might thereby be prevented from packing 
such a jury as  he chose to try him for 
his brutal and unconstitutional outrages
 on  their rights4 ,accordingly on      
,sunday evening previous to the         
election1  about twenty citizens who    
lived a distance from the county site1  
came  in unarmed and unprepared for     
battle1 intending to remain in town1    
vote in the morning and return home4    
,they were met by ,bishop and his       
,state band1 and asked by the former    
'whether they were for peace or  war4'  
,they unanimously responded1 we are for 
peace3' ,at that moment  ,bishop ordered
 a fire1 and instantly every musket of  
his band was  discharged on those       
citizens1 #e of whom were wounded1 and  
others  escaped with bullet holes in    
their clothes4 ,not satisfied with the  
outrage1 they dragged an aged man from  
his wagon and beat him nearly  to death4
    ,in this way the voters were driven 

from ,spring ,place1 and before day     
light the next morning1 the polls were  
opened by order of ,bishop1 and  soon   
after sun rise they were closed2 ,bishop
 having ascertained that  the band and  
,schley men had all voted4 ,a runner was
 then dispatched to  ,milledgeville1 and
 received from ,governor ,schley        
commissions for those  self-made        
officers of ,bishop's1 two of whom have 
since runaway1 and  the rest have been  
called on by the citizens of the county 
to resign1  being each members of       
,bishop's band1 and doubtless runaways  
from other  ,states4    ,after these    
outrages1 ,bishop apprehending an appeal
 to the judiciary  on the part of the   
injured citizens of ,murray county1 had 
a jury drawn  to suit him and appointed 
one of his band ,clerk of the ,superior 
,court4  ,for these acts1 the ,governor 
and officers of the ,central ,bank      
rewarded  him with an office in the     
,bank of the ,state1 since which his own
 jury  found eleven true bills against  

him4    ,in the ,milledgeville ,federal 
,union of ,may #b1 #ahcg1 we find the   
following presentment of the ,grand     
,jury of ,union ,county1 ,georgia1      
which as it shows some relics of a moral
 sense1 still lingering in the  state we
 insert4    ,presentment of the ,grand  
,jury of ,union ,co41 ,march term1      
#ahcg4    ,we would notice1 as a subject
 of painful interest1 the appointment of
  ,wm4 ,n4 ,bishop to the high and      
responsible office of ,teller1 of the   
,central ,bank of the ,state of         
,georgia--an institution of such        
magnitude  as to merit and demand the   
most unslumbering vigilance of the      
freemen  of this ,state2 as a portion of
 whom1 we feel bound to express our     
indignant reprehension of the promotion 
of such a character to one  of its most 
responsible posts--and do exceedingly   
regret the blindness  or depravity of   
those who can sanction such a measure4  
,we request that our presentment be     
published in the ,miners' ,recorder  and

 ,federal ,union4    ,,john ,,martin1   
,foreman    ,on motion of ,henry ,l4    
,sims1 ,solicitor ,general1 ,ordered by 
the court1  that the presentments of the
 ,grand ,jury1 be published according to
  their request4 ,,thomas ,,henry1      
,clerk4    ,the same paper1 four weeks  
after publishing the preceding facts1   
contained the following3 we give it in  
detail as the wretch who  enacted the   
tragedy was another public functionary  
of the state of  ,georgia and acting in 
an official capacity4    ,,murder4--,one
 of the most brutal and inhuman murders 
it has ever  fallen to our lot to       
notice1 was lately committed in         
,cherokee county1  by ,julius ,bates1   
the son of the principal keeper of the  
,penitentiary1  upon an ,indian4    ,the
 circumstances as detailed to us by the 
most respectable men of  both parties1  
are these4 ,at the last ,superior ,court
 of ,cass county1  the unfortunate      
,indian was sentenced to the            
,penitentiary4 ,bates1 as  one of the   

,penitentiary guard1 was sent with      
another to carry him  and others1 from  
other counties to ,milledgeville4 ,he   
started from  ,cassville with the       
,indian ironed and bare footed2 and     
walked him  within a quarter of a mile  
of ,canton1 the ,c4,h4 in ,cherokee1 a  
distance  of twenty-eight to thirty     
miles1 over a very rough road in little 
more  than half the day4 ,on arriving at
 a small creek near town1 the ,indian   
who had walked until the soles of his   
feet were off and those of his  heel    
turned back1 made signs to get water1   
,bates refused to let him1  and ordered 
him to go on3 the ,indian stopped and   
finally set down1  whereupon ,bates     
dismounted and gathering a pine knot1   
commenced and  continued beating him and
 jirking him by a chain around his neck1
  until the citizens of the village were
 drawn there by the severity of  the    
blows4 ,the unfortunate creature was    
taken up to town and died in a  few     
hours4    ,an inquest was held1 and the 

jury found a verdict of murder by       
,bates4  ,a warrant was issued1 but     
,bates had departed that morning in     
charge of  other prisoners taken from   
,canton1 and the worthy officers of the 
county desisted from his pursuit1       
'because they apprehended he had  passed
 the limits of the county4' ,we         
understand that the warrant was         
immediately sent to the ,governor to    
have him arrested4 ,will it be  done8   
,we shall see4    ,having devoted so    
much space to a revelation of the state 
of society  among the slaveholders of   
,georgia1 we will tax the reader's      
patience  with only a single            
illustration of the public              
sentiment--the degree of  actual legal  
protection enjoyed in the state of      
,north ,carolina4    ,north ,carolina   
was settled about two centuries ago2 its
 present white  population is about five
 hundred thousand4    ,passing by the   
murders1 affrays1 c4 with which the     
,north ,carolina  papers abound1 we     

insert the following as an illustration 
of the  public sentiment of ,north      
,carolina among 'gentlemen of property  
and  standing4'    ,the ',north         
,carolina ,literary and ,commercial     
,journal1' of ,january #bj1  #ahch1     
published at ,elizabeth ,city1 devotes a
 column and a half to a  description of 
the lynching1 tarring1 feathering1      
ducking1 riding on a  rail1 pumping1 c41
 of a ,mr4 ,charles ,fife1 a merchant of
 that city1  for the crime of 'trading  
with negroes4' ,the editor informs us   
that  this exploit of vandalism was     
performed very deliberately1 at mid-day1
  and by a number of the citizens1      
',,the ,,most ,,respectable ,,in ,,the  
,,city1'  c4 ,we proceed to give the    
reader an abridgement of the editor's   
statement in his own words4--    ,such  
being the case1 a number of the         
citizens1 ,,the ,,most ,,respectable    
,,in ,,this ,,city1 collected1 about ten
 days since1 and after putting the      
fellow on a rail1 carried him through   

town with a duck and chicken  tied to   
him4 ,he was taken down to the water and
 his head tarred and  feathered2 and    
when they returned he was put under a   
pump1 where for a  few minutes he       
underwent a little cooling4 ,he was then
 told that he  must leave town by the   
next ,saturday--if he did not he would  
be  visited again1 and treated more in  
accordance with the principles of  the  
laws of ,judge ,lynch4    ,on ,saturday 
last1 he was again visited1 and as ,fife
 had several of  his friends to assist  
him1 some little scuffle ensued1 when   
several  were knocked down1 but nothing 
serious occurred4 ,fife was again       
mounted on a rail and brought into town1
 but as he promised if they  would not  
trouble him he would leave town in a few
 days1 he was set at  liberty4 ,several 
of our magistrates took no notice of the
 affair1  and rather seemed to tacitly  
acquiesce in the proceedings4 ,the whole
  subject every one supposed was ended1 
as ,fife was to leave in a few  days1   

when ,,what ,,was ,,our ,,astonishment  
to hear that ,mr4 ,charles ,r4  ,kinney 
had visited ,fife1 advised him not to   
leave1 and actually took  upon himself  
to examine witnesses1 and came before   
the public as the  defender of ,fife4   
,the consequence was1 that all the      
rioters were  summoned by the ,sheriff  
to appear in the ,court ,house and give 
bail for  their appearance at our next  
court4 ,on ,monday last the court opened
 at  #ab o'clock1 ,judge ,bailey        
presiding4 ,such an excitement we never 
witnessed before in our town4 ,a great  
many witnesses were examined1  which    
proved the character of ,fife beyond a  
doubt4 ,at one time rather  serious     
consequences were apprehended--high     
words were spoken1 and  luckily a blow  
which was aimed at ,mr4 ,kinney1 was    
parried off1 and we  are happy to say   
the court adjourned after ample         
securities being  given4 ,the next day  
,fife was taken to jail for trading with
 negroes1  but has since been released  

on paying #ajj4 ,the interference of    
,mr4  ,kinney was wholly unnecessary2 it
 was an assumption on his part which    
properly belonged to our magistrates4   
,fife had agreed to go away1 and  the   
matter would have been amicably settled 
but for him4 ,we have no  unfriendly    
feelings towards ,mr4 ,kinney3 no       
personal animosities to  gratify3 we    
have always considered him as one of our
 best lawyers4 ,but  when he comes forth
 as the supporter of such a fellow as   
,fife1 under  the plea that the laws    
have been violated--when he arraigns the
 acts  of thirty of the inhabitants of  
this place1 it is high time for him to  
reflect seriously on the consequences4  
,the ,penitentiary system is the  result
 of the refinement of the eighteenth    
century4 ,as man advances in  the       
sciences1 in the arts1 in the           
intercourse of social and civilized     
life1 in the same proportion does crime 
and vice keep an equal pace1  and always
 makes demands on the wisdom of         

legislators4 ,now1 what is  the ,lynch  
law but the ,penitentiary system carried
 out to its full  extent1 with a little 
more steam power8 or more properly1 it  
is simply  thus3 ,there are some        
scoundrels in society on whom the laws  
take no  effect2 the most expeditious   
and short way is to let a majority      
decide  and give them ,,justice4        
,let the reader notice1 #ast1 that this 
outrage was perpetrated with  great     
deliberation1 and after it was over1 the
 victim was commanded to  leave town by 
the next week3 when that cooling        
interval had passed1  the outrage was   
again deliberately repeated4 #b;d4 ,it  
was perpetrated by  thirty persons1' the
 most respectable in the city4 #c;d4    
,that at  the second lynching of ,fife1 
several of his neighbors who had        
gathered  to defend him1 7seeing that   
all the legal officers in the city had  
refused to do it1 thus violating their  
oaths of office17 were knocked  down1 to
 which the editor adds1 with the        

business air of a  professional butcher1
 nothing serious occurred6 #dth4 ,that  
not a  single magistrate in the city    
took the least notice either of the     
barbarities inflicted upon ,fife1 or of 
the assaults upon his friends1  knocking
 them down1 c41 but1 as the editor      
informs us1 all seemed to  acquiesce in 
the proceedings4 #eth4 ,that this       
conduct of the  magistrates was well    
pleasing to the great mass of the       
citizens1 is  plain1 from the remark of 
the editor that every one supposed that 
the  whole subject was ended1 and from  
his wondering exclamation1 ,,what  ,,was
 ,,our ,,astonishment to hear that ,mr4 
,c4,r4 ,kinney had actually took  upon  
him to examine witnesses1 c41 and also  
from the editor's  declaration1 ,such an
 excitement we never before witnessed in
 our  town4 ,excitement at what8 ,not   
because the laws had been most          
impiously trampled down at noon-day by a
 conspiracy of thirty persons1  the most
 respectable in the city2 not because a 

citizen had been  twice seized and      
publicly tortured for hours1 without    
trial1 and in  utter defiance of all    
authority2 nay1 verily6 this was all    
complacently acquiesced in2 but because 
in this slaveholding ,sodom  there was  
found a solitary ,lot who dared to      
uplift his voice for law  and the right 
of trial by jury2 this crime stirred up 
such an uproar  in that city of most    
respectable lynchers as was never       
witnessed  before1 and the noble lawyer 
who thus put every thing at stake in    
invoking the majesty of law1 would1 it  
seems1 have been knocked down1  even in 
the presence of the ,court1 if the blow 
had not been parried4  #fth4 ,mark the  
murderous threat of the editor--when he 
arraigns the  acts1 7no matter how      
murderous7 of thirty citizens of this   
place1  it is high time for him to      
reflect seriously on the consequences4  
#gth4 ,the open advocacy of ,lynch law  
by a set argument1 boldly  setting it   
above all codes1 with which the editor  

closes his article1  reveals a public   
sentiment in the community which shows1 
that in ,north  ,carolina1 though       
society may still rally under the flag  
of  civilization1 and insist on wrapping
 itself in its folds1 barbarism is  none
 the less so in a stolen livery1 and    
savages are savages still1  though      
tricked out with the gauze and tinsel of
 the stars and stripes4    ,it may be   
stated1 in conclusion1 that the ,north  
,carolina ,literary and  ,commercial    
,journal1 from which the article is     
taken1 is a large  six-columned paper1  
edited by ,f4,s4 ,proctor1 ,esq41 a     
graduate of a  ,university1 and of      
considerable literary note in the       
,south4    ,having drawn out this topic 
to so great a length1 we waive all      
comments1 and only say to the reader1 in
 conclusion1 ponder these  things1 and  
lay it to heart1 that slaveholding is   
justified of her  children4 ,verily1    
they have their reward6 ,with what      
measure ye mete  withal it shall be     

measured to you again4 ,those who       
combine to  trample on others1 will     
trample on each other4 ,the habit of    
trampling upon one1 begets a state of   
mind that will trample upon  all4       
,accustomed to wreak their vengeance on 
their slaves1 indulgence  of passion    
becomes with slaveholders a second law  
of nature1 and1 when  excited even by   
their equals1 their hot blood brooks    
neither restraint  nor delay2           
gratification is the first              
thought--prudence generally  comes too  
late1 and the slaves see their masters  
fall a prey to each  other1 the victims 
of those very passions which have been  
engendered  and infuriated by the       
practice of arbitrary rule over them4   
,surely  it need not be added1 that     
those who thus tread down their equals1 
must trample as in a wine-press their   
defenceless vassals4 ,if1 when in       
passion1 they seize those who are on    
their own level1 and dash them  under   
their feet1 with what a crushing        

vengeance will they leap upon  those who
 are always under their feet8           
99     99     99     99     99          
,,footnotes4          ,footnote #ci3 ,a 
few years since ,mr4 ,bourne published a
 work entitled1  ,picture of slavery in 
the ,united ,states4  ,in which he      
describes a  variety of horrid          
atrocities perpetrated upon slaves2 such
 as brutal  scourging and lacerations   
with the application of pepper1 mustard1
  salt1 vinegar1 c41 to the bleeding    
gashes2 also maimings1  cat-haulings1   
burnings1 and other tortures similar to 
hundreds  described on the preceeding   
pages4 ,these descriptions of ,mr4      
,bourne  were1 at that time1 thought by 
multitudes incredible1 and probably1    
even by some abolitionists1 who had     
never given much reflection to the      
subject4 ,we are happy to furnish the   
reader with the following  testimony of 
a ,virginia slaveholder to the accuracy 
of ,mr4 ,bourne's  delineations4        
,especially as this slaveholder is a    

native of one of the  counties          
7,culpepper7 near to which the          
atrocities described by ,mr4 ,b4  were  
committed4    ,testimony of ,mr4        
,,william ,,hansborough1 of ,culpepper1 
,county1 ,virginia1  the owner of sixty 
slaves1 to ,mr4 ,bourne's ,picture or   
,slavery as a  true delineation4        
,lindley ,coates1 of ,lancaster ,co41   
,pa41 a well known member of the        
,society of ,friends1 and a member of   
the late ,pennsylvania ,convention  for 
revising1 the ,constitution of the      
,state1 in a letter now before  us1     
describing a recent interview between   
him and ,mr4 ,hansborough1 of  several  
days continuance1 says1--,i handed him  
,bourne's ,picture of  slavery to read3 
after reading it1 he said1 that all of  
the  sufferings of slaves therein       
related1 were true delineations1 and    
that he had seen all those modes of     
torture himself4      ,footnote #dj3    
,the following is ,mr4 ,stevenson's     
disclaimer3 ,it was  published in the   

',london ,mail1' ,oct #cj1 #ahch4    ,to
 the ,editor of the ,evening ,mail3     
,sir--,i did not see until my return    
from ,scotland the note addressed by    
,mr4 ,o',connell1 to the editor of the  
,chronicle1 purporting to give an       
explanation of the correspondence which 
has passed between us1 and  which ,i    
deemed it proper to make public4 ,i do  
not intend to be drawn  into any        
discussion of the subject of domestic   
slavery as it exists in  the ,united    
,states1 nor to give any explanation of 
the motives or  circumstances under     
which ,i have acted4    ,disposed to    
regard ,mr4 ,o',connell as a man of     
honor4 ,i was induced to  take the      
course ,i did2 whether justifiable or   
not1 the world will now  decide4 ,the   
tone and report of his last note 7in    
which he disavows  responsibility for   
any thing he may say7 precludes any     
further notice  from me1 than to say    
that the charge which he has thought    
proper again  to repeat1 of my being a  

breeder of slaves for sale and traffick1
 is  wholly destitute of truth2 and that
 ,i am warranted in believing it has    
been made by him without the slightest  
authority4 ,,such1 ,,too1 ,i ,,venture  
,,to ,,say1 ,,is ,,the ,,case ,,in      
,,relation ,,to ,,his ,,charge ,,of     
,,slave-,,breeding ,,in  ,,virginia4    
,i make this declaration1 not because ,i
 admit ,mr4 ,o',connell's right to  call
 for it1 but to prevent my silence from 
being misinterpreted4    ,a4 ,,stevenson
    #bc ,portland ,place1 ,oct4 #bi     
,footnote #da3 ,mr4 ,,wise said in one  
of his speeches during the last  session
 of ,congress1 that he was obliged to go
 armed for the  protection of his life  
in ,washington4 ,it could not have been 
for fear  of ,northern men4             
,footnote #db3 ,a correspondent of the  
,frederick ,herald1 writing from        
,little ,rock1 says1 ,anthony's knife   
was about twenty-eight inches in        
length4 ,they all carry knives here1 or 
pistols4 ,there are several  kinds of   

knives in use--a narrow blade1 and about
 twelve inches long1  is called an      
',arkansas tooth-pick4'      ,footnote  
#dc3 ,bishop ,smith of ,kentucky1 in his
 testimony respecting  homicides1 which 
is quoted on a preceding pages1 thus    
speaks of the  influence of             
slave-holding1 as an exciting cause4    
,are not some of the indirect influences
 of a system1 the existence of  which   
amongst us can never be sufficiently    
deplored1 discoverable in  these        
affrays8 ,are not our young men more    
heady1 violent and imperious  in        
consequence of their early habits of    
command8 ,and are not our  taverns and  
other public places of resort1 much more
 crowded with an  inflammable material1 
than if young men were brought up in the
 staid  and frugal habits of those who  
are constrained to earn their bread by  
the sweat of their brow8 99 99 99 ,is   
not intemperance more social1 more      
inflammatory1 more pugnacious where a   
fancied superiority of  gentlemanly     

character is felt in consequence of     
exemption from severe  manual labor8 ,is
 there ever stabbing where there is not 
idleness and  strong drink8    ,the     
,bishop also gives the following as     
another exciting cause2 it is  however  
only the product of the preceding4      
,has not a public sentiment which we    
hear characterized as singularly        
high-minded and honorable1 and          
sensitively alive to every affront1     
whether real or imaginary1 but which    
strangers denominate rough and          
ferocious1 much to do in provoking these
 assaults1 and then in  applauding      
instead of punishing the offender4      
,the ,bishop says of the young men of   
,kentucky1 that they grow up  proud1    
impetuous1 and reckless of all          
responsibility2 and adds1 that  the     
practice of carrying deadly weapons is  
with them ,,nearly  ,,universal4        
99     99     99     99     99          
,,index4           99     99     99     
99     99      ,to facilitate the use of

 the ,index1 some of the more common    
topics are  arranged under one general  
title4 ,thus all the volumes which are  
cited  are classed under the word1      
,,books2 and to that head reference must
 be  made4 ,the same plan has been      
adopted concerning ,female              
,slave-,drivers1  ,laws1 ,narratives1   
,overseers1 ,runaways1 ,slaveholders1   
,slave-,murderers1  ,slave-,plantations1
 ,slaves1 ,female and ,male1 ,testimony 
and  ,witnesses4 ,therefore1 with a few 
emphatical exceptions only1 the  facts  
will be found1 by recurring to the      
prominent person or subject  which any  
circumstance includes4 ,all other       
miscellaneous articles will  be         
discovered in alphabetical order4       
99     99     99     99     99      ,a4 
,absolute power of slaveholders         
,absurdity of slaveholding pretexts     
,abuse of power  ,acclimated slaves     
,adrian  ,adultery in a preacher's house
  ,advertisement for slaves             
,advertisement for slaves to hire       

,advertisements  ,affray  ,african      
slave-trade  ,aged slaves uncommon      
,alabama  ,alexander the tyrant         
,allowance of provisions  ,amalgamation 
,american ,colonization ,society        
,amiable and touching charity6          
,amusements of slave-drivers  ,animals  
and slaves1 usage of1 contrasted        
,antioch1 massacre at  ,arbitrary1      
,arbitrary power1 cruelty of            
pernicious  ,ardor in betting  ,arius   
,arkansas  ,atlantic ,slaveholding      
,region  ,auctioneers of slaves         
,auctions for slaves  ,augustine        
,aurelius  ,aversion between the        
oppressor and the slave      ,b4        
,babbling of slaveholders  ,backs of    
slaves carded                putrid     
,ball and chain men  ,baptist preachers 
,battles in ,congress  ,beating a       
woman's face with shoes  ,bedaubing of  
slaves with oil and tar  ,begetting     
slaves for pay  ,bend your backs        
,benevolence of slaveholders  ,betting  
on crops            slaves  ,beware of  

,kidnappers  ,bibles searched for       
,blind slaves  ,blocks with sharp pegs  
and nails  ,blood-bought luxuries       
,bodley1 ,h4,s4  ,bones dislocated      
,,books4      ,african ,observer        
,american ,convention1 minutes of       
,museum            ,state ,papers       
,andrews' ,slavery and the ,slave ,trade
    ,bay's ,reports    ,benezet's       
,caution to ,britain and her ,colonies  
,blackstone's ,commentaries1 by ,tucker 
,book and ,slavery irreconcilable       
,bourgoing's ,spain    ,bourne's        
,picture of ,slavery    ,brevard's      
,digest of the ,laws of ,south ,carolina
    ,brewster's ,exposition of ,slave   
,treatment    ,buchanan's ,oration      
,carey's ,american ,museum    ,carolina1
 ,history of    ,channing on ,slavery   
,charity1 amiable and touching6         
,childs' ,appeal    ,civil ,code of     
,louisiana    ,clay's ,address to       
,georgia ,presbytery    ,colonization   
,society's ,reports    ,cornelius       
,elias1 ,life of    ,davis's ,travels in

 ,louisiana    ,debates in ,virginia    
,convention    ,devereux's ,north       
,carolina ,reports    ,dew's ,review of 
,debates in the ,virginia ,legislature  
,edwards' ,sermon    ,emancipation in   
the ,west ,indies    ,emigrant's ,guide 
through the ,valley of ,mississippi     
,gales' ,congressional ,debates         
,harris and ,johnson's ,reports         
,haywood's ,manual    ,hill's reports   
,human ,rights    ,james' ,digest       
,jefferson's ,notes    ,josephus'       
,history    ,justinian1 ,institutes of  
,kennet's ,roman ,antiquities           
,laponneray's ,life of ,robespierre     
,law of ,slavery    ,laws of ,united    
,states    ,leland's necessity of       
,divine ,revelation    ,letters from the
 ,south1 by ,j4,k4 ,paulding    ,life of
 ,elias ,cornelius    ,louisiana1 civil 
code of            1 sketches of        
,martineau's ,harriet1 ,society in      
,america    ,martin's ,digest of the    
laws of ,louisiana    ,maryland laws of 
,mead's ,journal    ,mississippi        

,revised ,code    ,missouri ,laws       
,modern state of ,spain by ,j4,f4       
,bourgoing    ,montesquieu's ,spirit of 
,laws    ,necessity of ,divine          
,revelation    ,niles' ,baltimore       
,register    ,north ,carolina ,reports  
by ,devereaux    ,oasis    ,parrish's   
remarks on slavery    ,paulding's       
letters from the ,south    ,paxton's    
letters on slavery    ,presbyterian     
,synod1 ,report of    ,picture of       
slavery    ,prince's ,digest    ,prison 
,discipline ,society1 reports of        
,rankin's ,letters    ,reed and         
,matheson's visit to ,am4 churches      
,review of ,nevins' ,biblical           
,antiquities    ,rice1 speech of in     
,kentucky convention    ,robespierre1   
,life of    ,robin's travels    ,roman  
,antiquities    ,slavery's ,journal     
,slavery and the ,slave ,trade          
,society in ,america    ,sewall's ,diary
    ,south ,carolina1 ,laws of    ,south
 vindicated by ,drayton    ,spirit of   
,laws    ,swain's address    ,stroud's  

,sketch of the ,slave ,laws    ,taylor's
 ,agricultural ,essays    ,travels in   
,louisiana    ,tucker's ,blackstone     
,tucker's ,judge1 ,letter    ,turner's  
,sacred ,history of the world           
,virginia ,legislature1 ,review of      
,debates in            1 ,revised ,code 
1 ,negro-raising state    ,visit to     
,american churches    ,western ,medical 
,journal    ,western ,medical ,reformer 
,western ,review    ,wheeler's ,law of  
slavery    ,wirt's ,life of ,patrick    
,henry    ,woolman ,john1 ,life of      
,books of slaves stolen  ,borrowing of  
slaves  ,bourne1 ,george1 anecdote of   
,boy killed  ,boys' fight to amuse their
 drivers  ,bowie ,knives  ,boys' retort 
,brandings  ,branding with hot iron     
,brasses  ,breeders  ,breeding of slaves
 prevented  ,breeding wenches           
comparative value of  ,bribes for       
begetting slaves  ,brick-yards          
,broken-winded slaves  ,brutality to    
slaves  ,brutes and slaves treated alike
  ,burial of slaves  ,burning of        

,mc,intosh  ,burning slaves  ,burning   
with hot iron  ,burning with smoothing  
irons  ,butchery      ,c4    ,cabins of 
slaves  ,cachexia ,africana  ,caligula  
,can't believe  ,capital ,crimes        
,captain in the ,u4,s4 navy1 tried for  
murder  ,carding of ,slaves             
,cat-hauling  ,cato the ,just  ,causes  
of the laws punishing cruelty to slaves 
,chained slave  ,chains  ,changes in the
 market  ,character of ,overseers       
,romans              ,slave-drivers     
,charleston              ,infirmary at  
,jail              ,slave auctions      
,surgery at              ,work-house    
,chastity punished  ,child-bearing      
prevented  ,childbirth of slaves        
,childhood unprotected  ,children       
flogged          naked  ,choking of     
slaves  ,chopping of slaves piecemeal   
,christian females tortured             
martyr           slave-hunting          
slave-murderer  ,christian1 slave       
whipped to death  ,christians1          
persecutions of            slavery among

            treat their slaves like     
others  ,christian woman kidnapped      
,chronic diseases  ,churches1 abuse of  
power in  ,church members  ,citizens    
sold as slaves  ,civilization and       
morality  ,clarkson1 ,thomas  ,claudius 
,clemens  ,clothing for slaves          
,cock-fighting  ,code of ,louisiana     
,collars of iron  ,columbia1 district of
           fatal affray at  ,comfort of 
slaves disregarded  ,commodus           
,concubinage  ,condemned criminals      
,condition of slaves  ,confinement at   
night  ,congress of the ,united ,states 
a bear garden  ,connecticut1 law of1    
against ,quakers  ,constables1 character
 of  ,constantine the ,great  ,contempt 
of human life  ,contrasts of benevolence
  ,conversation between ,c4 and ,h      
,converted slave  ,cooking for slaves   
,correction moderate  ,corrupting       
influence of slavery  ,cotton-picking   
,cotton-plantations  ,cotton seed mixed 
with corn for food  ,council of ,nice   
,courts1 decrees of  ,cowhides1 with    

shovel and tongs  ,crack of the whip    
heard afar off  ,crimes of slaves1      
capital  ,criminals condemned  ,cringing
 of ,northern ,preachers  ,cropping of  
ears  ,crops for exportation            
,cruelties1 common            inflicted 
upon slaves            of ,cortez in    
,mexico               ,ovando in        
,hispaniola               ,pizarro in   
,peru            of slave-drivers       
incredible  ,cruel treatment of slaves  
the masters' interest  ,cultivation of  
rice  ,cutting of ,a4,t4 s throat by a  
,presbyterian woman      ,d4            
,d',almeydra1 ,donna ,sophia  ,damaged  
negroes bought  ,darlington ,c4,h41     
,south ,carolina  ,dauphin ,island1     
,mobile ,bay  ,dead or ,alive  ,dead    
slave claimed  ,deaf slaves  ,death at  
child birth  ,death-bed1 horrors of a   
slave driver  ,death by violence1       
,death of a slave murderer  ,decrees of 
,courts  ,decisions1 judicial           
,declarations of slaveholders  ,deformed
 slaves  ,delivery of a dead child from 

whipping  ,description of slave drivers1
 by ,john ,randolph  ,despair of slaves 
,desperate affray  ,despot  ,dimensum of
 ,roman slaves  ,diseased slaves        
,dislocation of bones  ,district of     
,columbia                     prisons in
  ,ditty of slaves                      
,doe-faces--,dough-faces  ,dogs provided
 for  ,dogs to hunt slaves  ,domestic   
slavery  ,domitian  ,donnell1 ,rev4 ,mr4
  ,dough-faces  ,drivers  ,driving of   
slaves  ,droves of human cattle         
slaves  ,duelling  ,dumb slaves         
,dwellings of slaves  ,dying slave      
,dying young women      ,e4             
,ear-cropping  ,early market            
,ear-notching  ,ear-slitting  ,eating   
tobacco worms  ,effects of public       
opinion concerning slavery              
,emancipation society of ,north         
,carolina  ,english ladies and gentlemen
  ,enormities of slave drivers          
,evenings in the ,negro quarter         
,evidence of slaves vs4 white persons   
null  ,ewall1 ,merry  ,examples pleaded 

in justification of cruelty to slaves   
,exchange of slaves  ,exportation of    
slave from ,virginia  ,eyes struck out  
,f4    ,faith objectors who can't       
believe  ,fatal rencontre               
,fault-finding  ,favorite amusements of 
slaveholders  ,fear1 the only motive of 
slaves  ,feast for slaves  ,feeding     
insufficient  ,feeble infants  ,felonies
 on account of slavery                  
perpetrated with impunity  ,female      
hypocrite  ,female slave deranged       
,,female ,,slave ,,drivers              
,burford1 ,mrs4    ,carter1 ,mrs4       
,elizabeth ,l4    ,charleston           
,charlestown1 ,va    ,galway1 ,mrs4     
,harris1 ,mrs4    ,h41 ,mrs4 throat     
cutter    ,laurie1 ,madame ,la          
,mallix1 ,mrs4    ,mann1 ,mrs4          
,mabtin1 ,mrs4    ,maxwell1 ,mrs4       
,mc,neil1 ,mrs4    ,morgan1 ,mrs4       
,newman1 ,mrs4 ,b4    ,pence1 ,mrs4     
,phinps1 ,mrs4    ,professor of religion
    ,ruffner1 ,mrs4    ,south ,carolina 
,starky1 ,mrs4    ,swan1 ,mrs4          

,teacher at ,charleston    ,t41 ,mrs4   
,trip1 ,mrs4    ,truby1 ,mrs    ,turner1
 ,mrs4    ,walsh1 ,sarah    ,female     
slave starved to death                  
whipped to death by a ,methodist        
preacher  ,female stripped by order of  
her mistress  ,fetters  ,field-hands    
,lighting of boys to amuse their drivers
  ,fine old preacher who dealt in slaves
  ,fingers cut off  ,flogging for       
unfinished tasks          of children   
pregnant women until they miscarry      
slaves          young man  ,floggings   
,florida  ,food1 kinds of         of    
slaves         quality of               
quantity of  ,free citizens stolen      
,free woman           kidnapped         
,frequent murders  ,friends1 memorial of
  ,front-teeth knocked out  ,fundamental
 rights destroyed      ,g4    ,gadsden  
,thomas ,n4 ,slave ,auctioneer  ,gagging
 of slaves  ,galloway flogging ,jo4     
,gambling on crops  ,gambling           
slaveholder  ,gang of slaves            
,generosity of slaveholders  ,georgia   

,girls' backs burnt with smoothing irons
  ,girls' toe cut off  ,good treatment  
of slaves  ,governor of ,north ,carolina
            ,shiraz  ,grand ,jury       
presentment of1  ,guiltiness of ,slavery
  ,gun shot wounds      ,h4    ,habits  
of slave-drivers  ,hampton ,wade1       
murderer of slaves  ,handcuffs  ,hands  
tied  ,hanging of nine slaves  ,harris  
,benjamin1 slave murderer  ,head found  
,head of a runaway slave on a pole      
,health of slaves  ,heart of            
slaveholders  ,herding of slaves        
,hilton ,james1 slave murderer  ,hired  
slaves  ,hiring of slaves  ,horrible    
malady  ,horrid butchery  ,horrors of a 
slave-driver at death           the     
middle passage  ,horse-racing  ,horses  
more cared for than slaves  ,hospitality
 of slaveholders  ,hours of rest        
work  ,hospital at ,new ,orleans        
,house-slaves  ,houses of slaves        
,house-wench  ,hovels of slaves         
,huguenots1 persecution of  ,human      
cattle  ,human rights against slavery   

,hunger of slaves  ,hunter of slaves    
,hunting men with dogs  ,hunting of     
slaves  ,hunt1 ,rev4 ,thomas ,p4        
,husband whipping his wife  ,huts of    
slaves  ,hymn-books searched for        
,hypocrisy of vice      ,i4    ,idiot   
slaves  ,ignatius  ,ignorance of        
northern citizens of slavery            
slaveholders  ,impunity of killing      
slaves  ,inadequate clothing  ,income   
from hiring slaves  ,incorrigible slaves
  ,incredibility of evidence against    
slavery  ,incredulity discreditable to  
consistency                             
intelligence  ,indecency of             
slave-drivers  ,indiana ,legislature1   
resolutions of  ,infant drowned  ,infant
 slaves  ,infirmary at ,charleston      
,infliction of pain  ,inspection of     
naked slaves  ,intercession for slaves  
,interest of slaveholders  ,introduction
  ,iron collars  ,iron fetters  ,iron   
head-front  ,israelites in ,egypt       
,j4    ,jewish law  ,joe flogged        
,jones1 ,anson1 ,minister from ,texas   

,judicial decisions      ,k4            
,kentucky          ,sunday morning      
,kicking of slaves  ,kidnappers         
,kidnapping  ,kindness of slaveholders  
,kinds of food  ,kind treatment of      
slaves4  ,knives1 ,bowie  ,knocking out 
of teeth      ,l4    ,labor1 hours of   
,labor of slaves  ,ladies ,benevolent   
,society  ,ladies flog with cowhides    
,ladies1 public opinion known by        
,ladies use shovel and tongs  ,law      
concerning slavery  ,law-making  ,laws1 
,georgia       ,louisiana               
,maryland       ,mississippi            
,north ,carolina       ,south ,carolina 
,spirit of       ,tennessee             
,united ,states       ,virginia  ,law1  
safeguards of taken from slaves  ,law   
suit for a murdered slave1  ,legal      
restraints  ,licentiousness             
encouraged by preachers  ,licentiousness
 of slavedrivers  ,lie down for         
whipping1  ,life in the ,south-west1    
,lives of slaves unprotected  ,lodging  
of slaves  ,long1 his cruelty  ',loss of

 property'  ,louisiana           law of 
sketches of1  ,louis ,,xiv4 of ,france  
,lovers severed1  ,lunatic slaves       
,lynchings in the ,united ,states       
,lynch ,law1      ,m4    ,maimed slaves 
,maimings  ,malady of slaves  ,manacling
 of slaves  ,maniac woman  ,man sold by 
a ,presbyterian elder  ,man-stealing    
paid for  ,marriage unknown among slaves
  ,martyr for ,christ  ,maryland        
,journal  ,maryville ,intelligencer     
,massacre at ,antioch                   
,thessalonica            ,vicksburg     
,masters grant no redress to slaves     
,mc,intosh1 burning of  ,maximin  ,meals
 number of       of slaves  ,meat once a
 year  ,mediation for slaves  ,medical  
attendance         college of ,south    
,carolina         ,infirmary at         
,charleston  ,medicine administered to  
slaves  ,members of churches  ,memorial 
of friends  ,menagerie of slaves  ,men  
and women whipped  ,methodist colored   
preacher hung1  ,methodist girl whipped 
for her chastity  ,methodist preacher1 a

 slave dealer                           
driver           woman cut off a girl's 
toe  ,method of taking meals  ,middle   
passage  ,miscarriage of women at the   
whipping post  ,mississippi  ,missouri  
,mistresses flog slaves  ,mobile        
,moderate correction  ,moors1 repulsion 
of  ,morgan1 ,william  ,mormons         
,mothers and babes separated  ,mothers  
of slaves  ,mulatto children in all     
families  ,multiplying of slaves        
,murderers of slaves tried and acquitted
  ,murder of slaves by law              
bad feeling                   piece-meal
                 every seven years      
frequent                 with impunity  
,murders in ,alabama           ,arkansas
      ,n4    ,naked children       ,dave
       females whipped                  
inspected       ,men and women at work  
in a field  ,nakedness of slaves        
,nantz1 edict of  ',national            
slave-market'  ,natchez  ,nat ,turner   
',negro ,head ,point  ',negroes for sale
  ',negroes taken  ,nero  ',never lose a

 day's work'  ,new ,england1 witches of 
,new ,orleans            ,hospital  ,new
 ,york1 thirteen persons burnt at       
,nice1 council of  ',nigger put in the  
bill'  ,night-confinement  ,night at a  
slaveholder's house  ,night in slave    
huts  ,nine slaves hanged  ,no marriage 
among slaves  ,north ,carolina          
,governor of                ,legislature
 of                ,kidnappers          
,northern visitors to the slave states  
,nothing can disgrace slave-drivers     
,novel torture  ,nudity of slaves       
,nursing of slave-children      ,o4     
,objections considered  ,ocra1 a        
slave-driver  ,oiling of a slave  ,old  
age uncommon among slaves               
unprotected  ,old dying slaves  ,old    
settlement      slaves  ,oppressor      
aversion of to his slave  ,outlawry of  
slaves  ,outrageous ,felonies on account
 of slavery                             
perpetrated with impunity  ,overseers1  
character of            generally armed 
no appeal from    ,,overseers ,,of      

,,slaves--      ,alabama    ,alexander  
killed    ,bellemont    ,bellows        
,blocken's    ,bradley    ,cormick's    
,cruel to a proverb    ,farr1 ,james    
,galloway    ,gibbs    ,goochland       
,methodist preacher    ,milligan's ,bend
    ,nowland's    ,tune    ,turner's    
cousin    ,walker    ,overworking of    
slaves    ,ownership ,of human beings   
destroys their comfort4      ,p4        
,paddle torture  ,paddle whipping       
,pain1 the means of slave drivers       
,pancake sticks  ,parents and children  
separated  ,parlor-slaves  ,parricide   
threatened  ,patrol  ,pay for begetting 
mulatto slaves  ,periodical pressure    
,persecution of ,huguenots  ,persecution
 for religion  ,,personal ,,narratives  
,philanthropist  ,philip ,,ii4 and the  
,moors  ,physicians not employed for    
slaves  ,physicians of slaves           
,physician's statement  ,pig-sties more 
comfortable than slave-huts             
,plantations  ,pleas for cruelty to     
slaves  ,ploughs and whips equally      

common  ,pliny  ,poles1 ,russian        
clemency to  ,polycarp  ,poor ,african  
slave  ,portuguese slaves  ,pothinus    
,prayer of slaves  ,praying and         
slave-whipping in the same room         
,praying slaves whipped  ,preacher      
claims a dead slave  ,preacher hung     
,preachers1 cringing of  ,preacher's    
hands tied  ,preachers silenced         
,pregnant slaves                whipped 
,presbyterian ,elders at ,lynchburg     
,presbyterian minister killed his slave 
,presbyterian slave-trader              
,presbyterian woman desirious to cut    
,a4,t4's throat  ,presentment of the    
,grand ,jury at ,cheraw  ,pretexts for  
slavery absurd  ,prisons in the         
,district of ,columbia  ,prison slave   
,,privations ,,of ,,the ,,slaves--      
,clothing    ,dwellings    ,food        
,kinds of food    ,labor    ,number of  
meals    ,quality of food    ,quantity  
of food    ,time of meals4              
,promiscuous concubinage  ,property     
'loss of'  ,protection of slaves        

,protestants in ,france  ,provisions1   
allowance of  ,public opinion destroys  
fundamental rights1                     
diabolical               protects the   
slave  ,punishment of slaves            
,punishments  ,purchasing a wife        
,puryer the devil  ,putrid backs of     
slaves      ,q4    ,quality of food     
,quantity of food      ,r4    ,race of  
slaves murdered every seven years       
,randolph ,john will of                 
description of slavedrivers             
,doe faces  ,rations  ,rearing of slaves
  ,relaxation1 no time for  ,religious  
persecutions  ,respect for woman lost   
,rest1 hours of  ,restraints1 legal     
,retort of a boy  ,rhode ,island1       
kidnappers and pirates of  ,rice        
plantations  ,richmond ,whig  ,rio      
,janeiro slavery at  ,riot at ,natchez  
,riots in the ,united ,states           
,robespierre  ,romans  ,roman slavery   
,runaways  ,,runaway ,,slaves--         
,advertisements for     ,baptist man and
 woman     ,buried alive     ,chilton's 

,converted     ,dead or alive     ,head 
on a pole     ,hung     ,hunting of     
,intelligent man     ,jim ,dragon       
,luke     ,man buried        dragged by 
a horse        maimed        murdered   
severe punishments of        shot       
by ,baptist preacher        taken from  
jail        tied and driven        to   
his wife        whipped to death        
,many1 annually shot ,i    ,stallard's  
man    ,white ,peter    ,young woman    
,s4    ,sabbath1 a nominal holiday      
,safeguards of the law taken from slaves
  ,sale of a man by a ,presbyterian     
elder  ,sale of slaves  ,savannah1 ,ga4 
,savannah slave-hunter  ,save us from   
our friends  ,scarcity1 times of        
,scenes of horror  ,search for ,bibles  
and ,hymn books  ,secretary of the ,navy
  ,separation of slaves  ,shame unknown 
among naked slaves  ,shoes for slaves   
,sick1 treatment of  ,six pound paddle1 
,slack-jaw1  ,slave-breeders            
breeding  ,slave-drivers acknowledge    
their enormities              character 

of  ,,slaveholders--    ,adams          
,baptist preachers    ,barr    ,baxter1 
,george ,a    ,baxter1 ,john            
,blocker1 ,colonel    ,blount    ,britt1
 ,benjamin ,w4    ,burbecker            
,burvant1 ,mrs4    ,c4,a41 ,rev4        
,casey    ,chilton1 ,joseph    ,clay    
,c41 ,mr4    ,cooper1 ,charity          
,curtis1    ,davis1 ,samuel    ,dras1   
,henry    ,delaware    ,female hypocrite
    ,gautney1 ,joseph    ,gayle1        
,governor    ,governor of ,north        
,carolina    ,green    ,hampton1 ,wade  
,harney1 ,william ,s4    ,harris1       
,benjamin ,james    ,hayne1 ,governor   
,hedding    ,henrico county1 ,va4       
,heyward1 ,nathaniel    ,hughes1 ,philip
 ,o4    ,hutchinson    ,hypocrite woman 
,indecency of    ,jones    ,jones1      
,henry    ,lewis1 ,benjamin    ,lewis1  
,isham    ,lewis1 ,lilburn    ,lewis1   
,rev4 ,mr4    ,long1 ,lucy    ,long1    
,reuben    ,l41 of ,bath1 ,ky4          
,maclay1 ,john    ,martin1 ,rev4 ,james 
,matthews' ,bend    ,m',coy    ,m',cue1 

,john    ,methodist    ,methodist       
,preachers    ,m',neilly    ,moresville 
,morgan    ,mosely1 ,william            
,murderer    ,mushat1 ,rev4 ,john       
,nansemond1 ,va4    ,natchez planter    
,nelson1 ,alexander    ,nichols1 of     
,connecticut    ,north ,carolina        
,owens1 ,judge    ,painter    ,physician
    ,pinckney1 ,h4,l4    ,presbyterian  
,presbyterian minister1 ,huntsville     
,north ,carolina                preacher
    ,professing ,christian    ,puryar1  
the ,devil    ,randolph1 ,john          
,reiks1 ,micajah    ,rodney    ,ruffner 
,shepherd1 ,s4,c4    ,sherrod1 ,ben     
,slaughter1    ,smith1 ,judge           
,sophistry of    ,south ,carolina       
,sparks1 ,william    ,stallard1 ,david  
,starky1    ,swan1 ,john    ,teacher at 
,charleston    ,thompson    ,thorpe     
,tripp1 ,james    ,truly1 ,james        
,turner1 ,fielding ,s4    ,turner1 uncle
 of    ,virginian1    ,wall    ,watkins1
 ,billy    ,watkins1 ,robert ,h4        
,watson1 ,a4    ,w41 ,colonel    ,webb1 

,carroll         ,pleasant    ,west's   
uncle    ,widow and daughter1 ,savannah 
river    ,willis1 ,robert    ,wilson1   
,william    ,woman    ,woman1 professor 
of religion1  ,slaveholders justify     
their cruelties by example              
possess absolute power                  
sophistry of  ,slaveholding amusements  
brutality              indecency        
murderers              religion         
,slave-mothers1        plantations      
second only to hell  ,slavery among     
,christians  ,,slavery ,,illustrated--  
,slave-auctions       blocks with nails 
boys fight to amuse their drivers1      
branding       breeding       burner    
burning  ,slave-cabins             at   
night  ,slave-children nursed           
choking       clothing       collars    
cookery  ,slave-ditty       dogs        
driver's death                          
licentiousness of       driving         
fetters       food       gagging        
gangs       handcuffs       herding     
,slaveholders1 civilization and morality

 of               declarations of       
habits of               heart of        
hospitality of               interest of
               sophistry of             
treat their slaves well  ,slaveholding  
professor  ,slaveholding religion       
,slave-hovels       hunting             
by ,christians  ,slave imprisoned       
in chains       in the stocks           
kicking       killed1 and put in the    
bill       killing with impunity        
labor       manacles       martyr       
meals       mothers       murderers1    
tried and acquitted       patrol        
physicians       punishments of  ,slave 
quarters1  ,slavery1 code of law        
respecting          among ,christians   
domestic          guilt of          of  
whites          public opinion and      
effects of          unmixed cruelty     
,slave selling  ,slaves aversion of to  
their oppressors        backs of1 putrid
        blind        books of searched  
for        branded        brutality to  
burial of        carded                 

cat-hauling of        comfort of        
disregarded        deaf        dead or  
alive        deformed        deprived of
 every safeguard of the law             
described        diseased        dread  
to be sold for the ,south        dumb   
dying        evidence of against white  
persons null        exchanged           
reported from ,virginia        fear     
their only motive        feasted and    
flogged        hired        idiots      
incorrigible        infant        in the
 stocks          ,u4,s4 treatment of    
lunatics        maimed                  
merchandise        multiply             
murdered by cottonseed                  
overwork                   piece-meal   
starvation                every seven   
years                frequently         
with impunity        naked        not   
treated as human beings        outlawed 
overworked        prayers of            
privations of        protection of      
sale of        stock        surgeons of 
taking medicine        tantalized       

starvation of        teeth of knocked   
out        tied up all night        toe 
cut off        torments of              
travelling in droves        treated     
worse as they are farther ,south        
treatment of by ,christians        under
 overseers        watching of           
without redress               shelter   
working animals        worn out         
worse treated than brutes        wounded
 by gun-shot  ,slave testimony excluded 
torturing hypocrite       trade with    
,africa       trading                   
honorable       traffic  ,slave         
,murderers  ,slave plantation  ,slave   
usage contrasted with that of animals   
,slave whipping    ,slave yokes         
,whipped    ,whipped and burnt          
,whipped to death    ,slaves treatment  
of    ,slave trade  ,sleeping in clothes
  ,slitting of ears  ,smoothing iron on 
girl's backs  ,sophistry of slaveholders
  ,south ,carolina laws of              
medical college  ,southern dogs and     
horses  ,spartan slavery  ,speece1 ,rev4

 ,conrad opposed to emancipation        
,spirit of laws  ,springfield1 ,s4,c4   
,starvation of a female slave           
slaves  ,statement of a physician       
,state1 abuse of power in  ,stealing of 
freemen  ,stevenson1 ,andrew1 letter by 
,st4 ,helena1 ,s4,c4  ,stillman's1 ,dr4 
medical infirmary at ,charleston        
,stocks for slaves  ,stock without      
shelter3  ,subject of prayer  ,suffering
 of slaves                   drives to  
despair and suicide  ,sugar-planters    
,suicide of slaves  ,suit for a dead    
slave          murdered slave  ,sunday  
morning in ,kentucky  ,surgeon of slaves
  ,surgery at ,charleston               
,susceptibility of pain      ,t4        
,tanner's oil poured on a slave         
,tantalising of slaves  ,tappan1 ,arthur
  ,tarring of slaves  ,taskwork of      
slaves  ,teeth knocked out  ,tender     
regard of slaveholders for slave        
,tennessee  ,,testimony4--    ,allen1   
,rev4 ,william ,t4    ,avery1 ,george   
,a4    ,caulkins1 ,nehemiah             

,channing1 ,dr4    ,chapin1 ,rev4       
,william ,a4    ,chapman1 ,gordon       
,clergyman    ,cruelty to slaves        
,dickey1 ,rev4 ,william    ,drayton1    
,colonel    ,gildersleeve1 ,william ,c4 
,graham1 ,rev4 ,john    ,grimk1 ,sarah  
,m4    ,hawley1 ,rev4 ,francis    ,ide1 
,joseph    ,jefferson1 ,thomas    ,macy1
 ,f4,c4         ,reuben ,g4             
,richard         ,t4,d4,m4    ,moulton1 
,rev4 ,horace    ,nelson1 ,john ,m4     
,new ,orleans    ,of slaves excluded    
,paulding1 ,james ,k4    ,poe1 ,william 
,powel1 ,eleazar    ,sapington1 ,lemuel 
,scales1 ,rev4 ,william    ,secretary of
 the ,navy    ,smith1 ,rev4 ,phineas    
,summers1 ,mr4    ,virginian            
,westgate1 ,george ,w4    ,weld1        
,angelina ,grimk    ,white1 ,hiram      
,wist1 ,william  ,texas  ,theodosius the
 ,great  ,thessalonica1 massacre at     
,thumb-screws  ,tiberius  ,time for     
relaxation1 not allowed  ,times of      
scarcity  ,titus  ,tobacco worms eaten  
,tooth knocked out  ,tortures           

eulogized by a professor of religion    
,trading with negroes  ,traffic in      
slaves  ,trajan  ,treatment of sick     
slaves  ,treatment of slaves in the     
,united ,states by professing           
,christians1           little better    
than that of brutes  ,trial of          
women1--white and black1  ,trials for   
murdering slaves  ,turkish slavery      
,turner1 ,nat  ,twelve slaves killed by 
overwork  ,twenty-seven hundred         
thousands of free-born citizens in the  
,united    ,states  ,tying up of slaves 
at night  ,tyrant    ,uncle ,jack1      
,baptist preacher  ,under garments not  
allowed to slaves  ,united ,states1     
,laws of  ,university of ,virginia      
,untimely seasons  ,usage of slaves and 
brutes contrasted    ,vapid babblings of
 slaveholders  ,vice1 hypocrisy of      
,vicksburg1 massacre of  ,virginia1 a   
slave menagerie           exportation of
 slaves from           ,university of   
,visitors to slave states  ,vitellius   
,washing for slaves  ,washington slavery

            the national slave market   
,west ,indian slaves  ,whip1 cracking of
 heard at a distance  ,whipped to death 
,,whipping--    ,children    ,every day 
,females    ,on three plantations heard 
at one time    ,pregnant women          
,slaves    ,slaves after a feast        
for praying    ,with paddle    ,women   
with prayer  ,whipping-posts  ,whips    
equally common on plantations as ploughs
  ,white or black2 trial of  ,whites in 
slavery  ,white slave  ,wholesale       
murders  ,wife1 purchase of a  ,will of 
,john ,randolph  ,wilmington1 ,n4,c4    
,witches of ,new-,england               
,,witnesses4    ,abbot1 ,jordan         
,abdie1 ,p4    ,adams1 ,mr4    ,african 
,observer    ,alexandria ,gazette       
,allan1 ,rev4 ,william ,t4    ,alston1  
,j4,a41 ,heirs of    ,alton ,telegraph  
,alvis1 ,j4    ,anderson1 ,benjamin     
,andrews1 ,professor    ,anthony1       
,julius ,c4    ,antram1 ,joshua         
,appleton1 ,john ,james    ,arkansas    
,advocate    ,armstrong1 ,william       

,artop1 ,james    ,ashford1 ,j4,p4      
,augusta ,chronicle    ,avery1 ,george  
,a4    ,aylethorpe1 ,thomas    ,bahi1   
,p4    ,baker1 ,william    ,baldwin1    
,j4,g4    ,baldwin1 ,jonathan ,f4       
,ballinger1 ,a4,s4    ,baltimore ,sun   
,baptist ,deacon    ,bardwell1 ,rev4    
,william    ,barker1 ,jacob    ,barnard1
 ,alonzo    ,barnes1 ,george ,w4        
,barr1 ,james         ,mrs4             
,rev4 ,hugh    ,barrer1 ,b4,g4          
,barton1 ,david ,w4           ,richard  
,w4    ,bateman1 ,william    ,baton     
,rouge1 ,agricultural ,society of       
,bayli1 ,p4    ,beall1 ,samuel          
,beasley1 ,a4,g4,a4            ,john ,c4
            ,robert    ,beene1 ,jesse   
,bell1 ,abraham         ,samuel         
,bennett1 ,d4,b4    ,besson1 ,jacob     
,bezon1 ,mr4    ,bingham1 ,joel ,s4     
,birdseye1 ,ezekiel    ,birney1 ,james  
,g4    ,bishop1 ,j4    ,blackwell1      
,samuel    ,bland1 ,r4,j4    ,bliss     
,mayhew and ,co         ,philemon1      
,bolton1 ,j4,l4 and ,w4,h4    ,boudinot1

 ,tobias    ,bouldin1 ,t4,t4            
,bourgoing1 ,j4,f4    ,bourne1 ,george  
,bradley1 ,henry    ,bragg1 ,thomas     
,brasseale1 ,w4,h4    ,brewster1 ,jarvis
    ,brothers1 ,menard    ,brove1 ,a4   
,brown1 ,j4,a4          ,john           
,rev4 ,abel          ,william    ,bruce 
,mr4    ,buchanan1 ,dr4    ,buckels1    
,william ,d4    ,burvant1 ,madame       
,burwell    ,bush1 ,moses ,e4           
,buster1 ,mr4    ,butt1 ,moses    ,byrn1
 ,samuel ,h4    ,calvert1 ,robert       
,carney1 ,r4,p4    ,carolina1 ,history  
of    ,carter1 ,mrs4 ,elizabeth         
,caulkins1 ,nehemiah    ,channing1 ,dr4 
,chapin1 ,rev4 ,william ,a4    ,chapman1
 ,b4,f4            ,gardon              
,charleston ,courier                    
,mercury              ,patriot          
,cherry1 ,john ,w4    ,child1 ,david ,l4
          ,mrs4    ,choules1 ,rev4 ,john
 ,o4    ,citizens of ,onslow    ,clark1 
,w4,g4    ,clarke ,john    ,clay1       
,henry1        ,thomas    ,clenderson1  
,benjamin    ,clergyman    ,coates      

,lindley    ,cobb1 ,w4,d4    ,colborn1  
,j4,l4    ,cole1 ,nathan    ,coleman1   
,h4    ,colonization ,society           
,columbian ,inquirer    ,comegys1       
,governor    ,congress1 ,member of      
,connecticut1 ,medical ,society of      
,constant1 ,dr4    ,cooke1 ,owen        
,cook1 ,giles         ,h4,l4    ,cooper1
 ,thomas    ,cornelius1 ,rev4 ,elias    
,corner1 ,charles           ,l4,e4      
,cotton plantere    ,cowles1 ,mrs4 ,mary
           ,rev4 ,sylvester    ,craige1 
,charles    ,crane1 ,william            
,crutchfield1 ,thomas    ,cuggy1 ,t4    
,curtis1 ,mr4           ,rev4 ,john ,h4 
,cuyler1 ,j4    ,daniel and ,goodman    
,darien ,telegraph    ,davidson1 ,rev4  
,patrick    ,davis1 ,john    ,davis1    
,benjamin    ,dean1 ,jethro             
,thomas    ,demming1 ,dr4    ,denser1   
,t4,s4    ,derbigny1 ,judge    ,dew1    
,philip ,a4        ,president           
,dickey1 ,rev4 ,james ,h4               
,william    ,dickinson1 ,mr4            
,dillahunty1 ,john ,h4    ,doddridge1   

,philip    ,dorrah1 ,james    ,downman1 
,mrs4 ,lucy ,m4    ,douglas1 ,rev4      
,j4,w4    ,drake and ,thomson           
,drayton1 ,colonel    ,drown1 ,william  
,dudley1 ,rev4 ,john    ,duggan1 ,john  
,dunn1 ,john ,l4    ,dunham1 ,jacob     
,durell1 ,judge    ,durett1 ,francis    
,dustin1 ,w4    ,dyer1 ,william         
,eastman1 ,rev4 ,d4,b4    ,eaton1       
,general ,william    ,edmunds1 ,nicholas
    ,edwards1 ,f4,l4,c4                 
,president          ,junior             
,ellison1 ,samuel    ,ellis1 ,orren     
,ellsworth1 ,elijah    ,emancipation    
,society of ,n4,c4    ,english1 ,walter 
,r4    ,evans1 ,r4,a4    ,everett1      
,william    ,faulkner1 ,mr4             
,fayetteville ,observer    ,fernandez   
and ,whiting    ,finley1 ,james ,c4     
,r4,s4    ,fishers1 ,e4,h4 and ,i4      
,fitzhugh1 ,william ,h4    ,ford1 ,john 
,foster1 ,francis    ,fox1 ,john ,b4    
,foy1 ,enoch    ,francisville ,chronicle
    ,franklin ,republican    ,frederick1
 ,john    ,friends1 ,yearly ,meeting of 

,fuller1 ,isaac ,c4    ,fullerton1      
,g4,s4    ,furman1 ,b4    ,gadsden1     
,thomas ,n4    ,gaines1 ,rev4 ,ludwell1 
,g4    ,gales1 ,joseph    ,garcia1      
,henrico ,y4    ,garland1 ,maurice ,h4  
,gates1 ,seth ,m4    ,gayle1 ,john      
,georgetown ,union    ,georgia          
,constitutionalist           ,journal   
,georgian    ,gholson1 ,mr4             
,giddings1 ,mr4    ,gilbert1 ,e4,w4     
,gildersterre1 ,william ,c4    ,glidden1
 ,mr4    ,goode1 ,mr4    ,gourden and   
,co4    ,grace1 ,byrd ,m4    ,graham1   
,rev4 ,john           ,rev4 ,dr4        
,grand ,gulf ,advertiser    ,graham1    
,jehab    ,gray1 ,abraham    ,greene1   
,r4,a4    ,green1 ,james ,r4            
,gregory1 ,ossian    ,gridley1 ,h4      
,grimk1 ,sarah ,m4    ,grosvenor4 ,rev4 
,cyrus ,p4    ,guex1 ,d4,f4    ,gunnell1
 ,john ,j4,h4    ,guthrie1 ,a4,a4       
,guyler1 ,j4    ,halley1 ,preston       
,hall1 ,samuel    ,han1 ,e4    ,hand1   
,john ,h4    ,hansborough1 ,william     
,hanson1 ,peter    ,harding1 ,n4,h4     

,harman1 ,samuel    ,harrison1 ,general 
,w4,h4    ,hart1 ,f4,a4         ,rev4   
,mr4    ,harvey1 ,j4    ,hawley1 ,david 
,rev4 ,francis    ,hayne1 ,general      
,r4,y4    ,henderson1 ,john             
,judge    ,hendren1 ,h4    ,herring1 ,d4
            ,dr4    ,hitchcock1 ,judge  
,hite1 ,s4,n4    ,hodges1 ,b4,w4        
,rev4 ,coleman ,s4    ,holcombe1 ,john  
,p4    ,holmes1 ,george    ,home1       
,frederick    ,honerton1 ,philip        
,hopkins1 ,rev4 ,henry ,t4    ,horsey1  
,outerbridge    ,hough1 ,rev4 ,joseph   
,houstoun1 ,edward    ,hudnall1 ,thomas 
,hughes1 ,benjamin    ,hunt1 ,john      
,rev4 ,thomas ,p4    ,hussey1 ,george   
,p4,c4    ,huston1 ,felix    ,hutchings1
 ,a4,j4    ,ide1 ,joseph    ,indiana1   
,legislature of    ,jackson1 ,stephen   
,m4            ,telegraph    ,james1    
,joseph    ,jarnett1 ,james ,t4 ,de     
,jarvett1 ,james ,t4    ,jefferson1     
,thomas    ,jenkins1 ,john    ,jett1    
,marshall    ,johnson1 ,bryant          
,cornelius            ,isaac            

,josiah ,s4    ,jolley1 ,j4,l4          
,jones1 ,alexander          ,anson      
,hill          ,james          ,r4,h4   
,w4 ,jefferson    ,jourdan1 ,green ,b4  
,judd1 ,d4         ,mrs4 ,nancy         
,keeton1 ,g4,w4    ,kennedy1 ,john      
,kentucky1 ,synod of    ,kephart1       
,george    ,kernin1 ,charles    ,keyes1 
,willard    ,kimball and ,thome         
,george    ,kimborough1 ,james    ,king1
 ,charles         ,john ,h4             
,nehemiah    ,knapp1 ,henry ,e4         
,isaac    ,kyle1 ,frederick             
,james    ,lacy1 ,theodore ,a4    ,ladd1
 ,william    ,lains1 ,o4,w4    ,lambeth1
 ,william ,l4    ,lambre1 ,mr4          
,lancette1 ,r4    ,langhorne1 ,scruggs  
and ,cook    ,larrimer1 ,thomas         
,latimer1 ,w4,k4    ,lawless1 ,judge    
,lawyer1 ,zadok    ,ledwith1 ,thomas    
,leftwich1 ,william    ,lemes1          
,ferdinand    ,leverich and ,co4        
,lewis1 ,kirkman    ,lexington          
,intelligencer             ,observer    
,little1 ,mrs4 ,sophia    ,loflano1     

,hazlet    ,long1 ,joseph    ,loomis1   
,henry ,h4    ,loring1 ,r4              
,thomas    ,louisville ,reporter        
,lowry1 ,mrs4 ,nancy    ,luminais1 ,a4  
,lyman1 ,judge          ,rev4 ,h4       
,macoin1 ,j4    ,macon ,messenger       
,telegraph    ,macy1 ,f4,c4             
,reuben ,g4         ,richard            
,t4,d4,m4    ,magee1 ,william    ,males1
 ,henry    ,maltby1 ,stephen ,e4        
,manning1 ,p4,t4    ,marietta ,college1 
student of    ,marks1 ,james            
,marriott1 ,charles    ,marshall1 ,john 
,t4    ,martineau1 ,harriet    ,maryland
 ,journal    ,maryville ,intelligencer  
,mason1 ,samuel    ,mathieson1 ,rev4    
,james    ,may1 ,rev4 ,samuel ,j4       
,mc,cue1 ,moses    ,mc,donnell1 ,james  
,mc,gehee1 ,edward ,j4    ,mc,gregor1   
,henry ,m4    ,mc,murrain1 ,john        
,mead ,whitman    ,medical ,college of  
,south ,carolina    ,memphis ,gazette   
,inquirer    ,menefee1 ,r4,h4           
,menzies1 ,judge    ,mercer1 ,mr4       
,metcalf1 ,asa ,b4    ,middleton1 ,mr4  

,miles1 ,lemuel    ,milledgeville       
,journal                 ,recorder      
,miller1 ,c4    ,minister from ,texas1  
,a4 ,jones    ,minor1 ,w4,i4            
,missouri ,republican    ,mitchell1 ,dr4
 ,robert    ,mitchell1 ,isaac           
,m',neilly    ,mobile ,advertiser       
,examiner          ,register    ,mongin1
 ,r4,p4,t4    ,montesquieu              
,montgomery1 ,w4,h4    ,moore1 ,mr4 ,va4
    ,moorhead1 ,john ,h4    ,morris1    
,e4,w4    ,moulton1 ,rev4 ,horace       
,moyne ,dr4 ,f4 ,julius ,le             
,muggridge1 ,matthew    ,muir ,j4,g4    
,murat ,a4    ,murphy ,s4,b4    ,napier 
,t4 and ,l4    ,natchez ,courier        
,daily ,free ,trade    ,national        
,intelligencer    ,nelson ,dr4 ,david   
,john ,m4    ,nesbitt ,wilson           
,newbern ,sentinel           ,spectator 
,new ,hampshire1 legislature of         
,newman ,mrs4 ,b4    ,new ,orleans      
,argus               ,bee               
,bulletin               ,courier        
,kidnapping at               ,mercantile

 ,advertiser               ,post    ,new
 ,york ,american            ,sun        
,neyle ,s4    ,nicholas ,judge          
,nicoll ,robert    ,niles ,hezekiah     
,noe ,james    ,norfolk ,beacon         
,herald    ,n4,c4 ,literary and         
,commercial-,standard    ,n4,c4 ,journal
    ,nourse ,rev4 ,james    ,nye ,horace
    ,o',byrne    ,o',connell ,daniel    
,oliver ,colonel    ,o',neill ,peter    
,onslow1 ,citizens of    ,orme ,moses   
,o',rorke ,john    ,overstreet1 ,richard
    ,overstreet1 ,william    ,owen1     
,captain ,n4,f4    ,owen1 ,john ,w4     
,owens1 ,j4,g4      ,parrish1 ,john     
,parrott1 ,dr4    ,patterson1 ,willie   
,paulding1 ,james ,k4    ,peacock1      
,jesse    ,perry1 ,thomas ,c4           
,petersburg ,constellation              
,philanthropist    ,pickard1 ,j4,s4     
,pinckney1 ,h4,l4    ,pinkney1 ,william 
,planter's ,intelligencer    ,planters  
of ,south ,carolina    ,poe1 ,william   
,porter1 ,mr4    ,portsmouth ,times     
,powell1 ,eleazar    ,presbyterian elder

    ,president of the ,united ,states   
,pringle1 ,thomas    ,pritchard1        
,william ,h4    ,probate sale           
,purdon1 ,james      ,ragland1 ,samuel  
,raleigh ,register    ,ralston1 ,samuel 
,randall1 ,j4,b4    ,randolph1 ,john    
,riadolph1 ,thomas ,mann    ,rankin1    
,rev4 ,john    ,rascoe1 ,william ,d4    
,rawlins1 ,samuel    ,raworth1 ,egbert  
,a4    ,redden ,j4,v4    ,red ,river    
,whig    ,reed1 ,rev4 ,andrew    ,reed1 
,william ,h4    ,reese1 ,enoch          
,reins1 ,richard    ,reeves1 ,w4,p4     
,renshaw ,rev4 ,c4,s4    ,rhodes1       
,durant ,h4    ,rice1 ,h4,w4    ,rice1  
,rev4 ,david    ,richardson1 ,g4,c4     
,richards1 ,james ,k4    ,richards1     
,moses ,r4    ,richards1 ,stephen ,m4   
,richmond ,compiler    ,richmond        
,inquirer    ,richmond ,whig    ,ricks1 
,micajah    ,riley1 ,w4    ,ripley1     
,george ,b4    ,roach1 ,philip          
,robbins1 ,welcome ,h4    ,robarts1     
,william    ,roberts1 ,j4,h4    ,robin1 
,c4,c4    ,robinson1 ,n4,m4,c4          

,robinson1 ,william    ,roebuck1 ,george
    ,rogers1 ,n4,p4    ,rogers1 ,thomas 
,ross1 ,abner    ,rowland1 ,john ,a4    
,ruffin1 ,judge    ,russel1 ,benjamin   
,russel1 ,w4    ,rymes1 ,littlejohn     
,sadd1 ,rev4 ,joseph ,m4    ,salvo1     
,conrad    ,sapington1 ,lemuel          
,saunders1 ,james    ,savage1 ,rev4     
,thomas    ,savannah ,georgian          
,savannah ,republican    ,savory1       
,william    ,scales1 ,rev4 ,william     
,schmidt1 ,louis    ,scott1 ,rev4       
,orange    ,scott1 ,william             
,scrivener1 ,j4    ,seabrook1 ,whitmarsh
 ,b4    ,secretary of the navy          
,selfer    ,senator of the ,united      
,states    ,sevier1 ,ambrose ,h4        
,sewall1 ,stephen    ,shafter1 ,m4,m4   
,sheith1 ,m4,j4    ,shield and ,walker  
,shields1 ,polly ,c4    ,shropshire1    
,david    ,simmons1 ,b4,c4    ,simpson1 
,john    ,sizer1 ,r4,w4    ,skinner1 ,w4
    ,slaveholders    ,smith1 ,bishop of 
,kentucky    ,smith1 ,gerrit    ,smith1 
,professor    ,smith1 ,rev4 ,phineas    

,smyth1 ,alexander    ,snow1 ,henry ,h4 
,snowden1 ,j4    ,snowden1 ,rev4 ,samuel
    ,south ,carolina1 legislature of    
,south ,carolina1 ,medical ,college of  
,south ,carolina1 ,slaveholder of       
,southern ,argus    ,southern ,christian
 ,herald    ,southerner    ,southmayd1  
,rev4 ,daniel ,s4    ,spillman1 ,mr4    
,stansell1 ,william    ,staughton1 ,rev4
 ,dr4    ,staunton ,spectator    ,steams
 and ,co4    ,stevenson1 ,andrew        
,stewart1 ,samuel    ,stillmam1 ,dr4    
,stith1 ,w4 and ,a4    ,stone1 ,asa ,a4 
,stone1 ,silas    ,stone1 ,william ,l4  
,strickland1 ,william    ,stroud1       
,george ,m4    ,stuart1 ,charles        
,summers1 ,mr4    ,swain1 ,b4    ,synod 
of ,south ,carolina and ,georgia        
,tart1 ,john    ,tate1 ,calvin ,h4      
,taylor1 ,james ,h4           ,john     
,lawton1 and ,co4    ,texan minister1   
,anson ,jones    ,thatcher1 ,colonel    
,thome and ,kimball    ,thome1 ,james   
,a4    ,thompson1 ,henry ,p4            
,thomson1 ,mr4          1 ,sandford     

,todd1 ,r4,s4    ,toler1 ,william       
,tolin1 ,cornelius ,d4    ,townsend1    
,ely           1 ,samuel    ,tucker1    
,judge    ,turnbull1 ,robert    ,turner1
 ,john         1 ,john ,d4         1 ,l4
    ,tarton1 ,s4,b4    ,tuscaloosa ,flag
 of the ,union    ,upsher1 ,judge       
,ustick1 ,william ,a4    ,vance1 ,john  
,van ,buren1 ,martin    ,varillat1 ,h4  
,vicksburg ,register    ,virginia       
,minister    ,virginian    ,walker1     
,john    ,walton1 ,george         1     
,john ,w4    ,walsh1 ,sarah             
,washington ,globe    ,waugh1 ,dr4      
,jeremiah ,s4    ,weld1 ,angelina ,grimk
    ,wells1 ,thomas ,j4    ,west ,eli   
,western ,luminary           ,medical   
,journal                  ,reformer     
,review    ,westgate1 ,george ,w4       
,whitbread1 ,samuel    ,whitefield1     
,george             1 ,needham          
,whitehead1 ,c4,c4            1 ,w4,w4  
,white1 ,hiram    ,wightman1 ,rev4      
,william ,m4    ,wilberforce1 ,w4       
,wilkins1 ,c4,w4    ,wilkinson1 ,alfred 

,williams1 ,george ,w4    ,willis1      
,robert    ,willis1 ,william            
,wilmington ,advertiser    ,wilson1     
,rev4 ,joseph ,g4    ,winchester        
,virginian    ,wirt1 ,william           
,wisner1 ,f4    ,witherspoon1 ,dr4      
,woodward1 ,jeremiah    ,woolman1 ,john 
,wotton1 ,john    ,wright1 ,mr4         
,yampert1 ,t4,j4 ,de    ,yearly meeting 
of ,friends  ,woman dying       flogged 
because her child died       maniac     
no respect for  ,women at childbirth    
the same labor with men         work    
miscarry under the whip       not       
breeding       pregnant whipped         
severe whippers of slaves       slaves  
,workhouse at ,charleston  ,working     
hours         of slaves  ,worn-out      
slaves  ,worse and worse  ,worship of   
,god prohibited  ,wounds by gunshot     
,wright ,isaac  ,yokes for slaves       
,,the    ,,anti-,,slavery ,,examiner4   
,no4 #aj4           99     99     99    
99     99    ,,speech    of    ,,hon4   
,,thomas ,,morris1    ,,of ,,ohio1      

,,in ,,reply ,,to ,,the ,,speech ,,of   
,,the    ,,hon4 ,,henry ,,clay4         
,,in ,,senate1 ,,february #i1 #ahci4    
,,new ,,york3    ,,published ,,by ,,the 
,,american ,,anti-,,slavery ,,society1  
,,no4 #adc ,,nassau ,,street3    #ahci4 
99     99     99     99     99    ,this 
,no4 contains #b-a_/b sheets4--,postage1
 under #ajj miles1 #d cts4 over    #ajj1
 #g cts4    ,please ,read and circulate4
        ,,speech           99     99    
99     99     99    ,,mr4               
,,president--,i rise to present for the 
consideration of the ,senate1  numerous 
petitions signed by1 not only citizens  
of my own ,state1 but  citizens of      
several other ,states1 ,new ,york1      
,pennsylvania1 ,michigan1  ,illinois1   
and ,indiana4 ,these petitioners1       
amounting in number to  several         
thousand1 have thought proper to make me
 their organ1 in  communicating to      
,congress their opinions and wishes on  
subjects which1  to them1 appear of the 
highest importance4 ,these petitions1   

sir1 are  on the subject of slavery1 the
 slave trade as carried on within and   
from this ,district1 the slave trade    
between the different ,states of  this  
,confederacy1 between this country and  
,texas1 and against the  admission of   
that country into the ,union1 and also  
against that of any  other ,state1 whose
 constitution and laws recognise or     
permit slavery4  ,i take this           
opportunity to present all these        
petitions together1  having detained    
some of them for a considerable time in 
my hands1 in  order that as small a     
portion of the attention of the ,senate 
might be  taken up on their account as  
would be consistent with a strict regard
  to the rights of the petitioners4 ,and
 ,i now present them under the  most    
peculiar circumstances that have ever   
probably transpired in this  or any     
other country4 ,i present them on the   
heel of the petitions  which have been  
presented by the ,senator from ,kentucky
 ,mr4 ,clay  signed by the inhabitants  

of this ,district1 praying that         
,congress  would not receive petitions  
on the subject of slavery in the        
,district1  from any body of men or     
citizens1 but themselves4 ,this is      
something  new2 it is one of the devices
 of the slave power1 and most           
extraordinary in itself4 ,these         
petitions ,i am bound in duty to        
present--a duty which ,i cheerfully     
perform1 for ,i consider it not only  a 
duty but an honor4 ,the respectable     
names which these petitions bear1  and  
being against a practice which ,i as    
deeply deprecate and deplore  as they   
can possibly do1 yet ,i well know the   
fate of these petitions2  and ,i also   
know the time1 place1 and disadvantage  
under which ,i  present them4 ,in       
availing myself of this opportunity to  
explain my own  views on this agitating 
topic1 and to explain and justify the   
character and proceedings of these      
petitioners1 it must be obvious to  all 
that ,i am surrounded with no ordinary  

discouragements4 ,the strong  prejudice 
which is evinced by the petitioners of  
the ,district1 the  unwillingness of the
 ,senate to hear1 the power which is    
arrayed  against me on this occasion1 as
 well as in opposition to those whose   
rights ,i am anxious to maintain2       
opposed by the very lions of debate  in 
this body1 who are cheered on by an     
applauding gallery and  surrounding     
interests1 is enough to produce dismay  
in one far more  able and eloquent than 
the lone and humble individual who now  
addresses you4    ,what1 sir1 can there 
be to induce me to appear on this public
 arena1  opposed by such powerful odds8 
,nothing1 sir1 nothing but a strong     
sense of duty1 and a deep conviction    
that the cause ,i advocate is  just2    
that the petitioners whom ,i represent  
are honest1 upright1  intelligent and   
respectable citizens2 men who love their
 country1 who  are anxious to promote   
its best interests1 and who are actuated
 by the  purest patriotism1 as well as  

the deepest philanthropy and            
benevolence4 ,in representing such men1 
and in such a cause1 though by  the most
 feeble means1 one would suppose that1  
on the floor of the  ,senate of the     
,united ,states1 order1 and a decent    
respect to the  opinions of others1     
would prevail4 ,from the causes which ,i
 have  mentioned1 ,i can hardly hope for
 this4 ,i expect to proceed through     
scenes which ill become this hall2 but  
nothing shall deter me from a  full and 
faithful discharge of my duty on this   
important occasion4  ,permit me1 sir1 to
 remind gentlemen that ,i have been now 
six years a  member of this body4 ,i    
have seldom1 perhaps too seldom1 in the 
opinion  of many of my constituents1    
pressed myself upon the notice of the   
,senate1 and taken up their time in     
useless and windy debate4 ,i  question  
very much if ,i have occupied the time  
of the ,senate during  the six years as 
some gentlemen have during six weeks1 or
 even six  days4 ,i hope1 therefore1    

that ,i shall not be thought obtrusive1 
or  charged with taking up time with    
abolition petitions4 ,i hope1 ,mr4      
,president1 to hear no more about       
agitating this slave question here4     
,who has began the agitation now8 ,the  
,senator from ,kentucky ,mr4 ,clay4     
,who has responded to that agitation1   
and congratulated the ,senate and  the  
country on its results8 ,the ,senator   
from ,south ,carolina1 ,mr4  ,calhoun4  
,and pray1 sir1 under what circumstances
 is this agitation  begun8 ,let it be   
remembered1 let us collect the facts    
from the records  on your table1 that   
when ,i1 as a member of this body1 but a
 few days  since offered a resolution as
 the foundation of proceedings on these 
petitions1 gentlemen1 as if operated on 
by an electric shock1 sprung  from their
 seats and objected to its introduction4
 ,and when you1 sir1  decided that it   
was the right of every member to        
introduce such motion  or resolution as 
he pleased1 being responsible to his    

constituents and  this body for the     
abuse of this right1 gentlemen seemed to
 wonder that  the ,senate had no power  
to prevent the action of one of its     
members in  cases like this1 and the    
poor privilege of having the resolution 
printed1 by order of the ,senate1 was   
denied4    ,let the ,senator from ,south
 ,carolina before me remember that1 at  
the  last session1 when he offered      
resolutions on the subject of slavery1  
they were not only received without     
objection1 but printed1 voted on1  and  
decided2 and let the ,senator from      
,kentucky reflect1 that the  petition   
which he offered against our right1 was 
also received and  ordered to be printed
 without a single dissenting voice2 and 
,i call on  the ,senate and the country 
to remember1 that the resolutions which 
,i  have offered on the same subject    
have not only been refused the          
printing1 but have been laid on the     
table without being debated1 or         
referred4 ,posterity1 which shall read  

the proceedings of this time1  may well 
wonder what power could induce the      
,senate of the ,united  ,states to      
proceed in such a strange and           
contradictory manner4 ,permit  me to    
tell the country now what this power    
behind the throne1 greater  than the    
throne itself1 is4 ,it is the power of  
,,slavery4 ,it is a power1  according to
 the calculation of the ,senator from   
,kentucky1 which owns  twelve hundred   
millions of dollars in human beings as  
property2 and if  money is power1 this  
power is not to be conceived or         
calculated2 a  power which claims human 
property more than double the amount    
which  the whole money of the world     
could purchase4 ,what can stand before  
this power8 ,truth1 everlasting truth1  
will yet overthrow it4 ,this  power is  
aiming to govern the country1 its       
constitutions and laws2 but  it is not  
certain of success1 tremendous as it is1
 without foreign or  other aid4 ,let it 
be borne in mind that the ,bank power1  

some years  since1 during what has been 
called the panic session1 had influence 
sufficient in this body1 and upon this  
floor1 to prevent the reception  of     
petitions against the action of the     
,senate on their resolutions of  censure
 against the ,president4 ,the country   
took instant alarm1 and the  political  
complexion of this body was changed as  
soon as possible4 ,the  same power1     
though double in means and in strength1 
is now doing the  same thing4 ,this is  
the array of power that even now is     
attempting  such an unwarrantable course
 in this country2 and the people are    
also  now moving against the slave1 as  
they formerly did against the ,bank     
power4 ,it1 too1 begins to tremble for  
its safety4 ,what is to be done8  ,why1 
petitions are received and ordered to be
 printed1 against the  right of         
petitions which are not received1 and   
the whole power of  debate is thrown    
into the scale with the slaveholding    
power4 ,but all  will not do2 these two 

powers must now be united3 an           
amalgamation of  the black power of the 
,south with the white power of the      
,north must  take place1 as either1     
separately1 cannot succeed in the       
destruction  of the liberty of speech   
and the press1 and the right of         
petition4 ,let  me tell gentlemen1 that 
both united will never succeed2 as ,i   
said on a  former day1 ,god forbid that 
they should ever rule this country6 ,i  
have  seen this billing and cooing      
between these different interests for   
some time past2 ,i informed my private  
friends of the political party  with    
which ,i have heretofore acted1 during  
the first week of this  session1 that   
these powers were forming a union to    
overthrow the  present administration2  
and ,i warned them of the folly and     
mischief  they were doing in their abuse
 of those who were opposed to slavery4  
,all doubts are now terminated4 ,the    
display made by the ,senator from       
,kentucky1 ,mr4 ,clay1 and his          

denunciations of these petitioners as   
abolitionists1 and the hearty response  
and cordial embrace which his  efforts  
met from the ,senator from ,south       
,carolina1 ,mr4 ,calhoun1  clearly shows
 that new moves have taken place on the 
political  chessboard1 and new          
coalitions are formed1 new compromises  
and new  bargains1 settling and         
disposing of the rights of the country  
for the  advantage of political         
aspirants4    ,the gentleman from ,south
 ,carolina ,mr4 ,calhoun seemed1 at the 
conclusion of the argument made by the  
,senator from ,kentucky1 to be  filled  
not only with delight but with ecstasy4 
,he told us1 that about  twelve months  
since ,,he had offered a resolution     
which turned the tide  in favor of the  
great principle of ,state rights1 and   
says he is highly  pleased with the     
course taken by the ,kentucky ,senator4 
,all is now safe  by the acts of that   
,senator4 ,the ,south is now            
consolidated as one man2  it was a great

 epoch in our history1 but we have now  
passed it2 it is  the beginning of a    
moral revolution2 slavery1 so far from  
being a  political evil1 is a great     
blessing2 both races have been improved 
by  it2 and that abolition is now       
,,dead1 and will soon be forgotten4 ,so 
far  the ,senator from ,south ,carolina1
 as ,i understand him4 ,but1 sir1 is    
this really the case8 ,is the ,south    
united as one man1 and is the  ,senator 
from ,kentucky the great centre of      
attraction8 ,what a lesson to  the      
friends of the present ,administration1 
who have been throwing  themselves into 
the arms of the southern slave-power for
 support6 ,the  black enchantment ,i    
hope is now at an end--the dream        
dissolved1 and we  awake into open day4 
,no longer is there any uncertainty or  
any doubt  on this subject4 ,but is the 
great epoch passed8 is it not rather    
just  beginning8 ,is abolitionism       
,,dead--or is it just awaking into life8
 ,is  the right of petition strangled   

and forgotten--or is it increasing in   
strength and force8 ,these are serious  
questions for the gentleman's           
consideration1 that may damp the ardor  
of his joy1 if examined with an         
impartial mind1 and looked at with an   
unprejudiced eye4 ,sir1 when  these     
paeans were sung over the death of      
abolitionists1 and1 of  course1 their   
right to liberty of speech and the      
press1 at least in  fancy's eye1 we     
might have seen them lying in heaps upon
 heaps1 like  the enemies of the strong 
man in days of old4 ,but let me bring   
back  the gentleman's mind from this    
delightful scene of abolition death1 to 
sober realities and solemn facts4 ,i    
have now lying before me the names  of  
thousands of living witnesses1 that     
slavery has not entirely  conquered     
liberty2 that abolitionists 7for so are 
all these  petitioners called7 are not  
all dead4 ,these are my first proofs to 
show the gentleman his ideas are all    
fancy4 ,i have also1 sir1 since  the    

commencement of this debate1 received a 
newspaper1 as if sent by  ,providence to
 suit the occasion1 and by whom ,i know 
not4 ,it is the  ,cincinnati ,republican
 of the #b;d instant1 which contains an 
extract  from the ,louisville           
,advertiser1 a paper printed in         
,kentucky1 in  ,louisville1 our sister  
city2 and though about one hundred and  
fifty  miles below us1 it is but a few  
hours distant4 ,that paper is the       
leading ,administration journal1 too1 as
 ,i am informed1 in ,kentucky4  ,hear   
what it says on the death of            
abolition3--                            
,,abolition--,,cincinnati--,,the        
,,louisville ,,advertiser4    ,we copy  
the following notice of an article which
 we lately published1  upon the subject 
of abolition movements in this quarter1 
from the  ,louisville ,advertiser3--    
',,abolition4--,the reader is referred  
to an interesting article which we  have
 copied from the ,cincinnati            
,republican--a paper which lately       

supported the principles of ,democracy2 
a paper which has turned1 but  not quite
 far enough to act with the ,adamses and
 ,slades in ,congress1  or the ,whig    
abolitionists of ,ohio4 ,it does not1   
however1 give a  correct view of the    
strength of the abolitionists in        
,cincinnati4 ,there  they are in the    
ascendant4 ,they control the city       
elections1 regulate  what may be termed 
the morals of the city1 give tone to    
public  opinion1 and rule the roast1 by 
virtue of their superior piety and      
intelligence4 ,the ,republican tells us1
 that they are not laboring ,loco       
,focos--but drones and consumers--the   
rich and well-born1 of  course2 men who 
have leisure and means1 and a           
disposition to employ  the latter1 to   
equalize whites and blacks in the       
slaveholding ,states4  ,even now1 the   
absconding slave is perfectly safe in   
,cincinnati4 ,we  doubt whether an      
instance can be adduced of the recovery 
of a runaway  in that place in the last 

four years4 ,when negroes reach the     
,queen  city they are protected by its  
intelligence1 its piety1 and its        
wealth4 ,they receive the aid of the    
elite of the ,buckeyes2 and we  have a  
strong faction in ,kentucky1 struggling 
zealously to make her  one of the       
dependencies of ,cincinnati6 ,let our   
mutual sons go on4 ,the  day of mutual  
retribution is at hand--much nearer than
 is now  imagined4 ,the ,republican1    
which still looks with a friendly eye to
 the  slaveholding ,states1 warns us of 
the danger which exists1 although its   
new-born zeal for ,whiggery prompts it  
to insist1 indirectly1 on the  right of 
petitioning ,congress to abolish        
slavery4 ,there are about two  hundred  
and fifty abolition societies in ,ohio  
at the present time1  and1 from the     
circular issued at head quarters1       
,cincinnati1 it appears  that agents are
 to be sent through every county to     
distribute books  and pamphlets designed
 to inflame the public mind1 and then   

organize  additional societies--or1     
rather1 form new clans1 to aid in the   
war  which has been commenced on the    
slaveholding ,states4'      ,i do not1  
sir1 underwrite for the truth of this   
statement as an entire  whole2 much of  
it ,i repel as an unjust charge on my   
fellow-citizens of  ,cincinnati2 but1 as
 it comes from a slaveholding           
,state--from the ,state  of the ,senator
 who has so eloquently anathematized    
abolitionists that  it is almost a pity 
they could not die under such sweet     
sounds--and as  the ,south ,carolina    
,senator pronounces them dead1 ,i       
produce this from a  slaveholding       
,state1 for the special benefit and     
consolation of the two  ,senators4 ,it  
comes from a source to which1 ,i am     
sure1 both gentlemen  ought to give     
credit4 ,but suppose1 sir1 that         
abolitionism is dead1 is  liberty dead  
also and slavery triumphant8 ,is liberty
 of speech1 of the  press1 and the right
 of petition also dead8 ,true1 it has   

been  strangled here2 but gentlemen will
 find themselves in great error if  they
 suppose it also strangled in the       
country2 and the very attempt1  in      
legislative bodies1 to sustain a local  
and individual interest1 to  the        
destruction of our rights1 proves that  
those rights are not dead1  but a living
 principle1 which slavery cannot        
extinguish2 and be my lot  what it may1 
,i shall1 to the utmost of my abilities1
 under all  circumstances1 and at all   
times1 contend for that freedom which is
 the  common gift of the ,creator to all
 men1 and against the power of these    
two great interests--the slave power of 
the ,south1 and banking power  of the   
,north--which are now uniting to rule   
this country4 ,the cotton  bale and the 
bank note have formed an alliance2 the  
credit system with  slave labor4 ,these 
two congenial spirits have at last met  
and embraced  each other1 both looking  
to the same object--to live upon the    
unrequited labor of others--and have now

 erected for themselves a  common       
platform1 as was intimated during the   
last session1 on which  they can meet1  
and bid defiance1 as they hope1 to free 
principles and  free labor4    ,with    
these introductory remarks1 permit me1  
sir1 to say here1 and let  no one       
pretend to misunderstand or misrepresent
 me1 that ,i charge  gentlemen1 when    
they use the word abolitionists1 they   
mean petitioners  here such as ,i now   
present--men who love liberty1 and are  
opposed to  slavery--that in behalf of  
these citizens ,i speak2 and1 by        
whatever  name they may be called1 it is
 those who are opposed to slavery whose 
cause ,i advocate4 ,i make no war upon  
the rights of others4 ,i do no act  but 
what is moral1 constitutional1 and      
legal1 against the peculiar             
institutions of any ,state2 but acts    
only in defence of my own rights1  of my
 fellow citizens1 and1 above all1 of my 
,state1 ,i shall not cease  while the   
current of life shall continue to flow4 

,i shall1 ,mr4 ,president1 in the       
further consideration of this subject1  
endeavor to prove1 first1 the right of  
the people to petition2 second1  why    
slavery is wrong1 and why ,i am opposed 
to it2 third1 the power of  slavery in  
this country1 and its dangers2 next1    
answer the question1  so often asked1   
what have the free ,states to do with   
slavery8 ,then  make some remarks by way
 of answer to the arguments of the      
,senator  from ,kentucky1 ,mr4 ,clay4   
,mr4 ,president1 the duty ,i am         
requested to perform is one of the      
highest which a ,representative can be  
called on to discharge4 ,it is to  make 
known to the legislative body the will  
and the wishes of his  constituents and 
fellow-citizens2 and1 in the present    
case1 ,i feel  honored by the confidence
 reposed in me1 and proceed to discharge
 the  duty4 ,the petitioners have not   
trusted to my fallible judgment alone1  
but have declared1 in written documents1
 the most solemn expression of  their   

will4 ,it is true these petitions have  
not been sent here by the  whole people 
of the ,united ,states1 but from a      
portion of them only2  yet such is the  
justice of their claim1 and the sure    
foundation upon  which it rests1 that no
 portion of the ,american people1 until 
a day or  two past1 have thought it     
either safe or expedient to present     
counter  petitions2 and even now1 when  
counter petitions have been presented1  
they dare not justify slavery1 and the  
selling of men and women in  this       
,district1 but content themselves with  
objecting to others  enjoying the rights
 they practise1 and praying ,congress   
not to receive  or hear petitions from  
the people of the ,states--a new device 
of slave  power this1 never before      
thought of or practiced in any country4 
,i  would have been gratified if the    
inventors of this system1 which  denies 
to others what they practise themselves1
 had1 in their  petition1 attempted to  
justify slavery and the slave trade in  

the  ,district1 if they believe the     
practice just1 that their names might   
have gone down to posterity4 ,no1 sir2  
very few yet have the moral  courage to 
record their names to such an avowal2   
and even some of  these petitioners are 
so squeamish on this subject1 as to say 
that  they might1 from conscientious    
principles1 be prevented from holding   
slaves4 ,not so1 sir1 with the          
petitioners which ,i have the honor to  
represent2 they are anxious that their  
sentiments and their names  should be   
made matter of record2 they have no     
qualms of conscience on  this subject2  
they have deep convictions and a firm   
belief that  slavery is an existing     
evil1 incompatible with the principles  
of  political liberty1 at war with our  
system of government1 and extending  a  
baleful and blasting influence over our 
country1 withering and  blighting its   
fairest prospects and brightest hopes4  
,who has said that  these petitions are 
unjust in principle1 and on that ground 

ought not  to be granted8 ,who has said 
that slavery is not an evil8 ,who has   
said  it does not tarnish the fair fame 
of our country8 ,who has said it does   
not bring dissipation and feebleness to 
one race1 and poverty and  wretchedness 
to another1 in its train8 ,who has said1
 it is not unjust  to the slave1 and    
injurious to the happiness and best     
interest of the  master8 ,who has said  
it does not break the bonds of human    
affection1  by separating the wife from 
the husband1 and children from their    
parents8 ,in fine1 who has said it is   
not a blot upon our country's  honor1   
and a deep and foul stain upon her      
institutions8 ,few1 very few1  perhaps  
none but him who lives upon its labor1  
regardless of its  misery2 and even many
 whose local situations are within its  
jurisdiction1 acknowledge its injustice1
 and deprecate its  continuance2 while  
millions of freemen deplore its         
existence1 and look  forward with strong
 hope to its final termination4         

,,slavery6 a word1  like a secret idol1 
thought too obnoxious or sacred to be   
pronounced  here but by those who       
worship at its shrine--and should one   
who is not  such worshipper happen to   
pronounce the word1 the most disastrous 
consequences are immediately predicted1 
the ,union is to be dissolved1  and the 
,south to take care of itself4    ,do   
not suppose1 ,mr4 ,president1 that ,i   
feel as if engaged in a  forbidden or   
improvident act4 ,no such thing4 ,i am  
contending with a  local and peculiar   
interest1 an interest which has already 
banded  together with a force sufficient
 to seize upon every avenue by which a  
petition can enter this chamber1 and    
exclude all without its haven4 ,i  am   
not now contending for the rights of the
 negro1 rights which his  ,creator gave 
him and which his fellow-man has usurped
 or taken away4  ,no1 sir6 ,i am        
contending for the rights of the white  
person in the  free ,states1 and am     
endeavoring to prevent them from being  

trodden  down and destroyed by that     
power which claims the black person as  
property4 ,i am endeavoring to sound the
 alarm to my fellow-citizens  that this 
power1 tremendous as it is1 is          
endeavoring to unite itself  with the   
monied power of the country1 in order to
 extend its dominion  and perpetuate its
 existence4 ,i am endeavoring to drive  
from the back  of the negro slave the   
politician who has seated himself there 
to  ride into office for the purpose of 
carrying out the object of this  unholy 
combination4 ,the chains of slavery are 
sufficiently strong1  without being     
riveted anew by tinkering politicians of
 the free  ,states4 ,i feel myself      
compelled into this contest1 in defence 
of the  institutions of my own ,state1  
the persons and firesides of her        
citizens1 from the insatiable grasp of  
the slaveholding power as being  used   
and felt in the free ,states4 ,to say   
that ,i am opposed to slavery  in the   
abstract1 are but cold and unmeaning    

words1 if1 however capable  of any      
meaning whatever1 they may fairly be    
construed into a love for  its          
existence2 and such ,i sincerely believe
 to be the feeling of many  in the free 
,states who use the phrase4 ,i1 sir1 am 
not only opposed to  slavery in the     
abstract1 but also in its whole volume1 
in its theory  as well as practice4     
,this principle is deeply implanted     
within me2 it  has grown with my growth 
and strengthened with my strength4 ,in  
my  infant years ,i learned to hate     
slavery4 ,your fathers taught me it was 
wrong in their ,declaration of          
,independence3 the doctrines which they 
promulgated to the world1 and upon the  
truth of which they staked the  issue of
 the contest that made us a nation4     
,they proclaimed that all  men are      
created equal2 that they are endowed by 
their ,creator with  certain inalienable
 rights2 that amongst these are life1   
liberty1 and  the pursuit of happiness4 
,these truths are solemnly declared by  

them4  ,i believed then1 and believe    
now1 they are self-evident4 ,who can    
acknowledge this1 and not be opposed to 
slavery8 ,it is1 then1 because  ,i love 
the principles which brought your       
government into existence1  and which   
have become the corner stone of the     
building supporting you1  sir1 in that  
chair1 and giving to myself and other   
,senators seats in  this body--it is    
because ,i love all this1 that ,i hate  
slavery4 ,is it  because ,i contend for 
the right of petition1 and am opposed to
  slavery1 that ,i have been denounced  
by many as an abolitionist8 ,yes2       
,virginia newspapers have so denounced  
me1 and called upon the  ,legislature of
 my ,state to dismiss me from public    
confidence4 ,who  taught me to hate     
slavery1 and every other oppression8    
,jefferson1  the great and the good     
,jefferson6 ,yes1 ,virginia ,senators1  
it was  your own ,jefferson1 ,virginia's
 favorite son1 a man who did more for   
the natural liberty of man1 and the     

civil liberty of his country1 than  any 
man that ever lived in our country2 it  
was him who taught me to  hate slavery2 
it was in his school ,i was brought up4 
,that ,mr4  ,jefferson was as much      
opposed to slavery as any man that ever 
lived in  our country1 there can be no  
doubt2 his life and his writings        
abundantly prove the fact4 ,i hold in my
 hand a copy1 as he penned it1  of the  
original draft of the ,declaration of   
,independence1 a part of  which was     
stricken out1 as he says1 in compliance 
with the wishes of  ,south ,carolina and
 ,georgia4 ,i will read it4 ,speaking of
 the wrongs  done us by the ,british    
,government1 in introducing slaves among
 us1 he  says3 ,he 7the ,british ,king7 
has waged cruel war against human nature
  itself1 violating its most sacred     
right of life and liberty in the        
persons of a distant people1 who never  
offended him1 captivating and  carrying 
them into ,,slavery in another          
hemisphere1 or to incur  miserable death

 in their transportation thither4 ,this 
piratical  warfare1 the opprobrium of   
infidel powers1 is the warfare of the   
,christian ,king of ,great ,britain4    
,determined to keep open a market  where
 ,,men should be ,,bought and ,,sold1 he
 has prostituted his  prerogative for   
suppressing every legislative attempt to
 prohibit or  restrain execrable        
commerce1 and that this assemblage of   
horrors might  want no fact of          
distinguished die1 he is now exciting   
those very  people to rise in arms      
against us1 and purchase that liberty of
 which  he has deprived them by         
murdering the people on whom he has also
  obtruded them1 thus paying off former 
crimes committed against the  liberties 
of one people with crimes which he urges
 them to commit  against the lives of   
another4 ,thus far this great statesman 
and  philanthropist4 ,had his           
contemporaries been ruled by his        
opinions1 the  country had now been at  
rest on this exciting topic4 ,what      

abolitionist1 sir1 has used stronger    
language against slavery than ,mr4      
,jefferson has done8 ,cruel war against 
human nature1 violating its  most sacred
 rights1 piratical warfare1 opprobrium  
of infidel  powers1 a market where men  
should be bought and sold1 execrable    
commerce1 assemblage of horrors1 crimes 
committed against the  liberty of the   
people1 are the brands which ,mr4       
,jefferson has burned  into the forehead
 of slavery and the slave trade4 ,when1 
sir1 have ,i1  or any other person      
opposed to slavery1 spoken in stronger  
and more  opprobrious terms of slavery1 
than this8 ,you have caused the bust of 
this great man to be placed in the      
centre of your ,capitol2 in that        
conspicuous part where every visitor    
must see it1 with its hand  resting on  
the ,declaration of ,independence1      
engraved upon marble4 ,why  have you    
done this8 ,is it not mockery8 ,or is it
 to remind us  continually of the       
wickedness and danger of slavery8 ,i    

never pass that  statue without new and 
increased veneration for the man it     
represents1  and increased repugnance   
and sorrow that he did not succeed in   
driving  slavery entirely from the      
country4 ,sir1 if ,i am an abolitionist1
  ,jefferson made me so2 and ,i only    
regret that the disciple should be so   
far behind the master1 both in doctrine 
and practice4 ,but1 sir1 other  reasons 
and other causes have combined to fix   
and establish my  principles in this    
matter1 never1 ,i trust1 to be shaken4  
,a free ,state  was the place of my     
birth2 a free ,territory the theatre of 
my juvenile  actions4 ,ohio is my       
country1 endeared to me by every fond   
recollection4 ,she gave me political    
existence1 and taught me in her         
political school2 and ,i should be worse
 than an unnatural son did ,i  forget or
 disobey her precepts4 ,in her          
,constitution it is declared1  ,that all
 men are born equally free and          
independent1 and that there  shall be   

neither slavery nor involuntary         
servitude in the ,state1  otherwise than
 for the punishment of crimes4 ,shall ,i
 stand up for  slavery in any case1     
condemned as it is by such high         
authority as  this8 ,no1 never6 ,but    
this is not all1 ,indiana1 our younger  
,western  sister1 endeared to us by     
every social and political tie1 a ,state
  formed in the same country as ,ohio1  
from whose territory slavery was        
forever excluded by the ordinance of    
,july1 #aghg--she too1 has declared  her
 abhorrence of slavery in more strong   
and empathic terms than we  have done4  
,in her constitution1 after prohibiting 
slavery1 or  involuntary servitude1     
being introduced into the ,state1 she   
declares1  ,but as to the holding any   
part of the human creation in slavery1  
or  involuntary servitude1 can originate
 only in tyranny and  usurpation1 no    
alteration of her constitution should   
ever take  place1 so as to introduce    
slavery or involuntary servitude into   

the  ,state1 otherwise than for the     
punishment of crimes whereof the party  
had been duly convicted4 ,illinois and  
,michigan also formed their             
constitutions on the same principles4   
,after such a cloud of witnesses        
against slavery1 and whose testimony is 
so clear and explicit1 as a  citizen of 
,ohio1 ,i should be recreant to every   
principle of honor and  of justice1 to  
be found the apologist or advocate of   
slavery in any  ,state1 or in any       
country whatever4 ,no1 ,i cannot be so  
inconsistent as  to say ,i am opposed to
 slavery in the abstract1 in its        
separation  from a human being1 and     
still lend my aid to build it up1 and   
make it  perpetual in its operation and 
effects upon man in this or any other   
country4 ,i also1 in early life1 saw a  
slave kneel before his master1  and hold
 up his hands with as much apparent     
submission1 humility1 and  adoration1 as
 a man would have done before his       
,maker1 while his master  with          

out-stretched rod stood over him4 ,this1
 ,i thought1 is slavery2  one man       
subjected to the will and power of      
another1 and the laws  affording him no 
protection1 and he has to beg pardon of 
man1 because  he has offended man1 7not 
the laws17 as if his master were a      
superior  and all powerful being4 ,yes1 
this is slavery1 boasted ,american      
slavery1 without which1 it is contended 
even here1 that the union of  these     
,states would be dissolved in a day1    
yes1 even in an hour6  ,humiliating     
thought1 that we are bound together as  
,states by the  chains of slavery6 ,it  
cannot be--the blood and the tears of   
slavery  form no part of the cement of  
our ,union--and it is hoped that by     
falling on its bands they may never     
corrode and eat them asunder4 ,we  who  
are opposed to and deplore the existence
 of slavery in our  country1 are        
frequently asked1 both in public and    
private1 what have  you to do with      
slavery8 ,it does not exist in your     

,state2 it does not  disturb you6 ,ah1  
sir1 would to ,god it were so--that we  
had nothing to  do with slavery1 nothing
 to fear from its power1 or its action  
within  our own borders1 that its name  
and its miseries were unknown to us4    
,but this is not our lot2 we live upon  
its borders1 and in hearing of  its     
cries2 yet we are unwilling to          
acknowledge1 that if we enter its       
territories and violate its laws1 that  
we should be punished at its  pleasure4 
,we do not complain of this1 though it  
might well be  considered just ground of
 complaint4 ,it is our firesides1 our   
rights1  our privileges1 the safety of  
our friends1 as well as the sovereignty 
and independence of our ,state1 that we 
are now called upon to protect  and     
defend4 ,the slave interest has at this 
moment the whole power of  the country  
in its hands4 ,it claims the ,president 
as a ,northern man  with ,southern      
feelings1 thus making the ,chief        
,magistrate the head of  an interest1 or

 a party1 and not of the country and the
 people at  large4 ,it has the cabinet  
of the ,president1 three members of     
which are  from the slave ,states1 and  
one who wrote a book in favor of        
,southern  slavery1 but which fell dead 
from the press1 a book which ,i have    
seen1  in my own family1 thrown musty   
upon the shelf4 ,here then is a decided 
majority in favor of the slave interest4
 ,it has five out of nine  judges of the
 ,supreme ,court2 here1 also1 is a      
majority from the slave  ,states4 ,it   
has1 with the ,president of the ,senate1
 and the ,speaker of  the ,house of     
,representatives1 and the ,clerks of    
both ,houses1 the army  and the navy2   
and the bureaus1 have1 ,i am told1 about
 the same  proportion4 ,one would       
suppose that1 with all this power       
operating in  this ,government1 it would
 be content to permit--yes ,i will use  
the  word permit--it would be content to
 permit us1 who live in the free        
,states1 to enjoy our firesides and our 

homes in quietness2 but this is  not the
 case4 ,the slaveholders and slave laws 
claim that as property1  which the free 
,states know only as persons1 a         
reasoning property1  which1 of its own  
will and mere motion1 is frequently     
found in our  ,states2 and upon which   
,,thing we sometimes bestow food and    
raiment1 if  it appear hungry and       
perishing1 believing it to be a human   
being2 this  perhaps is owing to our    
want of vision to discover the process  
by  which a man is converted into a     
,,thing4 ,for this act of ours1 which is
  not prohibited by our laws1 but       
prompted by every feeling1 ,christian   
and humane1 the slaveholding power      
enters our territory1 tramples  under   
foot the sovereignty of our ,state1     
violates the sanctity of  private       
residence1 seizes our citizens1 and     
disregarding the authority  of our laws1
 transports them into its own           
jurisdiction1 casts them  into prison1  
confines them in fetters1 and loads them

 with chains1 for  pretended offences   
against their own laws1 found by willing
 grand  juries upon the oath 7to use the
 language of the late ,governor of      
,ohio7 of a perjured villain4 ,is this  
fancy1 or is it fact1 sober  reality1   
solemn fact8 ,need ,i say all this1 and 
much more1 as now  matter of history in 
the case of the ,rev4 ,john ,b4 ,mahan1 
of ,brown  county1 ,ohio8 ,yes1 it is   
so2 but this is but the beginning--a    
case of  equal outrage has lately       
occurred1 if newspapers are to be relied
 on1  in the seizure of a citizen of    
,ohio1 without even the forms of law1   
and who was carried into ,virginia and  
shamefully punished by tar and          
feathers1 and other disgraceful means1  
and rode upon a rail1 according  to the 
order of ,judge ,lynch1 and this1 only  
because in ,ohio he was an              
abolitionist4 ,would ,i could stop      
here--but ,i cannot4 ,this slave        
interest or power seizes upon persons of
 color in our ,states1 carries  them    

into ,states where men are property1 and
 makes merchandize of  them1 sometimes  
under sanction of law1 but more properly
 by its abuse1  and sometimes by mere   
personal force1 thus disturbing our     
quiet and  harassing our citizens4 ,a   
case of this kind has lately occurred1  
where  a colored boy was seduced from   
,ohio into ,indiana1 taken from thence  
into ,alabama and sold as a slave2 and  
to the honor of the slave  ,states1 and 
gentlemen who administer the laws there1
 be it said1 that  many who have thus   
been taken and sold by the connivance1  
if not  downright corruption1 of        
citizens in the free ,states1 have been 
liberated and adjudged free in the      
,states where they have been sold1  as  
was the case of the boy mentioned1 who  
was sold in ,alabama4    ,slave power is
 seeking to establish itself in every   
,state1 in defiance  of the constitution
 and laws of the ,states within which it
 is  prohibited4 ,in order to secure its
 power beyond the reach of the  ,states1

 it claims its parentage from the       
,constitution of the ,united  ,states4  
,it demands of us total silence as to   
its proceedings1 denies  to our citizens
 the liberty of speech and the press1   
and punishes them  by mobs and violence 
for the exercise of these rights4 ,it   
has sent its  agents into the free      
,states for the purpose of influencing  
their  ,legislatures to pass laws for   
the security of its power within such   
,state1 and for the enacting new        
offences and new punishments for their  
own citizens1 so as to give additional  
security to its interest4 ,it  demands  
to be heard in its own person in the    
hall of our ,legislature1  and mingle in
 debate there4 ,sir1 in every stage of  
these oppressions  and abuses1 permit me
 to say1 in the language of the         
,declaration of  ,independence--and no  
language could be more appropriate--we  
have  petitioned for redress in the most
 humble terms1 and our repeated         
petitions have been answered by repeated

 injury4 ,a power1 whose  character is  
marked by every act which may define a  
tyrant1 is unfit  to rule over a free   
people4 ,in our sufferings and our      
wrongs we have  besought our            
fellow-citizens to aid us in the        
preservation of our  constitutional     
rights1 but1 influenced by the love of  
gain or  arbitrary power1 they have     
sometimes disregarded all the sacred    
rights  of man1 and answered in         
violence1 burnings1 and murder4 ,after  
all  these transactions1 which are now  
of public notoriety and matter of       
record1 shall we of the free ,states    
tauntingly be asked what we have  to do 
with slavery8 ,we should rejoice1       
indeed1 if the evils of slavery  were   
removed far from us1 that it could be   
said with truth1 that we  have nothing  
to do with slavery4 ,our citizens have  
not entered its  territories for the    
purpose of obstructing its laws1 nor do 
we wish to  do so1 nor would we justify 
any individual in such act2 yet we have 

been branded and stigmatized by its     
friends and advocates1 both in the  free
 and slave ,states1 as incendiaries1    
fanatics1 disorganizers1  enemies to our
 country1 and as wishing to dissolve the
 ,union4 ,we have  borne all this       
without complaint or resistance1 and    
only ask to be  secure in our persons1  
by our own firesides1 and in the free   
exercise  of our thoughts and opinions  
in speaking1 writing1 printing and      
publishing on the subject of slavery1   
that which appears to us to be  just and
 right2 because we all know the power of
 truth1 and that it  will ultimately    
prevail1 in despite of all opposition4  
,but in the  exercise of all these      
rights1 we acknowledge subjection to the
 laws of  the ,state in which we are1   
and our liability for their abuse4 ,we  
wish  peace with all men2 and that the  
most amicable relations and free        
intercourse may exist between the       
citizens of our ,state and our          
neighboring slaveholding ,states2 we    

will not enter their ,states1  either in
 our proper persons1 or by              
commissioners1 legislative  resolutions1
 or otherwise1 to interfere with their  
slave policy or  slave laws2 and we     
shall expect from them and their        
citizens a like  return1 that they do   
not enter our territories for the       
purpose of  violating our laws in the   
punishment of our people for the        
exercise of  their undoubted rights--the
 liberty of speech and of the press on  
the  subject of slavery4 ,we ask that no
 man shall be seized and transported    
beyond our ,state1 in violation of our  
own laws1 and that we shall not  be     
carried into and imprisoned in another  
,state for acts done in our  own4 ,we   
contend that the slaveholding power is  
properly chargeable  with all the riots 
and disorders which take place on       
account of  slavery4 ,we can live in    
peace with all our sister ,states2 if   
that  power will be controlled by law1  
each can exercise and enjoy the full    

benefits secured by their own laws2 and 
this is all we ask4 ,if we hold  up     
slavery to the view of an impartial     
public as it is1 and if such  view      
creates astonishment and indignation1   
surely we are not to be  charged as     
libellers4 ,a ,state institution ought  
to be considered the  pride1 not the    
shame of the ,state2 and if we falsify  
such  institutions1 the disgrace is     
ours1 not theirs4 ,if slavery1 however1 
is a blemish1 a blot1 an eating cancer  
in the body politic1 it is not  our     
fault if1 by holding it up1 others      
should see in the mirror of  truth its  
deformity1 and shrink back from the     
view4 ,we have not1 and  we intend not1 
to use any weapons against slavery1 but 
the moral power  of truth and the force 
of public opinion4 ,if we enter the     
slave  ,states1 and tamper with the     
slave contrary to law1 punish us1 we    
deserve it2 and if a slaveholder is     
found in a free ,state1 and is  guilty  
of a breach of the law there1 he also   

ought to be punished4  ,these           
petitioners1 as far as ,i understand    
them1 disclaim all right to  enter a    
slave ,state for the purpose of         
intercourse with the slave4 ,it  is the 
master whom they wish to address2 and   
they ask and ought to  receive          
protection from the laws1 as they are   
willing to be judged by  the laws4 ,we  
invite into the arena of public         
discussion in our ,state  the           
slaveholder2 we are willing to hear his 
reasons and facts in favor  of slavery1 
or against abolitionists3 we do not fear
 his errors while  we are ourselves free
 to combat them4 ,the angry feelings    
which in some  degree exist between the 
citizens of the free and slaveholding   
,states1  on account of slavery1 are1 in
 many cases1 properly chargeable to     
those who defend and support slavery4   
,attempts are almost daily making  to   
force the execution of slave laws in the
 free ,states2 at least1  their power   
and principles3 and no term is too      

reproachful to be  applied to those who 
resist such acts1 and contend for the   
rights  secured to every man under their
 own laws4 ,we are often reminded that  
we ought to take color as evidence of   
property in a human being4 ,we do  not  
believe in such evidence1 nor do we     
believe that a man can justly  be made  
property by human laws4 ,we acknowledge1
 however1 that a man1  not a thing may  
be held to service or labor under the   
laws of a  ,state1 and1 if he escape    
into another ,state1 he ought to be     
delivered  up on claim of the party to  
whom such labor or service may be due2  
that this delivery ought to be in       
pursuance of the laws of the ,state     
where such person is found1 and not by  
virtue of any act of ,congress4    ,this
 brings me1 ,mr4 ,president1 to the     
consideration of the petition  presented
 by the ,senator from ,kentucky1 and to 
an examination of the  views he has     
presented to the ,senate on this highly 
important subject4  ,sir1 ,i feel1 ,i   

sensibly feel my inadequacy in entering 
into a  controversy with that old and   
veteran ,senator2 but nothing high or   
low  shall prevent me from an honest    
discharge of my duty here4 ,if          
imperfectly done1 it may be ascribed to 
the want of ability1 not  intention4 ,if
 the power of my mind1 and the strength 
of my body1 were  equal to the task1 ,i 
would arouse every man1 yes1 every woman
 and  child in the country1 to the      
danger which besets them1 if such       
doctrines and views as are presented by 
the ,senator should ever be  carried    
into effect4 ,his denunciations are     
against abolitionists1 and  under that  
term are classed all those who petition 
,congress on the  subject of slavery4   
,such ,i understand to be his argument1 
and as such  ,i shall treat it4 ,i1 in  
the first place1 put in a broad denial  
to all  his general facts1 charging this
 portion of my fellow citizens with     
improper motives or dangerous designs4  
,that their acts are lawful he  does not

 pretend to deny4 ,i called for proof to
 sustain his charges4  ,none such has   
been offered1 and none such exists1 or  
can be found4 ,i  repel them as         
calumnies double-distilled in the       
alembic of slavery4 ,i  deny them1 also1
 in the particulars and inferences2 and 
let us see  upon what ground they rest1 
or by what process of reasoning they are
  sustained4    ,the very first view of 
these petitioners against our right of  
petition  strikes the mind that more is 
intended than at first meets the eye4   
,why was the committee on the ,district 
overlooked in this case1 and the        
,senator from ,kentucky made the organ  
of communication8 ,is it  understood    
that anti-abolitionism is a passport to 
popular favor1 and  that the action of  
this ,district shall present for that   
favor to the  public a gentleman upon   
this hobby8 ,is this petition presented 
as a  subject of fair legislation8 ,was 
it solicited by members of ,congress1   
from citizens here1 for political       

effect8 ,let the country judge4 ,the    
petitioners state that no persons but   
themselves are authorized to  interfere 
with slavery in the ,district2 that     
,congress are their own  ,legislature2  
and the question of slavery in the      
,district is only  between them and     
their constituted legislators2 and they 
protest  against all interference of    
others4 ,but1 sir1 as if ashamed of this
  open position in favor of slavery1    
they1 in a very coy manner1 say  that   
some of them are not slaveholders1 and  
might be forbidden by  conscience to    
hold slaves4 ,there is more dictation1  
more political  heresy1 more dangerous  
doctrine contained in this petition1    
than ,i  have ever before seen couched  
together in so many words4 ,we6         
,congress  their ,,own ,legislature in  
all that concerns this ,district6 ,let  
those  who may put on the city livery1  
and legislate for them and not for his  
constituents1 do so2 for myself1 ,i came
 here with a different view1  and for   

different purposes4 ,i came a free man1 
to represent the people  of ,ohio2 and  
,i intend to leave this as such         
representative1 without  wearing any    
other livery4 ,why talk about executive 
usurpation and  influence over the      
members of ,congress8 ,i have always    
viewed this  ,district influence as far 
more dangerous than that of any other   
power4  ,it has been able to extort1    
yes1 extort from ,congress1 millions to 
pay  ,district debts1 make ,district    
improvements1 and in support of the     
civil and criminal jurisprudence of the 
,district4 ,pray1 sir1 what  right has  
,congress to pay the corporate debts of 
the cities in the  ,district more than  
the ,debts of the corporate cities in   
your ,state and  mine8 ,none1 sir4 ,yet 
this has been done to a vast amount2 and
 the next  step is1 that we1 who pay all
 this1 shall not be permitted to        
petition  ,congress on the subject of   
their institutions1 for1 if we can be   
prevented in one case1 we can in all    

possible cases4 ,mark1 sir1 how  plain a
 tale will silence these petitioners4   
,if slavery in the  ,district concerns  
only the inhabitants and ,congress1 so  
does all  municipal regulations4 ,should
 they extend to granting lottery1       
gaming-houses1 tippling-houses1 and     
other places calculated to promote  and 
encourage vice--should a representative 
in ,congress be instructed  by his      
constituents to use his influence1 and  
vote against such  establishments1 and  
the people of the ,district should      
instruct him to  vote for them1 which   
should he obey8 ,to state the question  
is to  answer it2 otherwise the boasted 
right of instruction by the  constituent
 body is mere sound1 signifying nothing4
 ,sir1 the  inhabitants of this district
 are subject to state legislation and   
state policy2 they cannot complain of   
this1 for their condition is  voluntary2
 and as this city is the focus of power1
 of influence1 and  considered also as  
that of fashion1 if not of folly1 and as

 the  streams which flow from here      
irradiate the whole country1 it is      
right1  it is proper1 that it should be 
subject to state policy and state       
power1 and not used as a leaven to      
ferment and corrupt the whole body      
politic4    ,the honorable ,senator has 
said the petition1 though from a city1  
is  the fair expression of the opinion  
of the ,district4 ,as such ,i treated   
it1 am willing to acknowledge the       
respectability of the petitioners  and  
their rights1 and ,i claim for the      
people of my own state equal            
respectability and equal rights that the
 people of the ,district are  entitled  
to3 any peculiar rights and advantages  
,i cannot admit4    ,i agree with the   
,senator1 that the proceedings on       
abolition petitions1  heretofore1 have  
not been the most wise and prudent      
course4 ,they ought  to have been       
referred and acted on4 ,such was my     
object1 a day or two  since1 when ,i    
laid on your table a resolution to refer

 them to a  committee for inquiry4 ,you 
did not suffer it1 sir1 to be printed4  
,the  country and posterity will judge  
between the people whom ,i represent    
and those who caused to be printed the  
petition from the city4 ,it  cannot be  
possible that justice can have been done
 in both cases4 ,the  exclusive         
legislation of ,congress over the       
,district is as much the act  of the    
constituent body1 as the general        
legislation of ,congress over  the      
,states1 and to the operation of this   
act have the people within  the         
,district submitted themselves4 ,i      
cannot1 however1 join the ,senator  that
 the majority1 in refusing to receive   
and refer petitions1 did not  intend to 
destroy or impair the right in this     
particular4 ,they  certainly have done  
so4    ,the ,senator admits the         
abolitionists are now formidable2 that  
something must be done to produce       
harmony4 ,yes1 sir1 do justice1 and     
harmony will be restored4 ,act          

impartially1 that justice may be done3  
hear petitions on both sides1 if they   
are offered1 and give righteous         
judgments1 and your people will be      
satisfied4 ,you cannot compromise  them 
out of their rights1 nor lull them to   
sleep with fallacies in the  shape of   
reports4 ,you cannot conquer them by    
rebuke1 nor deceive them  by sophistry4 
,remember you cannot now turn public    
opinion1 nor can you  overthrow it4 ,you
 must1 and you will1 abandon the high   
ground you have  taken1 and receive     
petitions4 ,the reason of the case1 the 
argument and  the judgment of the       
people1 are all against you4 ,one in    
this cause can  chase a thousand1 and   
the voice of justice will be heard      
whenever  you agitate the subject4 ,in  
,indiana1 the right to petition has been
  most nobly advocated in a protest1 by 
a member1 against some puny  resolutions
 of the ,legislature of that ,state to  
whitewash slavery4  ,permit me to read a
 paragraph1 worthy an ,american freeman3

    ,but who would have thought until   
lately1 that any would have doubted  the
 right to petition in a respectful      
manner to ,congress8 ,who would  have   
believed1 that ,congress had any        
authority to refuse to consider  the    
petitions of the people8 ,such a step   
would overthrow the autocrat  of        
,russia1 or cost the ,grand ,seignior of
 ,constantinople his head4 ,can  it be  
possible1 therefore1 that it has been   
reserved for a republican  ,government1 
in a land boasting of its free          
institutions1 to set the  first         
precedent of this kind8 ,our city       
councils1 our courts of  justice1 every 
department of ,government are approached
 by petition1  however unanswerable1 or 
absurd1 so that its terms are           
respectful4  ,none go away unread1 or   
unheard4 ,the life of every individual  
is a  perfect illustration of the       
subject of petitioning4 ,petition is the
  language of want1 of pain1 of sorrow1 
of man in all his sad variety of  woes1 

imploring relief1 at the hand of some   
power superior to himself4  ,petitioning
 is the foundation of all government1   
and of all  administrations of law4 ,yet
 it has been reserved for our ,congress1
  seconded indirectly by the vote of    
this ,legislature1 to question this     
right1 hitherto supposed to be so old1  
so heaven-deeded1 so undoubted1  that   
our fathers did not think it necessary  
to place a guaranty of it  in the first 
draft of the ,federal ,constitution4    
,yet this sacred right  has been1 at one
 blow1 driven1 destroyed1 and trodden   
under the feet  of slavery4 ,the old    
bulwarks of our ,federal and ,state     
,constitutions  seem utterly to have    
been forgotten1 which declare1 'that the
 freedom  of speech and the press shall 
not be abridged1 nor the right of the   
people peaceably to assemble and        
petition for the redress of their       
grievances4'    ,these1 sir1 are the    
sentiments which make abolitionists     
formidable1  and set at nought all your 

councils for their overthrow4 ,the      
honorable  ,senator not only admits that
 abolitionists are formidable1 but that 
they consist of three classes4 ,the     
friends of humanity and justice1 or     
those actuated by those principles1     
compose one class4 ,these form a  very  
numerous class1 and the acknowledgment  
of the ,senator proves the  immutable   
principles upon which opposition to     
slavery rests4 ,men are  opposed to it  
from principles of humanity and         
justice--men are  abolitionists1 he     
admits1 on that account4 ,we thank the  
,senator for  teaching us that word1 we 
intend to improve it4 ,the next class of
  abolitionists1 the ,senator says1 are 
so1 apparently1 for the purpose  of     
advocating the right of petition4 ,what 
are we to understand from  this8 ,that  
the right of petition needs advocacy4   
,who has denied this  right1 or who has 
attempted to abridge it8 ,the           
slaveholding power1  that power which   
avoids open discussion1 and the free    

exercise of  opinion2 it is that power  
alone which renders the advocacy of the 
right of petition necessary1 having     
seized upon all the powers of the       
,government4 ,it is fast uniting        
together those opposed to its iron      
rule1 no matter to what political party 
they have heretofore belonged2  they are
 uniting with the first class1 and act  
from principles of  humanity and        
justice2 and if the mists and shades of 
slavery were not  the atmosphere in     
which gentlemen were enveloped1 they    
would see  constant and increasing      
numbers of our most worthy and          
intelligent  citizens attaching         
themselves to the two classes mentioned1
 and  rallying under the banners of     
abolitionism4 ,they are compelled to go 
there1 if the gentleman will have it so1
 in order to defend and  perpetuate the 
liberties of the country4 ,the hopes of 
the oppressed  spring up afresh from    
this discussion of the gentleman4 ,the  
third  class1 the ,senator says1 are    

those who1 to accomplish their ends1 act
  without regard to consequences4 ,to   
them1 all the rights of property1  of   
the ,states1 of the ,union1 the ,senator
 says1 are nothing4 ,he says  they aim  
at other objects than those they        
profess--emancipation in the  ,district 
of ,columbia4 ,no1 says the ,senator1   
their object is universal  emancipation1
 not only in the ,district1 but in the  
,territories and in  the ,states4 ,their
 object is to set free three millions of
 negro  slaves4 ,who made the ,senator1 
in his place here1 the censor of his    
fellow citizens8 ,who authorized him to 
charge them with other objects  than    
those they profess8  ,how long is it    
since the ,senator himself1 on  this    
floor1 denounced slavery as an evil8    
,what other inducements or  object had  
he then in view8 ,suppose universal     
emancipation to be the  object of these 
petitioners2 is it not a noble and      
praiseworthy  object2 worthy of the     
,christian1 the philanthropist1 the     

statesman1  and the citizen8 ,but the   
,senator says1 they 7the petitioners7   
aim to  excite one portion of the       
country against another4 ,i deny1 sir1  
this  charge1 and call for the proof2 it
 is gratuitous1 uncalled for1 and       
unjust towards my fellow citizens4 ,this
 is the language of a stricken          
conscience1 seeking for the palliation  
of its own acts by charging  guilt upon 
others4 ,it is the language of those    
who1 failing in  argument1 endeavor to  
cast suspicion upon the character of    
their  opponents1 in order to draw      
public attention from themselves4 ,it is
  the language of disguise and          
concealment1 and not that of fair and   
honorable investigation1 the object of  
which is truth4 ,i again put in  a broad
 denial to this charge1 that any portion
 of these petitioners1  whom ,i         
represent1 seek to excite one portion of
 the country against  another2 and      
without proof ,i cannot admit that the  
assertion of the  honorable ,senator    

establishes the fact4 ,it is but        
opinion1 and naked  assertion only4 ,the
 ,senator complains that the means and  
views of the  abolitionists are not     
confined to securing the right of       
petition only2  no1 they resort to other
 means1 he affirms1 to the ,,ballot     
,,box2 and if  that fail1 says the      
,senator1 their next appeal will be to  
the bayonet4  ,sir1 no man1 who is an   
,american in feeling and in heart1 but  
ought to  repel this charge instantly1  
and without any reservation whatever1   
that if they fail at the ballot box they
 will resort to the bayonet4  ,if such a
 fratricidal course should ever be      
thought of in our country1  it will not 
be by those who seek redress of wrongs1 
by exercising the  right of petition1   
but by those only who deny that right to
 others1  and seek to usurp the whole   
power of the ,government4 ,if the ballot
 box  fail them1 the bayonet may be     
their resort1 as mobs and violence now  
are4 ,does the ,senator believe that any

 portion of the honest yeomanry  of the 
country entertain such thoughts8 ,i hope
 he does not4 ,if  thoughts of this kind
 exist1 they are to be found in the     
hearts of  aspirants to office1 and     
their adherents1 and none others4 ,who1 
sir1  is making this question a         
political affair8 ,not the petitioners4 
,it  was the slaveholding power which   
first made this move4 ,i have noticed   
for some time past that many of the     
public prints in this city1 as  well as 
elsewhere1 have been filled with essays 
against abolitionists  for exercising   
the rights of freemen4    ,both         
political parties1 however1 have courted
 them in private and  denounced them in 
public1 and both have equally deceived  
them4 ,and who  shall dare say that an  
abolitionist has no right to carry his  
principles to the ballot box8 ,who fears
 the ballot box8 ,the honest  in heart1 
the lover of our country and its        
institutions8 ,no1 sir6 ,it  is feared  
by the tyrant2 he who usurps power1 and 

seizes upon the  liberty of others2 he1 
for one1 fears the ballot box4 ,where is
 the  slave to party in this country who
 is so lost to his own dignity1 or  so  
corrupted by interest or power1 that he 
does not1 or will not1  carry his       
principles and his judgment into the    
ballot box8 ,such an one  ought to have 
the mark of ,cain in his forehead1 and  
sent to labor  among the negro slaves of
 the ,south4 ,the honorable ,senator    
seems  anxious to take under his care   
the ballot box1 as he has the slave     
system of the country1 and direct who   
shall or who shall not use it  for the  
redress of what they deem a political   
grievance4 ,suppose the  power of the   
,executive chair should take under its  
care the right of  voting1 and who      
should proscribe any portion of our     
citizens who  should carry with them to 
the polls of election their own         
opinions1  creeds1 and doctrines4 ,this 
would at once be a deathblow to our     
liberties1 and the remedy could only be 

found in revolution4 ,there can  be no  
excuse or pretext for revolution while  
the ballot box is free4  ,our           
,government is not one of force1 but of 
principle2 its foundation  rests on     
public opinion1 and its hope is in the  
morality of the  nation4 ,the moral     
power of that of the ballot box is      
sufficient to  correct all abuses4 ,let 
me1 then1 proclaim here1 from this high 
arena1  to the citizens not only of my  
own ,state1 but to the country1 to all  
sects and parties who are entitled to   
the right of suffrage1 ,to ,,the        
,,ballot ,,box6 carry with you honestly 
your own sentiments respecting the      
welfare of your country1 and make them  
operate as effectually as you  can1     
through that medium1 upon its policy and
 for its prosperity4 ,fear  not the     
frowns of power4 ,it trembles while it  
denounces you4 ,the  ,senator complains 
that the abolitionists have associated  
with the  politics of the country4 ,so  
far as ,i am capable of judging1 this   

charge is not well founded2 many        
politicians of the country have used    
abolitionists as stepping stones to     
mount into power2 and1 when there1  have
 turned about and traduced them4 ,he    
admits that political parties  are      
willing to unite with them any class of 
men1 in order to carry  their purposes4 
,are abolitionists1 then1 to blame if   
they pursue the  same course8 ,it seems 
the ,senator is willing that his party  
should  make use of even abolitionists2 
but he is not willing that              
abolitionists should use the same party 
for their purpose4 ,this seems  not to  
be in accordance with that equality of  
rights about which we  heard so much at 
the last session4 ,abolitionists have   
nothing to fear4  ,if public opinion    
should be for them1 politicians will be 
around and  amongst them as the locusts 
of ,egypt4 ,the ,senator seems to admit 
that1  if the abolitionists are joined  
to either party1 there is               
danger--danger of what8 ,that humanity  

and justice will prevail8 that  the     
right of petition will be secured to    
,,all ,,equally8 and that the  long lost
 and trodden ,african race will be      
restored to their natural  rights8      
,would the ,senator regret to see this  
accomplished by argument1  persuasion1  
and the force of an enlightened public  
opinion8 ,i hope  not2 and these        
petitioners ask the use of no other     
weapons in this  warfare4    ,these     
ultra-abolitionists1 says the ,senator1 
invoke the power of this  government to 
their aid4 ,and pray1 sir1 what power   
should they invoke8  ,have they not the 
same right to approach this government  
as other men8  ,is the ,senator or this 
body authorized to deny them any        
privileges  secured to other citizens8  
,if so1 let him show me the charter of  
his  power and ,i will be silent4 ,until
 he can do this1 ,i shall uphold1       
justify1 and sustain them1 as ,i do     
other citizens4 ,the exercise of  power 
by ,congress in behalf of the slaves    

within this ,district1 the  ,senator    
seems to think1 no one without the      
,district has the least  claim to ask   
for4 ,it is because ,i reside without   
the ,district1 and am  called within it 
by the ,constitution1 that ,i object to 
the existence  of slavery here4 ,i deny 
the gentleman's position1 then1 on this 
point4  ,on this then1 we are equal4    
,the ,senator1 however1 is at war with  
himself4 ,he contends the object of the 
cession by the ,states of  ,virginia and
 ,maryland1 was to establish a seat of  
,government only1  and to give ,congress
 whatever power was necessary to render 
the  ,district a valuable and           
comfortable situation for that purpose1 
and  that ,congress have full power to  
do whatever is necessary for this       
,district2 and if to abolish slavery be 
necessary1 to attain the  object1       
,congress have power to abolish slavery 
in the ,district4 ,i am  sure ,i quote  
the gentleman substantially2 and ,i     
thank him for this  precious confession 

in his argument2 it is what ,i believe1 
and ,i know  it is all ,i feel disposed 
to ask4 ,if we can1 then1 prove that    
this  ,district is not as comfortable   
and convenient a place for the          
deliberations of ,congress1 and the     
comfort of our citizens who may  visit  
it1 while slavery exists here1 as it    
would be without slavery1  then slavery 
ought to be abolished2 and ,i trust we  
shall have the  distinguished ,senator  
from ,kentucky to aid us in this great  
national  reformation4 ,i take the      
,senator at his word4 ,i agree with him 
that  this ought to be such a place as  
he has described2 but ,i deny that it   
is so4 ,and upon what facts do ,i rest  
my denial8 ,we are a ,christian  nation1
 a moral and religious people4 ,i speak 
for the free ,states1 at  least for my  
own ,state2 and what a contrast do the  
very streets of  your capital daily     
present to the ,christianity and        
morality of the  nation8 ,a race of     
slaves1 or at least colored persons1 of 

every hue  from the jet black ,african1 
in regular gradation1 up to the almost  
pure ,anglo-,saxon color4 ,during the   
short time official duty has called  me 
here1 ,i have seen the really red       
haired1 the freckled1 and the  almost   
white negro2 and ,i have been astonished
 at the numbers of the  mixed race1 when
 compared with those of full color1 and 
,i have deeply  deplored this stain upon
 our national morals2 and the words of  
,dr4  ,channing have1 thousands of      
times1 been impressed on my mind1 that a
  slave country reeks with              
licentiousness4  ,how comes this        
amalgamation  of the races8 ,it comes   
from slavery4 ,it is a disagreeable     
annoyance to  persons who come from the 
free ,states1 especially to their       
,christian  and moral feelings4 ,it is a
 great hindrance to the proper discharge
 of  their duties while here4 ,remove   
slavery from this ,district1 and this   
evil will disappear4 ,we argue this     
circumstance alone as sufficient  cause 

to produce that effect4 ,but slavery    
presents within the ,district  other and
 still more appalling scenes--scenes    
well calculated to  awaken the deepest  
emotions of the human heart4 ,the       
slave-trade exists  here in all its     
,,horrors1 and unwhipt of all its       
crimes4 ,in view of the  very chair     
which you now occupy1 ,mr4 ,president1  
if the massy walls of  this building1   
did not prevent it1 you could see the   
prison1 the  pen1 the ,,hell1 where     
human beings1 when purchased for sale1  
are kept  until a cargo can be procured 
for transportation to a ,southern or    
foreign market1 for ,i have little doubt
 slaves are carried to ,texas  for sale1
 though ,i do not know the fact4        
,sir1 since ,congress have been in      
session1 a mournful group of these      
unhappy beings1 some thirty or forty1   
were marched1 as if in derision  of     
members of ,congress1 in view of your   
,capitol1 chained and manacled          
together1 in open day-light1 yes1 in the

 very face of heaven itself1  to be     
shipped at ,baltimore for a foreign     
market4 ,i did not witness  this cruel  
transaction1 but speak from what ,i have
 heard and believe4  ,is this ,district1
 then1 a fit place for our              
deliberations1 whose  feelings are      
outraged with impunity with transactions
 like this8  ,suppose1 sir1 that        
mournful and degrading spectacle was at 
this moment  exhibited under the windows
 of our chamber1 do you think the       
,senate  could deliberate1 could        
continue with that composure and        
attention  which ,i see around me8 ,no1 
sir2 all your powers could not preserve 
order for a moment4 ,the feelings of    
humanity would overcome those of  regard
 for the peculiar institutions of the   
,states2 and though we  would be        
politically and legally bound not to    
interfere1 we are not  morally bound to 
withhold our sympathy and our execration
 in  witnessing such inhuman traffic4   
,this traffic alone1 in this ,district1 

renders it an uncomfortable and unfit   
place for your seat of  ,government4    
,sir1 it is but one or two years since  
,i saw standing at  the railroad depot1 
as ,i passed from my boarding house to  
this  chamber1 some large wagons and    
teams1 as if waiting for freight2 the   
cars had not then arrived4 ,i was       
inquired of1 when ,i returned to my     
lodgings1 by my landlady1 if ,i knew the
 object of those wagons which ,i  saw in
 the morning4 ,i replied1 ,i did not2 ,i
 suppose they came and were  waiting for
 loading4 ,yes1 for slaves1 said she2   
and one of those  wagons was filled with
 little boys and little girls1 who had  
been  bought up through the country1 and
 were to be taken to a southern  market4
 ,ah1 sir6 continued she1 it made my    
very heart ache to see  them4 ,the very 
recital unnerved and unfitted me for    
thought or  reflection on any other     
subject for some time4 ,it is scenes    
like this1  of which ladies of my       
country and my state complained in their

  petitions1 some time since1 as        
rendering this ,district unpleasant1    
should they visit the capital of the    
nation as wives1 sisters1  daughters1 or
 friends of members of ,congress4 ,yet1 
sir1 these  respectable females were    
treated here with contemptuous sneers2  
they  were compared1 on this floor1 to  
the fish-women of ,paris1 who dipped    
their fingers in the blood of           
revolutionary ,france4 ,sir1 if the     
transaction in slaves here1 which ,i    
have mentioned1 could make such an      
impression on the heart of a lady1 a    
resident of the ,district1 one who  had 
been used to slaves1 and was probably an
 owner1 what would be the  feelings of  
ladies from free states on beholding a  
like transaction8 ,i  will leave every  
gentleman and every lady to answer for  
themselves4 ,i  am unable to describe   
it4 ,shall the capital of your country  
longer  exhibit scenes so revolting to  
humanity1 that the ladies of your       
country cannot visit it without disgust8

 ,no2 wipe off the foul stain1  and let 
it become a suitable and comfortable    
place for the seat of  ,government4 ,the
 ,senator1 as if conscious that his     
argument on this  point had proved too  
much1 and of course had proven the      
converse of  what he wished to          
establish1 concluded this part by       
saying1 that if  slavery is abolished1  
the act ought to be confined to the city
 alone4  ,we thank him for this small   
sprinkling of correct opinion upon this 
arid waste of public feeling4 ,liberty  
may yet vegetate and grow even  here4   
,the ,senator insists that the ,states  
of ,virginia and ,maryland would  never 
have ceded this ,district if they had   
have thought slavery would  ever have   
been abolished in it4 ,this is an old   
story twice told4 ,it  was never1       
however1 thought of1 until the slave    
power imagined it1 for  its own         
security4 ,let the ,states ask a        
retrocession of the ,district1  and ,i  
am sure the free ,states will rejoice to

 make the grant4    ,the ,senator       
condemns the abolitionists for desiring 
that slavery  should not exist in the   
,territories1 even in ,florida4 ,he     
insists that1  by the treaty1 the       
inhabitants of that country have the    
right to  remove their ,,effects when   
they please2 and that1 by this          
condition1  they have the right to      
retain their slaves as effects1         
independently  of the power of          
,congress4 ,i am no diplomatist1 sir1   
but ,i venture to  deny the conclusion  
of the ,senator's argument4 ,in all our 
intercourse  with foreign nations1 in   
all our treaties in which the words     
goods1  effects1 c4 are used1 slaves    
have never been considered as included4 
,in all cases in which slaves are the   
subject matter of controversy1  they are
 specially named by the word slaves2    
and1 if ,i remember  rightly1 it has    
been decided in ,congress1 that slaves  
are not property  for which a           
compensation shall be made when taken   

for public use1 7or  rather1 slaves     
cannot be considered as taken for public
 use17 or as  property by the enemy1    
when they are in the service of the     
,united  ,states4 ,if ,i am correct1 as 
,i believe ,i am1 in the positions ,i   
have  assumed1 the gentleman can say    
nothing1 by this part of his argument1  
against abolitionists1 for asking that  
slavery shall not exist in  ,florida4   
,the gentleman contends that the power  
to remove slaves from one ,state  to    
another1 for sale1 is found in that part
 of the ,constitution which  gives      
,congress the power to regulate commerce
 within the ,states1 c4  ,this argument 
is non sequiter1 unless the honorable   
,senator can  first prove that slaves   
are proper articles for commerce4 ,we   
say that  ,congress have power over     
slaves only as persons4 ,the ,united    
,states can  protect persons1 but cannot
 make them property1 and they have full 
power in regulating commerce1 and can1  
in such regulations1 prohibit  from its 

operations every thing but property2    
property made so by the  laws of nature1
 and not by any municipal regulations4  
,the dominion of  man over things1 as   
property1 was settled by his ,creator   
when man was  first placed upon the     
earth4 ,he was to subdue the earth1 and 
have  dominion over the fish of the sea1
 the fowls of the air1 and over  every  
living thing that moveth upon the earth2
 every herb bearing  seed1 and the fruit
 of a tree yielding seed1 was given for 
his use4  ,this is the foundation of all
 right in property of every description4
  ,it is for the use of man the grant is
 made1 and of course man cannot  be     
included in the grant4 ,every municipal 
regulation1 then1 of any  ,state1 or any
 of its peculiar institutions1 which    
makes man property1  is a violation of  
this great law of nature1 and is founded
 in  usurpation and tyranny1 and is     
accomplished by force1 fraud1 or an     
abuse of power4 ,it is a violation of   
the principles of truth and  justice1 in

 subjecting the weaker to the stronger  
man4 ,in a ,christian  nation such      
property can form no just ground for    
commercial  regulations1 but ought to be
 strictly prohibited4 ,i therefore      
believe  it is the duty of ,congress1 by
 virtue of this power1 to regulate      
commerce1 to prohibit1 at once1 slaves  
being used as articles of  trade4       
,the gentleman says1 the ,constitution  
left the subject of slavery  entirely to
 the ,states4 ,to this position ,i      
assent2 and1 as the ,states  cannot     
regulate their own commerce1 but the    
same being the right of  ,congress1 that
 body cannot make slaves an article of  
commerce1 because  slavery is left      
entirely to the ,states in which it     
exists2 and slaves  within those        
,states1 according to the gentleman1 are
 excluded from the  power of ,congress4 
,can ,congress1 in regulating commerce  
among the  several ,states1 authorize   
the transportation of articles from one 
,state1 and their sale in another1 which

 they have not power so to  authorize in
 any ,state8 ,i cannot believe in such  
doctrine2 and ,i now  solemnly protest  
against the power of ,congress to       
authorize the  transportation to1 and   
the sale in1 ,ohio1 of any negro slave  
whatever1  or for any possible purpose  
under the sun4 ,who is there in ,ohio1  
or  elsewhere1 that will dare deny this 
position8 ,if ,ohio contains such a     
recreant to her constitution and policy1
 ,i hope he may have the  boldness to   
stand forth and avow it4 ,if the ,states
 in which slavery  exists love it as a  
household god1 let them keep it there1  
and not  call upon us in the free       
,states to offer incense to their idol4 
,we do  not seek to touch it with       
unhallowed hands1 but with pure hands1  
upraised in the cause of truth and      
suffering humanity4    ,the gentleman   
admits that1 at the formation of our    
,government1 it was  feared that slavery
 might eventually divide or distract our
 country2  and1 as the ,,ballot ,,box   

seems continually to haunt his          
imagination1 he  says there is real     
danger of dissolution of the ,union if  
abolitionists1 as is evident they do1   
will carry their principles into  the   
,,ballot ,,box4 ,if not disunion in     
fact1 at least in feeling1 in the       
country1 which is always the precursor  
to the clash of arms4 ,and the          
gentleman further says we are taught by 
holy writ1 that the race is  not to the 
swift1 nor the battle to the strong4    
,the moral of the  gentleman's argument 
is1 that truth and righteousness will   
prevail1  though opposed by power and   
influence2 that abolitionists1 though   
few  in number1 are greatly to be       
feared2 one1 as ,i have said1 may chase 
a  thousand1 and two put ten thousand to
 flight2 and1 as their weapons of       
warfare are not carnal1 but mighty to   
the pulling down of strong  holds1 even 
slavery itself2 and as the ballot box is
 the great moral  lever in political    
action1 the gentleman would exclude     

abolitionists  entirely from its use1   
and for opinion's sake1 deny them this  
high  privilege of every ,american      
citizen4 ,permit me1 sir1 to remind the 
gentleman of another text of holy writ4 
,the wicked flee when no man  pursueth1 
but the righteous are bold as a lion4   
,the ,senator says that  those who have 
slaves1 are sometimes supposed to be    
under too much  alarm4 ,does this prove 
the application of the text ,i have just
 quoted3  ,conscience sometimes makes   
cowards of us all4 ,the ,senator appeals
 to  abolitionists1 and beseeches them  
to cease their efforts on the  subject  
of slavery1 if they wish1 says he1 to   
exercise their  benevolence4 ,what6     
,abolitionists benevolent6 ,he hopes    
they will  select some object not so    
terrible4 ,oh1 sir1 he is willing they  
should  pay tithes of mint and rue1 but 
the weighter matters of the law1        
judgment and mercy1 he would have them  
entirely overlook4 ,i ought to  thank   
the ,senator for introducing holy writ  

into this debate1 and  inform him his   
arguments are not the sentiments of     
,him1 who1 when on  earth1 went about   
doing good4    ,the ,senator further    
entreats the clergy to desist from their
 efforts  in behalf of abolitionism4    
,who authorized the ,senator1 as a      
politician1 to use his influence to     
point out to the clergy what they       
should preach1 or for what they should  
pray8 ,would the ,senator dare  exert   
his power here to bind the consciences  
of men8 ,by what rule of  ethics1 then1 
does he undertake to use his influence1 
from this high  place of power1 in order
 to gain the same object1 ,i am at a    
loss to  determine4 ,sir1 this movement 
of the ,senator is far more censurable  
and dangerous1 as an attempt to unite   
,church and ,state1 than were the       
petitions against ,sunday mails1 the    
report in opposition to which  gained   
for you1 ,mr4 ,president1 so much       
applause in the country4 ,i1  sir1 also 
appeal to the clergy to maintain their  

rights of conscience2  and if they      
believe slavery to be a sin1 we ought to
 honor and respect  them for their open 
denunciation of it1 rather than call on 
them to  desist1 for between their      
conscience and their ,god1 we have no   
power  to interfere2 we do not wish to  
make them political agents for any      
purpose4    ,but the ,senator is not    
content to entreat the clergy alone to  
desist2  he calls on his countrywomen to
 warn them1 also1 to cease their        
efforts1 and reminds them that the ink  
shed from the pen held in their  fair   
fingers when writing their names to     
abolition petitions1 may be  the cause  
of shedding much human blood6 ,sir1 the 
language towards this  class of         
petitioners is very much changed of     
late2 they formerly were  pronounced    
idlers1 fanatics1 old women and school  
misses1 unworthy of  respect from       
intelligent and respectable men4 ,i     
warned gentlemen then  that they would  
change their language2 the blows they   

aimed fell  harmless at the feet of     
those against whom they were intended to
  injure4 ,in this movement of my       
countrywomen ,i thought was plainly to  
be discovered the operations of         
,providence1 and a sure sign of the     
final triumph of universal emancipation4
 ,all history1 both sacred  and profane1
 both ancient and modern1 bears         
testimony to the efficacy  of female    
influence and power in the cause of     
human liberty4 ,from the  time of the   
preservation1 by the hands of women1 of 
the great ,jewish  law-giver1 in his    
infantile hours1 and who was preserved  
for the  purpose of freeing his         
countrymen from ,egyptian bondage1 has  
woman  been made a powerful agent in    
breaking to pieces the rod of the       
oppressor4 ,with a pure and             
uncontaminated mind1 her actions spring 
from the deepest recesses of the human  
heart4 ,denounce her as you  will1 you  
cannot deter her from her duty4 ,pain1  
sickness1 want1  poverty and even death 

itself form no obstacles in her onward  
march4  ,even the tender ,virgin would  
dress1 as a martyr for the stake1 as for
  her bridal hour1 rather than make     
sacrifice of her purity and duty4  ,the 
eloquence of the ,senate1 and clash of  
arms1 are alike powerful  when brought  
in opposition to the influence of pure  
and virtuous  woman4 ,the liberty of the
 slave seems now to be committed to her 
charge1 and who can doubt her final     
triumph8 ,i do not4--,you cannot  fight 
against her and hope for success2 and   
well does the ,senator know  this2 hence
 this appeal to her feelings to terrify 
her from that which  she believes to be 
her duty4 ,it is a vain attempt4    ,the
 ,senator says that it was the          
principles of the ,constitution which   
carried us through the ,revolution4     
,surely it was2 and to use the  language
 of another ,senator from a slave       
,state1 on a former occasion1  these are
 the very principles on which the       
abolitionists plant  themselves4 ,it was

 the principle that all men are born    
,,free ,,and ,,equal1  that nerved the  
arm of our fathers in their contest for 
independence4  ,it was for the natural  
and inherent rights of man they         
contended4 ,it  is a libel upon the     
,constitution to say that its object was
 not  liberty1 but slavery1 for millions
 of the human race4    ,the ,senator1   
well fearing that all his eloquence and 
his arguments  thus far are but chaff1  
when weighed in the balance against     
truth and  justice1 seems to find       
consolation in the idea1 and says that  
which  opposes the ulterior object of   
abolitionists1 is that the general      
government has no power to act on the   
subject of slavery1 and that the        
,constitution or the ,union would not   
last an hour if the power claimed  was  
exercised by ,congress4 ,it is slavery1 
then1 and not liberty1 that  makes us   
one people4 ,to dissolve slavery1 is to 
dissolve the ,union4  ,why require of us
 to support the ,constitution by oath1  

if the  ,constitution itself is subject 
to the power of slavery1 and not the    
moral power of the country8 ,change the 
form of the oath which you  administer  
to ,senators on taking seats here1 swear
 them to support  slavery1 and according
 to the logic of the gentleman1 the     
,constitution  and the ,union will both 
be safe4 ,we hear almost daily threats  
of  dissolving the ,union1 and from     
whence do they come8 ,from citizens of  
the free ,states8 ,no6 ,from the slave  
,states only4 ,why wish to dissolve  it8
 ,the reason is plain1 that a new       
government may be formed1 by which  we1 
as a nation1 may be made a slaveholding 
people4 ,no impartial  observer of      
passing events1 can1 in my humble       
judgment1 doubt the  truth of this4 ,the
 ,senator thinks the abolitionists in   
error1 if they  wish the slaveholder to 
free his slave4 ,he asks1 why denounce  
him8 ,i  cannot admit the truth of the  
question2 but ,i might well ask the     
gentleman1 and the slaveholders         

generally1 why are you angry at me1     
because ,i tell you the truth8 ,it is   
the light of truth which the            
slaveholder cannot endure2 a plain      
unvarnished tale of what slavery  is1 he
 considers a libel upon himself4 ,the   
fact is1 the slaveholder  feels the     
leprosy of slavery upon him4 ,he is     
anxious to hide the  odious disease from
 the public eye1 and the ballot box and 
the right  of petition1 when used       
against him1 he feels as sharp reproof2 
and  being unwilling to renounce his    
errors1 he tries to escape from their   
consequences1 by making the world       
believe that ,,he is the persecuted1    
and not the persecutor4 ,slaveholders   
have said here1 during this very        
session1 the fact is1 slavery will not  
bear examination4 ,it is the  ,senator  
who denounces abolitionists for the     
exercise of their most  unquestionable  
rights1 while abolitionists condemn that
 only which the  ,senator himself will  
acknowledge to be wrong at all times and

 under  all circumstances4 ,because he  
admits that if it was an original       
question whether slaves should be       
introduced among us1 but few  citizens  
would be found to agree to it1 and none 
more opposed to it  than himself4 ,the  
argument is1 that the evil of slavery is
 incurable2  that the attempt to        
eradicate it would commence a struggle  
which would  exterminate one race or the
 other4 ,what a lamentable picture of   
our  government1 so often pronounced the
 best upon earth6 ,the seeds of         
disease1 which were interwoven into its 
first existence1 have now  become so    
incorporated into its frame1 that they  
cannot be extracted  without dissolving 
the whole fabric2 that we must endure   
the evil  without hope and without      
complaint4 ,our very natures must be    
changed  before we can be brought tamely
 to submit to this doctrine4 ,the evil  
will be remedied3 and to use the        
language of ,jefferson again1 this      
people will yet be free4 ,the ,senator  

finds consolation1 however in  the midst
 of this existing evil1 in color and    
caste4 ,the black race  7says he7 is the
 strong ground of slavery in our        
country4 ,yes1 it is  color1 not right  
and justice1 that is to continue forever
 slavery in  our country4 ,it is        
prejudice against color1 which is the   
strong ground  of the slaveholder's     
hope4 ,is that prejudice founded in     
nature1 or is  it the effect of base and
 sordid interest8 ,let the mixed race   
which we  see here1 from black to almost
 perfect white1 springing from white    
fathers1 answer the question4 ,slavery  
has no just foundation in color3  it    
rests exclusively upon usurpation1      
tyranny1 oppressive fraud1 and  force4  
,these were its parents in every age and
 country of the world4    ,the ,senator 
says1 the next or greatest difficulty to
 emancipation is1  the amount of        
property it would take from the owners4 
,all ideas of  right and wrong are      
confounded in these words3 emancipate   

property1  emancipate a horse1 or an ox1
 would not only be unmeaning1 but a     
ludicrous expression4 ,to emancipate is 
to set free from slavery4 ,to           
emancipate1 is to set free a man1 not   
property4 ,the ,senator estimates  the  
number of slaves--men now held in       
bondage--at three millions in  the      
,united ,states4 ,is this statement made
 here by the same voice which  was heard
 in this ,capitol in favor of the       
liberties of ,greece1 and for  the      
emancipation of our ,south ,american    
brethren from political  thralldom8 ,it 
is2 and has all its fervor in favor of  
liberty been  exhausted upon foreign    
countries1 so as not to leave a single  
whisper  in favor of three millions of  
men in our own country1 now groaning    
under the most galling oppression the   
world ever saw8 ,no1 sir4 ,sordid       
interest rules the hour4 ,men are made  
property1 and paper is made  money1 and 
the ,senator1 no doubt1 sees in these   
two peculiar  institutions a power      

which1 if united1 will be able to       
accomplish all  his wishes4 ,he informs 
us that some have computed the slaves to
 be  worth the average amount of five   
hundred dollars each4 ,he will  estimate
 within bounds at four hundred dollars  
each4 ,making the amount  twelve hundred
 millions of dollars' worth of slave    
property4 ,i heard  this statement1 ,mr4
 ,president1 with emotions of the       
deepest feeling4  ,by what rule of      
political or commercial arithmetic does 
the ,senator  calculate the amount of   
property in human beings8 ,can it be    
fancy or  fact1 that ,i hear such       
calculation1 that the people of the     
,united  ,states own twelve hundred     
millions' 7double the amount of all the 
specie in the world7 worth of property  
in human flesh6 ,and this  property is  
owned1 the gentleman informs us1 by all 
classes of  society1 forming part of all
 our contracts within our own country   
and  in ,europe4 ,i should have been    
glad1 sir1 to have been spared the      

hearing of a declaration of this kind1  
especially from the high source  and the
 place from which it emanated4 ,but the 
assertion has gone forth  that we have  
twelve hundred millions of slave        
property at the ,south2  and can any man
 so close his understanding here as not 
plainly to  perceive that the power of  
this vast amount of property at the     
,south  is now uniting itself to the    
banking power of the ,north1 in order to
  govern the destinies of this country4 
,six hundred millions of banking        
capital is to be brought into this      
coalition1 and the slave power and  the 
bank power are thus to unite in order to
 break down the present  administration4
 ,there can be no mistake1 as ,i        
believe1 in this matter4  ,the          
aristocracy of the ,north1 who1 by the  
power of a corrupt banking  system1 and 
the aristocracy of the ,south1 by the   
power of the slave  system1 both        
fattening upon the labor of others1 are 
now about to  unite in order to make the

 reign of each perpetual4 ,is there an  
independent ,american to be found1 who  
will become the recreant slave  to such 
an unholy combination8 ,is this another 
compromise to barter  the liberties of  
the country for personal aggrandisement8
 ,resistance  to tyrants is obedience to
 ,god4    ,the ,senator further insists1
 that what the law makes property is    
property4 ,this is the predicate of the 
gentleman2 he has neither  facts nor    
reason to prove it2 yet upon this alone 
does he rest the  whole case that       
negroes are property4 ,i deny the       
predicate and the  argument4 ,suppose   
the ,legislature of the ,senator's own  
,state should  pass a law declaring his 
wife1 his children1 his friends1 indeed1
 any  white citizen of ,kentucky1       
property1 and should they be sold and   
transferred as such1 would the gentleman
 fold his arms and say1 ,yes1  they are 
property1 for the law has made them     
such8 ,no1 sir2 he would  denounce such 
law with more vehemence than he now     

denounces  abolitionists1 and would deny
 the authority of human legislation to  
accomplish an object so clearly beyond  
its power4    ,human laws1 ,i contend1  
cannot make human beings property1 if   
human  force can do it4 ,if it is       
competent for our legislatures to make a
  black man property1 it is competent   
for them to make a white man the  same2 
and the same objection exists to the    
power of the people in an  organic law  
for their own government2 they cannot   
make property of  each other2 and1 in   
the language of the ,constitution of    
,indiana1 such  an act can only         
originate in usurpation and tyranny4    
,dreadful1  indeed1 would be the        
condition of this country1 if these     
principles  should not only be carried  
into the ballot box1 but into the       
presidential chair4 ,the idea that      
abolitionists ought to pay for the      
slaves if they are set free1 and that   
they ought to think of this1 is         
addressed to their fears1 and not to    

their judgment4 ,there is no  principle 
of morality or justice that should      
require them or our  citizens generally 
to do so4 ,to free a slave is to take   
from  usurpation that which it has made 
property and given to another1 and      
bestow it upon the rightful owner4 ,it  
is not taking property from its  true   
owner for public use4 ,men can do with  
their own as they please1  to vary their
 peace if they wish1 but cannot be      
compelled to do so4    ,the gentleman   
repeats the assertion that has been     
repeated a thousand  and one times3 that
 abolitionists are retarding the        
emancipation of  the slave1 and have    
thrown it back fifty or a hundred years2
 that they  have increased the rigors of
 slavery1 and caused the master to treat
  his slave with more severity4         
,slavery1 then1 is to cease at some     
period2 and because the abolitionists   
have said to the slaveholder1  ,now is  
the accepted time1 and because he thinks
 this an improper  interference1 and not

 having the abolitionists in his power1 
he  inflicts his vengeance on his       
unoffending slave6 ,the moral of this   
story is1 the slaveholder will exercise 
more cruelty because he is  desired to  
show mercy4 ,i do not envy the senator  
the full benefit of  his argument4 ,it  
is no doubt a true picture of the       
feelings and  principles which slavery  
engenders in the breast of the master4  
,it is  in perfect keeping with the     
threat we almost daily hear2 that if    
petitioners do not cease their efforts  
in the exercise of their  constitutional
 rights1 others will dissolve the       
,union4 ,these1 however1  ought to be   
esteemed idle assertions and idle       
threats4    ,the ,senator tells us that 
the consequences arising from the       
freedom of  slaves1 would be to reduce  
the wages of the white laborer4 ,he has 
furnished us with neither data nor fact 
upon which this opinion can  rest4 ,he1 
however1 would draw a line1 on one side 
of which he would  place the slave      

labor1 and on the other side free white 
labor2 and  looking over the whole1 as a
 general system1 both would appear on a 
perfect equality4 ,i have observed1 for 
some years past1 that the  southern     
slaveholder has insisted that his       
laborers are1 in point of  integrity1   
morality1 usefulness1 and comfort1 equal
 to the laboring  population of the     
,north4 ,thus endeavoring to raise the  
slave in public  estimation1 to an      
equality with the free white laborer of 
the ,north2  while1 on the other hand1  
the northern aristocrat has1 in the same
  manner1 viz43 by comparison1          
endeavored to reduce his laborers to the
  moral and political condition of the  
slaves of the ,south4 ,it is for  the   
free white ,american citizens to        
determine whether they will permit  such
 degrading comparisons longer to exist4 
,already has this spirit  broken forth  
in denunciation of the right of         
universal suffrage4 ,will  free white   
laboring citizens take warning before it

 is too late8    ,the last1 the great1  
the crying sin of abolitionists1 in the 
eyes of  the ,senator1 is that they are 
opposed to colonization1 and in favor of
  amalgamation4 ,it is not necessary now
 to enter into any of the  benefits and 
advantages of colonization2 the ,senator
 has pronounced it  the noblest scheme  
ever devised by man2 he says it is      
powerful but  harmless4 ,i have no      
knowledge of any resulting benefits from
 the  scheme to either race4 ,i have not
 a doubt as to the real object  intended
 by its founders2 it did not arise from 
principles of humanity  and benevolence 
towards the colored race1 but a desire  
to remove the  free of that race beyond 
the ,united ,states1 in order to        
perpetuate and  make slavery more       
secure4    ,the ,senator further makes  
the broad charge1 that abolitionists    
wish to  enforce the unnatural system of
 amalgamation4 ,we deny the fact1 and   
call on the ,senator for proof4 ,the    
citizens of the free ,states1 the       

petitioners against slavery1 the        
abolitionists of the free ,states in    
favor of amalgamation6 ,no1 sir6 ,if you
 want evidence of the fact1 and         
reasoning in support of amalgamation1   
you must look into the slave  ,states2  
it is there it spreads and flourishes   
from slave mothers1 and  presents all   
possible colors and complexions1 from   
the jet black  ,african to the scarcely 
to be distinguished white person4 ,does 
any one  need proof of this fact8 let   
him take but a few turns through the    
streets of your capital1 and observe    
those whom he shall meet1 and he  will  
be perfectly satisfied4 ,amalgamation1  
indeed6 ,the charge is made  with a very
 bad grace on the present occasion4 ,no1
 sir2 it is not the  negro woman1 it is 
the slave and the contaminating         
influence of  slavery that is the mother
 of amalgamation4 ,does the gentleman   
want  facts on this subject8 let him    
look at the colored race in the free    
,states2 it is a rare occurrence there4 

,a colony of blacks1 some three  or four
 hundred1 were settled1 some fifteen or 
twenty years since1 in  the county of   
,brown1 a few miles distant from my     
former residence in  ,ohio1 and ,i was  
told by a person living near them1 a    
country merchant  with whom they dealt1 
when conversing with him on this very   
subject1  he informed me he knew of but 
one instance of a mulatto child being   
born amongst them for the last fifteen  
years2 and ,i venture the  assertion1   
had this same colony been settled in a  
slave ,state1 the  cases of a like kind 
would have been far more numerous4 ,i   
repeat  again1 in the words of ,dr4     
,channing1 it is a slave country that   
reeks  with licentiousness of this kind1
 and for proof ,i refer to the  opinions
 of ,judge ,harper1 of ,north ,carolina1
 in his defence of  southern slavery4   
,the ,senator1 as if fearing that he had
 made his charge too broad1 and  might  
fail in proof to sustain it1 seems to   
stop short1 and make the  inquiry1 where

 is the process of amalgamation to      
begin8 ,he had heard  of no instance of 
the kind against abolitionists2 they    
7the  abolitionists7 would begin it with
 the laboring class2 and if ,i          
understand the ,senator correctly1 that 
abolitionism1 by throwing  together the 
white and the black laborers1 would     
naturally produce  this result4 ,sir1 ,i
 regret1 ,i deplore1 that such a charge 
should be  made against the laboring    
class--that class which tills the       
ground2  and1 in obedience to the decree
 of their ,maker1 eat their bread in    
the sweat of their face--that class1 as 
,mr4 ,jefferson says1 if ,god has  a    
chosen people on earth1 they are those  
who thus labor4 ,this charge  is        
calculated for effect1 to induce the    
laboring class to believe1  that if     
emancipation takes place1 they will be1 
in the free ,states1  reduced to the    
same condition as the colored laborer4  
,the reverse of  that is the truth of   
the case4 ,it is the slaveholder ,,now1 

he who looks  upon labor as only fit for
 a servile race1 it is him and his      
kindred  spirits who live upon the labor
 of others1 endeavoring to reduce the   
white laborer to the condition of the   
slave4 ,they do not yet claim him  as   
property1 but they would exclude him    
from all participation in the  public   
affairs of the country4 ,it is further  
said1 that if the negroes  were free1   
the black would rival the white laborer 
in the free ,states4  ,i cannot believe 
it1 while so many facts exist to prove  
the contrary4  ,negroes1 like the white 
race1 but with stronger feelings1 are   
attached  to the place of their birth1  
and the home of their youth2 and the    
climate of the ,south is congenial to   
their natures1 more than that of  the   
,north4 ,if emancipation should take    
place at the ,south--and the  negro be  
freed from the fear of being made       
merchandize1 they would  remove from the
 free ,states of the ,north and ,west1  
immediately return  to that country1    

because it is the home of their friends 
and fathers4  ,already in ,ohio1 as far 
as my knowledge extends1 has free white 
labor1  7emigrants17 from foreign       
countries1 engrossed almost entirely all
  situations in which male or female    
labor is found4 ,but1 sir1 this plea  of
 necessity and convenience is the plea  
of tyrants4 ,has not the free  black    
person the same right to the use of his 
hands as the white  person3 the same    
right to contract and labor for what    
price he  pleases8 ,would the gentleman 
extend the power of the government to   
the  regulation of the productive       
industry of the country8 ,this was his  
former theory1 but put down effectually 
by the public voice4 ,taking  advantage 
of the prejudice against labor1 the     
attempt is now being  made to begin this
 same system1 by first operating on the 
poor black  laborer4 ,for shame6 let us 
cease from attempts of this kind4       
,the ,senator informs us that the       
question was asked fifty years ago  that

 is now asked1 ,can the negro be        
continued forever in bondage8 ,yes2  and
 it will continue to be asked1 in still 
louder and louder tones4  ,but1 says the
 ,senator1 we are yet a prosperous and  
happy nation4 ,pray1  sir1 in what part 
of your country do you find this        
prosperity and  happiness8 ,in the slave
 ,states8 ,no6 no6 ,there all is        
weakness gloom1  and despair2 while1 in 
the free ,states1 all is light1         
business1 and  activity4 ,what has      
created the astonishing difference      
between the  gentleman's ,state and     
mine--between ,kentucky and ,ohio8      
,slavery1 the  withering curse of       
slavery1 is upon ,kentucky1 while ,ohio 
is free4  ,kentucky1 the garden of the  
,west1 almost the land of promise1      
possessing all the natural advantages1  
and more than is possessed by  ,ohio1 is
 vastly behind in population and wealth4
 ,sir1 ,i can see from  the windows of  
my upper chamber1 in the city of        
,cincinnati1 lands in  ,kentucky1 which1

 ,i am told1 can be purchased from ten  
to fifty dollars  per acre2 while lands 
of the same quality1 under the same     
improvements1 and the same distance from
 me in ,ohio1 would probably  sell from 
one to five hundred dollars per acre4 ,i
 was told by a  friend1 a few days      
before ,i left home1 who had formerly   
resided in the  county of ,bourbon1     
,kentucky--a most excellent county of   
lands  adjoining1 ,i believe1 the county
 in which the ,senator resides--that    
the white population of that county was 
more than four hundred less  than it was
 five years since4 ,will the ,senator   
contend1 after a  knowledge of these    
facts1 that slavery in this country has 
been the  cause of our prosperity and   
happiness8 ,no1 he cannot4 ,it is       
because  slavery has been excluded and  
driven from a large proportion of our   
country1 that we are a prosperous and   
happy people4 ,but its late  attempts to
 force its influence and power into the 
free ,states1 and  deprive our citizens 

of their unquestionable rights1 has been
 the  moving cause of all the riots1    
burnings1 and murders that have taken   
place on account of abolitionism2 and it
 has1 in some degree1 even in  the free 
,states1 caused mourning1 lamentation1  
and woe4 ,remove  slavery1 and the      
country1 the whole country1 will recover
 its natural  vigor1 and our peace and  
future prosperity will be placed on a   
more  extensive1 safe1 and sure         
foundation4 ,it is a waste of time to   
answer  the allegations that the        
emancipation of the negro race would    
induce  them to make war on the white   
race4 ,every fact in the history of     
emancipation proves the reverse2 and he 
that will not believe those  facts1 has 
darkened his own understanding1 that the
 light of reason  can make no           
impression3 he appeals to interest1 not 
to truth1 for  information on this      
subject4 ,we do not fear his errors1    
while we are  left free to combat them4 
,the ,senator implores us to cease all  

commotion on this subject4 ,are we to   
surrender all our rights and            
privileges1 all the official stations of
 the country1 into the hands  of the    
slaveholding power1 without a single    
struggle8 ,are we to cease  all         
exertions for our own safety1 and submit
 in quiet to the rule of  this power8   
,is the calm of despotism to reign over 
this land1 and the  voice of freemen to 
be no more heard6 ,this sacrifice is    
required of  us1 in order to sustain    
slavery4 ,freemen1 will you make it8    
,will you  shut your ears and your      
sympathies1 and withhold from the poor1 
famished slave1 a morsel of bread8 ,can 
you thus act1 and expect the  blessings 
of heaven upon your country8 ,i beseech 
you to consider for  yourselves4    ,mr4
 ,president1 ,i have been compelled to  
enter into this discussion  from the    
course pursued by the ,senate on the    
resolutions ,i submitted a  few days    
since4 ,the cry of abolitionist has been
 raised against me4 ,if  those          

resolutions are abolitionism1 then ,i am
 an abolitionist from the  sole of my   
feet to the crown of my head4 ,if to    
maintain the rights of  the ,states1 the
 security of the citizen from violence  
and outrage2 if  to preserve the        
supremacy of the laws2 if insisting on  
the right of  petition1 a medium through
 which every person subject to the laws 
has an undoubted right to approach the  
constitutional authorities of  the      
country1 be the doctrines of            
abolitionists1 it finds a response in   
every beating pulse in my veins4        
,neither power1 nor favor1 nor want1    
nor misery1 shall deter me from its     
support while the vital current         
continues to flow4    ,condemned at home
 for my opposition to slavery1 alone and
 singlehanded  here1 well may ,i feel   
tremor and emotion in bearding this lion
 of  slavery in his very den and upon   
his own ground4 ,i should shrink1  sir1 
at once1 from this fearful and unequal  
contest1 was ,i not  thoroughly         

convinced that ,i am sustained by the   
power of truth and the  best interests  
of the country4    ,i listened to the   
,senator of ,kentucky with undivided    
attention4 ,i was  disappointed1 sadly  
disappointed4 ,i had heard of the       
,senator's tact in  making compromises  
and agreements on this floor1 and though
 opposed in  principle to all such      
proceedings1 yet ,i hoped to hear       
something upon  which we could hang a   
hope that peace would be restored to the
 borders  of our own ,states1 and all   
future aggression upon our citizens from
  the free ,states be prevented4 ,now1  
sir1 he offers us nothing but           
unconditional submission to political   
death2 and not political alone1  but    
absolute death4 ,we have counted the    
cost in this matter1 and are  determined
 to live or die free4 ,let the          
slaveholder hug his system to  his bosom
 in his own ,state1 we will not go there
 to disturb him2 but1  sir1 within our  
own borders we claim to enjoy the same  

privileges4  ,even1 sir1 here in this   
,district1 this ten miles square of     
common  property and common right1 the  
slave power has the assurance to come   
into this very ,hall1 and request that  
we--yes1 ,mr4 ,president1 that my       
constituents--be denied the right of    
petition on the subject of  slavery in  
this ,district4 ,this most extraordinary
 petition against the  right of others  
to petition on the same subject of      
theirs1 is  graciously received and     
ordered to be printed2 paeans sung to it
 by the  slave power1 while the         
petitions ,i offer1 from as honorable1  
free1  high-minded and patriotic        
,american citizens as any in this       
,district1  are spit upon1 and turned   
out of doors as an unclean thing6       
,genius  of liberty6 how long will you  
sleep under this iron power of          
oppression8 ,not content with ruling    
over their own slaves1 they claim  the  
power to instruct ,congress on the      
question of receiving petitions2  and   

yet we are tauntingly and sneeringly    
told that we have nothing to  do with   
the existence of slavery in the country1
 a suggestion as  absurd as it is       
ridiculous4 ,we are called upon to make 
laws in favor  of slavery in the        
,district1 but it is denied that we can 
make laws  against it2 and at last the  
right of petition on the subject1 by the
  people of the free ,states1 is        
complained of as an improper            
interference4 ,i leave it to the        
,senator to reconcile all these         
difficulties1 absurdities1 claims and   
requests of the people of this          
,district1 to the country at large2 and 
,i venture the opinion that he  will    
find as much difficulty in producing the
 belief that he is  correct now1 that he
 has found in obtaining the same belief 
that he  was before correct in his views
 and political course on the subject of 
banks1 internal improvements1 protective
 tariffs1 c41 and the  regulation1 by   
acts of ,congress1 of the productive    

industry of the  country1 together with 
all the compromises and coalitions he   
has  entered into for the attainment of 
those objects4 ,i rejoice1 however1     
that the ,senator has made the display  
he has on this occasion4 ,it is a       
powerful shake to awaken the sleeping   
energies of liberty1 and his  voice1    
like a trumpet1 will call from their    
slumbers millions of  freemen to defend 
their rights2 and the overthrow of his  
theory now1  is as sure and certain1 by 
the force of public opinion1 as was the 
overthrow of all his former schemes1 by 
the same mighty power4    ,i feel1 ,mr4 
,president1 as if ,i had wearied your   
patience1 while ,i am  sure my own      
bodily powers admonish me to close2 but 
,i cannot do so  without again reminding
 my constituents of the greetings that  
have  taken place on the consummation   
and ratification of the treaty1         
offensive and defensive1 between the    
slaveholding and bank powers1 in  order 
to carry on a war against the liberties 

of our country1 and to  put down the    
present administration4 ,yes1 there is  
no voice heard from  ,new ,england now4 
,boston and ,faneuil ,hall are silent as
 death4 ,the free  day-laborer is1 in   
prospect1 reduced to the political1 if  
not moral  condition of the slave2 an   
ideal line is to divide them in their   
labor2 yes1 the same principle is to    
govern on both sides4 ,even the  farmer1
 too1 will soon be brought into the same
 fold4 ,it will be again  said1 with    
regard to the government of the country1
 ,the farmer with  his huge paws upon   
the statute book1 what can he do8 ,i    
have  endeavored to warn my             
fellow-citizens of the present and      
approaching  danger1 but the dark cloud 
of slavery is before their eyes1 and    
prevents many of them from seeing the   
condition of things as they are4  ,that 
cloud1 like the cloud of summer1 will   
soon pass away1 and its  thunders cease 
to be heard4 ,slavery will come to an   
end1 and the  sunshine of prosperity    

warm1 invigorate and bless our whole    
country4    ,i do not know1 ,mr4        
,president1 that my voice will ever     
again be heard  on this floor4 ,i now   
willingly1 yes1 gladly1 return to my    
constituents1 to the people of my own   
,state4 ,i have spent my life  amongst  
them1 and the greater portion of it in  
their service1 and they  have bestowed  
upon me their confidence in numerous    
instances4 ,i feel  perfectly conscious 
that1 in the discharge of every trust   
which they  have committed to me1 ,i    
have1 to the best of my abilities1 acted
  solely with a view to the general     
good1 not suffering myself to be        
influenced by any particular or private 
interest whatever2 and ,i now  challenge
 those who think ,i have done otherwise1
 to lay their finger  upon any public   
act of mine1 and prove to the country   
its injustice or  anti-republican       
tendency4 ,that ,i have often erred in  
the selection of  means to accomplish   
important ends ,i have no doubt1 but my 

belief in  the truth of the doctrines of
 the ,declaration of ,independence1 the 
political creed of ,president           
,jefferson1 remains unshaken and        
unsubdued4 ,my greatest regret is that  
,i have not been more zealous1  and done
 more for the cause of individual and   
political liberty than ,i  have done4 ,i
 hope1 on returning to my home and my   
friends1 to join  them again in         
rekindling the beacon-fires of liberty  
upon every hill  in our ,state1 until   
their broad glare shall enlighten every 
valley1  and the song of triumph will   
soon be heard1 for the hearts of our    
people are in the hands of a just and   
holy being1 7who can not look  upon     
oppression but with abhorrence47 and he 
can turn them  whithersoever he will1 as
 the rivers of water are turned4 ,though
 our  national sins are many and        
grievous1 yet repentance1 like that of  
ancient ,nineveh1 may divert from us    
that impending danger which seems  to   
hang over our heads as by a single hair4

 ,that all may be safe1 ,i  conclude    
that ,,the ,,negro ,,will ,,yet ,,be    
,,set ,,free4        ,,the              
,,anti-,,slavery ,,examiner4    ,no4    
#aa4           99     99     99     99  
99    ,,the    ,,constitution      ,a   
,,pro-,,slavery ,,compact4      ,,or    
,,selections    ,,from    ,,the         
,,madison ,,papers1 c4           99     
99     99     99     99    ,,new ,,york3
    ,,american ,,anti-,,slavery         
,,society4    #adb ,,nassau ,,street4   
#ahdd4        ,,contents4               
,introduction4  ,debates in the         
,congress of the ,confederation         
,debates in the ,federal ,convention    
,list of ,members of the ,federal       
,convention  ,speech of ,luther ,martin 
,,debates ,,in ,,state ,,conventions    
,massachusetts  ,new ,york              
,pennsylvania  ,virginia  ,north        
,carolina  ,south ,carolina  ,extracts  
from the ,federalist  ,debates in ,first
 ,congress  ,address of the ,executive  
,committee of the ,american             

,anti-,slavery ,society  ,letter from   
,francis ,jackson to ,gov4 ,briggs      
,extract from ,mr4 ,webster's ,speech   
,extracts from ,j4,q4 ,adams's ,address1
 ,november1 #ahdd        ,,introduction4
      ,every one knows that the ,madison
 papers contain a ,report1 from the  pen
 of ,james ,madison1 of the ,debates in 
the ,old ,congress of the               
,confederation and in the ,convention   
which formed the ,constitution of  the  
,united ,states4 ,we have extracted from
 them1 in these pages1 all  the ,debates
 on those clauses of the ,constitution  
which relate to  slavery4 ,to these we  
have added all that is found1 on the    
same topic1  in the ,debates of the     
several ,state ,conventions which       
ratified the  ,constitution3 together   
with so much of the ,speech of ,luther  
,martin  before the ,legislature of     
,maryland1 and of the ,federalist1 as   
relate  to our subject2 with some       
extracts1 also1 from the ,debates of the
  first ,federal ,congress on ,slavery4 

,these are all printed without          
alteration1 except that1 in some        
instances1 we have inserted in          
brackets1 after the name of a speaker1  
the name of the ,state from  which he   
came4 ,the notes and italics are those  
of the original1 but  the editor has    
added one note on page #cjth1 which is  
marked as his1  and we have taken the   
liberty of printing in capitals one     
sentiment of  ,rufus ,king's1 and two of
 ,james ,madison's--a distinction which 
the  importance of the statements seemed
 to demand--otherwise we have  reprinted
 exactly from the originals4    ,these  
extracts develope most clearly all the  
details of that  compromise1 which was  
made between freedom and slavery1 in    
#aghg2  granting to the slaveholder     
distinct privileges and protection for  
his  slave property1 in return for      
certain commercial concessions on his   
part toward the ,north4 ,they prove also
 that the ,nation at large were  fully  
aware of this bargain at the time1 and  

entered into it willingly  and with open
 eyes4    ,we have added the late       
,address of the ,american ,anti-,slavery
 ,society1  and the letter of ,francis  
,jackson to ,governor ,briggs1 resigning
 his  commission of ,justice of the     
,peace--as bold and honorable protests  
against the guilt and infamy of this    
,national bargain1 and as proving  most 
clearly the duty of each individual to  
trample it under his feet4    ,the      
clauses of the ,constitution to which we
 refer as of a pro-slavery  character   
are the following3--    ,art4 #a1 ,sect4
 #b4 ,representatives and direct taxes  
shall be apportioned  among the several 
,states1 which may be included within   
this ,union1  according to their        
respective numbers1 which shall be      
determined by  adding to the whole      
number of free persons1 including those 
bound to  service for a term of years1  
and excluding ,indians not taxed1 three 
fifths of all other persons4    ,art4   
#a1 ,sect4 #h4 ,congress shall have     

power 4 4 4 to suppress  insurrections4 
,art4 #a1 ,sect4 #i4 ,the migration or  
importation of such persons as any  of  
the ,states now existing1 shall think   
proper to admit1 shall not be           
prohibited by the ,congress1 prior to   
the year one thousand eight  hundred and
 eight3 but a tax or duty may be imposed
 on such  importation1 not exceeding ten
 dollars for each person4    ,art4 #d4  
,sec4 #b4 ,no person1 held to service or
 labor in one ,state1  under the laws   
thereof1 escaping1 into another1 shall1 
in consequence  of any law or regulation
 therein1 be discharged from such       
service or  labor2 but shall be         
delivered up on claim of the party to   
whom such  service or labor may be due4 
,art4 #d1 ,sect4 #d4 ,the ,united       
,states shall guarantee to every ,state 
in  this ,union a republican form of    
government2 and shall protect each of   
them against invasion2 and1 on          
application of the legislature1 or of   
the executive1 7when the legislature    

cannot be convened7 against  domestic   
violence4    ,the first of these        
clauses1 relating to representation1    
confers on a  slaveholding community    
additional political power for every    
slave held  among them1 and thus tempts 
them to continue to uphold the system3  
the  second and the last1 relating to   
insurrection and domestic violence1     
perfectly innocent in themselves--yet   
being made with the fact  directly in   
view that slavery exists among us1 do   
deliberately pledge  the whole national 
force against the unhappy slave if he   
imitate our  fathers and resist         
oppression--thus making us partners in  
the guilt of  sustaining slavery3 the   
third1 relating to the slave trade1     
disgraces  the nation by a pledge not to
 abolish that traffic till after twenty 
years1 without obliging ,congress to do 
so even then1 and thus the  slave trade 
may be legalized to-morrow if ,congress 
choose3 the fourth  is a promise on the 
part of the whole ,nation to return     

fugitive slaves  to their masters1 a    
deed which ,god's law expressly condemns
 and which  every noble feeling of our  
nature repudiates with loathing and     
contempt4    ,these are the articles of 
the ,compromise1 so much talked of1     
between  the ,north and ,south4    ,we  
do not produce the extracts which make  
up these pages to show what  is the     
meaning of the clauses above cited4 ,for
 no man or party1 of any  authority in  
such matters1 has ever pretended to     
doubt to what subject  they all relate4 
,if indeed they were ambiguous in their 
terms1 a  resort to the history of those
 times would set the matter at rest for 
ever4 ,a few persons1 to be sure1 of    
late years1 to serve the purposes  of a 
party1 have tried to prove that the     
,constitution makes no  compromise with 
slavery4 ,notwithstanding the clear     
light of  history2--the unanimous       
decision of all the courts in the land1 
both ,state and ,federal2--the action of
 ,congress and the ,state               

,legislature2--the constant practice of 
the ,executive in all its               
branches2--and the deliberate           
acquiescence of the whole people for    
half a century1 still they contend that 
the ,nation does not know its  own      
meaning1 and that the ,constitution does
 not tolerate slavery6  ,every candid   
mind however must acknowledge that the  
language of the  ,constitution is clear 
and explicit4    ,its terms are so      
broad1 it is said1 that they include    
many others  beside slaves1 and hence it
 is wisely 767 inferred that they cannot
  include the slaves themselves6 ,many  
persons beside slaves in this  country  
doubtless are held to service and labor 
under the laws of the  ,states1 but that
 does not at all show that slaves are   
not held to  service2 many persons      
beside the slaves may take part in      
insurrections1 but that does not prove  
that when the slaves rise1 the          
,national government is not bound to put
 them down by force4 ,such a  thing has 

been heard of before as one description 
including a great  variety of           
persons1--and this is the case in the   
present instance4    ,but granting that 
the terms of the ,constitution are      
ambiguous--that  they are susceptible of
 two meanings1 if the unanimous1        
concurrent1  unbroken practice of every 
department of the ,government1 judicial1
  legislative1 and executive1 and the   
acquiescence of the whole people  for   
fifty years do not prove which is the   
true construction1 then how  and where  
can such a question ever be settled8 ,if
 the people and the  ,courts of the land
 do not know what they themselves mean1 
who has  authority to settle their      
meaning for them8    ,if then the people
 and the ,courts of a country are to be 
allowed to  determine what their own    
laws mean1 it follows that at this time 
and  for the last half century1 the     
,constitution of the ,united ,states1   
has  been1 and still is1 a pro-slavery  
instrument1 and that any one who  swears

 to support it1 swears to do pro-slavery
 acts1 and violates his  duty both as a 
man and an abolitionist4 ,what the      
,constitution may  become a century     
hence1 we know not2 we speak of it as it
 is1 and  repudiate it as it is4    ,but
 the purpose1 for which we have thrown  
these pages before the  community1 is   
this4 ,some men1 finding the nation     
unanimously deciding  that the          
,constitution tolerates slavery1 have   
tried to prove that this  false         
construction1 as they think it1 has been
 foisted in upon the  instrument by the 
corrupting influence of slavery itself1 
tainting all  it touches4 ,they assert  
that the known anti-slavery spirit of   
revolutionary times never could have    
consented to so infamous a  bargain as  
the ,constitution is represented to be1 
and has in its  present hands become4   
,now these pages prove the melancholy   
fact that  willingly1 with deliberate   
purpose1 our fathers bartered honesty   
for  gain and became partners with      

tyrants that they might share in the    
profits of their tyranny4    ,and in    
view of this fact1 will it not require a
 very strong argument  to make any      
candid man believe1 that the bargain    
which the fathers  tell us they meant to
 incorporate into the ,constitution1 and
 which the  sons have always thought    
they found there incorporated1 does not 
exist  there after all8 ,forty of the   
shrewdest men and lawyers in the land   
assemble to make a bargain1 among other 
things1 about slaves1--after  months of 
anxious deliberation they put it into   
writing and sign their  names to the    
instrument1--fifty years roll away1     
twenty millions at  least of their      
children pass over the stage of         
life1--courts sit and  pass             
judgment1--parties arise and struggle   
fiercely2 still all concur  in finding  
in the ,instrument just that meaning    
which the fathers tell  us they intended
 to express3--must not he be a desperate
 man1 who1  after all this1 sets out to 

prove that the fathers were bunglers and
  the sons fools1 and that slavery is   
not referred to at all8    ,besides1 the
 advocates of this new theory of the    
,anti-slavery  character of the         
,constitution1 quote some portions of   
the ,madison  ,papers in support of     
their views1--and this makes it proper  
that the  community should hear all that
 these ,debates have to say on the      
subject4 ,the further we explore them1  
the clearer becomes the fact  that the  
,constitution was meant to be1 what it  
has always been  esteemed1 a compromise 
between slavery and freedom4    ,if then
 the ,constitution be1 what these       
,debates show that our fathers  intended
 to make it1 and what1 too1 their       
descendants1 this nation1  say they did 
make it and agree to uphold1--then we   
affirm that it is a  covenant with death
 and an agreement with hell1 and ought  
to be  immediately annulled4    ,but if1
 on the contrary1 our fathers failed in 
their purpose1 and the  ,constitution is

 all pure and untouched by              
slavery1--then1 ,union itself  is       
impossible1 without guilt4 ,for it is   
undeniable that the fifty  years passed 
under this 7anti-slavery7 ,constitution1
 shew us the  slaves trebling in        
numbers2--slaveholders monopolizing the 
offices and  dictating the policy of the
 ,government2--prostituting the strength
 and  influence of the ,nation to the   
support of slavery here and             
elsewhere2--trampling on the rights of  
the free ,states and making the  courts 
of the country their tools4 ,to continue
 this disastrous  alliance longer is    
madness4 ,the trial of fifty years with 
the best of  men and the best of        
,constitutions1 on this supposition1    
only proves  that it is impossible for  
free and slave ,states to unite on any  
terms1  without all becoming partners in
 the guilt and responsible for the  sin 
of slavery4 ,we dare not prolong the    
experiment1 and with double  earnestness
 we repeat our demand upon every honest 

man to join in the  outcry of the       
,american ,anti-,slavery ,society1      
,,no ,,union ,,with ,,slaveholders4     
,,the ,,constitution    ,a              
,,pro-,,slavery ,,compact4           99 
99     99     99     99    ,extracts    
from ,debates in the ,congress of       
,confederation1 preserved by  ,thomas   
,jefferson1 #aggf4    ,on ,friday1 the  
twelfth of ,july1 #aggf1 the committee  
appointed to draw  the articles of      
,confederation reported them1 and on the
 twenty-second1  the ,house resolved    
themselves into a committee to take them
 into  consideration4 ,on the thirtieth 
and thirty-first of that month1 and  the
 first of the ensuing1 those articles   
were debated which determined  the      
proportion or quota of money which each 
,state should furnish to  the common    
treasury1 and the manner of voting in   
,congress4 ,the first  of these articles
 was expressed in the original draught  
in these  words3--    ,article #aa4 ,all
 charges of war and all other expenses  

that shall be  incurred for the common  
defence1 or general welfare1 and allowed
 by  the ,united ,states assembled1     
shall be defrayed out of a common       
treasury1 which shall be supplied by the
 several colonies in  proportion to the 
number of inhabitants of every age1 sex 
and quality1  except ,indians not paying
 taxes1 in each colony1 a true account  
of  which1 distinguishing the white     
inhabitants1 shall be triennially  taken
 and transmitted to the assembly of the 
,united ,states4    ,mr4 ,chase 7of     
,maryland7 moved1 that the quotas should
 be paid1 not by  the number of         
inhabitants of every condition but by   
that of the white  inhabitants4 ,he     
admitted that taxation should be always 
in proportion  to property2 that this   
was in theory the true rule1 but that   
from a  variety of difficulties it was a
 rule which could never be adopted in   
practice4 ,the value of the property in 
every ,state could never be  estimated  
justly and equally4 ,some other measure 

for the wealth of the  ,state must      
therefore be devised1 some standard     
referred to which would  be more simple4
 ,he considered the number of           
inhabitants as a tolerably  good        
criterion of property1 and that this    
might always be obtained4 ,he  therefore
 thought it the best mode we could      
adopt1 with one exception  only4 ,he    
observed that negroes are property1 and 
as such cannot be  distinguished from   
the lands or personalities held in those
 ,states  where there are few slaves4   
,that the surplus of profit which a     
,northern farmer is able to lay by1 he  
invests in cattle1 horses1 c42  whereas1
 a ,southern farmer lays out that same  
surplus in slaves4 ,there  is no more   
reason therefore for taxing the         
,southern ,states on the  farmer's head 
and on his slave's head1 than the       
,northern ones on their  farmer's heads 
and the heads of their cattle4 ,that the
 method proposed  would therefore tax   
the ,southern ,states according to their

 numbers and  their wealth conjunctly1  
while the ,northern would be taxed on   
numbers  only3 that negroes in fact     
should not be considered as members of  
the  ,state1 more than cattle1 and that 
they have no more interest in it4       
,mr4 ,john ,adams 7of ,massachusetts7   
observed1 that the numbers of people    
were taken by this article as an index  
of the wealth of the ,state1 and  not as
 subjects of taxation4 ,that as to this 
matter1 it was of no  consequence by    
what name you called your people1       
whether by that of  freemen or of       
slaves4 ,that in some countries the     
laboring poor were  called freemen1 in  
others they were called slaves3 but that
 the  difference as to the state was    
imaginary only4 ,what matters it whether
  a landlord employing ten laborers on  
his farm gives them annually as  much   
money as will buy them the necessaries  
of life1 or gives them  those           
necessaries at short hand8 ,the ten     
laborers add as much wealth1  annually  

to the ,state1 increase its exports as  
much1 in the one case  as the other4    
,certainly five hundred freemen produce 
no more profits1  no greater surplus for
 the payment of taxes1 than five hundred
 slaves4  ,therefore the ,state in which
 are the laborers called freemen1 should
  be taxed no more than that in which   
are those called slaves4 ,suppose1  by  
any extraordinary operation of nature or
 of law1 one half the  laborers of a    
,state could in the course of one night 
be transformed  into slaves1--would the 
,state be made the poorer1 or the less  
able to  pay taxes8 ,that the condition 
of the laboring poor in most            
countries1--that of the fishermen1      
particularly1 of the ,northern          
,states1--is as abject as that of       
slaves4 ,it is the number of laborers   
which produces the surplus for taxation2
 and numbers1 therefore1                
indiscriminately1 are the fair index of 
wealth4 ,that it is the use of  the word
 property here1 and its application to  

some of the people of  the ,state1 which
 produces the fallacy4 ,how does the    
,southern farmer  procure slaves8       
,either by importation or by purchase   
from his  neighbor4 ,if he imports a    
slave1 he adds one to the number of     
laborers  in his country1 and           
proportionably to its profits and       
abilities to pay  taxes2 if he buys from
 his neighbor1 it is only a transfer of 
a  laborer from one firm to another1    
which does not change the annual        
produce of the ,state1 and therefore    
should not change its tax2 that if  a   
,northern farmer works ten laborers on  
his farm1 he can1 it is true1  invest   
the surplus of ten men's labor in       
cattle2 but so may the  ,southern farmer
 working ten slaves4 ,that a ,state of  
one hundred  thousand freemen can       
maintain no more cattle than one of one 
hundred  thousand slaves2 therefore they
 have no more of that kind of property4 
,that a slave may1 indeed1 from the     
custom of speech1 be more properly      

called the wealth of his master1 than   
the free laborer might be called  the   
wealth of his employer3 but as to the   
,state1 both were equally its  wealth1  
and should therefore equally add to the 
quota of its tax4    ,mr4 ,harrison 7of 
,virginia7 proposed1 as a compromise1   
that two slaves  should be counted as   
one freeman4 ,he affirmed that slaves   
did not do  as much work as freemen1 and
 doubted if two affected more than one4 
,that this was proved by the price of   
labor1 the hire of a laborer in  the    
,southern colonies being from #i to #ab1
 while in the ,northern it  was         
generally #bd4    ,mr4 ,wilson 7of      
,pennsylvania7 said1 that if this       
amendment should take  place1 the       
,southern colonies would have all the   
benefit of slaves1  whilst the ,northern
 ones would bear the burthen4 ,that     
slaves increase  the profits of a       
,state1 which the ,southern ,states mean
 to take to  themselves2 that they also 
increase the burthen of defence1 which  

would of course fall so much the heavier
 on the ,northern2 that slaves  occupy  
the places of freemen and eat their     
food4 ,dismiss your slaves1  and freemen
 will take their places4 ,it is our duty
 to lay every  discouragement on the    
importation of slaves2 but this         
amendment would  give thee jus trium    
liberorum to him who would import       
slaves4 ,that  other kinds of property  
were pretty equally distributed through 
all  the colonies3 there were as many   
cattle1 horses1 and sheep1 in the       
,north as the ,south1 and ,south as the 
,north2 but not so as to slaves3  that  
experience has shown that those colonies
 have been always able to  pay most1    
which have the most inhabitants1 whether
 they be black or  white2 and the       
practice of the ,southern colonies has  
always been to  make every farmer pay   
poll taxes upon all his laborers1       
whether they  be black or white4 ,he    
acknowledged indeed that freemen worked 
the  most2 but they consume the most    

also4 ,they do not produce a greater    
surplus for taxation4 ,the slave is     
neither fed nor clothed so  expensively 
as a freeman4 ,again1 white women are   
exempted from labor  generally1 which   
negro women are not4 ,in this then the  
,southern ,states  have an advantage as 
the article now stands4 ,it has         
sometimes been  said that slavery was   
necessary1 because the commodities they 
raise  would be too dear for market if  
cultivated by freemen2 but now it is    
said that the labor of the slave is the 
dearest4    ,mr4 ,payne 7of             
,massachusetts7 urged the original      
resolution of ,congress1  to proportion 
the quotas of the ,states to the number 
of souls4    ,mr4 ,witherspoon 7of      
,new-,jersey7 was of opinion1 that the  
value of  lands and houses was the best 
estimate of the wealth of a nation1 and 
that it was practicable to obtain such a
 valuation4 ,this is the true  barometer
 of wealth4 ,the one now proposed is    
imperfect in itself1 and  unequal       

between the ,states4 ,it has been       
objected that negroes eat the  food of  
freemen1 and therefore should be taxed4 
,horses also eat the  food of freemen2  
therefore they also should be taxed4 ,it
 has been said  too1 that in carrying   
slaves into the estimate of the taxes   
the ,state  is to pay1 we do no more    
than those ,states themselves do1 who   
always  take slaves into the estimate of
 the taxes the individual is to pay4    
,but the cases are not parallel4 ,in the
 ,southern ,colonies1 slaves  pervade   
the whole colony2 but they do not       
pervade the whole continent4  ,that as  
to the original resolution of ,congress1
 it was temporary only1  and related to 
the moneys heretofore emitted3 whereas  
we are now  entering into a new compact1
 and therefore stand on original ground4
    ,,august #ast4 ,the question being  
put1 the amendment proposed was         
rejected by the votes of                
,new-,hampshire1 ,massachusetts1        
,rhode-,island1  ,connecticut1          

,new-,york1 ,new-,jersey and            
,pennsylvania1 against those of         
,delaware1 ,maryland1 ,virginia1 ,north1
 and ,south ,carolina4 ,georgia was     
divided4 ,vol4 ,i4 pp4 #bg-h-i1 #cj-a-b4
          ,extracts from ,madison's     
,report of ,debates in the ,congress of 
the  ,confederation4      ,,tuesday1    
,feb4 #aa1 #aghc4    ,mr4 ,wolcott      
declares his opinion that the           
,confederation ought to be  amended by  
substituting numbers of inhabitants as  
the rule2 admits the  difference between
 freemen and blacks2 and suggests a     
compromise1 by  including in the        
numeration such blacks only as were     
within sixteen  and sixty years of age4 
p4 #cca4    ,,tuesday1 ,march #bg1      
#aghc4    ,the eleventh and twelfth     
paragraphs3    ,mr4 ,wilson 7of         
,pennsylvania7 was strenuous in their   
favor2 said he was  in ,congress when   
the ,articles of ,confederation         
directing a valuation  of land were     
agreed to2 that it was the effect of the

 impossibility of  compromising the     
different ideas of the ,eastern and     
,southern ,states1  as to the value of  
slaves compared with the whites1 the    
alternative in  question4    ,mr4 ,clark
 7of ,new ,jersey7 was in favor of them4
 ,he said that he was  also in ,congress
 when this article was decided2 that the
 ,southern  ,states would have agreed to
 numbers in preference to the value of  
land1 if half their slaves only should  
be included2 but that the  ,eastern     
,states would not concur in that        
proposition4    ,it was agreed1 on all  
sides1 that1 instead of fixing the      
proportion by  ages1 as the1 report     
proposed1 it would be best to fix the   
proportion  in absolute numbers4 ,with  
this view1 and that the blank might be  
filled up1 the clause was recommitted4  
p4 #dba-b4    ,,friday1 ,march #bh1     
#aghc4    ,the committee last mentioned1
 reported that two blacks be rated as   
one  freeman4    ,mr4 ,wolcott 7of      
,connecticut7 was for rating them as    

four to three4 ,mr4  ,carroll as four to
 one4 ,mr4 ,williamson 7of ,north       
,carolina7 said he was  principled      
against slavery2 and that he thought    
slaves an incumbrance  to society1      
instead of increasing its ability to pay
 taxes4 ,mr4  ,higginson 7of            
,massachusetts7 as four to three4 ,mr4  
,rutledge 7of ,south  ,carolina7 said1  
for the sake of the object1 he would    
agree to rate  slaves as two to one1 but
 he sincerely thought three to one would
 he a  juster proportion4 ,mr4 ,holton  
as four to three4--,mr4 ,osgood said he 
did not go beyond four to three4 ,on a  
question for rating them as  three to   
two1 the votes were4 ,new ,hampshire1   
aye2 ,massachusetts1 no2  ,rhode        
,island1 divided2 ,connecticut1 aye2    
,new ,jersey1 aye2  ,pennsylvania1 aye2 
,delaware1 aye2 ,maryland1 no2          
,virginia1 no2 ,north  ,carolina1 no2   
,south ,carolina1 no4 ,the paragraph was
 then proposed1 by  general consent1    
some wishing for further time to        

deliberate on it2  but it appearing to  
be the general opinion that no          
compromise would be  agreed to4         
,after some further discussions on the  
,report1 in which the necessity  of some
 simple and practicable rule of         
apportionment came fully into  view1    
,mr4 ,madison 7of ,virginia7 said that1 
in order to give a proof of  the        
sincerity of his professions of         
liberality1 he would propose that       
slaves should be rated as five to three4
 ,mr4 ,rutledge 7of ,south  ,carolina7  
seconded the motion4 ,mr4 ,wilson 7of   
,pennsylvania7 said he  would sacrifice 
his opinion on this compromise4    ,mr4 
,lee was against changing the rule1 but 
gave it as his opinion that  two slaves 
were not equal to one freeman4    ,on   
the question for five to three1 it      
passed in the affirmative2 ,new         
,hampshire1 aye2 ,massachusetts1        
divided2 ,rhode ,island1 no2            
,connecticut1 no2 ,new ,jersey1 aye2    
,pennsylvania1 aye2 ,maryland1 aye2     

,virginia1 aye2 ,north ,carolina1 aye3  
,south ,carolina1 aye4    ,a motion was 
then made by ,mr4 ,bland1 seconded by   
,mr4 ,lee1 to strike  out the clause so 
amended1 and1 on the question ,shall it 
stand1 it  passed in the negative2 ,new 
,hampshire1 aye2 ,massachusetts1 no2    
,rhode  ,island1 no2 ,connecticut1 no2  
,new ,jersey1 aye2 ,pennsylvania1 aye2  
,delaware1 no2 ,maryland1 aye2          
,virginia1 aye2 ,north ,carolina1 aye2  
,south  ,carolina1 no2 so the clause was
 struck out4    ,the arguments used by  
those who were for rating slaves high   
were1 that  the expense of feeding and  
clothing them was as far below that     
incident to freemen as their industry   
and ingenuity were below those  of      
freemen2 and that the warm climate      
within which the ,states having  slaves 
lay1 compared with the rigorous climate 
and inferior fertility  of the others1  
ought to have greater weight in the     
case2 and that the  exports of the      
former ,states were greater than of the 

latter4 ,on the  other side1 it was     
said1 that slaves were not put to labor 
as young as  the children of laboring   
families2 that1 having no interest in   
their  labor1 they did as little as     
possible and omitted every exertion of  
thought requisite to facilitate and     
expedite it3 that if the exports  of the
 ,states having slaves exceeded those of
 the others1 their  imports were in     
proportion1 slaves being employed wholly
 in  agriculture1 not in manufacturers2 
and that1 in fact1 the balance of  trade
 formerly was much more against the     
,southern ,states than the  others4     
,on the main question1 ,new ,hampshire1 
aye2 ,massachusetts1 no2 ,rhode         
,island1 no2 ,connecticut1 no2 ,new     
,york 7,mr4 ,lloyd1 aye72 ,new ,jersey1 
aye2 ,delaware1 no2 ,maryland1 aye2     
,virginia1 aye2 ,north ,carolina1 aye2  
,south ,carolina1 no4 pp4 #dbc-d-e4     
,tuesday1 ,april #a1 #aghc4    ,congress
 resumed the ,report on ,revenue1 c4    
,mr4 ,hamilton1 who had been  absent    

when the last question was taken for    
substituting numbers in  place of the   
value of land1 moved to reconsider that 
vote4 ,he was  seconded by ,mr4 ,osgood4
 ,those who voted differently from their
 former  votes were influenced by the   
conviction of the necessity of the      
change1 and despair on both sides of a  
more favorable rate of the  slaves4 ,the
 rate of three-fifths was agreed to     
without opposition4  p4 #dcj4           
,monday1 ,may #bf4    ,the ,resolutions 
on the ,journal1 instructing the        
ministers in ,europe to  remonstrate    
against the carrying off the            
negroes--also those for  furloughing the
 troops--passed unanimously4 p4 #def4   
99     99     99     99     99          
,extract from ,debates in the ,federal  
,convention of #aghg1 for the  formation
 of the ,constitution of the ,united    
,states4    ,monday1 ,june #aa1 #aghg4  
,it was then moved by ,mr4 ,rutledge1   
seconded by ,mr4 ,butler1 to add to  the
 words1 equitable ratio of              

representation1 at the end of the       
motion just agreed to1 the words1       
according to the quotas of              
contribution4 ,on motion of ,mr4        
,wilson1 seconded by ,mr4 ,pinckney1    
this  was postponed1 in order to add1   
after the words1 equitable rates of     
representation1 the words following3 ,in
 proportion to the whole  number of     
white and other free citizens and       
inhabitants of every age1  sex and      
condition1 including those bound to     
servitude for a term of  years1 and     
three fifths of all other persons not   
comprehended in the  foregoing          
description1 except ,indians not paying 
taxes1 in each  ,state--this being the  
rule in the act of ,congress1 agreed to 
by  eleven ,states1 for apportioning    
quotas of revenue on the ,states1 and   
requiring a census only every five1     
seven1 or ten years4    ,mr4 ,gerry 7of 
,massachusetts7 thought property not the
 rule of  representation4 ,why1 then1   
should the blacks1 who were property in 

the  ,south1 be in the rule of          
representation more than1 the cattle and
  horses of the ,north8    ,on the      
question1--,massachusetts1 ,connecticut1
 ,new ,york1 ,pennsylvania1  ,maryland1 
,virginia1 ,north ,carolina1 ,south     
,carolina1 ,georgia1 aye--#i2  ,new     
jersey1 ,delaware1 no--#b4 ,vol4 ,,ii4  
pp4 #hdb-c4    ,saturday1 ,june #cj1    
#aghg4    ,he 7,mr4 ,madison7 admitted  
that every peculiar interest1 whether in
 any  class of citizens1 or any         
description of states1 ought to be      
secured  as far as possible4 ,wherever  
there is danger of attack1 there ought  
to  be given a constitutional power of  
defence4 ,but he contended that the     
,states were divided into different     
interests1 not by their difference  of  
size1 but by other circumstances2 the   
most material of which  resulted partly 
from climate1 but principally from the  
effects of  their having or not having  
slaves4 ,these two causes concurred in  
forming the great division of interests 

in the ,united ,states4 ,it did  not lie
 between the large and small ,states4   
,,it ,,lay ,,between ,,the  ,,northern  
,,and ,,southern2 and if any defensive  
power were necessary1 it  ought to be   
mutually given to these two interests4  
,he was so strongly  impressed with this
 important truth1 that he had been      
casting about in  his mind for some     
expedient that would answer the purpose4
 ,the one  which had occurred was1 that 
instead of proportioning the votes of   
the  ,states in both branches to their  
respective numbers of inhabitants1      
computing the slaves in the ratio of    
five to three1 they should he           
represented in one branch according to  
the number of free inhabitants  only2   
and in the other1 according to the whole
 number1 counting the  slaves us free4  
,by this arrangement the ,southern scale
 would have the  advantage in one       
,house1 and the ,northern in the other4 
,he had been  restrained from proposing 
this expedient by two considerations2   

one  was his unwillingness to urge any  
diversity of interests on an  occasion  
where it is but too apt to arise of     
itself2 the other was1  the inequality  
of powers that must be vested in the two
 branches1 and  which would destroy the 
equilibrium of interests4 pp4 #ajjf-g4  
,monday1 ,july #i1 #aghg4    ,mr4       
,patterson considered the proposed      
estimate for the future  according to   
the combined rules of numbers and       
wealth1 as too vague4  ,for this reason 
,new ,jersey was against it4 ,he could  
regard negro  slaves in no light but as 
property4 ,they are no free agents1 have
 no  personal liberty1 no faculty of    
acquiring property1 but on the  contrary
 are themselves property1 and like other
 property1 entirely at  the will of the 
master4 ,has a man in ,virginia a number
 of votes in  proportion to the number  
of his slaves8 ,and if negroes are not  
represented in the ,states to which they
 belong1 why should they be  represented
 in the ,general ,government4 ,what is  

the true principle of  representation8  
,it is an experiment by which an        
assembly of certain  individuals1       
chosen1 by the people1 is substituted in
 place of the  inconvenient meeting of  
the people themselves4 ,if such a       
meeting of  the people was actually to  
take place1 would the slaves vote8 ,they
  would not4 ,why then should they be   
represented8 ,he was also against  such 
an indirect encouragement of the slave  
trade2 observing that  ,congress1 in    
their act relating to the change of the 
eighth article of  ,confederation1 had  
been assigned to use the term slaves1   
and had  substituted a description4     
,mr4 ,madison reminded ,mr4 ,patterson  
that his doctrine of  representation1   
which was in its principle the genuine  
one1 must for  ever silence the         
pretensions of the small ,states to an  
equality of  votes with the large ones4 
,they ought to vote in the same         
proportion  in which their citizens     
would do if the people of all the       

,states were  collectively met4 ,he     
suggested1 as a proper ground of        
compromise1 that  in the first branch   
the ,states should be represented       
according to  their number of free      
inhabitants2 and in the second1 which   
has for one  of its primary objects1 the
 guardianship of property1 according to 
the  whole number1 including slaves4    
,mr4 ,butler urged warmly the justice   
and necessity of regarding wealth  in   
the apportionment of representation4    
,mr4 ,king had always expected1 that1 as
 the ,southern ,states are the  richest1
 they would not league themselves with  
the ,northern1 unless  some respect was 
paid to their superior wealth4 ,if the  
latter expect  those preferential       
distinctions in commerce1 and other     
advantages  which they will derive from 
the connexion1 they must not expect to  
receive them without allowing some      
advantages in return4 ,eleven out of    
thirteen of the ,states had agreed to   
consider slaves in the  apportionment of

 taxation2 and taxation and             
representation ought to go  together4   
pp4 #ajed-e-f4    ,tuesday1 ,july #aj2  
#aghg4    ,mr4 ,king remarked that the  
four ,eastern ,states1 having #hjj1jjj  
souls1  have one-third fewer            
representatives than the four ,southern 
,states1  having not more than #gjj1jjj 
souls1 rating the blacks as five for    
three4 ,the ,eastern people will advert 
to these circumstances1 and be          
dissatisfied4 ,he believed them to be   
very desirous of uniting with  their    
,southern brethren1 but did not think it
 prudent to rely so far  on that        
disposition1 as to subject them to any  
gross inequality4 ,he  was fully        
convinced that ,,the ,,question         
,,concerning ,a ,,difference ,,of       
,,interests ,,did ,,not ,,lie ,,where   
,,it ,,had ,,hitherto ,,been            
,,discussed1 ,,between  ,,the ,,great   
,,and ,,small ,,states3 ,,but ,,between 
,,the ,,southern ,,and ,,eastern4 p4    
#ajeg4    ,wednesday1 ,july #aa1 #aghg4 

,mr4 ,butler and ,general ,pinckney     
insisted that blacks be included in     
rule of representation equally with the 
whites2 and for that purpose  moved that
 the words three-fifths be struck out4  
,mr4 ,gerry thought that three fifths of
 them was1 to say the least1 the  full  
proportion that could be admitted4      
,mr4 ,gorham4 ,this ratio was fixed by  
,congress as a rule of taxation4  ,then1
 it was urged1 by the delegates         
representing the ,states having  slaves1
 that the blacks were still more        
inferior to freemen4 ,at  present1 when 
the ratio of representation is to be    
established1 we are  assured that they  
are equal to freemen4 ,the arguments on 
the former  occasion had convinced them 
that three fifths was pretty near the   
just  proportion1 he should vote        
according to the same opinion now4      
,mr4 ,butler insisted that the labor of 
a slave in ,south ,carolina was as      
productive and valuable as that of a    
freeman in ,massachusetts2 that as      

wealth was the greatest means of defence
 and utility to the nation1  they were  
equally valuable to it with freemen2 and
 that consequently  an equal            
representation ought to be allowed for  
them in a government  which was         
instituted principally1 for the         
protection of property1 and  was itself 
to be supported by property4    ,mr4    
,mason could not agree to the motion1   
notwithstanding it was  favorable to    
,virginia1 because he thought it unjust4
 ,it was certain  that the slaves were  
valuable1 as they raised the value of   
land1  increased the exports and        
imports1 and of course the revenue1     
would  supply the means of feeding and  
supporting an army1 and might in cases  
of emergency become themselves soldiers4
 ,as in these important  respects they  
were useful to the community at large1  
they ought not to  be excluded from the 
estimate of representation4 ,he could   
not1  however1 regard them as equal to  
freemen1 and could not vote for them  as

 such4 ,he added1 as worthy of remark1  
that the ,southern ,states have  this   
peculiar species of property1 over and  
above the other species of  property    
common to all the ,states4    ,mr4      
,williamson reminded ,mr4 ,gorham1 that 
if the ,southern ,states  contended for 
the inferiority of blacks to whites1    
when taxation was  in view1 the ,eastern
 ,states1 on the same occasion1         
contended for their  equality4 ,he did  
not1 however1 either then or now1 concur
 in either  extreme1 but approved of the
 ratio of three-fifths4    ,on ,mr4     
,butler's motion1 for considering blacks
 as equal to whites in  the             
apportionment of                        
representation1--,delaware1 ,south      
,carolina1  ,georgia1 aye--#c2          
,massachusetts1 ,connecticut1 ,new      
,jersey1 ,pennsylvania1  ,maryland1     
,virginia1 ,north ,carolina1 no--#g4    
,new ,york not on the floor4    ,mr4    
,gouverneur ,morris said he had several 
objections to the  proposition of ,mr4  

,williamson4 ,in the first place it     
fettered the  ,legislature too much4 ,in
 the second place1 it would exclude some
  ,states altogether who would not have 
a sufficient number to entitle  them to 
a single representation4 ,in the third  
place1 it will not  consist with the    
resolution passed on ,saturday last1    
authorizing the  ,legislature to adjust 
the representation1 from time to time on
 the  principles of population and      
wealth2 nor with the principles of      
equity4 ,if slaves were to be considered
 as inhabitants1 not as wealth1  then   
the said resolution would not be        
pursued2 if as wealth1 then why  is no  
other wealth but slaves included8 ,these
 objections may perhaps  be removed by  
amendments4444 ,another objection with  
him1 against  admitting the blacks into 
the census1 was1 that the people of     
,pennsylvania would revolt at the idea  
of being put on a footing with  slaves4 
,they would reject any plan that was to 
have such an effect4  pp4 #ajfg-h-i     

#ajgb4    ,,wednesday1 ,,july #aa1      
#aghg4    ,the next clause as to        
three-fifths of the negroes being       
considered3    ,mr4 ,king1 being much   
opposed to fixing numbers as the rule of
  representation1 was particularly so on
 account of the blacks4 ,he  thought the
 admission of them along with whites at 
all1 would excite  great discontents    
among the ,states having no slaves4 ,he 
had never  said1 as to any particular   
point1 that he would in no event        
acquiesce  in and support it2 but he    
would say that if in any case such a    
declaration was to be made by him1 it   
would be in this4    ,he remarked that  
in the temporary allotment of           
representatives made by  the ,committee1
 the ,southern ,states had received more
 than the number  of their white and    
three-fifths of their black inhabitants 
entitled  them to4    ,mr4 ,sherman4    
,south ,carolina had not more beyond her
 proportion than  ,new ,york and ,new   
,hampshire2 nor either of them more than

 was necessary  in order to avoid       
fractions1 or reducing them below their 
proportion4  ,georgia had more2 but the 
rapid growth of that ,state seemed to   
justify  it4 ,in general the allotment  
might not be just1 but considering all  
circumstances he was satisfied with it4 
,mr4 ,gorham was aware that there might 
be some weight in what had  fallen from 
his colleague1 as to the umbrage which  
might be taken by  the people of the    
,eastern ,states4 ,but he recollected   
that when the  proposition of ,congress 
for changing the eighth ,article of the 
,confederation was before the           
,legislature of ,massachusetts1 the only
  difficulty then was1 to satisfy them  
that the negroes ought not to  have been
 counted equally with the whites1       
instead of being counted in  the ratio  
of three-fifths only4#a    ,footnote #a3
 ,they were then to have been a rule of 
taxation only4      ,mr4 ,wilson did not
 well see1 on what principle the        
admission of blacks  in the proportion  

of three fifths could be explained4 ,are
 they  admitted as citizens--then why   
are they not admitted on an equality    
with white citizens8 ,are they admitted 
as property--then why is not  other     
property admitted into the computation8 
,these were difficulties1  however1     
which he thought must be overruled by   
the necessity of  compromise4 ,he had   
some apprehensions also1 from the       
tendency of the  blending of the blacks 
with the whites1 to give disgust to the 
people  of ,pennsylvania1 as had been   
intimated by his colleague 7,mr4        
,gouverneur ,morris47    ,mr4 ,gouvemeur
 ,morris was compelled to declare       
himself reduced to the  dilemma of doing
 injustice to the ,southern ,states1 or 
to human nature2  and he must therefore 
do it to the former4 ,for he could never
 agree to  give such encouragement to   
the slave trade1 as would be given by   
allowing them a representation for their
 negroes2 and he did not  believe those 
,states would ever confederate on terms 

that would  deprive them of that trade4 
,on the question for agreeing to include
 three-fifths of the                    
blacks1--,connecticut1 ,virginia1 ,north
 ,carolina4 ,georgia1 aye--#d2          
,massachusetts1 ,new ,jersey1           
,pennsylvania1 ,delaware1 ,maryland1#b  
,south  ,carolina1 no--#f4 pp4          
#ajgf-g-h4    ,footnote #b3 ,mr4        
,carroll said1 in explanation of the    
vote of ,maryland1  that he wished the  
phraseology to be altered as to obviate1
 if  possible1 the danger which had been
 expressed of giving umbrage to the     
,eastern and ,middle ,states4           
,,thursday1 ,july #ab1 #aghg4    ,mr4   
,butler contended that representation   
should be according to the  full number 
of inhabitants1 including all the       
blacks4    ,general ,pinckney was       
alarmed at what was said yesterday1 by  
,gouverneur ,morris1 concerning the     
negroes4 ,he was now again alarmed  at  
what had been thrown out concerning the 
taxing of exports4 ,south  ,carolina has

 in one year exported to the amount of  
#fjj1jjj4 sterling1  all which was the  
fruit of the labor of her blacks4 ,will 
she be  represented in proportion to    
this amount8 ,she will not4 ,neither    
ought  she then be subject to a tax on  
it4 ,he hoped a clause would be         
inserted in the system1 restraining the 
,legislature from taxing  exports4      
,mr4 ,gouverneur ,morris having so      
varied his motion by inserting the  word
 direct1 it passed1 nem4 con41 as       
follows3 provided always  that direct   
taxation ought to be proportioned to    
representation4    ,mr4 ,davie said it  
was high time now to speak out4 ,he saw 
that it was  meant by some gentlemen to 
deprive the ,southern ,states of any    
share of  representation for their      
blacks4 ,he was sure that ,north        
,carolina would  never confederate on   
any terms that did not rate them at     
least as  three-fifths4 ,if the ,eastern
 ,states meant1 therefore1 to exclude   
them  altogether1 the business was at an

 end4    ,dr4 ,johnson thought that     
wealth and population were the true1    
equitable rules of representation2 but  
he conceived that these two  principles 
resolved themselves into one1 population
 being the best  measure of wealth4 ,he 
concluded1 therefore1 that the number of
 people  ought to be established as the 
rule1 and that all descriptions1        
including blacks equally with the       
whites1 ought to fall within the        
computation4 ,as various opinions had   
been expressed on the subject1 he  would
 move that a committee might be         
appointed to take them into             
consideration1 and report them4    ,mr4 
,gouverneur ,morris4 ,it had been said  
that it is high time to speak  out4 ,as 
one member1 he would candidly do so4 ,he
 came here to form a  compact for the   
good of ,america4 ,he was ready to do so
 with all the  ,states4 ,he hoped1 and  
believed1 that all would enter into such
  compact4 ,if they would not1 he was   
ready to join with any ,states that     

would4 ,but as the compact was to be    
voluntary1 it is in vain for the        
,eastern ,states to insist on what the  
,southern ,states will never agree  to4 
,it is equally vain for the latter to   
require1 what the other  ,states can    
never admit2 and he verily believed the 
people of  ,pennsylvania will never     
agree to a representation of negroes4   
,what can  be desired by these ,states  
more then has been already              
proposed--that  the legislature shall   
from time to time regulate              
representation  according to population 
and wealth8    ,general ,pinckney       
desired that the rule of wealth should  
be  ascertained1 and not left to the    
pleasure of the legislature2 and that   
property in slaves should not be exposed
 to danger1 under a government          
instituted for the protection of        
property4    ,the first clause in the   
,report of the first ,grand ,committee  
was  postponed4    ,mr4 ,ellsworth1 in  
order to carry into effect the principle

  established1 moved to add to the last 
clause adopted by the ,house1 the  words
 following1 and that the rule of        
contribution for direct  taxation1 for  
the support of the government of the    
,united ,states1  shall be the number of
 white inhabitants1 and three-fifths of 
every  other description in the several 
,states1 until some other use rule  that
 shall more accurately ascertain the    
wealth of the several ,states1  can be  
devised and adopted by the ,legislature4
    ,mr4 ,butler seconded the motion1 in
 order that it might be committed4      
,mr4 ,randolph was not satisfied with   
the motion4 ,the danger will be         
revived1 that the ingenuity of the      
,legislature may evade or pervert  the  
rule1 so as to perpetuate the power     
where it shall be lodged in  the first  
instance4 ,he proposed1 in lieu of ,mr4 
,ellsworth's motion1  that in order to  
ascertain the alterations in            
representation that may  be required1   
from time to time1 by changes in the    

relative  circumstances of the ,states1 
a census shall be taken within two years
  from the first meeting of the ,general
 ,legislature of the ,united  ,states1  
and once within the term of every ----  
years afterwards1 of  all the           
inhabitants1 in the manner and according
 to the ratio  recommended by ,congress 
in their ,resolution of the eighteenth  
day of  ,april1 #aghc1 7rating the      
blacks at three-fifths of their number27
 and  that the ,legislature of the      
,united ,states shall arrange the       
representation accordingly4 ,he urged   
strenuously that express  security ought
 to be provided for including slaves in 
the ratio of  representation4 ,he       
lamented that such a species of property
 existed4  ,but as it did exist1 the    
holders of it would require this        
security4 ,it  was perceived that the   
design was entertained by some of       
excluding  slaves altogether2 the       
,legislature therefore ought not to be  
left at  liberty4    ,mr4 ,ellsworth    

withdraws his motion1 and seconds that  
of ,mr4 ,randolph4    ,mr4 ,wilson      
observed1 that less umbrage would       
perhaps be taken against  an admission  
of the slaves into the rule of          
representation1 if it  should be so     
expressed as to make them indirectly    
only an ingredient  in the rule1 by     
saying that they should enter into the  
rule of  taxation2 and as representation
 was to be according to taxation1 the   
end would be equally attained4    ,mr4  
,pinckney moved to amend ,mr4           
,randolph's motion1 so as to make       
blacks equal to the whites in the ratio 
of representation4 ,this1 he  urged1 was
 nothing more than justice4 ,the blacks 
are the laborers1 the  peasants1 of the 
,southern ,states4 ,they are as         
productive of pecuniary  resources as   
those of the northern states4 ,they add 
equally to the  wealth1 and1 considering
 money as the sinew of war1 to the      
strength1  of the nation4 ,it will also 
be politic with regard to the ,northern 

,states1 as taxation is to keep pace    
with representation4    ,on ,mr4        
,pinckney's 7of ,s4 ,carolina7 motion1  
for rating blacks as equal  to whites1  
instead of as three-fifths1--,south     
,carolina1 ,georgia1 aye  --#b2         
,massachusetts1 ,connecticut 7,doctor   
,johnson1 aye71 ,new ,jersey1           
,pennsylvania 7three against two71      
,delaware1 ,maryland1 ,virginia1 ,north 
,carolina1 no--#h4    ,mr4 ,randolph's  
7of ,virginia7 proposition1 as varied by
 ,mr4 ,wilson 7of  ,pennsylvania7 being 
read for taking the question on the     
whole1--    ,mr4 ,gerry 7of             
,massachusetts7 urged that the principle
 of it could not  be carried into       
execution1 as the ,states were not to be
 taxed as  ,states4 ,with regard to     
taxes on imposts1 he conceived they     
would be  more productive when there    
were no slaves1 than where there were2  
the  consumption being greater4    ,mr4 
,ellsworth 7of ,connecticut47  ,in the  
case of a poll-tax there would  be no   

difficulty4 ,but there would probably be
 none4 ,the sum allotted  to a ,state   
may be levied without difficulty1       
according to the plan  used by the      
,state in raising its own supplies4     
,on the question on the whole           
proposition1 as proportioning           
representation to direct taxation1 and  
both to the white and  three-fifths of  
the black inhabitants1 and requiring a  
census within  six years1 and within    
every ten years                         
afterwards1--,connecticut1              
,pennsylvania1 ,maryland1 ,virginia1    
,north ,carolina1 ,georgia1 aye--#f2    
,new-,jersey1 ,delaware1 no--#b2        
,massachusetts1 ,south ,carolina1       
divided4  pp4 #ajgi to #ajhg4           
,friday1 ,july #ac1 #aghg4    ,on the   
motion of ,mr4 ,randolph 7of ,virginia71
 the vote of ,monday last1  authorizing 
the ,legislature to adjust1 from time to
 time1 the  representation upon the     
principles of wealth and numbers of     
inhabitants1 was reconsidered by common 

consent1 in order to strike  out wealth 
and adjust the resolution to that       
requiring periodical  revisions         
according to the number of whites and   
three-fifths of the  blacks4    ,mr4    
,gouverneur ,morris 7of ,pennsylvania7  
opposed the alteration1 as  leaving     
still an incoherence4 ,if negroes were  
to be viewed as  inhabitants1 and the   
revision was to proceed on the principle
 of  numbers of inhabitants1 they ought 
to be added in their entire number1  and
 not in the proportion of three-fifths4 
,if as property1 the word  wealth was   
right2 and striking it out would produce
 the very  inconsistency which it was   
meant to get rid of4 ,the train of      
business1 and the late turn which it had
 taken1 had led him1 he said1  into deep
 meditation on it1 and he would candidly
 state the result4 ,a  distinction has  
been set up1 and urged1 between the     
,northern and  ,southern ,states4 ,he   
had hitherto considered this doctrine as
  heretical4 ,he still thought the      

distinction groundless4 ,he sees1       
however1 that it is persisted in2 and   
the ,southern gentlemen will not  be    
satisfied unless they see the way open  
to their gaining a majority  in the     
public councils4 ,the consequence of    
such a transfer of power  from the      
maritime to the interior and landed     
interest1 will1 he  foresees1 be such an
 oppression to commerce1 that he shall  
be obliged  to vote for the vicious     
principle of equality in the second     
branch1 in  order to provide some       
defence for the ,northern ,states       
against it4 ,but  to come more to the   
point1 either this distinction is       
fictitious or  real2 if fictitious1 let 
it be dismissed1 and let us proceed with
 due  confidence4 ,if it be real1       
instead of attempting to blend          
incompatible things1 let us at once take
 a friendly leave of each  other4 ,there
 can be no end of demands for security1 
if every  particular interest is to be  
entitled to it4 ,the ,eastern ,states   

may  claim it for their fishery1 and for
 other objects1 as the ,southern        
,states claim it for their peculiar     
objects4 ,in this struggle between  the 
two ends of the ,union1 what part ought 
the ,middle ,states1 in point  of       
policy1 to take8  ,to join their        
,eastern brethren1 according to his     
ideas4 ,if the ,southern ,states get the
 power into their hands1 and be  joined1
 as they will be1 with the interior     
country1 they will  inevitably bring on 
a war with ,spain for the ,mississippi4 
,this  language is already held4 ,the   
interior country1 leaving no property   
nor interest exposed to the sea1 will be
 little affected by such a  war4 ,he    
wished to know what security the        
,northern and ,middle ,states  will have
 against this danger4 ,it has been said 
that ,north ,carolina1  ,south          
,carolina1 and ,georgia only1 will in a 
little time have a  majority of the     
people of ,america4 ,they must in that  
case include the  great interior        

country1 and every thing was to be      
apprehended from  their getting the     
power into their hands4    ,mr4 ,butler 
7of ,south ,carolina74 ,the security the
 ,southern ,states want  is1 that their 
negroes may not be taken from them1     
which some  gentlemen within or without 
doors have a very good mind to do4 ,it  
was  not supposed that ,north ,carolina1
 ,south ,carolina and ,georgia1 would   
have more people than all the other     
,states1 but many more relatively  to   
the other ,states1 than they now have4  
,the people and strength of  ,america   
are evidently bearing southwardly1 and  
southwestwardly4    ,on the question to 
strike out wealth1 and to make the      
change as  moved by ,mr4 ,randoph 7of   
,virginia71 it passed in the            
affirmative1--  ,massachusetts1         
,connecticut1 ,new-,jersey1             
,pennsylvania1 ,maryland1  ,virginia1   
,north ,carolina1 ,south ,carolina1     
,georgia1 aye--#i2 ,delaware1  divided4 
pp4 #ajij-a-b-c-d4    ,,saturday1 ,july 

#ad1 #aghg4    ,mr4 ,madison 7of        
,virginia74 it seemed now pretty well   
understood1 that  the real difference of
 interests lay1 not between the large   
and small1  but between the ,northern   
and ,southern ,states4 ,,the            
,,institution ,,of  ,,slavery1 ,,and    
,,its ,,consequences1 ,,formed ,,the    
,,line ,,of ,,discrimination4 p4  #aajd4
    ,,monday1 ,july #bc1 #aghg4         
,general ,pinckney reminded the         
,convention1 that if the ,committee     
should  fail to insert some security to 
the ,southern ,states against an        
emancipation of slaves1 and taxes on    
exports1 he should be bound by  duty to 
his ,state to vote against their report4
 p4 #aahg4    ,,tuesday1 ,july #bd1     
#aghg4    ,mr4 ,gouverneur ,morris hoped
 the ,committee would strike out the    
whole  of the clause proportioning      
direct taxation to representation4 ,he  
had  only meant it as a bridge#c to     
assist us over a certain gulf2 having   
passed the gulf1 the bridge may be      

removed4 ,he thought the principle  laid
 down with so much strictness liable to 
strong objections4 p4  #aaig4           
,footnote #c3 ,the object was to lessen 
the eagerness1 on one side1 for1  and   
the opposition1 on the other1 to the    
share of representation  claimed by the 
,southern ,states on account of the     
negroes4      ,,wednesday1 ,august #h1  
#aghg4    ,mr4 ,king wished to know what
 influence the vote just passed was     
meant  to have on the succeeding part of
 the ,report1 concerning the admission  
of slaves into the rule of              
representation4 ,he could not reconcile 
his  mind to the ,article1 if it was to 
prevent objections to the latter  part4 
,the admission of slaves was a most     
grating circumstance to his  mind1 and  
he believed would be so to a great part 
of the people of  ,america4 ,he had not 
made a strenuous opposition to it       
heretofore1  because he had hope that   
this concession would have produced a   
readiness1 which had not been           

manifested1 to strengthen the ,general  
,government1 and to mark a full         
confidence in it4 ,the ,report under    
consideration had1 by the tenor of it1  
put an end to all those hopes4  ,in two 
great points the hands of the           
,legislature were absolutely tied4  ,the
 importation of slaves could not be     
prohibited4 ,exports could not  be      
taxed4 ,is this reasonable8 ,what are   
the great objects of the  general       
system8 ,first1 defence against foreign 
invasion2 secondly1  against internal   
sedition4 ,shall all the ,states1 then1 
be bound to  defend each1 and shall each
 be at liberty to introduce a weakness  
which will render defence more          
difficult8 ,shall one part of the       
,united  ,states be bound to defend     
another part1 and that other part be at 
liberty1 not only to increase its own   
danger1 but to withhold the             
compensation for the burden8 ,if slaves 
are to be imported1 shall not  the      
exports produced by their labor supply a

 revenue the better to  enable the      
,general ,government to defend their    
masters8 ,there was so  much inequality 
and unreasonableness in all this1 that  
the people of  the ,northern ,states    
could never be reconciled to it4 ,no    
candid man  could undertake to justify  
it to them4 ,he had hoped that some     
accommodation would have taken place on 
this subject2 that at least a  time     
would have been limited for the         
importation of slaves4 ,he never  could 
agree to let them be imported without   
limitation1 and then be  represented in 
the ,national ,legislature4 ,indeed1 he 
could so little  persuade himself of the
 rectitude of such a practice1 that he  
was not  sure he could assent to it     
under any circumstances4 ,at all events1
  either slaves should not be           
represented1 or exports should be       
taxable4    ,mr4 ,sherman regarded the  
slave trade as iniquitous2 but the point
 of  representation having been settled 
after much difficulty and  deliberation1

 he did not think himself bound to make 
opposition2  especially as the present  
,article1 as amended1 did not preclude  
any  arrangement whatever on that point1
 in another place of the report4    ,mr4
 ,gouverneur ,morris moved to insert    
free before the word  inhabitants4      
,much1 he said1 would depend on this    
point4 ,he never  would concur in       
upholding domestic slavery4 ,it was a   
nefarious  institution4 ,it was the     
curse of ,heaven on the ,states where it
  prevailed4 ,compare the free regions  
of the ,middle ,states1 where a rich    
and noble cultivation marks the         
prosperity and happiness of the  people1
 with the misery and poverty which      
overspread the barren wastes  of        
,virginia1 ,maryland1 and the other     
,states having slaves4 ,travel  through 
the whole continent1 and you behold the 
prospect continually  varying with the  
appearance and disappearance of slavery4
 ,the moment  you leave the ,eastern    
,states1 and enter ,new-,york1 the      

effects of the  institution become      
visible4 ,passing through the ,jerseys  
and entering  ,pennsylvania1 every      
criterion of superior improvement       
witnesses the  change4 ,proceed         
southwardly1 and every step you take1   
through the  great regions of slaves1   
presents a desert increasing with the   
increasing proportion of these wretched 
beings4 ,upon what principle is  it that
 the slaves shall be computed in the    
representation8 ,are they  men8 ,then   
make them citizens1 and let them vote4  
,are they property8  ,why1 then is no   
other property included8 ,the houses in 
this city  7,philadelphia7 are worth    
more than all the wretched slaves who   
cover  the rice swamps of ,south        
,carolina4 ,the admission of slaves into
 the  representation1 when fairly       
explained1 comes to this1 that the      
inhabitant of ,georgia and ,south       
,carolina1 who goes to the coast of     
,africa1 and1 in defiance of the most   
sacred laws of humanity1 tears  away his

 fellow-creatures from their dearest    
connections1 and damns  them to the most
 cruel bondage1 shall have more votes in
 a government  instituted for protection
 of the rights of mankind1 than the     
citizen  of ,pennsylvania or            
,new-,jersey1 who views with a laudable 
horror so  nefarious a practice4 ,he    
would add1 that domestic slavery is the 
most  prominent feature in the          
aristocratic countenance of the proposed
  ,constitution4 ,the vassalage of the  
poor has ever been the favorite         
offspring of aristocracy4 ,and what is  
the proposed compensation to the        
,northern ,states1 for a sacrifice of   
every principle of right1 of every      
impulse of humanity8 ,they are to bind  
themselves to march their  militia for  
the defence of the ,southern ,states1   
for their defence  against those very   
slaves of whom they complain4 ,they must
 supply  vessels and seamen1 in case of 
foreign attack4 ,the ,legislature will  
have indefinite power to tax them by    

excises1 and duties on imports2  both of
 which will fall heavier on them than on
 the ,southern  inhabitants2 for the    
bohea tea used by a ,northern freeman   
will pay  more tax than the whole       
consumption of the miserable slave1     
which  consists of nothing more than his
 physical subsistence and the rag  that 
covers his nakedness4 ,on the other     
side1 the ,southern ,states are  not to 
be restrained from importing fresh      
supplies of wretched  ,africans1 at once
 to increase the danger of attack1 and  
the difficulty  of defence2 nay1 they   
are to be encouraged to it1 by an       
assurance of  having their votes in the 
,national ,government increased in      
proportion2  and are1 at the same time1 
to have their exports and their slaves  
exempt from all contributions for the   
public service4 ,let it not be  said1   
that direct taxation is to be           
proportioned to representation4  ,it is 
idle to suppose that the ,general       
,government can stretch its hand        

directly into the pockets of the people1
 scattered over so vast a  country4     
,they can only do it through the medium 
of exports1 imports  and excises4 ,for  
what1 then1 are all the sacrifices to be
 made8 ,he  would sooner submit himself 
to a tax for paying for all the negroes 
in  the ,united ,states1 than saddle    
posterity with such a ,constitution4    
,mr4 ,dayton seconded the motion4 ,he   
did it1 he said1 that his  sentiments on
 the subject might appear1 whatever     
might be the fate of  the amendment4    
,mr4 ,sherman did not regard the        
admission of the negroes into the ratio 
of representation1 as liable to such    
insuperable objections4 ,it was  the    
freemen of the ,southern ,states who    
were1 in fact1 to be  represented       
according to the taxes paid by them1 and
 the negroes are  only included in the  
estimate of the taxes4 ,this was his    
idea of the  matter4    ,mr4 ,pinckney  
considered the fisheries1 and the       
western frontier1 as  more burthensome  

to the ,united ,states than the slaves4 
,he thought this  could be demonstrated1
 if the occasion were a proper one4     
,mr4 ,wilson thought the motion         
premature4 ,an agreement to the clause  
would be no bar to the object of it4    
,on the question1 on the motion to      
insert free before inhabitants1         
,new-,jersey1 aye--#a2 ,new ,hampshire1 
,massachusetts1 ,connecticut1           
,pennsylvania1 ,delaware1 ,maryland1    
,virginia1 ,north ,carolina1 ,south     
,carolina1 ,georgia1 no--#aj4 pp4       
#abfa-b-c-d-e-f4      ,,tuesday1 ,august
 #ba1 #aghg4    ,mr4 ,l4 ,martin        
proposed to vary ,article #g1 ,section  
#d1 so as to allow a  prohibition or tax
 on the importation of slaves4 ,in the  
first place1  as five slaves are to be  
counted as three freemen1 in the        
apportionment of ,representatives1 such 
a clause would leave an  encouragement  
to this traffic4 ,in the second place1  
slaves weakened  one part of the ,union1
 which the other parts were bound to    

protect2  the privilege of importing    
them was therefore unreasonable4 ,and in
 the  third place1 it was inconsistent  
with the principles of the  ,revolution1
 and dishonorable to the ,american      
character1 to have such a  feature in   
the ,constitution4    ,mr4 ,rutledge did
 not see how the importation of slaves  
could be  encouraged by this section4   
,he was not apprehensive of             
insurrections1  and would readily exempt
 the other states from the obligation to
  protect the ,southern against them4   
,religion and humanity had nothing  to  
do with this question4 ,interest alone  
is the governing principle  with        
nations4 ,the true question at present  
is1 whether the ,southern  ,states shall
 or shall not be parties to the ,union4 
,if the ,northern  ,states consult their
 interest1 they will not oppose the     
increase of  slaves1 which will increase
 the commodities of which they will     
become  the carriers4    ,mr4 ,ellsworth
 was for leaving the clause as it       

stands4 ,let every ,state  import what  
it pleases4 ,the morality or wisdom of  
slavery are  considerations belonging to
 the ,states themselves4 ,what enriches 
a  part enriches the whole1 and the     
,states are the best judges of their    
particular interest4 ,the ,old          
,confederation had not meddled with this
  point2 and he did not see any greater 
necessity for bringing it within  the   
policy of the new one4    ,mr4          
,pinckney4 ,south ,carolina can never   
receive the plan if it  prohibits the   
slave trade4 ,in every proposed         
extension of the powers  of ,congress1  
that ,state has expressly and watchfully
 excepted that of  meddling with the    
importation of negroes4 ,if the ,states 
be all left at  liberty on this subject1
 ,south ,carolina may perhaps1 by       
degrees1 do of  herself what is wished1 
as ,virginia and ,maryland already have 
done4  ,adjourned4 pp4 #achh-i4         
,,wednesday1 ,august #bb1 #aghg4        
,article #g1 ,section #d1 was resumed4  

,mr4 ,sherman was for leaving the clause
 as it stands4 ,he disapproved of  the  
slave trade2 yet as the ,states were now
 possessed of the right to  import      
slaves1 as the public good did not      
require it to be taken from  them1 and  
as it was expedient to have as few      
objections as possible to  the proposed 
scheme of government1 he thought it best
 to leave the  matter as we find it4 ,he
 observed that the abolition of slavery 
seemed  to be going on in the ,united   
,states1 and that the good sense of the 
several ,states would probably by       
degrees complete it4 ,he urged on the   
,convention the necessity of despatching
 its business4    ,col4 ,mason4 ,this   
infernal traffic originated in the      
avarice of ,british  merchants4 ,the    
,british ,government constantly checked 
the attempts of  ,virginia to put a stop
 to it4 ,the present question concerns  
not the  importing ,states alone1 but   
the whole ,union4 ,the evil of having   
slaves  was experienced during the late 

war4 ,had slaves been treated as they   
might have been by the enemy1 they would
 have proved dangerous  instruments in  
their hands4 ,but their folly dealt by  
the slaves as it  did by the tories4 ,he
 mentioned the dangerous insurrections  
of the  slaves in ,greece and ,sicily2  
and the instructions given by ,cromwell 
to  the commissioners sent to ,virginia1
 to arm the servants and slaves1 in     
case other means of obtaining its       
submission should fail4 ,maryland and   
,virginia he said had already prohibited
 the importation of slaves  expressly4  
,north ,carolina had done the same in   
substance4 ,all this  would be in vain1 
if ,south ,carolina and ,georgia be at  
liberty to  import4 ,the ,western people
 are already calling out for slaves for 
their new lands2 and will fill that     
country with slaves1 if they can  be got
 through ,south ,carolina and ,georgia4 
,slavery discourages arts  and          
manufactures4 ,the poor despise labor   
when performed by slaves4  ,they prevent

 the emigration of whites1 who really   
enrich and  strengthen a country4 ,they 
produce the most pernicious effect on   
manners4 ,every master of slaves is born
 a petty tyrant4 ,they bring the        
judgment of ,heaven on a country4 ,as   
nations cannot be rewarded or  punished 
in the next world1 they must be in this4
 ,by an inevitable  chain of causes and 
effects1 ,providence punishes national  
sins by  national calamities4 ,he       
lamented that some of our ,eastern      
brethren  had1 from a lust of gain1     
embarked in the nefarious traffic4 ,as  
to the  ,states being in possession of  
the right to import1 this was the case  
with many other rights1 now to be       
properly given up4 ,he held it          
essential in every point of view1 that  
the ,general ,government should  have   
power to prevent the increase of        
slavery4    ,mr4 ,ellsworth1 as he had  
never owned a slave1 could not judge of 
the  effects of slavery on character4   
,he said1 however1 that if it was to  be

 considered in a moral light1 we ought  
to go further and free those  already in
 the country4 ,as slaves also multiply  
so fast in ,virginia  and ,maryland that
 it is cheaper to raise than import     
them1 whilst in  the sickly rice swamps 
foreign supplies are necessary1 if we go
 no  further than is urged1 we shall be 
unjust towards ,south ,carolina and     
,georgia4 ,let us not intermeddle4 ,as  
population increases1 poor  laborers    
will be so plenty as to render slaves   
useless4 ,slavery1 in  time1 will not be
 a speck in our country4 ,provision is  
already made in  ,connecticut for       
abolishing it4 ,and the abolition has   
already taken  place in ,massachusetts4 
,as to the danger of insurrections from 
foreign  influence1 that will become a  
motive to kind treatment of the slaves4 
,mr4 ,pinckney4 ,if slavery be wrong1 it
 is justified by the example of  all the
 world4 ,he cited the case of ,greece1  
,rome and other ancient  ,states2 the   
sanction given by ,france1 ,england1    

,holland and other  modern ,states4 ,in 
all ages1 one half of mankind have been 
slaves4 ,if  the ,southern ,states were 
let alone1 they will probably of        
themselves  stop importations4 ,he would
 himself1 as a citizen of ,south        
,carolina1  vote for it4 ,an attempt to 
take away the right1 as proposed1 will  
produce serious objections to the       
,constitution1 which he wished to see   
adopted4    ,gen4 ,pinckney declared it 
to be his firm opinion that if himself  
and  all his colleagues were to sign the
 ,constitution and use their  personal  
influence1 it would be of no avail      
towards obtaining the  assent of their  
constituents4 ,south ,carolina and      
,georgia cannot do  without slaves4 ,as 
to ,virginia1 she will gain by stopping 
the  importations4 ,her slaves will rise
 in value1 and she has more than she    
wants4 ,it would be unequal1 to require 
,south ,carolina and ,georgia1 to       
confederate on such unequal terms4 ,he  
said the ,royal assent1 before  the     

,revolution1 had never been refused to  
,south ,carolina1 as to  ,virginia4 ,he 
contended that the importation of slaves
 would be for the  interest of the whole
 ,union4 ,the more slaves1 the more     
produce to  employ the carrying trade2  
the more consumption also2 and the more 
of  this1 the more revenue for the      
common treasury4 ,he admitted it to be  
reasonable that slaves should be dutied 
like other imports2 but should  consider
 a rejection of the clause as an        
exclusion of ,south ,carolina  from the 
,union4    ,mr4 ,baldwin had conceived  
national objects alone to be before the 
,convention2 not such as1 like the      
present1 were of a local nature4        
,georgia was decided on this point4     
,that ,state has always hitherto        
supposed a ,general ,government to be   
the pursuit of the central ,states1  who
 wished to have a vortex for every      
thing2 that her distance would  preclude
 her1 from equal advantage2 and that she
 could not prudently  purchase it by    

yielding national powers4 ,from this it 
might be  understood1 in what light she 
would view an attempt to abridge one of 
her favorite prerogatives4 ,if left to  
herself1 she may probably put a  stop to
 the evil4 ,as one ground for this      
conjecture1 he took notice of  the sect 
of ----2 which he said was a respectable
 class of people1  who carried their    
ethics beyond the mere equality of men1 
extending  their humanity to the claims 
of the whole animal creation4    ,mr4   
,wilson observed that if ,south         
,carolina and ,georgia were themselves  
disposed to get rid of the importation  
of slaves in a short time1 as  had been 
suggested1 they would never refuse to   
unite because the  importation might be 
prohibited4 ,as the section now stands1 
all  articles imported are to be taxed4 
,slaves alone are exempt4 ,this is in   
fact a bounty on that article4    ,mr4  
,gerry thought we had nothing to do with
 the conduct of the ,states  as to      
slaves1 but ought to be careful not to  

give any sanction to it4    ,mr4        
,dickinson considered it as             
inadmissible1 on every principle of     
honor and safety1 that the importation  
of slaves should be authorized  to the  
,states by the ,constitution4 ,the true 
question was1 whether the  national     
happiness would be promoted or impeded  
by the importation2  and this question  
ought to be left to the ,national       
,government1 not to  the ,states        
particularly interested4 ,if ,england   
and ,france permit  slavery1 slaves are1
 at the same time1 excluded from both   
those  kingdoms4 ,greece and ,rome were 
made unhappy by their slaves4 ,he could 
not believe that the ,southern ,states  
would refuse to confederate on  the     
account apprehended2 especially as the  
power was not likely to be  immediately 
exercised by the ,general ,government4  
,mr4 ,williamson stated the law of      
,north ,carolina on the subject1 to     
wit1 that it did not directly prohibit  
the importation of slaves4 ,it  imposed 

a duty of #e on each slave imported from
 ,africa2 #aj on each  from elsewhere2  
and #ej on each from a ,state licensing 
manumission4 ,he  thought the ,southern 
,states could not be members of the     
,union1 if the  clause should be        
rejected2 and that it was wrong to force
 any thing  down not absolutely         
necessary1 and which any ,state must    
disagree to4    ,mr4 ,king thought the  
subject should be considered in a       
political light  only4 ,if two states   
will not agree to the ,constitution1 as 
stated on  one side1 he could affirm    
with equal belief1 on the other1 that   
great  and equal opposition would be    
experienced from the other ,states4 ,he 
remarked on the exemption of slaves from
 duty1 whilst every other  import was   
subjected to it1 as an inequality that  
could not fail to  strike the commercial
 sagacity of the ,northern and ,middle  
,states4    ,mr4 ,langdon was strenuous 
for giving the power to the ,general    
,government4 ,he could not1 with a good 

conscience1 have it with the  ,states1  
who could then go on with the traffic1  
without being  restrained by the        
opinions here given1 that they will     
themselves cease  to import slaves4     
,gen4 ,pinckney thought himself bound to
 declare candidly1 that he did  not     
think ,south ,carolina would stop her   
importations of slaves1 in any  short   
time2 but only stop them occasionally as
 she now does4 ,he moved  to commit the 
clause1 that slaves might be made liable
 to an equal tax  with other imports2   
which he thought right1 and which would 
remove one  difficulty that had been    
started4    ,mr4 ,rutledge4 ,if the     
,convention thinks that ,north          
,carolina1 ,south  ,carolina1 and       
,georgia1 will ever agree to the plan1  
unless their right  to import slaves be 
untouched1 the expectation is vain4 ,the
 people of  those ,states will never be 
such fools1 as to give up so important  
an  interest4 ,he was strenuous against 
striking out the section1 and  seconded 

the motion of ,gen4 ,pinckney for a     
commitment4    ,mr4 ,gouverneur ,morris 
wished the whole subject to be committed
  including the clauses relating to     
taxes on exports and to a navigation    
act4 ,these things may form a bargain   
among the ,northern and ,southern       
,states4    ,mr4 ,butler declared that  
he never would agree to the power of    
taxing  exports4    ,mr4 ,sherman said  
it was better to let the ,southern      
,states import  slaves1 than to part    
with them1 if they made that a sine qua 
non4 ,he  was opposed to a tax on slaves
 imported1 as making the matter worse1  
because it implied they were property4  
,he acknowledged that if the  power of  
prohibiting the importation should be   
given to the ,general  ,government1 that
 it would be exercised4 ,he thought it  
would be its  duty to exercise the      
power4    ,mr4 ,read was for the        
commitment1 provided the clause         
concerning taxes  on experts should also
 be committed4    ,mr4 ,sherman observed

 that that clause had been agreed to1   
and  therefore could not be committed4  
,mr4 ,randolph was for committing1 in   
order that some middle ground  might1 if
 possible1 be found4 ,he could never    
agree to the clause as it  stands4 ,he  
would sooner risk the ,constitution4 ,he
 dwelt on the dilemma  to which the     
,convention was exposed4 ,by agreeing to
 the clause1 it  would revolt the       
,quakers1 the ,methodists1 and many     
others in the  ,states having no slaves4
 ,on the other hand1 two ,states might  
be lost  to the ,union4 ,let us then1 he
 said1 try the chance of a commitment4  
,on the question for committing the     
remaining part of ,sections #d and #e1  
of ,article #g1--;,connecticut1 ,new    
,jersey1 ,maryland1 ,virginia1 ,north   
,carolina1 ,south ,carolina1 ,georgia1  
aye--#g2 ,new ,hampshire1               
,pennsylvania1 ,delaware1 no--#c2       
,massachusetts absent4 p4 #acij-ig4     
,friday1 ,august #bd1 #aghg4    ,in     
,convention1--,governor ,livingston1    

from the committee of eleven1  to whom  
were referred the two remaining clauses 
of the fourth section1  and the fifth   
and sixth sections1 of the seventh      
,article1 delivered in  the following   
,report3    ,strike out so much of the  
fourth section as was referred to the   
,committee1 and insert1 ',the migration 
or importation of such persons  as the  
several ,states1 now existing1 shall    
think proper to admit1  shall not be    
prohibited by the ,legislature prior to 
the year #ahjj2 but  a tax or duty may  
be imposed on such migration or         
importation1 at a  rate not exceeding   
the average of the duties laid on       
imports4'    ,the fifth ,section to     
remain as in the ,report4    ,the sixth 
,section#d to be stricken out4 p4 #adae4
    ,footnote #d3 ,this sixth ,section  
was1 ,no ,navigation act shall be passed
  without the assent of two-thirds of   
the members present in each             
,house4--,,editor4      ,saturday1      
,august #be1 #aghg4    ,the ,report of  

the ,committee of eleven 7see ,friday1  
the twenty-fourth7  being taken up1--   
,gen4 ,pinckney moved to strike out the 
words1 the year eighteen  hundred1 as   
the year limiting the importation of    
slaves2 and to  insert the words1 the   
year eighteen hundred and eight4    ,mr4
 ,gorham seconded the motion4    ,mr4   
,madison4 ,twenty years will produce all
 the mischief that can be  apprehended  
from the liberty to import slaves4 ,so  
long a term will be  more dishonorable  
to the ,american character1 than to say 
nothing about  it in the ,constitution4 
,on the motion1 which passed in the     
affirmative1--,new ,hampshire1          
,massachusetts1 ,connecticut1 ,maryland1
 ,north ,carolina1 ,south ,carolina1    
,georgia1 aye--#g2 ,new ,jersey1        
,pennsylvania1 ,delaware1 ,virginia1    
no--#d4    ,mr4 ,gouverneur ,morris was 
for making the clause read at once1 the 
importation of slaves in ,north         
,carolina1 ,south ,carolina1 and        
,georgia1  shall not be prohibited1 c4  

,this he said1 would be most fair1 and  
would avoid the ambiguity by which1     
under the power with regard to          
naturalization1 the liberty reserved to 
the ,states might be defeated4  ,he     
wished it to be known1 also1 that this  
part of the ,constitution was  a        
compliance with those ,states4 ,if the  
change of language1 however1  should be 
objected to1 by the members from those  
,states1 he should not  urge it4        
,col4 ,mason was not against using the  
term slaves1 but against naming  ,north 
,carolina1 ,south ,carolina1 and        
,georgia1 lest it should give  offence  
to the people of those ,states4    ,mr4 
,sherman liked a description better than
 the terms proposed1 which  had been    
declined by the old ,congress1 and were 
not pleasing to some  people4    ,m4    
,clymer concurred with ,mr4 ,sherman4   
,mr4 ,williamson said1 that both in     
opinion and practice he was against     
slavery2 but thought it more in favor of
 humanity1 from a view of all           

circumstances1 to let in ,south         
,carolina and ,georgia on those terms1  
than to exclude them from the ,union4   
,mr4 ,gouverneur ,morris withdrew his   
motion4    ,mr4 ,dickinson wished the   
clause to be confined to the ,states    
which had  not themselves prohibited the
 importation of slaves2 and for that    
purpose moved to amend the clause1 so as
 to read3 ,the importation of  slaves   
into such of the ,states as shall permit
 the same1 shall not be  prohibited by  
the ,legislature of the ,united ,states1
 until the year  #ahjh2 which was       
disagreed to1 nem4 con4#e    ,footnote  
#e3 ,in the printed ,journals1          
,connecticut1 ,virginia1 and  ,georgia1 
voted in the affirmative4      ,the     
first part of the ,report was then      
agreed to1 amended as follows3  ,the    
migration or importation of such persons
 as the several ,states  now existing   
shall think proper to admit1 shall not  
be prohibited by  the ,legislature prior
 to the year #ahjh1--    ,new           

,hampshire1 ,massachusetts1             
,connecticut1 ,maryland1 ,north         
,carolina1  ,south ,carolina1 ,georgia1 
aye--#g2 ,new ,jersey1 ,pennsylvania1   
,delaware1  ,virginia1 no--#d4    ,mr4  
,baldwin1 in order to restrain and more 
explicitly define1 the  average duty1   
moved to strike out of the second part  
the words1  average of the duties and on
 imports1 and insert common impost on   
articles not enumerated2 which was      
agreed to1 nem4 con4    ,mr4 ,sherman   
was against this second part1 as        
acknowledging men to be  property1 by   
taxing them as such under the character 
of slaves4    ,mr4 ,king and ,mr4       
,langdon considered this as the price of
 the first  part4    ,gen4 ,pinckney    
admitted that it was so4    ,col4       
,mason4 ,not to tax1 will be equivalent 
to a bounty on1 the  importation of     
slaves4    ,mr4 ,gorham thought that    
,mr4 ,sherman should consider the duty1 
not as  implying that slaves are        
property1 but as a discouragement to the

  importation of them4    ,mr4          
,gouverneur ,morris remarked1 that1 as  
the clause now stands1 it  implies that 
the ,legislature may tax freemen        
imported4    ,mr4 ,sherman1 in answer to
 ,mr4 ,gorham1 observed1 that the       
smallness of  the duty showed revenue to
 be the object1 not the discouragement  
of  the importation4    ,mr4 ,madison   
thought it wrong to admit in the        
,constitution the idea  that there could
 be property in men4 ,the reason of     
duties did not  hold1 as slaves are not1
 like merchandise1 consumed1 c4    ,col4
 ,mason1 in answer to ,mr4 ,gouverneur  
,morris4 ,the provision as it  stands1  
was necessary for the case of convicts2 
in order to prevent  the introduction of
 them4    ,it was finally agreed1 nem4  
con41 to make the clause read3 but a    
tax or duty may be imposed on such      
importation1 not exceeding ten  dollars 
for each person2 and then the second    
part1 as amended1 was  agreed to4 pp4   
#adbg to #cj4    ,tuesday1 ,august #bh1 

#aghg4    ,article #ad1 was then taken  
up4    ,general ,pinckney was not       
satisfied with it4 ,he seemed to wish   
some  provision should be included in   
favor of property in slaves4    ,on the 
question on ,article #ad1--    ,new     
,hampshire1 ,massachusetts1             
,connecticut1 ,new ,jersey1             
,pennsylvania1  ,delaware1 ,maryland1   
,virginia1 ,north ,carolina1 aye--#i2   
,south ,carolina1  no--#a2 ,georgia1    
divided4    ,article #ae1 being then    
taken up1 the words1 high misdemeanor1  
were  struck out1 and the words1 other  
crime1 inserted1 in order to  comprehend
 all proper cases2 it being doubtful    
whether high  misdemeanor had not a     
technical meaning too limited4    ,mr4  
,butler and ,mr4 ,pinckney moved to     
require fugitive slaves and  servants to
 be delivered up like criminals4    ,mr4
 ,wilson4 ,this would oblige the        
,executive of the ,state to do it1 at   
the public expense4    ,mr4 ,sherman saw
 no more propriety in the public seizing

 and  surrendering a slave or servant1  
than a horse4    ,mr4 ,butler withdrew  
his proposition1 in order that some     
particular  provision might be made1    
apart from this article4    ,article    
#ae1 as amended1 was then agreed to1    
nem4 con4 pp4 #addg-h4    ,wednesday1   
,august #bi1 #aghg4    ,general         
,pinckney said it was the true interest 
of the ,southern ,states  to have no    
regulation of commerce2 but considering 
the loss brought on  the commerce of the
 ,eastern ,states by the ,revolution1   
their liberal  conduct towards the      
views#f of ,south ,carolina1 and the    
interest the  weak ,southern ,states had
 in being united with the strong        
,eastern  ,states1 he thought it proper 
that no fetters should be imposed on the
  power of making commercial            
regulations1 and that his constituents1 
though prejudiced against the ,eastern  
,states1 would be reconciled to  this   
liberality4 ,he had1 himself1 he said1  
prejudices against the  ,eastern ,states

 before he came here1 but would         
acknowledge that he had  found them as  
liberal and candid as any men whatever4 
p4 #adea4    ,footnote #f3 ,he meant the
 permission to import slaves4 ,an       
understanding  on the two subjects of   
navigation and slavery1 had taken place 
between those parts of the ,union1 which
 explains the vote on the  motion       
depending1 as well as the language of   
,general ,pinckney and  others4         
,mr4 ,butler moved to insert after      
,article #ae1 ,if any person bound to   
service or labor in any of the ,united  
,states1 shall escape into  another     
,state1 he or she shall not be          
discharged from such service or  labor1 
in consequence of any regulations       
subsisting in the ,state to  which they 
escape1 but shall be delivered up to the
 person justly  claiming their service  
or labor1--which was agreed to1 nem4    
con4  p4 #adef4    ,monday1 ,september  
#aj1 #aghg4    ,mr4 ,rutledge said he   
never could agree to give a power by    

which the  articles relating to slaves  
might be altered by the ,states not     
interested in that property1 and        
prejudiced against it4 ,in order to     
obviate this objection1 these words were
 added to the proposition3  provided    
that no amendments1 which may be made   
prior to the year #ahjh  shall in any   
manner affect the fourth and fifth      
sections of the  seventh ,article4 p4   
#aecf4    ,thursday1 ,september #ac1    
#aghg4    ,article #a1 ,section #b4 ,on 
motion of ,mr4 ,randolph1 the word      
servitude  was struck out1 and service  
unanimously#g inserted1 the former      
being thought to express the condition  
of slaves1 and the latter the           
obligations of free persons4            
,footnote #g3 ,see page #cgb of the     
printed journal4      ,mr4 ,dickinson   
and ,mr4 ,wilson moved to strike out1   
and direct taxes1  from ,article #a1    
,section #b1 as improperly placed in a  
clause relating  merely to the          
,constitution of the ,house of          

,representatives4    ,mr4 ,gouverneur   
,morris4 ,the insertion here was in     
consequence of what  had passed on this 
point2 in order to exclude the          
appearance of  counting the negroes in  
the representation4 ,the including of   
them  may now be referred to the object 
of direct taxes1 and incidentally  only 
to that representation4    ,on the      
motion to strike out1 and direct taxes1 
from this place1--,new  ,jersey1        
,delaware1 ,maryland1 aye--#c2 ,new     
,hampshire1 ,massachusetts1             
,connecticut1 ,pennsylvania1 ,virginia1 
,north ,carolina1 ,south ,carolina1     
,georgia1 no--#h4 pp4 #aefi-gj4         
,saturday1 ,september #ae1 #aghg4       
,article #d1 ,section #b1 7the third    
paragraph17 the term legally was  struck
 out2 and the words1 under the laws     
thereof1 inserted after  the word       
,state1 in compliance with the wish of  
some who thought the  term legal        
equivocal1 and favoring the idea that   
slavery was legal  in a moral view4 p4  

#aehi4    ,mr4 ,gerry stated the        
objections which determined him to      
withhold his  name from the             
,constitution3 #a--b--c--d--e--f1 that  
three fifths of  the blacks are to be   
represented1 as if they were freemen4 p4
 #aeie4           99     99     99      
99     99    ,,list ,,of ,,members      
,,of ,,the ,,federal ,,convention ,,who 
,,formed ,,the ,,constitution ,,of      
,,the ,,united ,,states4         ,from  
,attended4  ,new ,hampshire1    #a ,john
 ,langdon1                       ,july  
#bc1 #aghg4                      ,john  
,pickering1                    #b       
,nicholas ,gilman1                      
#bc4                      ,benjamin     
,west4  ,massachusetts1      ,francis   
,dana1                      ,elbridge   
,gerry1                      ,may #bi4  
#c ,nath'l ,gorham1                     
#be4                    #d ,rufus ,king1
                             #be4       
,caleb ,strong1                         
#bh4  ,rhode ,island1       7,no        

appointment47  ,connecticut1      #e    
,w4,s4 ,johnson1                        
,june #b4                    #f ,roger  
,sherman1                       ,may    
#cj4                      ,oliver       
,ellsworth1                       #bi4  
,new ,york1           ,robert ,yates1   
#be4                    #g ,alex'r      
,hamilton1                        #be4  
,john ,lansing1                         
,june #b4  ,new ,jersey1       #h ,wm4  
,livingston1                            
#e4                    #i ,david        
,brearly1                       ,may    
#e4                      ,wm4 ,c4       
,houston1                        do4    
#aj ,wm4 ,patterson1                    
do4                      ,john ,nielson1
                      ,abraham ,clark4  
#aa ,jonathan ,dayton1                  
,june #ba4  ,pennsylvania1    #ab ,benj4
 ,franklin1                      ,may   
#bh4                   #ac ,thos4       
,miffin1                          do4   
,pennsylvania4    #ad ,robert ,morris1  

,may #be4                   #ae ,gen4   
,clymer1                            #bh4
                   #af ,thos4           
,fitzsimmons1                      #be4 
#ag ,jared ,ingersoll1                  
#bh4                   #ah ,james       
,wilson1                           #be4 
#ai ,gouv'r ,morris1                    
#be4  ,delaware1        #bj ,geo4 ,reed1
                              #be4      
#ba ,g4 ,bedford1 ,jr4                  
#bh4                   #bb ,john        
,dickinson1                         #bh4
                   #bc ,richard         
,bassett1                        #be4   
#bd ,jacob ,broom1                      
#be4  ,maryland1        #be ,james      
,m',henry1                          #bi4
                   #bf ,daniel of ,st4  
,tho4 ,jenifer1          ,june #b4      
#bg ,daniel ,carroll1                   
,july #i4                      ,john ,f4
 ,mercer1                      ,aug4 #f4
                      ,luther ,martin1  
,june #i4  ,virginia1        #bh ,g4    

,washington1                       ,may 
#be4                      ,patrick      
,henry1 7declined47                     
,edmund ,randolph1                      
#be4                   #bi ,john ,blair1
                             #be4       
#cj ,jas4 ,madison1 ,jr4                
#be4                      ,george       
,mason1                           #be4  
,george ,wythe1                         
#be4                      ,james        
,mc,clurg1 7in                          
room ,p4 ,henry7                        
#be4  ,north ,carolina1     ,rich'd     
,caswell 7resigned74                    
,alex'r ,martin1                        
,may #be4                      ,wm4 ,r4 
,davie1                           #be4  
#ca ,wm4 ,blount 7in room               
of ,r4 ,caswell71                       
,june #bj4                      ,willie 
,jones 7declined74                   #cb
 ,r4 ,d4 ,spaight1                      
,may #be4                   #cc ,hugh   
,williamson1 7in                        

room of ,w4 ,jones17                    
,may #be4  ,south ,carolina1  #cd ,john 
,rutledge1                          #be4
                   #ce ,chas4 ,c4       
,pinckney1                      #be4    
#cf ,chas4 ,pinckney1                   
#be4                   #cg ,peirce      
,butler1                          #be4  
,georgia1         #ch ,william ,few1    
#be4                   #ci ,abr'm       
,baldwin1                       ,june   
#aa4                      ,william      
,pierce1                      ,may #ca4 
,george ,walton4                        
,wm4 ,houston1                          
,june #a4                      ,nath'l  
,pendleton4    ,those with numbers      
before their names signed the           
,constitution4 #ci  ,those in italics   
never attended4                         
#aj  ,members who attended1 but did not 
sign the ,constitution1       #af       
--                                      
#fe      ,extract from a ,speech of     
,luther ,martin1 7delivered before the  

,legislature of ,maryland17 one of the  
delegates from ,maryland to the         
,convention that formed the             
,constitution of the ,united ,states4   
,with respect to that part of the second
 section of the first  ,article1 which  
relates to the apportionment of         
representation and  direct taxation1    
there were considerable objections made 
to it1  besides the great objection of  
inequality--,it was urged1 that no      
principle could justify taking slaves   
into computation in  apportioning the   
number of representatives a state should
 have in  the government--,that it      
involved the absurdity of increasing the
 power  of a state in making laws for   
free men in proportion as that ,state   
violated the rights of freedom--,that it
 might be proper to take  slaves into   
consideration1 when taxes were to be    
apportioned1  because it had a tendency 
to discourage slavery2 but to take them 
into account in giving representation   
tended to encourage the slave  trade1   

and to make it the interest of the      
states to continue that  infamous       
traffic--,that slaves could not be taken
 into account as  men1 or citizens1     
because they were not admitted to the   
rights of  citizens1 in the states which
 adopted or continued slavery--,if they 
were to be taken into account as        
property1 it was asked1 what  peculiar  
circumstance should render this property
 7of all others the  most odious in its 
nature7 entitled to the high privilege  
of  conferring consequence and power in 
the government to its possessors1       
rather than any other property3 and why 
slaves should1 as  property1 be taken   
into account rather than horses1 cattle1
 mules1 or  any other species2 and it   
was observed by an honorable member from
  ,massachusetts1 that he considered it 
as dishonorable and humiliating  to     
enter into compact with the slaves of   
the southern states1 as  it would with  
the horses and mules of the eastern4    
,by the ninth section of this ,article1 

the importation of such persons  as any 
of the ,states now existing1 shall think
 proper to admit1 shall  not be         
prohibited prior to the year #ahjh1 but 
a duty may be imposed on  such          
importation1 not exceeding ten dollars  
for each person4    ,the design of this 
clause is to prevent the general        
government from  prohibiting the        
importation of slaves2 but the same     
reasons which  caused them to strike out
 the word national1 and not admit the   
word  stamps1 influenced them here to   
guard against the word slaves4  ,they   
anxiously sought to avoid the admission 
of expressions which  might be odious in
 the ears of ,americans1 although they  
were willing  to admit into their system
 those things which the expression      
signified2 and hence it is that the     
clause is so worded as really to        
authorize the general government to     
impose a duty of ten dollars on  every  
foreigner who comes into a ,state to    
become a citizen1 whether he  comes     

absolutely free1 or qualifiedly so as a 
servant2 although this  is contrary to  
the design of the framers1 and the duty 
was only meant  to extend to the        
importation of slaves4    ,this clause  
was the subject of a great diversity of 
sentiment in the  ,convention4 ,as the  
system was reported by the committee of 
detail1 the  provision was general1 that
 such importation should not be         
prohibited1  without confining it to any
 particular period4 ,this was rejected  
by  eight ,states--,georgia1 ,south     
,carolina1 and1 ,i think1 ,north        
,carolina1  voting for it4    ,we were  
then told by the delegates of the two   
first of those states1  that their      
states would never agree to a system1   
which put it in the  power of the       
general government to prevent the       
importation of slaves1  and that they1  
as delegates from those states1 must    
withhold their  assent from such a      
system4    ,a committee of one member   
from each ,state was chosen by ballot1  

to  take this part of the system under  
their consideration1 and to  endeavor to
 agree upon some report1 which should   
reconcile those  ,states4 ,to this      
committee also was referred the         
following proposition1  which had been  
reported by the committee of detail1 to 
wit3 ,no  navigation act shall be passed
 without the assent of two-thirds of the
  members present in each house2 a      
proposition which the staple and        
commercial ,states were solicitous to   
retain1 lest their commerce  should be  
placed too much under the power of the  
,eastern ,states2 but  which these last 
,states were as anxious to reject4 ,this
 committee1 of  which also ,i had the   
honor to be a member1 met and took under
 their  consideration the subjects      
committed to them4 ,i found the eastern 
,states1 notwithstanding their aversion 
to slavery1 were very willing  to       
indulge the southern ,states1 at least  
with a temporary liberty to  prosecute  
the slave trade1 provided the southern  

states would in  their turn gratify     
them1 by laying no restriction on       
navigation acts2  and after a very      
little time1 the committee1 by a great  
majority1  agreed on a report1 by which 
the general government was to be        
prohibited from preventing the          
importation of slaves for a limited     
time1 and the restricted clause relative
 to navigation acts was to be  omitted4 
,this report was adopted by a majority  
of the ,convention1 but not  without    
considerable opposition4    ,it was     
said1 we had just assumed a place among 
independent nations in  consequence of  
our opposition to the attempts of ,great
 ,britain to  enslave us2 that this     
opposition was grounded upon the        
preservation  of those1 rights to which 
,god and nature had entitled us1 not in 
particular1 but in common with all the  
rest of mankind2 that we  had appealed  
to the ,supreme ,being for his          
assistance1 as the ,god of  freedom1 who
 could not but approve our efforts to   

preserve the  rights which he had thus  
imparted to his creatures2 that now1    
when  we had scarcely risen from our    
knees1 from supplicating his mercy and  
protection in forming our government    
over a free people1 a government  formed
 pretendedly on the principles of       
liberty1 and for its  preservation1--in 
that government to have a provision not 
only  putting it out of its power to    
restrain and prevent the slave trade1   
even encouraging that most infamous     
traffic1 by giving the ,states the      
power and influence in the ,union in    
proportion as they cruelly and  wantonly
 sported with the rights of their       
fellow-creatures1 ought to  be          
considered as a solemn mockery of1 and  
an insult to1 that ,god whose           
protection we had then implored1 and    
could not fail to hold us up in         
detestation1 and render us contemptible 
to every true friend of  liberty in the 
world4 ,it was said1 it ought to be     
considered that  national crimes can    

only be1 and frequently are1 punished in
 this  world by national punishments2   
and that the continuance of the slave   
trade1 and thus giving it a national    
sanction1 and encouragement1  ought to  
be considered as justly exposing us to  
the displeasure and  vengeance of him   
who is equally ,lord of all1 and who    
views with equal  eye the poor ,african 
slave and his ,american master6    ,it  
was urged that by this system1 we were  
giving the general  government full and 
absolute power to regulate commerce1    
under which  general power it would have
 a right to restrain1 or totally        
prohibit1  the slave trade3 it must1    
therefore1 appear to the world absurd   
and  disgraceful to the last degree1    
that we should except from the  exercise
 of that power1 the only branch of      
commerce which is  unjustifiable in its 
nature1 and contrary to the rights of   
mankind4  ,that1 on the contrary1 we    
ought rather to prohibit expressly in   
our  ,constitution1 the further         

importation of slaves1 and to authorize 
the  general government1 from time to   
time1 to make such regulations as       
should be thought most advantageous for 
the gradual abolition of  slavery1 and  
the emancipation of the slaves which are
 already in the  ,states4 ,that slavery 
is inconsistent with the genius of      
republicanism  and has a tendency to    
destroy those principles on which it is 
supported1 as it lessens the sense of   
the equal rights of mankind1 and        
habituates us to tyranny and oppression4
 ,it was further urged1 that1  by this  
system of government1 every ,state is to
 be protected both from  foreign        
invasion and from domestic              
insurrections2 from this  consideration1
 it was of the utmost importance it     
should have a power  to restrain the    
importation of slaves1 since1 in        
proportion as the  number of slaves are 
increased in any ,state1 in the same    
proportion  the ,state is weakened and  
exposed to foreign invasion or domestic 

insurrection1 and by so much less will  
it be able to protect itself  against   
either1 and therefore will by so the    
much want aid from1 and  be a burden to1
 the ,union4    ,it was further said1   
that1 as in this system we were giving  
the  general government a power1 under  
the idea of national character1 or      
national interest1 to regulate even our 
weights and measures1 and have          
prohibited all possibility of emitting  
paper money1 and passing  insolvent     
laws1 c41 it must appear still more     
extraordinary1 that we  should prohibit 
the government from interfering with the
 slave trade1  than which nothing could 
so materially affect both our national  
honor  and interest4    ,these reasons  
influenced me1 both on the committee and
 in convention1  most decidedly to      
oppose and vote against the clause1 as  
it now makes  part of the system4       
,you will perceive1 sir1 not only that  
the general government is  prohibited   
from interfering in the slave-trade     

before the year  eighteen hundred and   
eight1 but that there is no provision in
 the  ,constitution that it shall       
afterwards be prohibited1 nor any       
security  that such prohibition will    
ever take place2 and ,i think there is  
great  reason to believe1 that1 if the  
importation of slaves is permitted      
until the year eighteen hundred and     
eight1 it will not be prohibited        
afterwards4 ,at this time1 we do not    
generally hold this commerce in so      
great abhorrence as we have done4 ,when 
our liberties were at stake1 we  warmly 
felt for the common rights of men4 ,the 
danger being thought to  be past1 which 
threatened ourselves1 we are daily      
growing more  insensible to those       
rights4 ,in those ,states which have    
restrained or  prohibited the           
importation of slaves1 it is only done  
by legislative  acts1 which may be      
repealed4 ,when those ,states find that 
they must1 in  their national character 
and connexion1 suffer in the disgrace1  

and  share in the inconveniences        
attendant upon that detestable and      
iniquitous traffic1 they may be desirous
 also to share in the benefits  arising 
from it2 and the odium attending it will
 be greatly effaced by  the sanction    
which is given to it in the general     
government4    ,by the next paragraph1  
the general government is to have a     
power of  suspending the habeas corpus  
act1 in cases of rebellion or  invasion4
    ,as the ,state governments have a   
power of suspending the habeas corpus   
act in those cases1 it was said1 there  
could be no reason for giving  such a   
power to the general government2 since1 
whenever the ,state  which is invaded1  
or in which an insurrection takes place1
 finds its  safety requires it1 it will 
make use of that power4 ,and it was     
urged1  that if we gave this power to   
the general government1 it would be an  
engine of oppression in its hands2 since
 whenever a ,state should  oppose its   
views1 however arbitrary and            

unconstitutional1 and refuse  submission
 to them1 the general government may    
declare it to be an act  of rebellion1  
and1 suspending the habeas corpus act1  
may seize upon  the persons of those    
advocates of freedom1 who have had      
virtue and  resolution enough to excite 
the opposition1 and may imprison them   
during its pleasure in the remotest part
 of the ,union2 so that a  citizen of   
,georgia might be bastiled in the       
furthest part of ,new  ,hampshire2 or a 
citizen of ,new ,hampshire in the       
furthest extreme of  the ,south1 cut off
 from their family1 their friends1 and  
their every  connexion4 ,these          
considerations induced me1 sir1 to give 
my negative  also to this clause4       
99     99     99     99     99          
,,extracts ,,from ,,debates ,,in ,,the  
,,several ,,state ,,conventions ,,on    
,,the ,,adoption  ,,of ,,the ,,united   
,,states' ,,constitution4           99  
99     99     99     99                 
,,massachusetts ,,convention4    ,the   

third paragraph of the #b;d section     
being read1    ,mr4 ,king rose to       
explain it4 ,there has1 says he1 been   
much  misconception of this section4 ,it
 is a principle of this ,constitution1  
that representation and taxation should 
go hand in hand4 ,this  paragraph       
states1 that the numbers of free persons
 shall be  determined1 by adding to the 
whole number of free persons1 including 
those bound to service for a term of    
years1 and excluding ,indians not       
taxed1 three-fifths of all other        
persons4 ,these persons are the  slaves4
 ,by this rule is representation and    
taxation to be apportioned4  ,and it was
 adopted1 because it was the language of
 all ,america4    ,mr4 ,widgery asked1  
if a boy of six years of age was to be  
considered  as a free person8    ,mr4   
,king in answer said1 all persons born  
free were to be considered  as freemen2 
and to make the idea of taxation by     
numbers more  intelligible1 said that   
five negro children of ,south ,carolina1

 are to  pay as much tax as the three   
,governors of ,new ,hampshire1          
,massachusetts1 and ,connecticut4       
,mr4 ,gorham thought the proposed       
section much in favor of ,massachusetts2
  and if it operated against any state1 
it was ,pennsylvania1 because  they have
 more white persons bound than any      
other4    ,judge ,dana1 in reply to the 
remark of some gentlemen1 that the      
southern ,states were favored in this   
mode of apportionment1 by having  five  
of their negroes set against three      
persons in the eastern1 the  honorable  
judge observed1 that the negroes of the 
southern ,states work  no longer than   
when the eye of the driver is on them4  
,can1 asked he1  that land flourish like
 this1 which is cultivated by the hands 
of  freemen8 ,are not three of these    
independent freemen of more real        
advantage to a ,state1 than five of     
those poor slaves8    ,mr4 ,nasson      
remarked on the statement of the        
honorable ,mr4 ,king1 by  saying that   

the honorable gentleman should have gone
 further1 and  shown us the other side  
of the question4 ,it is a good rule that
 works  both ways--and the gentlemen    
should also have told us1 that three of 
our infants in the cradle1 are to be    
rated as high as five of the  working   
negroes of ,virginia4 ,mr4 ,n4 adverted 
to a statement of ,mr4  ,king1 who had  
said1 that five negro children of ,south
 ,carolina were  equally rateable as    
three governors of ,new ,england1 and   
wished1 he  said1 the honorable         
gentleman had considered this question  
upon the  other side--as it would then  
appear that this ,state will pay as     
great  a tax for three children in the  
cradle1 as any of the southern ,states  
will for five hearty working negro men4 
,he hoped1 he said1 while we  were      
making a new government1 we should make 
it better than the old  one3 for if we  
had made a bad bargain before1 as had   
been hinted1 it  was a reason why we    
should make a better one now4    ,mr4   

,dawes said1 he was sorry to hear so    
many objections raised against  the     
paragraph under consideration4 ,he      
thought them wholly unfounded2  that the
 black inhabitants of the southern      
,states must be considered  either as   
slaves1 and as so much property1 or in  
the character of so  many freemen2 if   
the former1 why should they not be      
wholly  represented8 ,our own ,state    
laws and ,constitution would lead us to 
consider those blacks as freemen1 and so
 indeed would our own ideas  of natural 
justice3 if1 then1 they are freemen1    
they might form an  equal basis for     
representation as though they were all  
white  inhabitants4 ,in either view1    
therefore1 he could not see that the    
northern ,states would suffer1 but      
directly to the contrary4 ,he  thought1 
however1 that gentlemen would do well to
 connect the passage  in dispute with   
another article in the ,constitution1   
that permits  ,congress1 in the year    
#ahjh1 wholly to prohibit the           

importation of  slaves1 and in the mean 
time to impose a duty of ten dollars a  
head on  such blacks as should be       
imported before that period4 ,besides1  
by the  new ,constitution1 every        
particular ,state is left to its own    
option  totally to prohibit the         
introduction of slaves into its own     
territories4 ,what could the convention 
do more8  ,the members of the  southern 
,states1 like ourselves1 have their     
prejudices4 ,it would  not do to abolish
 slavery1 by an act of ,congress1 in a  
moment1 and so  destroy what our        
southern brethren consider as property4 
,but we may  say1 that although slavery 
is not smitten by an apoplexy1 yet it   
has  received a mortal wound and will   
die of a consumption4    ,mr4 ,neal     
7from ,kittery17 went over the ground of
 objection to this  section on the idea 
that the slave trade was allowed to be  
continued  for #bj years4 ,his          
profession1 he said1 obliged him to bear
 witness  against any thing that should 

favor the making merchandise of the     
bodies of men1 and unless his objection 
was removed1 he could not put  his hand 
to the ,constitution4 ,other gentlemen  
said1 in addition to  this idea1 that   
there was not even a proposition that   
the negroes ever  shall be free1 and    
,gen4 ,thompson exclaimed3    ,mr4      
,president1 shall it be said1 that after
 we have established our  own           
independence and freedom1 we make slaves
 of others8  ,oh6  ,washington1 what a  
name has he had6  ,how he has           
immortalized himself6  but he holds     
those in slavery who have a good right  
to be free as he  has--he is still for  
self2 and1 in my opinion1 his character 
has sunk  #ej per cent4    ,on the other
 side1 gentlemen said1 that the step    
taken in this  article1 towards the     
abolition of slavery1 was one of the    
beauties of  the ,constitution4 ,they   
observed1 that in the confederation     
there was  no provision whatever for its
 ever being abolished2 but this         

,constitution provides1 that ,congress  
may1 after #bj years1 totally           
annihilate the slave trade2 and that1 as
 all the ,states1 except two1  have     
passed laws to this effect1 it might    
reasonably be expected1 that  it would  
then be done4 ,in the interim1 all the  
,states were at liberty  to prohibit it4
    ,saturday1 ,january #bf4--,the      
debate on the #ith section still        
continued  desultory--and consisted of  
similar objections1 and answers thereto1
  as had before been used4 ,both sides  
deprecated the slave trade in the  most 
pointed terms2 on one side it was       
pathetically lamented1 by ,mr4  ,nason1 
,major ,lusk1 ,mr4 ,neal1 and others1   
that this ,constitution  provided for   
the continuation of the slave trade for 
#bj years4 ,on the  other1 the honorable
 ,judge ,dana1 ,mr4 ,adams and others1  
rejoiced that a  door was now to be     
opened for the annihilation of this     
odious1  abhorrent practice1 in a       
certain time4    ,gen4 ,heath4 ,mr4     

,president1--,by my indisposition and   
absence1 ,i have  lost several important
 opportunities3 ,i have lost the        
opportunity of  expressing my sentiments
 with a candid freedom1 on some of the  
paragraphs of the system1 which have    
lain heavy on my mind4 ,i have  lost the
 opportunity of expressing my warm      
approbation on some of the  paragraphs4 
,i have lost the opportunity of hearing 
those judicious1  enlightening and      
convincing arguments1 which have been   
advanced during  the investigation of   
the system4 ,this is my misfortune1 and 
,i must  bear it4 ,the paragraph        
respecting the migration or importation 
of such  persons as any of the ,states  
now existing shall think proper to      
admit1  c41 is one of those considered  
during my absence1 and ,i have heard    
nothing on the subject1 save what has   
been mentioned this morning2 but  ,i    
think the gentlemen who have spoken1    
have carried the matter rather  too far 
on both sides4 ,i apprehend that it is  

not in our power to do  any thing for or
 against those who are in slavery in the
 southern  ,states4 ,no gentleman within
 these walls detests every idea of      
slavery  more than ,i do3 it is         
generally detested by the people of this
  ,commonwealth2 and ,i ardently hope   
that the time will soon come1 when  our 
brethren in the southern ,states will   
view it as we do1 and put a  stop to it2
 but to this we have no right to compel 
them4 ,two questions  naturally arise3  
if we ratify the ,constitution1 shall we
 do any thing  by our act to hold the   
blacks in slavery--or shall we become   
the  partakers of other men's sins8 ,i  
think neither of them4 ,each ,state is  
sovereign and independent to a certain  
degree1 and they have a right1  and will
 regulate their own internal affairs1 as
 to themselves appears  proper2 and     
shall we refuse to eat1 or to drink1 or 
to be united1 with  those who do not    
think1 or act1 just as we do8 surely    
not4 ,we are not  in this case partakers

 of other men's sins1 for in nothing do 
we  voluntarily encourage the slavery of
 our fellow-men2 a restriction is  laid 
on the ,federal ,government1 which could
 not be avoided1 and a  union take      
place4 ,the federal ,convention went as 
far as they could2  the migration or    
importation1 c41 is confined to the     
,states1 now  existing only1 new ,states
 cannot claim it4 ,congress1 by their   
ordinance for erecting new ,states1 some
 time since1 declared that the  new     
,states shall be republican1 and that   
there shall be no slavery in  them4 ,but
 whether those in slavery in the        
southern ,states will be  emancipated   
after the year #ahjh1 ,i do not pretend 
to determine3 ,i  rather doubt it4      
,mr4 ,neal rose and said1 that as the   
,constitution at large1 was now  under  
consideration1 he would just remark1    
that the article which  respected the   
,africans1 was the one which laid on his
 mind--and1  unless his objections to   
that were removed1 it must1 how much    

soever  he liked the other parts of the 
,constitution1 be a sufficient reason   
for him to give his negative to it4     
,major ,lusk concurred in the idea      
already thrown out in the debate1  that 
although the insertion of the amendments
 in the ,constitution was  devoutly     
wished1 yet he did not see any reason to
 suppose they ever  would be adopted4   
,turning from the subject of amendments1
 the ,major  entered largely into the   
consideration of the #ith section1 and  
in the  most pathetic and feeling       
manner1 described the miseries of the   
poor  natives of ,africa1 who are       
kidnapped and sold for slaves4 ,with the
  brightest colors he painted their     
happiness and ease on their native      
shores1 and contrasted them with their  
wretched1 miserable and unhappy         
condition1 in a state of slavery4       
,rev4 ,mr4 ,buckus4 ,much1 sir1 has been
 said about the importation of  slaves  
into this country4 ,i believe that1     
according to my capacity1 no  man abhors

 that wicked practice more than ,i do1  
and would gladly make  use of all lawful
 means towards the abolishing of slavery
 in all parts  of the land4 ,but let us 
consider where we are1 and what we are  
doing4  ,in the articles of             
confederation1 no provision was made to 
hinder the  importation of slaves into  
any of these ,states3 but a door is now 
opened hereafter to do it2 and each     
,state is at liberty now to abolish     
slavery as soon as they please4 ,and let
 us remember our former  connexion with 
,great ,britain1 from whom many in our  
land think we  ought not to have        
revolted4 ,how did they carry on the    
slave trade6 ,i  know that the ,bishop  
of ,gloucester1 in an annual sermon in  
,london1 in  ,february1 #agff1          
endeavored to justify their tyrannical  
claims of power  over us1 by casting the
 reproach of the slave trade upon the   
,americans4 ,but at the close of the    
war1 the ,bishop of ,chester1 in an     
annual sermon1 in ,february1 #aghc1     

ingenuously owned1 that their nation  is
 the most deeply involved in the guilt  
of that trade1 of any nation  in the    
world2 and also1 that they have treated 
their slaves in the  ,west ,indies worse
 than the ,french or ,spaniards have    
done theirs4 ,thus  slavery grows more  
and more odious through the world2 and1 
as an  honorable gentleman said some    
days ago1 ,though we cannot say that    
slavery is struck with an apoplexy1 yet 
we may hope it will die with a          
consumption4 ,and a main source1 sir1 of
 that iniquity1 hath been an  abuse of  
the covenant of circumcision1 which gave
 the seed of ,abraham  to destroy the   
inhabitants of ,canaan1 and to take     
their houses1  vineyards1 and all their 
estates1 as their own2 and also to buy  
and  hold others as servants4 ,and as   
,christian privileges are greater than  
those of the ,hebrews were1 many have   
imagined that they had a right to  seize
 upon the lands of the heathen1 and to  
destroy or enslave them as  far as they 

could extend their power4 ,and from     
thence the mystery of  iniquity1 carried
 many into the practice of making       
merchandise of  slaves and souls of men4
 ,but all ought to remember1 that when  
,god  promised the land of ,canaan to   
,abraham and his seed1 he let him know  
that they were not to take possession of
 that land1 until the iniquity  of the  
,amorites was full2 and then they did it
 under the immediate  direction of      
,heaven2 and they were as real executors
 of the judgment  of ,god upon those    
heathens1 as any person ever was an     
executor of a  criminal justly          
condemned4 ,and in doing it they were   
not allowed to  invade the lands of the 
,edomites1 who sprang from ,esau1 who   
was not  only of the seed of ,abraham1  
but was born at the same birth with     
,israel2 and yet they were not of that  
church4 ,neither were ,israel  allowed  
to invade the lands of the ,moabites1 or
 of the children of  ,ammon1 who were of
 the seed of ,lot4 ,and no officer in   

,israel had any  legislative power1 but 
such as were immediately inspired4 ,even
 ,david1  the man after ,god's own      
heart1 had no legislative power1 but    
only as  he was inspired from above3 and
 he is expressly called a prophet in    
the ,new ,testament4 ,and we are to     
remember that ,abraham and his seed1    
for four hundred years1 had no warrant  
to admit any strangers into  that       
church1 but by buying of him as a       
servant1 with money4 ,and it was  a     
great privilege to be bought1 and       
adopted into a religious family  for    
seven years1 and then to have their     
freedom4 ,and that covenant was         
expressly repealed in various parts of  
the ,new ,testament2 and  particularly  
in the first epistle to the             
,corinthians1 wherein it is  said--,ye  
are bought with a price2 therefore      
glorify ,god in your body1  and in your 
spirit1 which are ,god's4 ,and          
again--,circumcision is  nothing1 and   
uncircumcision is nothing1 but keeping  

of the  commandments of ,god4 ,ye are   
bought with a price2 be not ye the      
servants of men4 ,thus the gospel sets  
all men upon a level1 very  contrary to 
the declaration of an honorable         
gentleman in this house1  that the      
,bible was contrived for the advantage  
of a particular order  of men4          
99     99     99     99     99    ,,new 
,,york ,,convention4    ,mr4 ,smith4 ,he
 would now proceed to state his         
objections to the clause  just read1    
7section #b1 of article #a1 clause #c47 
,his objections were  comprised under   
three heads3 #ast1 the rule of          
apportionment is unjust2  #b;d1 there is
 no precise number fixed on1 below which
 the house shall  not be reduced2 #c;d1 
it is inadequate4 ,in the first place1  
the rule of  apportionment of the       
representatives is to be according to   
the whole  number of the white          
inhabitants1 with three-fifths of all   
others2 that  is1 in plain ,english1    
each ,state is to send representatives  

in  proportion to the number of freemen1
 and three-fifths of the slaves it      
contains4 ,he could not see any rule by 
which slaves were to be  included in the
 ratio of representation2--the principle
 of a  representation being that every  
free agent should be concerned in       
governing himself1 it was absurd to give
 that power to a man who could  not     
exercise it--slaves have no will of     
their own3 the very operation  of it was
 to give certain privileges to those    
people1 who were so  wicked as to keep  
slaves4 ,he knew it would be admitted1  
that this rule  of apportionment was    
founded on unjust principles1 but that  
it was the  result of accommodation2    
which1 he supposed1 we should be under  
the  necessity of admitting1 if we meant
 to be in union with the southern       
,states1 though utterly repugnant to his
 feelings4    ,mr4 ,hamilton4 ,in order 
that the committee may understand       
clearly the  principles on which the    
,general ,convention acted1 ,i think it 

necessary  to explain some preliminary  
circumstances4    ,sir1 the natural     
situation of this country seems to      
divide its  interests into different    
classes4 ,there are navigating and      
non-navigating ,states--the ,northern   
are properly the navigating  ,states3   
the ,southern appear to possess neither 
the means2 nor the  spirit of           
navigation4 ,this difference of         
situation naturally produces  a         
dissimilarity of interest and views     
respecting foreign commerce4 ,it  was   
the interest of the ,northern ,states   
that there should be no  restraints on  
their navigation1 and that they should  
leave full power1  by a majority in     
,congress1 to make commercial           
regulations in favor of  their own1 and 
in restraint of the navigation of       
foreigners4 ,the  ,southern ,states     
wished to impose a restraint on the     
,northern1 by  requiring that two-thirds
 in ,congress should be requisite to    
pass an  act in regulation of commerce3 

they were apprehensive that the         
restraints of a navigation law would    
discourage foreigners1 and by  obliging 
them to employ the shipping of the      
,northern ,states would  probably       
enhance their freight4 ,this being the  
case1 they insisted  strenuously on     
having this provision engrafted in the  
constitution2  and the ,northern ,states
 were as anxious in opposing it4 ,on the
 other  hand1 the small ,states seeing  
themselves embraced by the confederation
  upon equal terms1 wished to retain the
 advantages which they already          
possessed3 the large ,states1 on the    
contrary1 thought it improper that      
,rhode ,island and ,delaware should     
enjoy an equal suffrage with            
themselves3 from these sources a        
delicate and difficult contest arose4   
,it became necessary1 therefore1 to     
compromise2 or the ,convention must     
have dissolved without effecting any    
thing4 ,would it have been wise  and    
prudent in that body1 in this critical  

situation1 to have deserted  their      
country8 ,no4 ,every man who hears      
me--every wise man in the  ,united      
,states1 would have condemned them4 ,the
 ,convention were obliged  to appoint a 
committee for accommodation4 ,in this   
committee the  arrangement was formed as
 it now stands2 and their report was    
accepted4 ,it was a delicate point2 and 
it was necessary that all  parties      
should be indulged4 ,gentlemen will see1
 that if there had not  been a          
unanimity1 nothing could have been done3
 for the ,convention had  no power to   
establish1 but only to recommend a      
government4 ,any other  system would    
have been impracticable4 ,let a         
,convention be called  to-morrow--let   
them meet twenty times2 nay1 twenty     
thousand times2  they will have the same
 difficulties to encounter2 the same    
clashing  interests to reconcile4       
,but dismissing these reflections1 let  
us consider how far the  arrangement is 
in itself entitled to the approbation of

 this body4 ,we  will examine it upon   
its own merits4    ,the first thing     
objected to1 is that clause which allows
 a  representation for three-fifths of  
the negroes4 ,much has been said of  the
 impropriety of representing men1 who   
have no will of their own4  ,whether    
this be reasoning or declamation1 ,i    
will not presume to say4  ,it is the    
unfortunate situation of the southern   
states1 to have a  great part of their  
population1 as well as property1 in     
blacks4 ,the  regulations complained of 
was one result of the spirit of         
accommodation1 which governed the       
convention2 and without this            
indulgence1 no union could possibly have
 been formed4 ,but1 sir1  considering   
some peculiar advantages which we       
derived from them1 it is  entirely just 
that they should be gratified4 ,the     
southern states  possess certain        
staples1 tobacco1 rice1 indigo1 c41     
which must be  capital objects in       
treaties of commerce with foreign       

nations2 and the  advantage which they  
necessarily procure in these treaties   
will be  felt throughout all the states4
 ,but the justice of this plan will     
appear in another view4 ,the best       
writers on government have held that    
representation should be compounded of  
persons and property4 ,this rule  has   
been adopted1 as far as it could be1 in 
the ,constitution of  ,new-,york4 ,it   
will1 however1 by no means1 be admitted1
 that the slaves  are considered        
altogether as property4 ,they are men1  
though degraded  to the condition of    
slavery4 ,they are persons known to the 
municipal  laws of the states which they
 inhabit as well as to the laws of      
nature4 ,but representation and taxation
 go together--and one uniform  rule     
ought to apply to both4 ,would it be    
just to compute these slaves  in the    
assessment of taxes1 and discard them   
from the estimate in the  apportionment 
of representatives8 ,would it be just to
 impose a  singular burthen1 without    

conferring some adequate advantage8     
,another circumstance ought to be       
considered4 ,the rule we have been      
speaking of is a general rule1 and      
applies to all the states4 ,now1 you    
have a great number of people in your   
state1 which are not represented  at    
all2 and have no voice in your          
government2 these will be included  in  
the enumeration--not two-fifths--nor    
three-fifths1 but the whole4  ,this     
proves that the advantages of the plan  
are not confined to the  southern       
states1 but extend to other parts of the
 ,union4    ,mr4 ,m4 ,smith4 ,i shall   
make no reply to the arguments offered  
by the  hon4 gentleman to justify the   
rule of apportionment fixed by this     
clause3 for though ,i am confident they 
might be easily refuted1 yet ,i  am     
persuaded we must yield this point1 in  
accommodation to the  southern states4  
,the amendment therefore proposes no    
alteration to  the clause in this       
respect4    ,mr4 ,harrison4 ,among the  

objections1 that1 which has been made to
 the  mode of apportionment of          
representatives1 has been relinquished4 
,i  think this concession does honor to 
the gentleman who had stated the        
objection4 ,he has candidly             
acknowledged1 that this apportionment   
was  the result of accommodation2       
without which no union could have been  
formed4           99     99     99      
99     99    ,,pennsylvania             
,,convention4    ,mr4 ,wilson4 ,much    
fault has been found with the mode of   
expression1  used in the first clause of
 the ninth section of the first article4
 ,i  believe ,i can assign a reason1 why
 that mode of expression was used1  and 
why the term slave was not admitted in  
this constitution--and as  to the manner
 of laying taxes1 this is not the first 
time that the  subject has come into the
 view of the ,united ,states1 and of the
  legislatures of the several states4   
,the gentleman1 7,mr4 ,findley7 will    
recollect1 that in the present congress1

 the quota of the federal  debt1 and    
general expenses1 was to be in          
proportion to the value of  land1 and   
other enumerated property1 within the   
states4 ,after trying  this for a number
 of years1 it was found on all hands1 to
 be a mode  that could not be carried   
into execution4 ,congress were satisfied
 of  this1 and in the year #aghc        
recommended1 in conformity with the     
powers  they possessed under the        
articles of confederation1 that the     
quota  should be according to the number
 of free people1 including those  bound 
to servitude1 and excluding ,indians not
 taxed4 ,these were the  expressions    
used in #aghc1 and the fate of this     
recommendation was  similar to all their
 other resolutions4 ,it was not carried 
into  effect1 but it was adopted by no  
fewer than eleven1 out of thirteen      
states2 and it cannot but be matter of  
surprise1 to hear gentlemen1  who agreed
 to this very mode of expression at that
 time1 come forward  and state it as an 

objection on the present occasion4 ,it  
was natural1  sir1 for the late         
convention1 to adopt the mode after it  
had been  agreed to by eleven states1   
and to use the expression1 which they   
found had been received as unexceptional
 before4 ,with respect to the  clause1  
restricting congress from prohibiting   
the migration or  importation of such   
persons1 as any of the states now       
existing1 shall  think proper to admit1 
prior to the year #ahjh4 ,the honorable 
gentleman  says1 that this cause is not 
only dark1 but intended to grant to     
congress1 for that time1 the power to   
admit the importation of slaves4  ,no   
such thing was intended2 but ,i will    
tell you what was done1 and it  gives me
 high pleasure1 that so much was done4  
,under the present  confederation1 the  
states may admit the importation of     
slaves as long  as they please2 but by  
this article1 after the year #ahjh the  
congress  will have power to prohibit   
such importation1 notwithstanding the   

disposition of any state to the         
contrary4 ,i consider this as laying    
the foundation for banishing slavery out
 of this country2 and though  the period
 is more distant than ,i could wish1 yet
 it will produce the  same kind1 gradual
 change1 which was pursued in           
,pennsylvania4 ,it is  with much        
satisfaction ,i view this power in the  
general government1  whereby they may   
lay an interdiction on this reproachful 
trade2 but an  immediate advantage is   
also obtained1 for a tax or duty may be 
imposed  on such importation1 not       
exceeding ten dollars for each person2  
and  this1 sir1 operates as a partial   
prohibition2 it was all that could be   
obtained1 ,i am sorry it was no more2   
but from this ,i think there is  reason 
to hope1 that yet a few years1 and it   
will be prohibited  altogether2 and in  
the mean time1 the new states which are 
to be  formed1 will be under the control
 of congress in this particular2 and    
slaves will never be introduced amongst 

them4 ,the gentleman says1 that  it is  
unfortunate in another point of view2 it
 means to prohibit the  introduction of 
white people from ,europe1 as this tax  
may deter them  from coming amongst us2 
a little impartiality and attention will
  discover the care that the convention 
took in selecting their  language4 ,the 
words are the migration or ,,importation
 of such  persons1 c41 shall not be     
prohibited by congress prior to the year
  #ahjh1 but a tax or duty may be       
imposed on such importation2 it is      
observable here1 that the term migration
 is dropped1 when a tax or  duty is     
mentioned1 so that congress have power  
to impose the tax only  on those        
imported4    ,i recollect1 on a former  
day1 the honorable gentleman from       
,westmoreland 7,mr4 ,findley7 and the   
honorable gentleman from ,cumberland    
7,mr4 ,whitehill17 took exception       
against the first clause of the #ith    
section1 art4 #a1 arguing very unfairly1
 that because congress might  impose a  

tax or duty of ten dollars on the       
importation of slaves1  within any of   
the ,united ,states1 congress might     
therefore permit  slaves to be imported 
within this state1 contrary to its laws4
 ,i  confess ,i little thought that this
 part of the system would be  excepted  
to4    ,i am sorry that it could be     
extended no further2 but so far as it   
operates1 it presents us with the       
pleasing prospect1 that the rights  of  
mankind will be acknowledged and        
established throughout the union4    ,if
 there was no other lovely feature in   
the constitution but this one1  it would
 diffuse a beauty over its whole        
countenance4 ,yet the lapse of  a few   
years6 and congress will have power to  
exterminate slavery from  within our    
borders4    ,how would such a delightful
 prospect expand the breast of a        
benevolent  and philanthropic ,european8
 ,would he cavil at an expression8 catch
 at  a phrase8 ,no1 sir1 that is only   
reserved for the gentleman on the  other

 side of your chair to do4    ,mr4      
,mc,kean4 ,the arguments against the    
constitution are1 ,i think1  chiefly    
these3 444    ,that migration or        
importation of such persons1 as any of  
the states  shall admit1 shall not be   
prohibited prior to #ahjh1 nor a tax or 
duty  imposed on such importation       
exceeding ten dollars for each person4  
,provision is made that congress shall  
have power to prohibit the  importation 
of slaves after the year #ahjh1 but the 
gentlemen in  opposition1 accuse this   
system of a crime1 because it has not   
prohibited them at once4 ,i suspect     
those gentlemen are not well  acquainted
 with the business of the diplomatic    
body1 or they would  know that an       
agreement might be made1 that did not   
perfectly accord  with the will and     
pleasure of any one person4 ,instead of 
finding fault  with what has been       
gained1 ,i am happy to see a disposition
 in the  ,united ,states to do so much4 
99     99     99     99     99          

,,virginia ,,convention4      ,gov      
,randolph said1 we are told in strong   
language1 of dangers to which  we will  
be exposed unless we adopt this         
,constitution4 ,among the rest1         
domestic safety is said to be in danger4
 ,this government does not  attend to   
our domestic safety4 ,it authorizes the 
importation of slaves  for twenty-odd   
years1 and thus continues upon us that  
nefarious trade4  ,instead of securing  
and protecting us1 the continuation of  
this  detestable trade adds daily to our
 weakness4 ,though this evil is         
increasing1 there is no clause in the   
,constitution that will prevent  the    
northern and eastern ,states from       
meddling with our whole property  of    
that kind4 ,there is a clause to        
prohibit the importation of slaves      
after twenty years1 but there is no     
provision made for securing to the      
southern ,states those they now possess4
 ,it is far from being a  desirable     
property4 ,but it will involve us in    

great difficulties and  infelicity to be
 now deprived of them4 ,there ought to  
be a clause in  the ,constitution to    
secure us that property1 which we have  
acquired  under our former laws1 and the
 loss of which would bring ruin on a    
great many people4    ,mr4 ,lee4 ,the   
honorable gentleman abominates it1      
because it does not  prohibit the       
importation of slaves1 and because it   
does not secure the  continuance of the 
existing slavery6 ,is it not obviously  
inconsistent  to criminate it for two   
contradictory reasons8 ,i submit it to  
the  consideration of the gentleman1    
whether1 if it be reprehensible in the  
one case1 it can be censurable in the   
other8 ,mr4 ,lee then concluded by      
earnestly recommending to the committee 
to proceed regularly4    ,mr4 ,henry4   
,it says1 that no state shall engage in 
war1 unless  actually invaded4 ,if you  
give this clause a fair construction1   
what  is the true meaning of it8 ,what  
does this relate to8 ,not domestic      

insurrections1 but war4 ,if the country 
be invaded1 a state may go to  war2 but 
cannot suppress insurrections4 ,if there
 should happen an  insurrection of      
slaves1 the country cannot be said to be
  invaded4--,they cannot therefore      
suppress it1 without the interposition  
of congress4    ,mr4 ,george ,nicholas  
said1 another worthy member says1 there 
is no  power in the ,states to quell an 
insurrection of slaves4 ,have they it   
now8 ,if they have1 does the            
,constitution take it away8 ,if it does1
 it  must be in one of the three clauses
 which have been mentioned by the       
worthy member4 ,the first clause gives  
the general government power to  call   
them out when necessary4 ,does this take
 it away from the ,states8  ,no4 ,but it
 gives an additional security3 for1     
besides the power in the  ,state        
governments to use their own militia1 it
 will be the duty of the  general       
government to aid them with the strength
 of the ,union when  called for4 ,no    

part of the ,constitution can show that 
this power is  taken away4    ,mr4      
,george ,mason4 ,mr4 ,chairman1 this is 
a fatal section1 which has  created more
 dangers than any other4 ,the first     
clause allows the  importation of slaves
 for twenty years4 ,under the royal     
government1  this evil was looked upon  
as a great oppression1 and many attempts
  were made to prevent it2 but the      
interest of the ,african merchants      
prevented its prohibition4 ,no sooner   
did the revolution take place1  than it 
was thought of4 ,it was one of the great
 causes of our  separation from ,great  
,britain4 ,its exclusion has been a     
principal  object of this ,state1 and   
most of the ,states in the ,union4 ,the 
augmentation of slaves weakens the      
,states2 and such a trade is  diabolical
 in itself1 and disgraceful to mankind4 
,yet1 by this  ,constitution1 it is     
continued for twenty years4 ,as much as 
,i value an  union of all the ,states1  
,i would not admit the ,southern ,states

 into  the ,union1 unless they agreed to
 the discontinuance of this  disgraceful
 trade1 because it would bring weakness 
and not strength to  the ,union4 ,and   
though this infamous traffic be         
continued1 we have no  security for the 
property of that kind which we have     
already4 ,there is  no clause in this   
,constitution to secure it2 for they may
 lay such tax  as will amount to        
manumission4 ,and should the government 
be amended1  still this detestable kind 
of commerce cannot be discontinued till 
after the expiration of twenty years4   
,for the fifth article1 which  provides 
for amendments1 expressly excepts this  
clause4 ,i have ever  looked upon this  
as a most disgraceful thing to ,america4
 ,i cannot  express my detestation of   
it4 ,yet they have not secured us the   
property of the slaves we have already4 
,so that1 they have done what  they     
ought not to have done1 and have left   
undone what they ought to  have done4   
,mr4 ,madison4 ,mr4 ,chairman1 ,i should

 conceive this clause to be  impolitic1 
if it were one of those things which    
could be excluded  without encountering 
greater evils4 ,the ,southern ,states   
would not have  entered into the ,union 
of ,america1 without the temporary      
permission of  that trade4 ,and if they 
were excluded from the ,union1 the      
consequences  might be dreadful to them 
and to us4 ,we are not in a worse       
situation  than before4 ,that traffic is
 prohibited by our laws1 and we may     
continue the prohibition4 ,the ,union in
 general is not in a worse  situation4  
,under the articles of confederation1 it
 might be continued  forever3 but by    
this clause an end may be put to it     
after twenty  years4 ,there is1         
therefore1 an amelioration of our       
circumstances4 ,a  tax may be laid in   
the mean time2 but it is limited1       
otherwise  ,congress might lay such a   
tax as would amount to a prohibition4   
,from  the mode of representation and   
taxation1 ,congress cannot lay such a   

tax on slaves as will amount to         
manumission4 ,another clause secures us 
that property which we now possess4 ,at 
present1 if any slave elopes to  any of 
those ,states where slaves are free1 he 
becomes emancipated by  their laws4 ,for
 the laws of the ,states are            
uncharitable to one another  in this    
respect4 ,but in this ,constitution1 no 
person held to service1  or labor1 in   
one ,state1 under the laws thereof1     
escaping into another1  shall1 in       
consequence of any law or regulation    
therein1 be discharged  from such       
service or labor2 but shall be delivered
 up on claim of the  party to whom such 
service or labor may be due4  ,this     
clause was  expressly inserted to enable
 owners of slaves to reclaim them4 ,this
 is  a better security than any that now
 exists4 ,no power is given to the      
general government to interpose with    
respect to the property in slaves  now  
held by the ,states4 ,the taxation of   
this ,state being equal only to  its    

representation1 such a tax cannot be    
laid as he supposes4 ,they  cannot      
prevent the importation of slaves for   
twenty years2 but after  that period1   
they can4 ,the gentlemen from ,south    
,carolina and ,georgia  argued in this  
manner3 ,we have now liberty to import  
this species of  property1 and much of  
the property now possessed1 has been    
purchased1  or otherwise acquired1 in   
contemplation of improving it by the    
assistance of imported slaves4 ,what    
would be the consequence of  hindering  
us from it8 ,the slaves of ,virginia    
would rise in value1 and  we would be   
obliged to go to your markets4 ,i need  
not expatiate on  this subject4 ,great  
as the evil is1 a dismemberment of the  
,union would  be worse4 ,if those       
,states should disunite from the other  
,states1 for  not including them in the 
temporary continuance of this traffic1  
they  might solicit and obtain aid from 
foreign powers4    ,mr4 ,tyler warmly   
enlarged on the impolicy1 iniquity1 and 

disgracefulness of this wicked traffic4 
,he thought the reasons urged  by       
gentlemen in defence of it were         
inconclusive1 and ill founded4 ,it  was 
one cause of the complaints against     
,british tyranny1 that this  trade was  
permitted4 ,the ,revolution had put a   
period to it2 but now it  was to be     
revived4 ,he thought nothing could      
justify it4 ,this temporary  restriction
 on ,congress militated1 in his opinion1
 against the  arguments of gentlemen on 
the other side1 that what was not given 
up1  was retained by the ,states2 for   
that if this restriction had not been   
inserted1 ,congress could have          
prohibited the ,african trade4 ,the     
power  of prohibiting it was not        
expressly delegated to them2 yet they   
would  have had it by implication1 if   
this restraint had not been provided4   
,this seemed to him to demonstrate most 
clearly the necessity of  restraining   
them by a bill of rights1 from          
infringing our unalienable  rights4 ,it 

was immaterial whether the bill of      
rights was by itself1 or  included in   
the ,constitution4 ,but he contended for
 it one way or the  other4 ,it would be 
justified by our own example1 and that  
of ,england4  ,his earnest desire was1  
that it should be handed down to        
posterity1  that he had opposed this    
wicked clause4    ,mr4 ,madison4 ,as to 
the restriction in the clause under     
consideration1  it was a restraint on   
the exercise of a power expressly       
delegated to  congress1 namely1 that of 
regulating commerce with foreign        
nations4    ,mr4 ,henry insisted1 that  
the insertion of these restrictions on  
,congress1 was a plain demonstration    
that ,congress could exercise  powers by
 implication4 ,the gentleman had        
admitted that ,congress could  have     
interdicted the ,african trade1 were it 
not for this restriction4  ,if so1 the  
power not having been expressly         
delegated1 must be obtained  by         
implication4 ,he demanded where1 then1  

was their doctrine of  reserved rights8 
,he wished for negative clauses to      
prevent them from  assuming any powers  
but those expressly given4 ,he asked why
 it was  moited to secure us that       
property in slaves1 which we held now8  
,he  feared its omission was done with  
design4 ,they might lay such heavy      
taxes on slaves1 as would amount to     
emancipation2 and then the  ,southern   
,states would be the only sufferers4    
,his opinion was confirmed  by the mode 
of levying money4 ,congress1 he         
observed1 had power to lay  and collect 
taxes1 imposts1 and excises4 ,imposts   
7or duties7 and  excises1 were to be    
uniform4 ,but this uniformity did not   
extend to  taxes4 ,this might compel the
 ,southern ,states to liberate their    
negroes4 ,he wished this property       
therefore to be guarded4 ,he  considered
 the clause which had been adduced by   
the gentleman as a  security for this   
property1 as no security at all4 ,it was
 no more than  this--that a runaway     

negro could be taken up in ,maryland or 
,new-,york4  ,this could not prevent    
,congress from interfering with that    
property by  laying a grievous and      
enormous tax on it1 so as to compel     
owners to  emancipate their slaves      
rather than pay the tax4 ,he apprehended
 it  would be productive of much        
stock-jobbing1 and that they would play 
into one another's hands in such a      
manner as that this property would  be  
lost to the country4    ,mr4 ,george    
,nicholas wondered that gentlemen who   
were against slavery1  would be opposed 
to this clause2 as after that period the
 slave trade  would be done away4 ,he   
asked1 if gentlemen did not see the     
inconsistency of their arguments8 ,they 
object1 says he1 to the  ,constitution1 
because the slave trade is laid open for
 twenty-odd  years2 and yet tell you1   
that by some latent operation of it1 the
  slaves who are so now1 will be        
manumitted4 ,at the same moment1 it is  
opposed for being promotive and         

destructive of slavery4 ,he contended   
that it was advantageous to ,virginia1  
that it should be in the power  of      
,congress to prevent the importation of 
slaves after twenty years1  as it would 
then put a period to the evil complained
 of4    ,as the ,southern ,states would 
not confederate without this clause1 he 
asked1 if gentlemen would rather        
dissolve the confederacy than to  suffer
 this temporary inconvenience1 admitting
 it to be such8 ,virginia  might        
continue the prohibition of such        
importation during the  intermediate    
period1 and would be benefitted by it1  
as a tax of ten  dollars on each slave  
might be laid1 of which she would       
receive a  share4 ,he endeavored to     
obviate the objection of gentlemen1 that
 the  restriction on ,congress was a    
proof that they would have power not    
given them1 by remarking1 that they     
would only have had a general           
superintendency of trade1 if the        
restriction had not been inserted4  ,but

 the ,southern ,states insisted on this 
exception to that general               
superintendency for twenty years4 ,it   
could not therefore have been a  power  
by implication1 as the restriction was  
an exception from a  delegated power4   
,the taxes could not1 as had been       
suggested1 be laid  so high on negroes  
as to amount to emancipation2 because   
taxation and  representation were fixed 
according to the census established in  
the  ,constitution4 ,the exception of   
taxes1 from the uniformity annexed to   
duties and excises1 could not have the  
operation contended for by the          
gentleman2 because other clauses had    
clearly and positively fixed the        
census4 ,had taxes been uniform1 it     
would have been universally  objected   
to1 for no one object could be selected 
without involving  great inconveniences 
and oppressions4 ,but1 says ,mr4        
,nicholas1 is it  from the general      
government we are to fear emancipation8 
,gentlemen  will recollect what ,i said 

in another house1 and what other        
gentlemen  have said that advocated     
emancipation4 ,give me leave to say1    
that that  clause is a great security   
for our slave tax4 ,i can tell the      
committee1 that the people of our       
country are reduced to beggary by  the  
taxes on negroes4 ,had this             
,constitution been adopted1 it would not
  have been the case4 ,the taxes were   
laid on all our negroes4 ,by this       
system two-fifths are exempted4 ,he then
 added1 that he imagined  gentlemen     
would not support here what they had    
opposed in another  place4    ,mr4      
,henry replied1 that though the         
proportion of each was to be fixed  by  
the census1 and three-fifths of the     
slaves only were included in  the       
enumeration1 yet the proportion of      
,virginia being once fixed1  might be   
laid on blacks and blacks only4 ,for the
 mode of raising the  proportion of each
 ,state being to be directed by         
,congress1 they might  make slaves the  

sole object to raise it4 ,personalities 
he wished to  take leave of3 they had   
nothing to do with the question1 which  
was  solely whether that paper was wrong
 or not4    ,mr4 ,nicholas replied1 that
 negroes must he considered as persons1 
or  property4 ,if as property1 the      
proportion of taxes to be laid on them  
was fixed in the ,constitution4 ,if he  
apprehended a poll tax on  negroes1 the 
,constitution had prevented it4 ,for1 by
 the census1 where  a white man paid ten
 shillings1 a negro paid but six        
shillings4 ,for  the exemption of       
two-fifths of them reduced it to that   
proportion4    ,the second1 third1 and  
fourth clauses1 were then read as       
follows3      ,the privilege of the writ
 of habeas corpus shall not be          
suspended1  unless when in cases of     
rebellion or invasion the public safety 
may  require it4    ,no bill of         
attainder or ex post facto law shall be 
passed4    ,no capitation or other      
direct tax shall be paid1 unless in     

proportion  to the census or enumeration
 herein before directed to be taken4    
,mr4 ,george ,mason said1 that gentlemen
 might think themselves secured  by the 
restriction in the fourth clause1       
capitation or other direct  tax should  
he laid but in proportion to the census 
before directed to  be taken4 ,but that 
when maturely considered it would be    
found to be no  security whatsoever4 ,it
 was nothing but a direct assertion1 or 
mere  confirmation of the clause which  
fixed the ratio of taxes and            
representation4 ,it only meant that the 
quantum to be raised of each  ,state    
should be in proportion to their numbers
 in the manner therein  directed4 ,but  
the general government was not precluded
 from laying the  proportion of any     
particular ,state on any one species of 
property they  might think proper4 ,for 
instance1 if five hundred thousand      
dollars  were to be raised1 they might  
lay the whole of the proportion of      
,southern ,states on the blacks1 or any 

one species of property3 so that  by    
laying taxes too heavily on slaves1 they
 might totally annihilate  that kind of 
property4 ,no real security could arise 
from the clause  which provides1 that   
persons held to labor in one ,state1    
escaping into  another1 shall be        
delivered up4 ,this only meant1 that    
runaway slaves  should not be protected 
in other ,states4 ,as to the exclusion  
of ex  post facto laws1 it could not be 
said to create any security in this     
case4 ,for laying a tax on slaves would 
not be ex post facto4    ,mr4 ,madison  
replied1 that even the ,southern        
,states1 who were most  affected1 were  
perfectly satisfied with this provision1
 and dreaded no  danger to the property 
they now hold4 ,it appeared to him1 that
 the  general government would not      
intermeddle with that property for      
twenty  years1 but to lay a tax on every
 slave imported1 not exceeding ten      
dollars2 and that after the expiration  
of that period they might  prohibit the 

traffic altogether4 ,the census in the  
constitution was  intended to introduce 
equality in the burdens to be laid on   
the  community4 ,no gentleman objected  
to laying duties1 imposts1 and  excises1
 uniformly4 ,but uniformity of taxes    
would be subversive to the  principles  
of equality3 for that it was not        
possible to select any  article which   
would be easy for one ,state1 but what  
would be heavy for  another4 ,that the  
proportion of each ,state being         
ascertained1 it would  be raised by the 
general government in the most          
convenient manner for  the people1 and  
not by the selection of any one         
particular object4  ,that there must be 
some decree of confidence put in agents1
 or else we  must reject a state of     
civil society altogether4 ,another great
  security to this property1 which he   
mentioned1 was1 that five ,states  were 
greatly interested in that species of   
property1 and there were  other ,states 
which had some slaves1 and had made no  

attempt1 or taken  any step to take them
 from the people4 ,there were a few     
slaves in ,new  ,york1 ,new ,jersey and 
,connecticut3 these ,states could1      
probably1 oppose  any attempts to       
annihilate this species of property4 ,he
 concluded1 by  observing1 that he would
 be glad to leave the decision of this  
to the  committee4    ,the second       
section was then read as follows3       
99     99     99     99     99    ,no   
person held to service or labor in one  
,state1 under the laws  thereof1        
escaping into another1 shall1 in        
consequence of any law or  regulation   
therein1 be discharged from such service
 or labor1 but  shall be delivered up1  
on claim of the party to whom such      
service or  labor may be due4      ,mr4 
,george ,mason4--,mr4 ,chairman1 on some
 former part of the  investigation of   
this subject1 gentlemen were pleased to 
make some  observations on the security 
of property coming within this section4 
,it was then said1 and ,i now say1 that 

there is no security1 nor have          
gentlemen convinced me of this4    ,mr4 
,henry4 ,among ten thousand implied     
powers which they may assume1  they may1
 if we be engaged in war1 liberate every
 one of your slaves  if they please4    
,and this must and will be done by men1 
a majority of  whom have not a common   
interest with you4 ,they will1          
therefore1 have  no feeling for your    
interests4 ,it has been repeatedly said 
here1 that  the great object of a       
national government1 was national       
defence4 ,that  power which is said to  
be intended for security and safety1 may
 be  rendered detestable and oppressive4
 ,if you give power to the general      
government to provide for the general   
defence1 the means must be  commensurate
 to the end4 ,all the means in the      
possession of the people  must be given 
to the government which is entrusted    
with the public  defence4 ,in this      
,state there are #bcf1jjj blacks1 and   
there are many in  several other        

,states4 ,but there are few or none in  
the ,northern  ,states1 and yet if the  
,northern ,states shall be of opinion1  
that our  numbers are numberless1 they  
may call forth every national resource4 
,may ,congress not say1 that every black
 man must fight8 ,did we not see  a     
little of this last war8 ,we were not so
 hard pushed1 as to make  emancipation  
general4 ,but acts of assembly passed1  
that every slave  who would go to the   
army should be free4 ,another thing will
 contribute  to bring this event        
about--slavery is detested--we feel its 
fatal  effects--we deplore it with all  
the pity of humanity4 ,let all these    
considerations1 at some future period1  
press with full force on the  minds of  
,congress4 ,let that urbanity1 which ,i 
trust will distinguish  ,america1 and   
the necessity of national defence1 let  
all these things  operate on their      
minds1 they will search that paper1 and 
see if they  have power of manumission4 
,and have they not1 sir8 ,have they not 

power  to provide for the general       
defence and welfare8 ,may they not think
  that these call for the abolition of  
slavery8 ,may not they pronounce  all   
slaves free1 and will they not be       
warranted by that power8  ,there  is no 
ambiguous implication or logical        
deduction4 ,the paper speaks to  the    
point4 ,they have the power in clear1   
unequivocal terms2 and will  clearly and
 certainly exercise it4 ,as much as ,i  
deplore slavery1 ,i  see that prudence  
forbids its abolition4 ,i deny that the 
general  government ought to set them   
free1 because a decided majority of the 
,states have not the ties of sympathy   
and fellow-feeling for those  whose     
interest would be affected by their     
emancipation4 ,the majority  of         
,congress is to the ,north1 and the     
slaves are to the ,south4 ,in this      
situation1 ,i see a great deal of the   
property of the people of  ,virginia in 
jeopardy1 and their peace and           
tranquillity gone away4 ,i  repeat it   

again1 that it would rejoice my very    
soul1 that every one of  my             
fellow-beings was emancipated4 ,as we   
ought with gratitude to  admire that    
decree of ,heaven1 which has numbered us
 among the free1 we  ought to lament and
 deplore the necessity of holding our   
fellow-men in  bondage4 ,but is it      
practicable by any human means1 to      
liberate them1  without producing the   
most dreadful and ruinous consequences8 
,we ought  to possess them in the manner
 we have inherited them from our        
ancestors1 as their manumission is      
incompatible with the felicity of  the  
country4 ,but we ought to soften1 as    
much as possible1 the rigor of  their   
unhappy fate4 ,i know that in a variety 
of particular instances1  the           
legislature1 listening to complaints1   
have admitted their  emancipation4 ,let 
me not dwell on this subject4 ,i will   
only add1 that  this1 as well as every  
other property of the people of         
,virginia1 is in  jeopardy1 and put in  

the hands of those who have no          
similarity of  situation with us4 ,this 
is a local matter1 and ,i can see no    
propriety  in subjecting it to          
,congress4    ,have we not a right to   
say1 hear our propositions8 ,why1 sir1  
your  slaves have a right to make their 
humble requests4--,those who are in  the
 meanest occupations of human life1 have
 a right to complain4    ,gov4 ,randolph
 said1 that honorable gentleman1 and    
some others1 have  insisted that the    
abolition of slavery will result from   
it1 and at the  same time have          
complained1 that it encourages its      
continuation4 ,the  inconsistency proves
 in some degree1 the futility of their  
arguments4  ,but if it be not           
conclusive1 to satisfy the committee    
that there is no  danger of             
enfranchisement taking place1 ,i beg    
leave to refer them to  the paper       
itself4 ,i hope that there is none here1
 who1 considering the  subject in the   
calm light of philosophy1 will advance  

an objection  dishonorable to ,virginia2
 that at the moment they are securing   
the  rights of their citizens1 an       
objection is started that there is a    
spark of hope1 that those unfortunate   
men now held in bondage1 may1 by  the   
operation of the general government1 be 
made free4 ,but if any  gentleman be    
terrified by this apprehension1 let him 
read the system4  ,i ask1 and ,i will   
ask again and again1 till ,i be answered
 7not by  declamation7 where is the part
 that has a tendency to the abolition of
  slavery8 ,is it the clause which says1
 that the migration or  importation of  
such persons as any of the ,states now  
existing1 shall  think proper to admit1 
shall not be prohibited by ,congress    
prior to  the year #ahjh8 ,this is an   
exception from the power of regulating  
commerce1 and the restriction is only to
 continue till #ahjh4 ,then  ,congress  
can1 by the exercise of that power1     
prevent future  importations2 but does  
it affect the existing state of slavery8

 ,were  it right here to mention what   
passed in convention on the occasion1 ,i
  might tell you that the ,southern     
,states1 even ,south ,carolina herself1 
conceived this property to be secure by 
these words4 ,i believe1  whatever we   
may think here1 that there was not a    
member of the  ,virginia delegation who 
had the smallest suspicion of the       
abolition of  slavery4 ,go to their     
meaning4 ,point out the clause where    
this  formidable power of emancipation  
is inserted4 ,but another clause of  the
 ,constitution proves the absurdity of  
the supposition4 ,the words of  the     
clause are1 ,no person held to service  
or labor in our ,state1  under the laws 
thereof1 escaping into another1 shall1  
in consequence  of any law or regulation
 therein1 be discharged from such       
service or  labor2 but shall be         
delivered up on claim of the party to   
whom such  service or labor may be due4 
,every one knows that slaves are held to
  service and labor4 ,and when authority

 is given to owners of slaves to        
vindicate their property1 can it be     
supposed they can be deprived of  it8   
,if a citizen of this ,state1 in        
consequence of this clause1 can  take   
his runaway slave in ,maryland1 can it  
be seriously thought1 that  after taking
 him and bringing him home1 he could be 
made free8    ,i observed that the      
honorable gentleman's proposition comes 
in a truly  questionable shape1 and is  
still more extraordinary and            
unaccountable  for another              
consideration2 that although we went    
article by article  through the         
,constitution1 and although we did not  
expect a general  review of the subject1
 7as a most comprehensive view had been 
taken of  it before it was regularly    
debated17 yet we are carried back to the
  clause giving that dreadful power1 for
 the general welfare4 ,pardon me  if ,i 
remind you of the true state of that    
business4 ,i appeal to the  candor of   
the honorable gentleman1 and if he      

thinks it an improper  appeal1 ,i ask   
the gentlemen here1 whether there be a  
general  indefinite power of providing  
for the general welfare8 ,the power is1 
to lay and collect taxes1 duties1       
imposts1 and excises1 to pay the  debts 
and provide for the common defence and  
general welfare4 ,so that  they can only
 raise money by these means1 in order to
 provide for the  general welfare4 ,no  
man who reads it can say it is general  
as the  honorable gentleman represents  
it4 ,you must violate every rule of     
construction and common sense1 if you   
sever it from the power of  raising     
money and annex it to any thing else1 in
 order to make it that  formidable power
 which it is represented to be4    ,mr4 
,george ,mason4 ,mr4 ,chairman1 with    
respect to commerce and  navigation1 he 
has given it as his opinion1 that their 
regulation1 as  it now stands1 was a    
sine qua non of the ,union1 and that    
without it1  the ,states in convention  
would never concur4 ,i differ from him4 

,it  never was1 nor in my opinion ever  
will be1 a sine qua non of the  ,union4 
,i will give you1 to the best of my     
recollection1 the history of  that      
affair4 ,this business was discussed at 
,philadelphia for four  months1 during  
which time the subject of commerce and  
navigation was  often under             
consideration2 and ,i assert1 that eight
 ,states out of  twelve1 for more than  
three months1 voted for requiring       
two-thirds of  the members present in   
each house to pass commercial and       
navigation  laws4 ,true it is1 that     
afterwards it was carried by a majority1
 as it  stands4 ,if ,i am right1 there  
was a great majority for requiring      
two-thirds of the ,states in this       
business1 till a compromise took  place 
between the ,northern and ,southern     
,states2 the ,northern ,states  agreeing
 to the temporary importation of slaves1
 and the ,southern  ,states conceding1  
in return1 that navigation and          
commercial laws  should be on the       

footing on which they now stand4 ,if ,i 
am mistaken1  let me be put right4      
,these are my reasons for saying that   
this was  not a sine qua non of their   
concurrence4 ,the ,newfoundland         
fisheries  will require that kind of    
security which we are now in want of4   
,the  ,eastern ,states therefore agreed 
at length1 that treaties should  require
 the consent of two-thirds of the       
members present in the  senate4    ,mr4 
,madison said--    ,i was struck with   
surprise when ,i heard him express      
himself alarmed  with respect to the    
emancipation of slaves4 ,let me ask1 if 
they should  even attempt it1 if it will
 not be an usurpation of power8 ,there  
is no  power to warrant it1 in that     
paper4 ,if there be1 ,i know it not4    
,but  why should it be done8 ,says the  
honorable gentleman1 for the general    
welfare--it will infuse strength into   
our system4 ,can any member of  this    
committee suppose1 that it will increase
 our strength8 ,can any  one believe1   

that the ,american councils will come   
into a measure which  will strip them of
 their property1 discourage and alienate
 the  affections of five-thirteenths of 
the ,union8 ,why was nothing of this    
sort aimed at before8 ,i believe such an
 idea never entered into an  ,american  
breast1 nor do ,i believe it ever will1 
unless it will enter  into the heads of 
those gentlemen who substitute          
unsupported  suspicious for reasons4    
,mr4 ,henry4 ,he asked me where was the 
power of emancipating slaves8 ,i  say it
 will be implied1 unless implication be 
prohibited4 ,he admits  that the power  
of granting passports will be in the new
 congress  without the insertion of this
 restriction--yet he can show me nothing
  like such a power granted in that     
constitution4 ,notwithstanding he       
admits their right to this power by     
implication1 he says that ,i am  unfair 
and uncandid in my deduction1 that they 
can emancipate our  slaves1 though the  
word emancipation is not mentioned in   

it4 ,they can  exercise power by        
implication in one instance1 as well as 
in another4  ,thus1 by the gentleman's  
own argument1 they can exercise the     
power  though it not be delegated4      
,mr4 ,z4 ,johnson4 ,they tell us that   
they see a progressive danger of        
bringing about emancipation4 ,the       
principle has begun since the           
revolution4 ,let us do what we will1 it 
will come round4 ,slavery has  been the 
foundation of that impiety and          
dissipation1 which have been  so much   
disseminated among our countrymen4 ,if  
it were totally  abolished1 it would do 
much good4           99     99     99   
99     99    ,,north ,,carolina         
,,convention4    ,the first three       
clauses of the second section read4     
,mr4 ,goudy4 ,mr4 ,chairman1 this clause
 of taxation will give an  advantage to 
some ,states over others4 ,it will be   
oppressive to the  ,southern ,states4   
,taxes are equal to our representation4 
,to augment  our taxes and increase our 

burthens1 our negroes are to be         
represented4 ,if a ,state has fifty     
thousand negroes1 she is to send one    
representative for them4 ,i wish not to 
be represented with negroes1  especially
 if it increases my burthens4    ,mr4   
,davie4 ,mr4 ,chairman1 ,i will endeavor
 to obviate what the  gentleman last up 
has said4 ,i wonder to see gentlemen so 
precipitate  and hasty on the subject of
 such awful importance4 ,it ought to be 
considered1 that some of us are slow of 
apprehension1 not having  those quick   
conceptions1 and luminous               
understandings1 of which other          
gentlemen may be possessed4 ,the        
gentleman does not wish to be           
represented with negroes4 ,this1 sir1 is
 an unhappy species of  population1 but 
we cannot at present alter their        
situation4 ,the  ,eastern ,states had   
great jealousies on this subject4 ,they 
insisted  that their cows and horses    
were equally entitled to representation2
  that the one was property as well as  

the other4 ,it became our duty on  the  
other hand1 to acquire as much weight as
 possible in the  legislation of the    
,union2 and as the ,northern ,states    
were more  populous in whites1 this only
 could be done by insisting that a      
certain proportion of our slaves should 
make a part of the computed  population4
 ,it was attempted to form a rule of    
representation from a  compound ratio of
 wealth and population2 but1 on         
consideration1 it was  found            
impracticable to determine the          
comparative value of lands1 and  other  
property1 in so extensive a territory1  
with any degree of  accuracy2 and       
population alone was adopted as the only
 practicable  rule or criterion of      
representation4 ,it was urged by the    
deputies of  the ,eastern ,states1 that 
a representation of two-fifths would be 
of  little utility1 and that their      
entire representation would be unequal  
and burthensome4 ,that in a time of war1
 slaves rendered a country more         

vulnerable1 while its defence devolved  
upon its free inhabitants4 ,on  the     
other hand1 we insisted1 that in time of
 peace they contributed by  their labor 
to the general wealth as well as other  
members of the  community4 ,that as     
rational beings they had a right of     
representation1  and in some instances  
might be highly useful in war4 ,on these
  principles1 the ,eastern ,states gave 
the matter up1 and consented to  the    
regulation as it has been read4 ,i hope 
these reasons will appear  satisfactory4
 ,it is the same rule or principle which
 was proposed some  years ago by        
,congress1 and assented to by twelve of 
the ,states4 ,it may  wound the delicacy
 of the gentleman from ,guilford1 ,mr4  
,goudy1 but ,i  hope he will endeavor to
 accommodate his feelings to the        
interests and  circumstances of his     
country4    ,mr4 ,james ,galloway said1 
that he did not object to the           
representation  of negroes1 so much as  
he did to the fewness of the number of  

representatives4 ,he was surprised how  
we came to have but five1  including    
those intended to represent negroes4    
,that in his humble  opinion ,north     
,carolina was entitled to that number   
independent of the  negroes4    ,first  
clause of the #ith section read4    ,mr4
 ,j4 ,m',dowall wished to hear the      
reasons of this restriction4    ,mr4    
,spaight answered that there was a      
contest between the ,northern and       
,southern ,states--that the ,southern   
,states1 whose principal support        
depended on the labor of slaves1 would  
not consent to the desire of  the       
,northern ,states to exclude the        
importation of slaves absolutely4  ,that
 ,south ,carolina and ,georgia insisted 
on this clause1 as they were  now in    
want of hands to cultivate their lands3 
,that in the course of  twenty years    
they would be fully supplied3 ,that the 
trade would be  abolished then1 and that
 in the mean time some tax or duty might
 be  laid on4    ,mr4 ,m',dowall        

replied1 that the explanation was just  
such as he  expected1 and by no means   
satisfactory to him and that he looked  
upon  it as a very objectionable part of
 the system4    ,mr4 ,iredell4 ,mr4     
,chairman1 ,i rise to express sentiments
 similar to  those of the gentleman from
 ,craven4 ,for my part1 were it         
practicable  to put an end to the       
importation of slaves immediately1 it   
would give  me the greatest pleasure1   
for it certainly is a trade utterly     
inconsistent with the rights of         
humanity1 and under which great         
cruelties have been exercised4 ,when the
 entire abolition of slavery  takes     
place1 it will be an event which must be
 pleasing to every  generous mind1 and  
every friend of human nature2 but we    
often wish for  things which are not    
attainable4 ,it was the wish of a great 
majority  of the ,convention to put an  
end to the trade immediately1 but the   
,states of ,south ,carolina and ,georgia
 would not agree to it4 ,consider  then 

what would be the difference between our
 present situation in  this respect1 if 
we do not agree to the ,constitution1   
and what it will  be if we do agree to  
it4 ,if we do not agree to it1 do we    
remedy the  evil8 ,no1 sir1 we do not2  
for if the constitution be not adopted1 
it  will be in the power of every ,state
 to continue it forever4 ,they may  or  
may not abolish it at their discretion4 
,but if we adopt the  constitution1 the 
trade must cease after twenty years1 if 
congress  declare so1 whether particular
 ,states please so or not3 surely1 then1
  we gain by it4 ,this was the utmost   
that could be obtained4 ,i heartily     
wish more could have been done4 ,but as 
it is1 this government is nobly         
distinguished above others by that very 
provision4 ,where is there  another     
country in which such a restriction     
prevails8 ,we1 therefore1  sir1 set an  
example of humanity by providing for the
 abolition of this  inhuman traffic1    
though at a distant period4 ,i hope1    

therefore1 that  this part of the       
constitution will not be condemned      
because it has not  stipulated for what 
it was impracticable to obtain4    ,mr4 
,spaight further explained the clause4  
,that the limitation of this  trade to  
the term of twenty years1 was a         
compromise between the  ,eastern ,states
 and the ,southern ,states4 ,south      
,carolina and ,georgia  wished to extend
 the term4 ,the ,eastern ,states        
insisted on the entire  abolition of the
 trade4 ,that the ,state of ,north      
,carolina had not  thought proper to    
pass any law prohibiting the importation
 of slaves1  and therefore its          
delegation in the convention did not    
think  themselves authorized to contend 
for an immediate prohibition of it4     
,mr4 ,iredell added to what he had said 
before1 that the ,states of  ,georgia   
and ,south ,carolina had lost a great   
many slaves during the  war1 and that   
they wished to supply the loss4    ,mr4 
,galloway4 ,mr4 ,chairman1 the          

explanation given to this clause does   
not satisfy my mind4 ,i wish to see this
 abominable trade put an end to4  ,but  
in case it be thought proper to continue
 this abominable traffic  for twenty    
years1 yet ,i do not wish to see the tax
 on the importation  extended to all    
persons whatsoever4 ,our situation is   
different from  the people to the       
,north4 ,we want citizens2 they do not4 
,instead of  laying a tax1 we ought to  
give a bounty1 to encourage foreigners  
to  come among us4 ,with respect to the 
abolition of slavery1 it requires  the  
utmost consideration4 ,the property of  
the ,southern ,states consists          
principally of slaves4 ,if they mean to 
do away slavery altogether1  this       
property will be destroyed4 ,i apprehend
 it means to bring forward  manumission4
 ,if we must manumit our slaves1 what   
country shall we send  them to8 ,it is  
impossible for us to be happy if1 after 
manumission1  they are to stay among us4
    ,mr4 ,iredell4 ,mr4 ,chairman1 the  

worthy gentleman1 ,i believe1 has       
misunderstood this clause1 which runs in
 the following words3 ,the  migration or
 importation of such persons as any of  
the ,states now  existing1 shall think  
proper to admit1 shall not be prohibited
 by the  ,congress prior to the year    
#ahjh1 but a tax or duty may be imposed 
on  such importation1 not exceeding ten 
dollars for each person4    ,now1 sir1  
observe that the ,eastern ,states1 who  
long ago have abolished  slavery1 did   
not approve of the expression slaves2   
they therefore  used another that       
answered the same purpose4 ,the         
committee will  observe the distinction 
between the two words migration and     
importation4 ,the first part of the     
clause will extend to persons who  come 
into the country as free people1 or are 
brought as slaves1 but  the last part   
extends to slaves only4 ,the word       
migration refers to  free persons2 but  
the word importation refers to slaves1  
because  free people cannot be said to  

be imported4 ,the tax1 therefore1 is    
only  to be laid on slaves who are      
imported1 and not on free persons who   
migrate4 ,i further beg leave to say1   
that this gentleman is mistaken  in     
another thing4 ,he seems to say that    
this extends to the abolition  of       
slavery4 ,is there anything in this     
constitution which says that  ,congress 
shall have it in their power to abolish 
the slavery of those  slaves who are now
 in the country8 ,is it not the plain   
meaning of it1  that after twenty years 
they may prevent the future importation 
of  slaves8 ,it does not extend to those
 now in the country4 ,there is  another 
circumstance to be observed4 ,there is  
no authority vested in  congress to     
restrain the ,states in the interval of 
twenty years1 from  doing what they     
please4 ,if they wish to inhibit such   
importation1 they  may do so4 ,our next 
assembly may put an entire end to the   
importation  of slaves4    ,article     
fourth4 ,the first section and two first

 clauses of the second  section read    
without observation4    ,the last clause
 read--    ,mr4 ,iredell begged leave to
 explain the reason of this clause4 ,in 
some  of the ,northern ,states1 they    
have emancipated all their slaves4 ,if  
any  of our slaves1 said he1 go there   
and remain there a certain time1 they   
could1 by the present laws1 be entitled 
to their freedom1 so that  their masters
 could not get them again4 ,this would  
be extremely  prejudicial to the        
inhabitants of the ,southern ,states1   
and to prevent  it1 this clause is      
inserted in the constitution4 ,though   
the word slave  be not mentioned1 this  
is the meaning of it4 ,the ,northern    
delegates1  owing to their particular   
scruples on the subject of slavery1 did 
not  choose the word slave to be        
mentioned4    ,the rest of the fourth   
article read without any observation4   
99     99     99     99     99    ,it is
 however to be observed1 7said ,mr4     
,iredell17 that the first and  fourth   

clauses in the ninth section of the     
first article1 are  protected from any  
alteration till the year #ahjh2 and in  
order that no  consolidation should take
 place1 it is provided1 that no ,state  
shall1  by any amendment or alteration1 
be ever deprived of an equal suffrage   
in the ,senate without its own consent4 
,the two first prohibitions are  with   
respect to the census1 according to     
which direct taxes are  imposed1 and    
with respect to the importation of      
slaves4 ,as to the  first1 it must be   
observed1 that there is a material      
difference  between the ,northern and   
,southern ,states4 ,the ,northern       
,states have  been much longer settled1 
and are much fuller of people than the  
,southern1 but have not land in equal   
proportion1 nor scarcely any  slaves4   
,the subject of this article was        
regulated with great  difficulty1 and by
 a spirit of concession which it would  
not be  prudent to disturb for a good   
many years4 ,in twenty years there will 

probably be a great alteration1 and then
 the subject may be considered  with    
less difficulty and greater coolness4   
,in the mean time1 the  compromise was  
upon the best footing that could be     
obtained4 ,a  compromise likewise took  
place with regard to the importation of 
slaves4 ,it is probable that all the    
members reprobated this inhuman         
traffic1 but those of ,south ,carolina  
and ,georgia would not consent to  an   
immediate prohibition of it2 one reason 
of which was1 that during  the last war 
they lost a vast number of negroes1     
which loss they wish  to supply4 ,in the
 mean time1 it is left to the ,states to
 admit or  prohibit the importation1 and
 ,congress may impose a limited duty    
upon  it4           99     99     99    
99     99    ,,south ,,carolina         
,,convention4    ,hon4 ,rawlins         
,lowndes4 ,in the first place1 what     
cause was there for  jealousy of our    
importing negroes8  ,why confine us to  
twenty years1 or  rather why limit us at

 all8  ,for his part he thought this    
trade could  be justified on the        
principles of religion1 humanity1 and   
justice2 for  certainly to translate a  
set of human beings from a bad country  
to a  better1 was fulfilling every part 
of these principles4 ,but they don't    
like our slaves1 because they have none 
themselves2 and therefore want  to      
exclude us from this great advantage2   
why should the ,southern  ,states allow 
of this1 without the consent of nine    
,states8    ,judge ,pendleton observed1 
that only three ,states1 ,georgia1      
,south  ,carolina1 and ,north ,carolina1
 allowed the importation of negroes4    
,virginia had a clause in her           
constitution for this purpose1 and      
,maryland1 he believed1 even before the 
war1 prohibited them4    ,mr4 ,lowndes  
continued--that we had a law prohibiting
 the importation  of negroes for three  
years1 a law he greatly approved of2 but
 there  was no reason offered1 why the  
,southern ,states might not find it     

necessary to alter their conduct1 and   
open their ports4 ,without  negroes this
 ,state would degenerate into one of the
 most contemptible  in the ,union3 and  
cited an expression that fell from ,gen4
 ,pinckney on  a former debate1 that    
whilst there remained one acre of swamp 
land in  ,south ,carolina he should     
raise his voice against restricting the 
importation of negroes4 ,even in        
granting the importation for twenty     
years1 care had been taken to make us   
pay for this indulgence1 each  negro    
being liable1 on importation1 to pay a  
duty not exceeding ten  dollars1 and1 in
 addition this1 were liable to a        
capitation tax4  ,negroes were our      
wealth1 our only natural resource2 yet  
behold how our  kind friends in the     
,north were determined soon to tie up   
our hands1  and drain us of what we had4
 ,the ,eastern ,states drew their means 
of  subsistence1 in a great treasure1   
from their shipping2 and on that  head1 
they had been particularly careful not  

to allow of any burdens3  they were not 
to pay tonnage1 or duties2 no1 not even 
the form of  clearing out3 all ports    
were free and open to them6 ,why1 then1 
call  this a reciprocal bargain1 which  
took all from one party1 to bestow it   
on the other8    ,major ,butler observed
 that they were to pay a five per cent  
impost4  ,this1 ,mr4 ,lowndes proved1   
must fall upon the consumer4 ,they are  
to be  the carriers3 and we1 being the  
consumers1 therefore all expenses  would
 fall upon us4    ,hon4 ,e4 ,rutledge4  
,the gentleman had complained of the    
inequality of  the taxes between the    
,northern and ,southern ,states--that   
ten dollars a  head was imposed on the  
importation of negroes1 and that those  
negroes  were afterwards taxed4 ,to this
 it was answered1 that the ten dollars  
per head was an equivalent to the five  
per cent on imported articles2  and as  
to their being afterwards taxed1 the    
advantage is on our side2  or1 at least1
 not against us4    ,in the ,northern   

,state1 the labor is performed by white 
people2 in the  ,southern by black4 ,all
 the free people 7and there are few     
others7 in  the ,northern ,states1 are  
to be taxed by the new constitution     
whereas1  only the free people1 and     
two-fifths of the slaves in the         
,southern  ,states are to be rated in   
the apportioning of taxes4    ,but the  
principal objection is1 that no duties  
are laid on  shipping--that in fact the 
carrying trade was to be vested in a    
great  measure in the ,americans2 that  
the ship-building business was          
principally carried on in the ,northern 
,states4 ,when this subject is  duly    
considered1 the ,southern ,states1      
should be the last to object to  it4    
,mr4 ,rutledge then went into a         
consideration of the subject2 after     
which the ,house adjourned4    ,gen4    
,charles ,cotesworth ,pinckney4 ,we were
 at a loss for some time for  a rule to 
ascertain the proportionate wealth of   
the ,states1 at last we  thought that   

the productive labor of the inhabitants 
was the best rule  for ascertaining     
their wealth2 in conformity to this     
rule1 joined to a  spirit of concession1
 we determined that representatives     
should be  apportioned among the several
 ,states1 by adding to the whole number 
of  free persons three-fifths of the    
slaves4 ,we thus obtained a             
representation for our property1 and ,i 
confess ,i did not expect that  we had  
conceded too much to the ,eastern       
,states1 when they allowed us a         
representation for a species of property
 which they have not among  them4       
,the honorable gentleman alleges1 that  
the ,southern ,states are weak1 ,i      
sincerely agree with him--we are so weak
 that by ourselves we could  not form an
 union strong enough for the purpose of 
effectually  protecting each other4     
,without union with the other ,states1  
,south  ,carolina must soon fall4 ,is   
there any one among us so much a        
,quixotte  as to suppose that this      

,state could long maintain her          
independence if  she stood alone1 or was
 only connected with the ,southern      
,states8 ,i  scarcely believe there is4 
,let an invading power send a naval     
force  into the ,chesapeake to keep     
,virginia in alarm1 and attack ,south   
,carolina with such a naval and military
 force as ,sir ,henry ,clinton  brought 
here in #aghj1 and though they might not
 soon conquer us1 they  would certainly 
do us an infinite deal of mischief2 and 
if they  considerably increased their   
numbers1 we should probably fall4 ,as1  
from the nature of our climate1 and the 
fewness of our inhabitants1 we  are     
undoubtedly weak1 should we not endeavor
 to form a close union  with the        
,eastern ,states1 who are strong8       
,for who have been the greatest         
sufferers in the ,union1 by our         
obtaining1 our independence8 ,i answer1 
the ,eastern ,states2 they have  lost   
every thing but their country1 and their
 freedom4 ,it is notorious  that some   

ports to the ,eastward1 which used to   
fit out one hundred and  fifty sail of  
vessels1 do not now fit out thirty2 that
 their trade of  ship-building1 which   
used to be very considerable1 is now    
annihilated2  that their fisheries are  
trifling1 and their mariners in want of 
bread2 surely we are called upon by     
every tie of justice1 friendships1  and 
humanity1 to relieve their distresses2  
and as by their exertions  they have    
assisted us in establishing our freedom1
 we should let them1  in some measure1  
partake of our prosperity4 ,the ,general
 then said he  would make a few         
observations on the objections which the
 gentleman  had thrown out on the       
restrictions that might be laid on the  
,african  trade after the year #ahjh4   
,on this point your delegates had to    
contend  with the religious and         
political prejudices of the ,eastern and
 ,middle  ,states1 and with the         
interested and inconsistent opinion of  
,virginia1  who was warmly opposed to   

our importing more slaves4 ,i am of the 
same  opinion now as ,i was two years   
ago1 when ,i used the expressions that  
the gentleman has quoted1 that while    
there remained one acre of swamp  land  
uncleared of ,south ,carolina1 ,i would 
raise my voice against  restricting the 
importation of negroes4 ,i am as        
thoroughly convinced  as that gentleman 
is1 that the nature of our climate1 and 
the flat  swampy situation of our       
country1 obliges us to cultivate our    
land with  negroes1 and that without    
them ,south ,carolina would soon be a   
desert  waste4    ,you have so          
frequently heard my sentiments on this  
subject that ,i need  not now repeat    
them4 ,it was alleged1 by some of the   
members who  opposed an unlimited       
importation1 that slaves increased the  
weakness  of any ,state who admitted    
them2 that they were a dangerous species
 of  property1 which an invading enemy  
could easily turn against ourselves  and
 the neighboring ,states1 and that as we

 were allowed a  representation for them
 in the ,house of ,representatives1 our 
influence  in government would be       
increased in proportion as we were less 
able to  defend ourselves4 ,show some   
period1 said the members from the       
,eastern ,states1 when it may be in our 
power to put a stop1 if we  please1 to  
the importation of this weakness1 and we
 will endeavor1 for  your convenience1  
to restrain the religious and political 
prejudices  of our people on this       
subject4    ,the ,middle ,states and    
,virginia made us no such proposition2  
they were  for an immediate and total   
prohibition4 ,we endeavored to obviate  
the  objections that were made1 in the  
best manner we could1 and assigned      
reasons for our insisting on the        
importation1 which there is no  occasion
 to repeat1 as they must occur to every 
gentleman in the  ,house3 a committee of
 the ,states was appointed in order to  
accommodate  this matter1 and after a   
great deal of difficulty1 it was settled

 on  the footing recited in the         
,constitution4    ,by this settlement we
 have secured an unlimited importation  
of negroes  for twenty years2 nor is it 
declared that the importation shall be  
then stopped2 it may be continued--we   
have a security that the general        
government can never emancipate them1   
for no such authority is  granted1 and  
it is admitted on all hands1 that the   
general government  has no powers but   
what are expressly granted by the       
constitution2 and  that all rights not  
expressed were reserved by the several  
,states4 ,we  have obtained a right to  
recover our slaves1 in whatever part of 
,america they may take refuge1 which is 
a right we had not before4 ,in  short1  
considering all circumstances1 we have  
made the best terms1 for  the security  
of this species of property1 it was in  
our power to make4  ,we would have made 
better if we could1 but on the whole ,i 
do not think  them bad4    ,hon4 ,robert
 ,barnwell4 ,mr4 ,barnwell continued to 

say1 ,i now come to the  last point for 
consideration1 ,i mean the clause       
relative to the  negroes2 and here ,i am
 particularly pleased with the          
,constitution2 it  has not left this    
matter of so much importance to us open 
to immediate  investigation2 no1 it has 
declared that the ,united ,states shall 
not1  at any rate1 consider this matter 
for twenty-one years1 and yet  gentlemen
 are displeased with it4    ,congress   
has guaranteed this right for that space
 of time1 and at its  expiration may    
continue it as long as they please4     
,this question then  arises1 what will  
their interest lead them to do8 ,the    
,eastern ,states1  as the honorable     
gentleman says1 will become the carriers
 of ,america1  it will1 therefore       
certainly be their interest to encourage
  exportation to as great an extent as  
possible2 and if the quantum of  our    
products will be diminished by the      
prohibition of negroes1 ,i  appeal to   
the belief of every man1 whether he     

thinks those very  carriers will        
themselves dam up the resources from    
whence their profit  is derived8 ,to    
think so is so contradictory to the     
general conduct of  mankind1 that ,i am 
of opinion1 that without we ourselves   
put a stop to  them1 the traffic for    
negroes will continue forever4          
99     99     99     99     99          
,,federalist1 ,no4 #db4    ,,by ,,james 
,,madison    ,it were doubtless to be   
wished1 that the power of prohibiting   
the  importation of slaves1 had not been
 postponed until the year #ahjh1 or     
rather that it had been suffered to have
 immediate operation4 ,but it  is not   
difficult to account either for this    
restriction on the general  government1 
or for the manner in which the whole    
clause is expressed4    ,it ought to be 
considered as a great point gained in   
favor of  humanity1 that a period of    
twenty years may terminate for ever     
within  these ,states1 a traffic which  
has so long and so loudly upbraided the 

barbarism of modern policy2 that within 
that period1 it will receive a          
considerable discouragement from the    
,federal government1 and may be  totally
 abolished1 by a concurrence of the few 
,states which continue  the unnatural   
traffic1 in the prohibitory example     
which has been given  by so great a     
majority of the ,union4 ,happy would it 
be for the  unfortunate ,africans1 if an
 equal prospect lay before them1 of     
being  redeemed from the oppressions of 
their ,european brethern6 ,attempts     
have been made to pervert this clause   
into an objection against the           
,constitution1 by representing it on one
 side1 as a criminal toleration  of an  
illicit practice2 and on another1 as    
calculated to prevent  voluntary and    
beneficial emigrations from ,europe to  
,america4 ,i mention  these             
misconstructions1 not with a view to    
give them an answer1 for  they deserve  
none2 but as specimens of the manner and
 spirit1 in which  some have thought fit

 to conduct their opposition to the     
proposed  government4           99      
99     99     99     99    ,,federalist1
 ,no4 #ed4    ,,by ,,james ,,madison4   
,all this is admitted1 it will perhaps  
be said3 but does it follow from  an    
admission of numbers for the measure of 
representation1 or of  slaves combined  
with free citizens as a ratio of        
taxation1 that slaves  ought to be      
included in the numerical rule of       
representation8    ,slaves are          
considered as property1 not as persons4 
,they ought  therefore1 to be           
comprehended in estimates of taxation1  
which are  founded on property1 and to  
be excluded from representation1 which  
is  regulated by a census of persons4   
,this is the objection as ,i  understand
 it1 stated in its full force4 ,i shall 
be equally candid in  stating the       
reasoning which may be offered on the   
opposite side4 ,we  subscribe to the    
doctrine1 might one of our ,southern    
brethern observe1  that representation  

relates more immediately to persons1 and
 taxation  more immediately to property2
 and we join in the application of this 
distinction to the case of our slaves4  
,but we must deny the fact1 that slaves 
are considered merely as  property1 and 
in no respect whatever as persons4 ,the 
true state of the  case is1 that they   
partake of both these qualities1 being  
considered  by our laws1 in some        
respects as persons1 and in other       
respects as  property4    ,in being     
compelled to labor1 not for himself1 but
 for a master2 in  being vendible by one
 master to another master2 and in being 
subject  at all times to be restrained  
in his liberty3 and chastised in his    
body by the capricious will of another2 
the slave may appear to be  degraded    
from the human rank1 and classed with   
those irrational  animals which fall    
under the legal denomination of         
property4 ,in being  protected1 on the  
other hand1 in his life1 and in his     
limbs1 against  the violence of all     

others1 even the master of his labor and
 his  liberty2 and in being punishable  
himself for all violence committed      
against others2 the slave is no less    
evidently regarded by the law as  a     
member of the society1 not as a part of 
the irrational creation2 as  a moral    
person1 not as a mere article of        
property4 ,the ,federal  constitution1  
therefore1 decides with great propriety 
on the case of  our slaves1 when it     
views them in the mixed character of    
persons and  property4 ,this is in fact 
their true character4 ,it is the        
character  bestowed on them by the laws 
under which they live1 and it will not  
be  denied1 that these are the proper   
criterion2 because it is only under  the
 pretext1 that the laws have transformed
 the negroes into subjects  of property1
 that a place is disputed them in the   
computation of  numbers2 and it is      
admitted1 that if the laws were to      
restore the  rights which have been     
taken away1 the negroes could no longer 

be  refused an equal share of           
representation with the other           
inhabitants4    ,this question may be   
placed in another light4 ,it is agreed  
on all  sides1 that numbers are the best
 scale of wealth and taxation1 as they  
are the only proper scale of            
representation4 ,would the convention   
have  been impartial or consistent1 if  
they had rejected the slaves from the   
list of inhabitants1 when the shares of 
representation were to be  calculated2  
and inserted them on the lists when the 
tariff of  contributions was to be      
adjusted8    ,could it be reasonably    
expected1 that the ,southern ,states    
would concur  in a system1 which        
considered their slaves in some degree  
as men1 when  burdens were to be        
imposed1 but refused to consider them in
 the same  light1 when advantages were  
to be conferred8    ,might not some     
surprise also be expressed1 that those  
who reproach the  ,southern ,states with
 the1 barbarous policy of considering as

 property  a part of their human        
brethern1 should themselves contend1    
that the  government to which all the   
,states are to be parties1 ought to     
consider this unfortunate race more     
completely in the unnatural light  of   
property1 than the very laws of which   
they complain8    ,it may be replied1   
perhaps1 that slaves are not included in
 the  estimate of representatives in any
 of the ,states possessing them4 ,they  
neither vote themselves1 nor increase   
the votes of their masters4 ,upon  what 
principle1 then1 ought they to be taken 
into the ,federal estimate  of          
representation8 ,in rejecting them      
altogether1 the constitution  would1 in 
this respect1 have followed the very    
laws which have been  appealed to as the
 proper guide4    ,this objection is    
repelled by a single observation4 ,it is
 a  fundamental principle of the        
proposed constitution1 that as the      
aggregate number of representatives     
allotted to the several ,states is  to  

be determined by a ,federal rule1       
founded on the aggregate number of      
inhabitants2 so1 the right of choosing  
this allotted number in each  ,state1 is
 to be exercised by such part of the    
inhabitants1 as the  ,state itself may  
designate4 ,the qualifications of which 
the right of  suffrage depends1 are not 
perhaps the same in any two ,states4 ,in
 some  of the ,states the difference is 
very material4 ,in every ,state1 a      
certain proportion of inhabitants are   
deprived of this right by the           
constitution of the ,state1 who will be 
included in the census by which  the    
,federal constitution apportions the    
representatives4 ,in this point  of     
view1 the ,southern ,states might retort
 the complaint1 by insisting1  that the 
principle laid down by the convention   
required that no regard  should be had  
to the policy of particular ,states     
towards their own  inhabitants2 and     
consequently1 that the slaves1 as       
inhabitants1 should  have been admitted 

into the census according to their full 
number1 in  like manner with other      
inhabitants1 who1 by the policy of other
  ,states1 are not admitted to all the  
rights of citizens4 ,a rigorous         
adherence1 however1 to this principle is
 waived by those who would be  gainers  
by it4 ,all that they ask1 is that equal
 moderation be shown on  the other side4
 ,let the case of the slaves be         
considered1 as it is in  truth1 a       
peculiar one4 ,let the compromising     
expedient of the  constitution be       
annually adopted1 which regards them as 
inhabitants1  but as debased by         
servitude below the equal level of free 
inhabitants1  which regards the slave as
 divested of two-fifths of the man4     
,,debates ,,in ,,first ,,congress1      
,,may #ac1 #aghi4    ,mr4 ,parker 7of   
,va47 moved to insert a clause in the   
bill1 imposing a  duty on the           
importation of slaves of ten dollars    
each person4 ,he was  sorry that the    
constitution prevented ,congress from   

prohibiting the  importation altogether2
 he thought it a defect in that         
instrument that  it allowed of such     
actions1 it was contrary to the         
revolution  principles1 and ought not to
 be permitted2 but as he could not do   
all  the good he desired1 he was willing
 to do what lay in his power4 ,he  hoped
 such a duty as he moved for would      
prevent1 in some degree1 this           
irrational and inhuman traffic2 if so1  
he should feel happy from the  success  
of his motion4    ,mr4 ,smith 7of ,south
 ,carolina17 hoped that such an         
important and  serious proposition as   
this would not be hastily adopted2 it   
was a  very late moment for the         
introduction of new subjects4 ,he       
expected the  committee had got through 
the business1 and would rise without    
discussing any thing further2 at least1 
if gentlemen were determined  on        
considering the present motion1 he hoped
 they would delay for a few  days1 in   
order to give time for an examination of

 the subject4 ,it was  certainly a      
matter big with the most serious        
consequences to the ,state  he          
represented2 he did not think any one   
thing that had been discussed  was so   
important to them1 and the welfare of   
the ,union1 as the  question now brought
 forward1 but he was not prepared to    
enter on any  argument1 and therefore   
requested the motion might either be    
withdrawn  or laid on the table4    ,mr4
 ,sherman 7of ,ct47 approved of the     
object of the motion1 but he did  not   
think this bill was proper to embrace   
the subject4 ,he could not  reconcile   
himself to the insertion of human beings
 as an article of  duty1 among goods1   
wares and merchandise4 ,he hoped it     
would be  withdrawn for the present1 and
 taken up hereafter as an independent   
subject4    ,mr4 ,jackson1 7of ,geo47   
observing the quarter from which this   
motion  came1 said it did not surprise  
him1 though it might have that effect   
on others4 ,he recollected that         

,virginia was an old settled ,state1 and
  had her complement of slaves1 so she  
was careless of recruiting her  numbers 
by this means2 the natural increase of  
her imported blacks  were sufficient for
 their purpose2 but he thought gentlemen
 ought to  let their neighbors get      
supplied before they imposed such a     
burthen  upon the importation4 ,he knew 
this business was viewed in an odious   
light to the ,eastward1 because the     
people were capable of doing their  own 
work1 and had no occasion for slaves2   
but gentlemen will have some  feeling   
for others2 they will not try to throw  
all the weight upon  others1 who have   
assisted in lightening their burdens2   
they do not  wish to charge us for every
 comfort and enjoyment of life1 and at  
the  same time take away the means of   
procuring them2 they do not wish to     
break us down at once4    ,he was       
convinced1 from the inaptitude of the   
motion1 and the want of  time to        
consider it1 that the candor of the     

gentleman would induce him  to withdraw 
it for the present2 and if ever it came 
forward again1 he  hoped it would       
comprehend the white slaves as well as  
black1 who were  imported from all the  
goals of ,europe2 wretches1 convicted of
 the most  flagrant crimes1 were brought
 in and sold without any duty whatever4 
,he thought that they ought to be taxed 
equal to the ,africans1 and had  no     
doubt but the constitutionality and     
propriety of such a measure was  equally
 apparent as the one proposed4    ,mr4  
,tucker 7of ,s4,c47 thought it unfair to
 bring in such an important  subject at 
the time when debate was almost         
precluded4 ,the committee  had gone     
through the impost bill1 and the whole  
,union were impatiently  expecting the  
result of their deliberations1 the      
public must be  disappointed and much   
revenue lost1 or this question cannot   
undergo  that full discussion which it  
deserves4    ,we have no right1 said he1
 to consider whether the importation of 

slaves is proper or not2 the            
,constitution gives us no power on that 
point1 it is left to the ,states to     
judge of that matter as they see  fit4  
,but if it was a business the gentleman 
was determined to  discourage1 he ought 
to have brought his motion forward      
sooner1 and  even then not have         
introduced it without previous notice4  
,he hoped the  committee would reject   
the motion1 if it was not withdrawn2 he 
was not  speaking so much for the ,state
 he represented1 as for ,georgia1       
because  the ,state of ,south ,carolina 
had a prohibitory law1 which could be   
renewed when its limitation expired4    
,mr4 ,parker 7of ,va417 had ventured to 
introduce the subject after full        
deliberation1 and did not like to       
withdraw it4 ,although the gentleman    
from ,connecticut 7,mr4 ,sherman7 had   
said1 that they ought not to be         
enumerated with goods1 wares1 and       
merchandise1 he believed they were      
looked upon by the ,african traders in  

this light1 he knew it was  degrading   
the human species to annex that         
character to them2 but he  would rather 
do this than continue the actual evil of
 importing slaves  a moment longer4 ,he 
hoped ,congress would do all that lay in
 their  power to restore to human nature
 its inherent privileges1 and if        
possible wipe off the stigma which      
,america laboured under4 ,the           
inconsistency in our principles1 with   
which we are justly charged1  should be 
done away2 that we may shew by our      
actions the pure  beneficence of the    
doctrine we held out to the world in our
  declaration of independence4    ,mr4  
,sherman 7of ,ct417 thought the         
principles of the motion and the        
principles of the bill were             
inconsistent2 the principle of the bill 
was to raise revenue1 the principle of  
the motion to correct a moral  evil4    
,now1 considering it as an object of    
revenue1 it would be unjust1  because   
two or three ,states would bear the     

whole burthen1 while he  believed they  
bore their full proportion of all the   
rest4 ,he was  against receiving the    
motion into this bill1 though he had no 
objection to taking it up by itself1 on 
the principles of humanity and  policy2 
and therefore would vote against it if  
it was not withdrawn4    ,mr4 ,ames 7of 
,mass417 joined the gentleman last up4  
,no one could  suppose him favorable to 
slavery1 he detested it from his soul1  
but he  had some doubts whether imposing
 a duty on the importation1 would not   
have the appearance of countenancing the
 practice2 it was certainly a  subject  
of some delicacy1 and no one appeared to
 be prepared for the  discussion1 he    
therefore hoped the motion would be     
withdrawn4    ,mr4 ,livermore4 ,was not 
against the principle of the motion1 but
 in the  present case he conceived it   
improper4 ,if negroes were goods1 wares1
  or merchandise1 they came within the  
title of the bill2 if they were  not1   
the bill would be inconsistent3 but if  

they are goods1 wares or  merchandise1  
the #e per cent ad valorum1 will embrace
 the importation2  and the duty of #e   
per cent is nearly equal to #aj dollars 
per head1 so  there is no occasion to   
add it even on the score of revenue4    
,mr4 ,jackson 7of ,ga417 said it was the
 fashion of the day1 to favor the       
liberty of slaves2 he would not go into 
a discussion of the subject1  but he    
believed it was capable of demonstration
 that they were better  off in their    
present situation1 than they would be if
 they were  manumitted2 what are they to
 do if they are discharged8 ,work for a 
living8 ,experience has shewn us they   
will not4 ,examine what is become  of   
those in ,maryland1 many of them have   
been set free in that ,state2  did they 
turn themselves to industry and useful  
pursuits8 ,no1 they  turn out common    
pickpockets1 petty larceny villains2 and
 is this  mercy1 forsooth1 to turn them 
into a way in which they must lose their
  lives1--for where they are thrown upon

 the world1 void of property and        
connections1 they cannot get their      
living but by pilfering4 ,what is to  be
 done for compensation8 ,will ,virginia 
set all her negroes free8 ,will  they   
give up the money they cost them1 and to
 whom8 ,when this practice  comes to be 
tried there1 the sound of liberty will  
lose those charms  which make it        
grateful to the ravished ear4    ,but   
our slaves are not in a worse situation 
than they were on the  coast of ,africa2
 it is not uncommon there for the       
parents to sell  their children in      
peace2 and in war the whole are taken   
and made  slaves together4 ,in these    
cases it is only a change of one slavery
 for  another2 and are they not better  
here1 where they have a master bound  by
 the ties of interest and law to provide
 for their support and  comfort in old  
age1 or infirmity1 in which1 if they    
were free1 they  would sink under the   
pressure of woe for want of assistance4 
,he would say nothing of the partiality 

of such a tax1 it was admitted  by the  
avowed friends of the measure2 ,georgia 
in particular would be  oppressed4 ,on  
this account it would be the most odious
 tax ,congress  could impose4    ,mr4   
,schureman 7of ,n4,j47 hoped the        
gentleman would withdraw his motion1    
because the present was not the time or 
place for introducing the  business2 he 
thought it had better be brought forward
 in the ,house1 as  a distinct          
proposition4 ,if the gentleman persisted
 in having the  question determined1 he 
would move the previous question if he  
was  supported4    ,mr4 ,madison1 7of   
,va47 ,i cannot concur with gentlemen   
who think the  present an improper time 
or place to enter into a discussion of  
the  proposed motion2 if it is taken up 
in a separate view1 we shall do the     
same thing at a greater expense of time4
 ,but the gentlemen say that it  is     
improper to connect the two objects1    
because they do not come  within the    
title of the bill4 ,but this objection  

may be obviated by  accommodating the   
title to the contents2 there may be some
  inconsistency in combining the ideas  
which gentlemen have expressed1  that   
is1 considering the human race as a     
species of property2 but the  evil does 
not arise from adopting the clause now  
proposed1 it is from  the importation to
 which it relates4 ,our object in       
enumerating persons  on paper with      
merchandise1 is to prevent the practice 
of actually  treating them as such1 by  
having them1 in future1 forming part of 
the  cargoes of goods1 wares1 and       
merchandise to be imported into the     
,united ,states4 ,the motion is         
calculated to avoid the very evil       
intimated by the gentleman4 ,it has been
 said that this tax will be  partial and
 oppressive2 but suppose a fair view is 
taken of this  subject1 ,i think we may 
form a different conclusion4 ,but if it 
be  partial or oppressive1 are there not
 many instances in which we have  laid  
taxes of this nature8 ,yet are they not 

thought to be justified by  national    
policy8 ,if any article is warranted on 
this account1 how much  more are we     
authorized to proceed on this occasion8 
,the dictates of  humanity1 the         
principles of the people1 the national  
safety and  happiness1 and prudent      
policy requires it of us2 the           
constitution has  particularly called   
our attention to it--and of all the     
articles  contained in the bill before  
us1 this is one of the last ,i should be
  willing to make a concession upon so  
far as ,i was at liberty to go1         
according to the terms of the           
constitution or principles of           
justice--,i  would not have it          
understood that my zeal would carry me  
to disobey  the inviolable commands of  
either4    ,i understood it had been    
intimated1 that the motion was          
inconsistent  or unconstitutional4 ,i   
believe1 sir1 my worthy colleague has   
formed  the words with a particular     
reference to the constitution2 any how1 

so  far as the duty is expressed1 it    
perfectly accords with that  instrument2
 if there are any inconsistencies in it1
 they may be  rectified2 ,i believe the 
intention is well understood1 but ,i am 
far  from supposing the diction         
improper4 ,if the description of the    
persons  does not accord with the ideas 
of the gentleman from ,georgia1 7,mr4   
,jackson17 and his idea is a proper one 
for the committee to adopt1 ,i  see no  
difficulty in changing the phraseology4 
,i conceive the constitution1 in this   
particular1 was formed in order  that   
the government1 whilst it was restrained
 from laying a total  prohibition1 might
 be able to give some testimony of the  
sense of  ,america1 with respect to the 
,african trade4 ,we have liberty to     
impose  a tax or duty upon the          
importation of such persons as any of   
the  ,states now existing shall think   
proper to admit2 and this liberty was   
granted1 ,i presume1 upon two           
considerations--the first was1 that     

until  the time arrived when they might 
abolish the importation of slaves1  they
 might have an opportunity of evidencing
 their sentiments1 on the  policy and   
humanity of such a trade2 the other was 
that they might be  taxed in due        
proportion with other articles imported2
 for if the  possessor will consider    
them as property1 of course they are of 
value  and ought to be paid for4 ,if    
gentlemen are apprehensive of oppression
  from the weight of the tax1 let them  
make an estimate of its  proportion1 and
 they will find that it very little     
exceeds five per  cent1 ad valorem1 so  
that they will gain very little by      
having them  thrown into that mass of   
articles1 whilst by selecting them in   
the  manner proposed1 we shall fulfil   
the prevailing expectation of our       
fellow citizens1 and perform our duty in
 executing the purposes of the          
constitution4 ,it is to be hoped that by
 expressing a national  disapprobation  
of this trade1 we may destroy it1 and   

save ourselves  from reproaches1 and our
 posterity the imbecility ever attendant
 on a  country filled with slaves4    ,i
 do not wish to say any thing harsh1 to 
the hearing of gentlemen who  entertain 
different sentiments from me1 or        
different sentiments from  those ,i     
represent2 but if there is any one point
 in which it is  clearly the policy of  
this nation1 so far as we               
constitutionally can1  to vary the      
practice obtaining under some of the    
,state governments1 it  is this2 but it 
is certain a majority of the ,states are
 opposed to  this practice1 therefore1  
upon principle1 we ought to             
discountenance  it as far as is in our  
power4    ,if ,i was not afraid of being
 told that the representatives of the   
several ,states1 are the best able to   
judge of what is proper and  conducive  
to their particular prosperity1 ,i      
should venture to say that  it is as    
much the interest of ,georgia and ,south
 ,carolina1 as of any in  the ,union4   

,every addition they receive to their   
number of slaves1  tends to weaken them 
and renders them less capable of self   
defence4 ,in  case of hostilities with  
foreign nations1 they will be the means 
of  inviting attack instead of repelling
 invasion4 ,it is a necessary duty  of  
the general government to protect every 
part of the empire against  danger1 as  
well internal as external2 every thing  
therefore which  tends to increase this 
danger1 though it may be a local affair1
 yet if  it involves national expense or
 safety1 becomes of concern to every    
part of the ,union1 and is a proper     
subject for the consideration of  those 
charged with the general administration 
of the government4 ,i  hope1 in making  
these observations1 ,i shall not be     
understood to mean  that a proper       
attention ought not to be paid to the   
local opinions and  circumstances of any
 part of the ,united ,states1 or that   
the particular  representatives are not 
best able to judge of the sense of their

  immediate constituents4    ,if we     
examine the proposal measure by the     
agreement there is between  it1 and the 
existing ,state laws1 it will show us   
that it is patronized  by a very        
respectable part of the ,union4 ,i am   
informed that ,south  ,carolina has     
prohibited the importation of slaves for
 several years  yet to come2 we have the
 satisfaction then of reflecting that we
 do  nothing more than their own laws do
 at this moment4 ,this is not the  case 
with one ,state4 ,i am sorry that her   
situation is such as to seem  to require
 a population of this nature1 but it is 
impossible in the  nature of things1 to 
consult the national good without doing 
what we  do not wish to do1 to some     
particular part4 ,perhaps gentlemen     
contend  against the introduction of the
 clause1 on too slight grounds4 ,if it  
does not conform with the title of the  
bill1 alter the latter2 if it  does not 
conform to the precise terms of the     
constitution1 amend it4  ,but if it will

 tend to delay the whole bill1 that     
perhaps will be the  best reason for    
making it the object of a separate one4 
,if this is the  sense of the committee 
,i shall submit4    ,mr4 ,gerry 7of     
,mass47 thought all duties ought to be  
laid as equal as  possible4 ,he had     
endeavored to enforce this principle    
yesterday1 but  without the success he  
wished for1 he was bound by the         
principles of  justice therefore to vote
 for the proposition2 but if the        
committee  were desirous of considering 
the subject fully by itself1 he had no  
objection1 but he thought when gentlemen
 laid down a principle1 they  ought to  
support it generally4    ,mr4 ,burke 7of
 ,s4,c47 said1 gentlemen were contending
 for nothing2 that  the value of a slave
 averaged about #hj1 and the duty on    
that sum at  five per cent1 would be ten
 dollars1 as congress could go no       
farther  than that sum1 he conceived it 
made not difference whether they were   
enumerated or left in the common mass4  

,mr4 ,madison1 7of ,va47 ,if we contend 
for nothing1 the gentlemen who are      
opposed to us do not contend for a great
 deal2 but the question is1  whether the
 five percent ad valorem1 on all        
articles imported1 will  have any       
operation at all upon the introduction  
of slaves1 unless we  make a particular 
enumeration on this account2 the        
collector may  mistake1 for he would not
 presume to apply the term goods1 wares1
 and  merchandise to any person         
whatsoever4 ,but if that general        
definition  of goods1 wares1 and        
merchandise are supposed to include     
,african  ,slaves1 why may we not       
particularly enumerate them1 and lay the
 duty  pointed out by the ,constitution1
 which1 as gentlemen tell us1 is no     
more than five per cent upon their      
value2 this will not increase the       
burden upon any1 but it will be that    
manifestation of our sense1  expected by
 our constituents1 and demanded by      
justice and humanity4    ,mr4 ,bland 7of

 ,va47 had no doubt of the propriety or 
good policy of  this measure4 ,he had   
made up his mind upon it1 he wished     
slaves had  never been introduced into  
,america2 but if it was impossible at   
this  time to cure the evil1 he was very
 willing to join in any measures  that  
would prevent its extending farther4 ,he
 had some doubts whether  the           
prohibitory laws of the ,states were not
 in part repealed4 ,those  who had      
endeavored to discountenance this trade1
 by laying a duty on  the importation1  
were prevented by the ,constitution from
 continuing  such regulation1 which     
declares1 that no ,state shall lay any  
impost or  duties on imports4 ,if this  
was the case1 and he suspected pretty   
strongly that it was1 the necessity of  
adopting the proposition of his         
colleague was not apparent4    ,mr4     
,sherman 7of ,ct47 said1 the            
,constitution does not consider these   
persons as a species of property2 it    
speaks of them as persons1 and  says1   

that a tax or duty may be imposed on the
 importation of them  into any ,state   
which shall permit the same1 but they   
have no power to  prohibit such         
importation for twenty years4 ,but      
,congress have power to  declare upon   
what terms persons coming into the      
,united ,states shall be  entitled to   
citizenship2 the rule of naturalization 
must however be  uniform4 ,he was       
convinced there were others ought to be 
regulated in  this particular1 the      
importation of whom was of an evil      
tendency1 he  meant convicts            
particularly4 ,he thought that some     
regulation  respecting them was also    
proper2 but it being a different        
subject1 it  ought to be taken up in a  
different manner4    ,mr4 ,madison 7of  
,va47 was led to believe1 from the      
observation that had  fell from the     
gentlemen1 that it would be best to make
 this the  subject of a distinct bill3  
he therefore wished his colleague would 
withdraw his motion1 and move in the    

house for leave to bring in a  bill on  
the same principles4    ,mr4 ,parker 7of
 ,va47 consented to withdraw his motion1
 under a  conviction that the house was 
fully satisfied of its propriety4 ,he   
knew very well that these persons were  
neither goods1 nor wares1 but  they were
 treated as articles of merchandise4    
,although he wished to  get rid of this 
part of his property1 yet he should not 
consent to  deprive other people of     
theirs by any act of his without their  
consent4    ,the committee rose1        
reported progress1 and the house        
adjourned4    ,,february #aath1 #agij4  
,mr4 ,lawrance 7of ,new ,york17         
presented an address from the society of
  ,friends1 in the ,city of ,new ,york2 
in which they set forth their desire  of
 co-operating with their ,southern      
brethren4    ,mr4 ,hartley 7of ,penn47  
then moved to refer the address of the  
annual  assembly of ,friends1 held at   
,philadelphia1 to a committee2 he       
thought  it a mark of respect due so    

numerous and respectable a part of the  
community4    ,mr4 ,white 7of ,va47     
seconded the motion4    ,mr4 ,smith1 7of
 ,s4,c47 ,however respectable the       
petitioners may be1 ,i  hope gentlemen  
will consider that others equally       
respectable are  opposed to the object  
which is aimed at1 and are entitled to  
an  opportunity of being heard before   
the question is determined4 ,i  flatter 
myself gentlemen will not press the     
point of commitment  to-day1 it being   
contrary to our usual mode of procedure4
    ,mr4 ,fitzsimons1 7of ,penn47 ,if we
 were now about to determine the final  
question1 the observation of the        
gentleman from ,south ,carolina would   
apply2 but1 sir1 the present question   
does not touch upon the merits  of the  
case2 it is merely to refer the memorial
 to a committee1 to  consider what is   
proper to be done2 gentlemen1 therefore1
 who do not  mean to oppose the         
commitment to-morrow1 may as well agree 
to it  to-day1 because it will tend to  

save the time of the house4    ,mr4     
,jackson 7of ,geo47 wished to know why  
the second reading was to be  contended 
for to-day1 when it was diverting the   
attention of the  members from the great
 object that was before the committee of
 the  whole8 ,is it because the feelings
 of the ,friends will be hurt1 to have  
their affair conducted in the usual     
course of business8 ,gentlemen who      
advocate the second reading to-day1     
should respect the feelings of the      
members who represent that part of the  
,union which is principally to  be      
affected by the measure4 ,i believe1    
sir1 that the latter class  consists of 
as useful and as good citizens as the   
petitioners1 men  equally friends to the
 revolution1 and equally susceptible of 
the  refined sensations of humanity and 
benevolence4 ,why then should such      
particular attention be paid to them1   
for bringing forward a business  of     
questionable policy8 ,if ,congress are  
disposed to interfere in the            

importation of slaves1 they can take the
 subject up without advisers1  because  
the ,constitution expressly mentions all
 the power they can  exercise on the    
subject4    ,mr4 ,sherman 7of ,conn47   
suggested the idea of referring it to a 
committee1 to consist of a member from  
each ,state1 because several  ,states   
had already made some regulations on    
this subject4 ,the sooner  the subject  
was taken up he thought it would be the 
better4    ,mr4 ,parker1 7of ,va47 ,i   
hope1 ,mr4 ,speaker1 the petition of    
these  respectable people1 will be      
attended to with all the readiness the  
importance of its object demands3 and ,i
 cannot help expressing the  pleasure ,i
 feel in finding so considerable a part 
of the community  attending to matters  
of such momentous concern to the future 
prosperity and happiness of the people  
of ,america4 ,i think it my duty1  as a 
citizen of the ,union1 to espouse their 
cause2 and it is incumbent  upon every  
member of this house to sift the subject

 well1 and  ascertain what can be done  
to restrain a practice so nefarious4    
,the  ,constitution has authorized as to
 levy a tax upon the importation of     
such persons as the ,states shall       
authorize to be admitted4 ,i would      
willingly go to that extent2 and if any 
thing further can be devised  to        
discountenance the trade1 consistent    
with the terms of the  ,constitution1 ,i
 shall cheerfully give it my assent and 
support4    ,mr4 ,madison1 7of ,va47    
,the gentleman from ,pennsylvania1 7,mr4
  ,fitzsimons7 has put this question on 
its proper ground4 ,if gentlemen  do not
 mean to oppose the commitment          
to-morrow1 they may as well  acquiesce  
in it to-day2 and ,i apprehend gentlemen
 need not be alarmed  at any measure it 
is likely ,congress should take2 because
 they will  recollect1 that the         
,constitution secures to the individual 
,states the  right of admitting1 if they
 think proper1 the importation of slaves
  into their own territory1 for eighteen

 years yet unexpired2 subject1  however1
 to a tax1 if ,congress are disposed to 
impose it1 of not more  than ten dollars
 on each person4    ,the petition1 if ,i
 mistake not1 speaks of artifices used  
by  self-interested persons to carry on 
this trade2 and the petition from  ,new 
,york states a case1 that may require   
the consideration of  ,congress4 ,if    
anything is within the ,federal         
authority to restrain such  violation of
 the rights of nations1 and of mankind1 
as is supposed to  be practised in some 
parts of the ,united ,states it will    
certainly tend  to the interest and     
honor of the community to attempt a     
remedy1 and is  a proper subject for our
 discussion4 ,it may be1 that foreigners
 take  the advantage of the liberty     
afforded them by the ,american trade1 to
  employ our shipping in the slave trade
 between ,africa and the ,west  ,indies1
 when they are restrained from employing
 their own by  restrictive laws of their
 nation4 ,if this is the case1 is there 

any  person of humanity that would not  
wish to prevent them8 ,another          
consideration why we should commit the  
petition is1 that we may give  no ground
 of alarm by a serious opposition1 as if
 we were about to  take measures that   
were unconstitutional4    ,mr4 ,stone   
7of ,md47 feared that if ,congress took 
any measures1  indicative of an         
intention to interfere with the kind of 
property  alluded to1 it would sink it  
in value very considerably1 and might be
  injurious to a great number of the    
citizens1 particularly in the  ,southern
 ,states4    ,he thought the subject was
 of general concern1 and that the       
petitioners had no more right to        
interfere with it than any other        
members of the community4 ,it was an    
unfortunate circumstance1 that it  was  
the property of sects to imagine they   
understood the rights of  human nature  
letter than all the world beside2 and   
that they would1 in  consequence1 be    
meddling with concerns in which they had

 nothing to  do4    ,as the petition    
relates to a subject of a general       
nature1 it ought to  lie on the table1  
as information2 he would never consent  
to refer  petitions1 unless the         
petitioners were exclusively interested4
 ,suppose  there was a petition to come 
before us from a society1 praying us to 
be honest in our transactions1 or that  
we should administer the  ,constitution 
according to its intention--what would  
you do with a  petition of this kind8   
,certainly it would remain on your      
table4 ,he  would1 nevertheless1 not    
have it supposed1 that the people had   
not a  right to advise and give their   
opinion upon public measures2 but he    
would not be influenced by that advice  
or opinion1 to take up a  subject sooner
 than the convenience of other business 
would admit4  ,unless he changed his    
sentiments1 he would oppose the         
commitment4    ,mr4 ,burke 7of ,s4,c47  
thought gentlemen were paying attention 
to what  did not deserve it4 ,the men in

 the gallery had come here to meddle in 
a business with which they have nothing 
to do2 they were volunteering  it in the
 cause of others1 who neither expected  
nor desired it4 ,he had  a respect for  
the body of ,quakers1 but1 nevertheless1
 he did not  believe they had more      
virtue1 or religion1 than other people1 
nor  perhaps so much1 if they were      
examined to the bottom1 notwithstanding 
their outward pretences4 ,if their      
petition is to be noticed1 ,congress    
ought to wait till counter applications 
were made1 and then they might  have the
 subject more fairly before them4 ,the  
rights of the ,southern  ,states ought  
not to be threatened1 and their property
 endangered1 to  please people who were 
to be unaffected by the consequences4   
,mr4 ,hartley 7of ,penn47 thought the   
memorialists did not deserve to be      
aspersed for their conduct1 if          
influenced by motives of benignity1     
they solicited the ,legislature of the  
,union to repel1 as far as in  their    

power1 the increase of a licentious     
traffic4 ,nor do they merit  censure1   
because their behavior has the          
appearance of more morality  than other 
people's4 ,but it is not for ,congress  
to refuse to hear the  applications of  
their fellow-citizens1 while those      
applications  contain nothing           
unconstitutional or offensive4 ,what is 
the object of  the address before us8   
,it is intended to bring before this    
,house a  subject of great importance to
 the cause of humanity2 there are       
certain facts to be enquired into1 and  
the memorialists are ready to  give all 
the information in their power2 they are
 waiting1 at a great  distance from     
their homes1 and wish to return2 if1    
then1 it will be  proper to commit the  
petition to-morrow1 it will be equally  
proper  to-day1 for it is conformable to
 our practice1 beside1 it will tend to  
their conveniency4    ,mr4 ,lawrance1   
7of ,n4,y47 ,the ,gentleman from ,south 
,carolina says1 the  petitioners are of 

a society not known in the laws or      
,constitution4  ,sir1 in all our acts1  
as well as in the ,constitution1 we have
 noticed  this ,society2 or why is it   
that we admit them to affirm1 in cases  
where others are called upon to swear8  
,if we pay this attention to  them1 in  
one instance1 what good reason is there 
for condemning them  in another8 ,i     
think the gentleman from ,maryland 7,mr4
 ,stone17 carries  his apprehensions too
 far1 when he fears that negro-property 
will fall  in value1 by the suppression 
of the slave-trade3 not that ,i suppose 
it  immediately in the power of         
,congress to abolish a traffic which is 
a  disgrace to human nature2 but it     
appears to me1 that1 if the  importation
 was crushed1 the value of a slave would
 be increased  instead of diminished2   
however1 considerations of this kind    
have  nothing to do with the present    
question2 gentlemen may acquiesce in    
the commitment of the memorial1 without 
pledging themselves to support  its     

object4    ,mr4 ,jackson1 7of ,ga47 ,i  
differ much in opinion with the         
gentleman last  up4 ,i apprehend if1    
through the interference of the general 
government1 the slave-trade was         
abolished1 it would evince to the       
people a disposition toward a total     
emancipation1 and they would hold  their
 property in jeopardy4 ,any             
extraordinary attention of ,congress to 
this petition may have1 in some degree1 
a similar effect4 ,i would beg  to ask  
those1 then1 who are so desirous of     
freeing the negroes1 if  they have funds
 sufficient to pay for them8 ,if they   
have1 they may  come forward on that    
business with some propriety2 but1 if   
they have  not1 they should keep        
themselves quiet1 and not interfere with
 a  business in which they are not      
interested4 ,they may as well come      
forward1 and solicit ,congress to       
interdict the ,west-,india trade1       
because it is injurious to the morals of
 mankind2 from thence we  import rum1   

which has a debasing influence upon the 
consumer4 ,but1  sir1 is the whole      
morality of the ,united ,states confined
 to the  ,quakers8 ,are they the only   
people whose feelings are to be         
consulted  on this occasion8 ,is it to  
them we owe our present happiness8 ,was 
it  they who formed the ,constitution8  
,did they1 by their arms1 or            
contributions1 establish our            
independence8 ,i believe they were      
generally opposed to that measure4 ,why1
 then1 on their application1  shall we  
injure men1 who1 at the risk of their   
lives and fortunes1  secured to the     
community their liberty and property8   
,if ,congress pay  any uncommon degree  
of attention to their petition1 it will 
furnish  just ground of alarm to the    
,southern ,states4 ,but1 why do these   
men set  themselves up1 in such a       
particular manner1 against slavery8 ,do 
they  understand the rights of mankind1 
and the disposition of ,providence      
better than others8 ,if they were to    

consult that ,book which claims our     
regard1 they will find that slavery is  
not only allowed1 but  commended4 ,their
 ,saviour1 who possessed more           
benevolence and  commiseration than they
 pretend to1 has allowed of it4 ,and if 
they  fully examine the subject1 they   
will find that slavery has been no      
novel doctrine since the days of ,cain4 
,but be these things as they  may1 ,i   
hope the house will order the petition  
to lie on the table1 in  order to       
prevent alarming our ,southern brethren4
    ,mr4 ,sedgwick1 7of ,mass47 ,if it  
was a serious question1 whether the     
,memorial should be committed or not1 ,i
 would not urge it at this time2  but   
that cannot be a question for a moment1 
if we consider our  relative situation  
with the people4 ,a number of men1--who 
are  certainly very respectable1 and of 
whom1 as a society1 it may be said  with
 truth1 that they conform their moral   
conduct to their religious  tenets1 as  
much as any people in the whole         

community1--come forward  and tell you1 
that you may effect two objects by the  
exercise of a  ,constitutional authority
 which will give great satisfaction2 on 
the  one hand you may acquire revenue1  
and on the other1 restrain a  practice  
productive of great evil4 ,now1 setting 
aside the religious  motives which      
influenced their application1 have they 
not a right1 as  citizens1 to give their
 opinion of public measures8 ,for my    
part ,i do  not apprehend that any      
,state1 or any considerable number of   
individuals in any ,state1 will be      
seriously alarmed at the commitment  of 
the petition1 from a fear that ,congress
 intend to exercise an  unconstitutional
 authority1 in order to violate their   
rights2 ,i  believe there is not a wish 
of the kind entertained by any member of
  this body4 ,how can gentlemen hesitate
 then to pay that respect to a  memorial
 which it is entitled to1 according to  
the ordinary mode of  procedure in      
business8 ,why shall we defer doing that

 till to-morrow1  which we can do       
to-day8 for the result1 ,i apprehend1   
will be the same  in either case4       
,mr4 ,smith1 7of ,s4,c47 ,the question1 
,i apprehend1 is1 whether we will  take 
the petition up for a second reading1   
and not whether it shall be  committed8 
,now1 ,i oppose this1 because it is     
contrary to our usual  practice1 and    
does not allow gentlemen time to        
consider of the merits  of the prayer2  
perhaps some gentlemen may think it     
improper to commit  it to so large a    
committee as has been mentioned2 a      
variety of causes  may be supposed to   
show that such a hasty decision is      
improper2  perhaps the prayer of it is  
improper4 ,if ,i understood it right1 on
 its  first reading1 though1 to be sure1
 ,i did not comprehend perfectly all    
that the petition contained1 it prays   
that we should take measures for  the   
abolition of the slave trade2 this is   
desiring an unconstitutional  act1      
because the constitution secures that   

trade to the ,states1  independent of   
congressional restrictions1 for the term
 of twenty-one  years4 ,if1 therefore1  
it prays for a violation of             
constitutional  rights1 it ought to be  
rejected1 as an attempt upon the virtue 
and  patriotism of the house4    ,mr4   
,boudinot1 7of ,n4,j47 ,it has been said
 that the ,quakers have no  right to    
interfere in this business2 ,i am       
surprised to hear this  doctrine        
advanced1 after it has been so lately   
contended1 and settled1  that the people
 have a right to assemble and petition  
for redress of  grievances2 it is not   
because the petition comes from the     
society of  ,quakers that ,i am in favor
 of the commitment1 but because it comes
  from citizens of the ,united ,states1 
who are as equally concerned in  the    
welfare and happiness of their country  
as others4 ,there certainly  is no      
foundation for the apprehensions which  
seem to prevail in  gentlemen's minds4  
,if the petitioners were so uninformed  

as to suppose  that congress could be   
guilty of a violation of the            
constitution1 yet1  ,i trust we know our
 duty better than to be led astray by an
  application from any man1 or set of   
men whatever4 ,i do not consider  the   
merits of the main question to be before
 us2 it will be time  enough to give our
 opinions upon that1 when the committee 
have  reported4 ,if it is in our power1 
by recommendation1 or any other way1  to
 put a stop to the slave-trade in       
,america1 ,i do not doubt of its        
policy2 but how far the constitution    
will authorize us to attempt to  depress
 it1 will be a question well worthy of  
our consideration4    ,mr4 ,sherman 7of 
,conn47 observed1 that the petitioners  
from ,new ,york1  stated that they had  
applied to the legislature of that      
,state1 to  prohibit certain practices  
which they conceived to be improper1 and
  which tended to injure the well-being 
of the community2 that the  legislature 
had considered the application1 but had 

applied no remedy1  because they        
supposed that power was exclusively     
vested in the general  government1 under
 the constitution of the ,united        
,states2 it would1  therefore1 be proper
 to commit that petition1 in order to   
ascertain  what were the powers of the  
general government1 in the case doubted 
by  the legislature of ,new ,york4      
,mr4 ,gerry 7of ,mass47 thought         
gentlemen were out of order in entering 
upon the merits of the main question at 
this time1 when they were  considering  
the expediency of committing the        
petition2 he should1  therefore1 now    
follow them further in that track than  
barely to  observe1 that it was the     
right of the citizens to apply for      
redress1  in every case they conceived  
themselves aggrieved in2 and it was the 
duty of congress to afford redress as   
far as in their power4 ,that  their     
,southern brethren had been betrayed    
into the slave-trade by the  first      
settlers1 was to be lamented2 they were 

not to be reflected on  for not viewing 
this subject in a different light1 the  
prejudice of  education is eradicated   
with difficulty2 but he thought nothing 
would  excuse the general government for
 not exerting itself to prevent1 as  far
 as they constitutionally could1 the    
evils resulting from such  enormities as
 were alluded to by the petitioners2 and
 the same  considerations induced him   
highly to commend the part the society  
of  ,friends had taken2 it was the cause
 of humanity they had interested        
themselves in1 and he wished1 with them1
 to see measures pursued by  every      
nation1 to wipe off the indelible stain 
which the slave-trade  had brought upon 
all who were concerned in it4    ,mr4   
,madison 7of ,va47 thought the question 
before the committee was no  otherwise  
important than as gentlemen made it so  
by their serious  opposition4 ,did they 
permit the commitment of the ,memorial1 
as a  matter of course1 no notice would 
be taken of it out of doors2 it  could  

never be blown up into a decision of the
 question respecting the  discouragement
 of the ,african slave-trade1 nor alarm 
the owners with  an apprehension that   
the general government were about to    
abolish  slavery in all the ,states2    
such things are not contemplated by any 
gentleman2 but1 to appearance1 they     
decide the question more against        
themselves than would be the case if it 
was determined on its real  merits1     
because gentlemen may be disposed to    
vote for the commitment  of a petition1 
without any intention of supporting the 
prayer of it4    ,mr4 ,white 7of ,va47  
would not have seconded the motion1 if  
he had  thought it would have brought on
 a lengthy debate4 ,he conceived that a 
business of this kind ought to be       
decided without much discussion2 it  had
 constantly been the practice of the    
house1 and he did not suppose  there was
 any reason for a deviation4    ,mr4    
,page 7of ,va47 said1 if the memorial   
had been presented by any  individual1  

instead of the respectable body it was1 
he should have  voted in favor of a     
commitment1 because it was the duty of  
the  legislature to attend to subjects  
brought before them by their            
constituents2 if1 upon inquiry1 it was  
discovered to be improper to  comply    
with the prayer of the petitioners1 he  
would say so1 and they  would be        
satisfied4    ,mr4 ,stone 7of ,md47     
thought the business ought to be left to
 take its  usual course2 by the rules of
 the house1 it was expressly declared1  
that petitions1 memorials1 and other    
papers1 addressed to the house1  should 
not be debated or decided on the day    
they were first read4    ,mr4 ,baldwin  
7of ,ga47 felt at a loss to account why 
precipitation was  used on this         
occasion1 contrary to the customary     
usage of the house2  he had not heard a 
single reason advanced in favor of it4  
,to be sure  it was said the petitioners
 are a respectable body of men--he did  
not  deny it--but1 certainly1 gentlemen 

did not suppose they were paying        
respect to them1 or to the house1 when  
they urged such a hasty  procedure2     
anyhow it was contrary to his idea of   
respect1 and the idea  the house had    
always expressed1 when they had         
important subjects under  consideration2
 and1 therefore1 he should be against   
the motion4 ,he was  afraid that there  
was really a little volunteering in this
 business1  as it had been termed by the
 gentleman from ,georgia4    ,mr4       
,huntington 7of ,conn47 considered the  
petitioners as much  disinterested as   
any person in the ,united ,states2 he   
was persuaded  they had an aversion to  
slavery2 yet they were not singular in  
this1  others had the same2 and he hoped
 when congress took up the subject1     
they would go as far as possible to     
prohibit the evil complained of4  ,but  
he thought that would better be done by 
considering it in the  light of revenue4
 ,when the committee of the whole1 on   
the finance  business1 came to the ways 

and means1 it might properly be taken   
into  consideration1 without giving any 
ground for alarm4    ,mr4 ,tucker1 7of  
,s4,c47 ,i have no doubt on my mind     
respecting what ought  to be done on    
this occasion2 so far from committing   
the memorial1 we  ought to dismiss it   
without further notice4 ,what is the    
purport of the  memorial8 ,it is plainly
 this2 to reprobate a particular kind of
  commerce1 in a moral view1 and to     
request the interposition of  congress  
to effect its abrogation4 ,but congress 
have no authority1  under the           
constitution1 to do more than lay a duty
 of ten dollars upon  each person       
imported2 and this is a political       
consideration1 not  arising from either 
religion or morality1 and is the only   
principle  upon which we can proceed to 
take it up4 ,but what effect do these   
men  suppose will arise from their      
exertions8 ,will a duty of ten dollars  
diminish the importation8 ,will the     
treatment be better than usual8 ,i      

apprehend it will not1 nay1 it may be   
worse4 ,because an interference  with   
the subject may excite a great degree of
 restlessness in the  minds of those it 
is intended to serve1 and that may be a 
cause for  the masters to use more rigor
 towards them1 than they would otherwise
  exert2 so that these men seem to      
overshoot their object4 ,but if they    
will endeavor to procure the abolition  
of the slave-trade1 let them  prefer    
their petitions to the ,state           
legislatures1 who alone have the  power 
of forbidding the importation2 ,i       
believe their applications  there would 
be improper2 but if they are any where  
proper1 it is  there4 ,i look upon the  
address then to be ill-judged1 however  
good the  intention of the framers4     
,mr4 ,smith 7of ,s4,c47 claimed it as a 
right1 that the petition should  lay    
over till to-morrow4    ,mr4 ,boudinor  
7of ,n4,j47 said it was not unusual to  
commit petitions on  the day they were  
presented2 and the rules of the house   

admitted the  practice1 by the          
qualification which followed the        
positive order1 that  petitions should  
not be decided on the day they were     
first read1  unless where the house     
shall direct otherwise4    ,mr4 ,smith  
7of ,s4,c47 declared his intention of   
calling the yeas and  nays1 if gentlemen
 persisted in pressing the question4    
,mr4 ,clymer 7of ,penn47 hoped the      
motion would be withdrawn for the       
present1 and the business taken up in   
course to-morrow2 because1  though he   
respected the memorialists1 he also     
respected order and the  situation of   
the members4    ,mr4 ,fitzsimons 7of    
,penn47 did not recollect whether he    
moved or  seconded the motion1 but if he
 had1 he should not withdraw it on      
account of the threat of calling the    
yeas and nays4    ,mr4 ,baldwin 7of     
,ga47 hoped the business would be       
conducted with temper  and moderation1  
and that gentlemen would concede and    
pass the subject  over a day at least4  

,mr4 ,smith 7of ,s4,c47 had no idea of  
holding out a threat to any  gentleman4 
,if the declaration of an intention to  
call the yeas and  nays was viewed by   
gentlemen in that light1 he would       
withdraw that  call4    ,mr4 ,white 7of 
,va47 hereupon withdrew his motion4 ,and
 the address was  ordered to lie on the 
table4      ,,february #abth1 #agij4    
,the following memorial was presented   
and read3    ,to the ,senate and ,house 
of ,representatives of the ,united      
,states3 ,the  ,memorial of the         
,pennsylvania ,society for promoting the
 abolition of  slavery1 the relief of   
free negroes unlawfully held in bondage1
 and  the improvement of the condition  
of the ,african race1 respectfully      
showeth3 ,that from a regard for the    
happiness of mankind1 an  association   
was formed several years since in this  
,state1 by a number  of her citizens1 of
 various religious denominations1 for   
promoting the  abolition of slavery1 and
 for the relief of those unlawfully held

 in  bondage4 ,a just and acute         
conception of the true principles of    
liberty1 as it spread through the land1 
produced accessions to their  numbers1  
many friends to their cause1 and a      
legislative co-operation  with their    
views1 which1 by the blessing of ,divine
 ,providence1 have  been successfully   
directed to the relieving from bondage a
 large  number of their fellow creatures
 of the ,african race4 ,they have also  
the satisfaction to observe1 that1 in   
consequence of that spirit of           
philanthropy and genuine liberty which  
is generally diffusing its  beneficial  
influence1 similar institutions are     
forming at home and  abroad4 ,that      
mankind are all formed by the same      
,almighty ,being1 alike  objects of his 
care1 and equally designed for the      
enjoyment of  happiness1 the ,christian 
religion teaches us to believe1 and the 
political creed of ,americans fully     
coincides with the position4 ,your      
memorialists1 particularly engaged in   

attending to the distresses  arising    
from slavery1 believe it their          
indispensable duty to present  this     
subject to your notice4 ,they have      
observed with real  satisfaction1 that  
many important and salutary powers are  
vested in  you for 'promoting the       
welfare and securing the blessings of   
liberty  to the people of the ,united   
,states2' and as they conceive1 that    
these  blessings ought rightfully to be 
administered1 without distinction of    
color1 to all descriptions of people1 so
 they indulge themselves in  the        
pleasing expectation1 that nothing which
 can be done for the  relief of the     
unhappy objects of their care1 will be  
either omitted or  delayed4 ,from a     
persuasion that equal liberty was       
originally the  portion1 and is still   
the birth-right of all men1 and         
influenced by  the strong ties of       
humanity and the principles of their    
institution1  your memorialists         
conceived themselves bound to use all   

justifiable  endeavors to loosen the    
bands of slavery1 and promote a general 
enjoyment of the blessings of freedom4  
,under these impressions1 they          
earnestly entreat your serious attention
 to the subject of slavery2  that you   
will be pleased to countenance the      
restoration of liberty to  those unhappy
 men1 who alone1 in this land of        
freedom1 are degraded  into perpetual   
bondage1 and who1 amidst the general joy
 of surrounding  freemen1 are groaning  
in servile subjection2 that you will    
devise  means for removing this         
inconsistency from the character of the 
,american people2 that you will promote 
mercy and justice towards this          
distressed race1 and that you will step 
to the very verge of the power  vested  
in you1 for discouraging every species  
of traffic in the  persons of our       
fellow-men4    ,,benjamin ,,franklin1   
,president4    ,,philadelphia1 ,february
 #c1 #agij4    ,mr4 ,hartley 7of ,penn47
 then called up the memorial presented  

yesterday1 from the annual meeting of   
,friends at ,philadelphia1 for a  second
 reading2 whereupon the same was read a 
second time1 and moved  to be committed4
    ,mr4 ,tucker 7of ,s4,c47 was sorry  
the petition had a second reading as he 
conceived it contained an               
unconstitutional request1 and from that 
consideration he wished it thrown aside4
 ,he feared the commitment of  it would 
be a very alarming circumstance to the  
,southern ,states2 for  if the object   
was to engage ,congress in an           
unconstitutional measure1  it would be  
considered as an interference with their
 rights1 the  people would become very  
uneasy under the government1 and lament 
that  they ever put additional powers   
into their hands4 ,he was surprised to  
see another memorial on the same subject
 and that signed by a man who  ought to 
have known the constitution better4 ,he 
thought it a  mischievous attempt1 as it
 respected the persons in whose favor it
 was  intended4 ,it would buoy them up  

with hopes1 without a foundation1 and   
as they could not reason on the subject1
 as more enlightened men  would1 they   
might be led to do what they would be   
punished for1 and  the owners of them1  
in their own defence1 would be compelled
 to  exercise over them a severity they 
were not accustomed to4 ,do these  men  
expect a general emancipation of slaves 
by law8 ,this would never  be submitted 
to by the ,southern ,states without a   
civil war4 ,do they  mean to purchase   
their freedom8 ,he believed their money 
would fall  short of the price4 ,but how
 is it they are more concerned in this  
business than others8 ,are they the only
 persons who possess religion  and      
morality8 ,if the people are not so     
exemplary1 certainly they will  admit   
the clergy are2 why then do we not find 
them uniting in a body1  praying us to  
adopt measures for the promotion of     
religion and piety1  or any moral       
object8 ,they know it would be an       
improper interference2  and to say the  

best of this memorial1 it is an act of  
imprudence1  which he hoped would       
receive no countenance from the house4  
,mr4 ,seney 7of ,md47 denied that there 
was anything unconstitutional in  the   
memorial1 at least1 if there was1 it had
 escaped his attention1  and he should  
be obliged to the gentleman to point it 
out4 ,its only  object was1 that        
congress should exercise their          
constitutional  authority1 to abate the 
horrors of slavery1 as far as they      
could3  ,indeed1 he considered that all 
altercation on the subject of           
commitment was at an end1 as the house  
had impliedly determined  yesterday that
 it should be committed4    ,mr4 ,burke 
7of ,s4,c47 saw the disposition of the  
house1 and he feared it  would be       
refered to a committee1 maugre all their
 opposition2 but he  must insist that it
 prayed for an unconstitutional measure4
 ,did it not  desire congress to        
interfere and abolish the slave-trade1  
while the  constitution expressly       

stipulated that congress should exercise
 no  such power8 ,he was certain the    
commitment would sound in alarm1 and    
blow the trumpet of sedition in the     
,southern ,states4 ,he was sorry to  see
 the petitioners paid more attention to 
than the constitution2  however1 he     
would do his duty1 and oppose the       
business totally2 and if  it was        
referred to a committee1 as mentioned   
yesterday1 consisting of  a member from 
each ,state1 and he was appointed1 he   
would decline  serving4    ,mr4 ,scott1 
7of ,penn47 ,i can't entertain a doubt  
but the memorial duty  particularly     
assigned to us by that instrument1 and  
,i hope we may be  inclined to take it  
into consideration4 ,we can1 at present1
 lay our  hands upon a small duty of ten
 dollars4 ,i would take this1 and if it 
is all we can do1 we must be content4   
,but ,i am sorry that the framers  of   
the constitution did not go farther and 
enable us to interdict it  for good and 
all2 for ,i look upon the slave-trade to

 be one of the  most abominable things  
on earth2 and if there was neither ,god 
nor  devil1 ,i should oppose it upon the
 principles of humanity and the law  of 
nature4 ,i cannot1 for my part1 conceive
 how any person can be said  to acquire 
a property in another2 is it by virtue  
of conquest8 ,what  are the rights of   
conquest8 ,some have dared to advance   
this monstrous  principle1 that the     
conqueror is absolute master of his     
conquest2 that  he may dispose of it as 
his property1 and treat it as he        
pleases2 but  enough of those who reduce
 men to the state of transferable goods1
 or  use them like beasts of burden2 who
 deliver them up as the property or     
patrimony of another man4 ,let us argue 
on principles countenanced by  reason   
and becoming humanity2 the petitioners  
view the subject in a  religious light1 
but ,i do not stand in need of religious
 motives to  induce me to reprobate the 
traffic in human flesh2 other           
considerations weigh with me to support 

the commitment of the  memorial1 and to 
support every constitutional measure    
likely to bring  about its total        
abolition4 ,perhaps1 in our legislative 
capacity1 we  can go no further than to 
impose a duty of ten dollars1 but ,i do 
not  know how far ,i might go1 if ,i was
 one of the judges of the ,united       
,states1 and those people were to come  
before me and claim their  emancipation2
 but ,i am sure ,i would go as far as ,i
 could4    ,mr4 ,jackson 7of ,ga47      
differed with the gentleman last up1 and
 supposed  the master had a qualified   
property in his slave2 he said the      
contrary  doctrine would go to the      
destruction of every species of personal
  service4 ,the gentleman said he did   
not stand in need of religion to  induce
 him to reprobate slavery1 but if he is 
guided by that evidence1  which the     
,christian system is founded upon1 he   
will find that religion  is not against 
it2 he will see1 from ,genesis to       
,revelation1 the  current setting strong

 that way4 ,there never was a government
 on the  face of the earth1 but what    
permitted slavery4 ,the purest sons of  
freedom in the ,grecian republics1 the  
citizens of ,athens and  ,lacedaemon all
 held slaves4 ,on this principle the    
nations of ,europe  are associated2 it  
is the basis of the feudal system4 ,but 
suppose all  this to have been wrong1   
let me ask the gentleman1 if it is      
policy to  bring forward a business at  
this moment1 likely to light up a flame 
of  civil discord1 for the people of the
 ,southern ,states will resist one      
tyranny as soon as another2 the other   
parts of the continent may bear  them   
down by force of arms1 but they will    
never suffer themselves to  be divested 
of their property without a struggle4   
,the gentleman says1  if he was a       
federal judge1 he does not know to what 
length he would go  in emancipating     
these people2 but1 ,i believe his       
judgment would be of  short duration in 
,georgia2 perhaps even the existence of 

such a judge  might be in danger4       
,mr4 ,sherman 7of ,conn47 could see no  
difficulty in committing the  memorial2 
because it was probable the committee   
would understand their  business1 and   
perhaps they might bring in such a      
report as would be  satisfactory to     
gentlemen on both sides of the ,house4  
,mr4 ,baldwin 7of ,ga47 was sorry the   
subject had ever been brought  before   
,congress1 because it was a delicate    
nature1 as it respected  some of the    
,states4 ,gentlemen who had been present
 at the formation of  this              
,constitution1 could not avoid the      
recollection of the pain and  difficulty
 which the subject caused in that body2 
the members from the  ,southern ,states 
were so tender upon this point1 that    
they had well  nigh broken up without   
coming to any determination2 however1   
from the  extreme desire of preserving  
the ,union1 and obtaining an efficient  
government1 they were induced mutually1 
to concede1 and the  ,constitution      

jealously guarded what they agreed to4  
,if gentlemen look  over the footsteps  
of that body1 they will find the        
greatest degree of  caution used to     
imprint them1 so as not to be easily    
eradicated2 but  the moment we go to    
jostle on that ground1 said he1 ,i fear 
we shall  feel it tremble under our     
feet4 ,congress have no power to        
interfere  with the importation of      
slaves1 beyond what is given in the #ith
  section of the first article of the   
,constitution2 every thing else is      
interdicted to them in the strongest    
terms4 ,if we examine the               
,constitution1 we shall find the        
expressions1 relative to this subject1  
cautiously expressed1 and more          
punctiliously guarded than any other    
part4 ,the migration or importation of  
such persons1 shall not be  prohibited  
by ,congress4 ,but lest this should not 
have secured the  object sufficiently1  
it is declared in the same section1     
,that no  capitation or direct tax shall

 be laid1 unless in proportion to the   
census2 this was intended to prevent    
,congress from laying any special  tax  
upon negro slaves1 as they might1 in    
this way1 so burthen the  possessors of 
them1 as to induce a general            
emancipation4 ,if we go on  to the #eth 
article1 we shall find the #ast and #eth
 clauses of the #ith  section of the    
#ast article restrained from being      
altered before the  year #ahjh4         
,gentlemen have said1 that this petition
 does not pray for an abolition  of the 
slave-trade2 ,i think1 sir1 it prays for
 nothing else1 and  therefore we have no
 more to do with it1 than if it prayed  
us to  establish an order of nobility1  
or a national religion4    ,mr4         
,sylvester of 7,n4,y47 said that he had 
always been in the habit of  respecting 
the society called ,quakers2 he         
respected them for their  exertions in  
the cause of humanity1 but he thought   
the present was not  a time to enter    
into a consideration of the subject1    

especially as he  conceived it to be a  
business in the province of the ,state  
legislature4    ,mr4 ,lawrance of 7of   
,n4,y47 observed that the subject would 
undoubtedly  come under the             
consideration of the ,house2 and he     
thought1 that as it  was now before     
them1 that the present time was as      
proper as any2 he  was therefore for    
committing the memorial2 and when the   
prayer of it  had been properly         
examined1 they could see how far        
congress may  constitutionally          
interfere2 as they knew the limits of   
their power on  this1 as well as on     
every other occasion1 there was no just 
apprehension to be entertained that they
 would go beyond them4    ,mr4 ,smith   
7of ,s4,c47 insisted that it was not in 
the power of the ,house  to grant the   
prayer of the petition1 which went to   
the total  abolishment of the slave     
trade1 and it was therefore unnecessary 
to  commit it4 ,he observed1 that in the
 ,southern ,states1 difficulties had    

arisen on adopting the ,constitution1   
inasmuch as it was apprehended1  that   
,congress might take measures under it  
for abolishing the  slave-trade4        
,perhaps the petitioners1 when they     
applied to this house1 did not  think   
their object unconstitutional1 but now  
they are told that it is1  they will be 
satisfied with the answer1 and press it 
no further4 ,if  their object had been  
for ,congress to lay a duty of ten      
dollars per  head on the importation of 
slaves1 they would have said so1 but    
that  does not appear to have been the  
case2 the commitment of the petition1   
on that ground1 cannot be contended2 if 
they will not be content with  that1    
shall it be committed to investigate    
facts8 ,the petition speaks  of none2   
for what purpose then shall it be       
committed8 ,if gentlemen can  assign no 
good reason for the measure1 they will  
not support it1 when  they are told that
 it will create great jealousies and    
alarm in the  ,southern ,states2 for ,i 

can assure them1 that there is no point 
on  which they are more jealous and     
suspicious1 than on a business with     
which they think the government has     
nothing to do4    ,when we entered into 
this ,confederacy1 we did it from       
political1 not  from moral motives1 and 
,i do not think my constituents want to 
learn  morals from the petitioners2 ,i  
do not believe they want improvement in 
their moral system2 if they do1 they can
 get it at home4    ,the gentleman from 
,georgia1 has justly stated the jealousy
 of the  ,southern ,states4 ,on entering
 into this government1 they apprehended 
that the other ,states1 not knowing the 
necessity the citizens of the  ,southern
 ,states were under to hold this species
 of property1 would1  from motives of   
humanity and benevolence1 be led to vote
 for a general  emancipation2 and had   
they not seen that the ,constitution    
provided  against the effect of such a  
disposition1 ,i may be bold to say1 they
  never would have adopted it4 ,and     

notwithstanding all the calmness with   
which some gentlemen have viewed the    
subject1 they will find1 that the       
discussion alone will create great      
alarm4 ,we have been told1 that if  the 
discussion will create alarm1 we ought  
to have avoided it1 by  saying nothing2 
but it was not for that purpose that we 
were sent  here1 we look upon this      
measure as an attack upon the palladium 
of the  property of our country2 it is  
therefore our duty to oppose it by      
every means in our power4 ,gentlemen    
should consider that when we  entered   
into a political connexion with the     
other ,states1 that this  property was  
there2 it was acquired under a former   
government1  conformably to the laws and
 ,constitution2 therefore anything that 
will  tend to deprive them of that      
property1 must be an ex post facto law1 
and as such is forbid by our political  
compact4    ,i said the ,states would   
never have entered into the             
confederation1  unless their property   

had been guaranteed to them1 for such is
 the  state of agriculture in that      
country1 that without slaves it must be 
depopulated4 ,why will these people then
 make use of arguments to  induce the   
slave to turn his hand against his      
master8 ,we labor under  difficulties   
enough from the ravages of the late war4
 ,a gentleman can  hardly come from that
 country1 with a servant or two1 either 
to this  place or ,philadelphia1 but    
what there are persons trying to seduce 
his  servants to leave him2 and1 when   
they have done this1 the poor  wretches 
are obliged to rob their master in order
 to obtain a  subsistence2 all those1   
therefore1 who are concerned in this    
seduction1 are accessaries to the       
robbery4    ,the reproaches which they  
cast upon the owners of negro property1 
is  charging them with the want of      
humanity2 ,i believe the proprietors are
  persons of as much humanity as any    
part of the continent and are as        
conspicuous for their good morals as    

their neighbors4 ,it was said           
yesterday1 that the ,quakers were a     
society known to the laws1 and the      
,constitution1 but they are no more so  
than other religious societies2  they   
stand exactly in the same situation2    
their memorial1 therefore1  relates to a
 matter in which they are no more       
interested than any  other sect1 and can
 only be considered as a piece of       
advice2 it is  customary to refer a     
piece of advice to a committee1 but if  
it is  supposed to pray for what they   
think a moral purpose1 is that          
sufficient to induce us to commit it8   
,what may appear a moral virtue  in     
their eyes1 may not be so in reality4 ,i
 have heard of a sect of  ,shaking      
,quakers1 who1 ,i presume1 suppose their
 tenets of a moral  tendency2 ,i am     
informed one of them forbids to         
intermarry1 yet in  consequence of their
 shakings and concussions1 you may see  
them with a  numerous offspring about   
them4 ,now1 if these people were to     

petition  ,congress to pass a law       
prohibiting matrimony1 ,i ask1 would    
gentlemen  agree to refer such a        
petition8 ,i think if they would reject 
one of  that nature1 as improper1 they  
ought also to reject this4    ,mr4 ,page
 7of ,va47 was in favor of the          
commitment2 he hoped that the  designs  
of the respectable memorialists would   
not be stopped at the  threshold1 in    
order to preclude a fair discussion of  
the prayer of the  memorial4 ,he        
observed that gentlemen had founded     
their arguments upon  a                 
misrepresentation2 for the object of the
 memorial was not declared  to be the   
total abolition of the slave trade3 but 
that ,congress would  consider1 whether 
it be not in reality within their power 
to exercise  justice and mercy1 which1  
if adhered to1 they cannot doubt must   
produce the abolition of the slave      
trade4 ,if then the prayer contained    
nothing unconstitutional1 he trusted the
 meritorious effort would not  be       

frustrated4 ,with respect to the alarm  
that was apprehended1 he  conjectured   
there was none2 but there might be just 
cause1 if the  memorial was not taken   
into consideration4 ,he placed himself  
in the  case of a slave1 and said1 that1
 on hearing that ,congress had refused  
to listen to the decent suggestions of a
 respectable part of the  community1 he 
should infer1 that the general          
government 7from which  was expected    
great good would result to every class  
of citizens7 had  shut their ears       
against the voice of humanity1 and he   
should despair  of any alleviation of   
the miseries he and his posterity had in
  prospect2 if any thing could induce   
him to rebel1 it must be a stroke  like 
this1 impressing on his mind all the    
horrors of despair4 ,but if  he was     
told1 that application was made in his  
behalf1 and that  ,congress were willing
 to hear what could be urged in favor of
  discouraging the practice of importing
 his fellow-wretches1 he would  trust in

 their justice and humanity1 and wait   
the decision patiently4  ,he presumed   
that these unfortunate people would     
reason in the same  way2 and he1        
therefore1 conceived the most likely way
 to prevent  danger1 was to commit the  
petition4 ,he lived in a ,state which   
had the  misfortune of having in her    
bosom a great number of slaves1 he held 
many of them himself1 and was as much   
interested in the business1 he          
believed1 as any gentleman in ,south    
,carolina or ,georgia1 yet1 if he  was  
determined to hold them in eternal      
bondage1 he should feel no  uneasiness  
or alarm on account of the present      
measure1 because he  should rely upon   
the virtue of ,congress1 that they would
 not exercise  any unconstitutional     
authority4    ,mr4 ,madison 7of ,va47   
,the debate has taken a serious turn1   
and it will  be owing to this alone if  
an alarm is created2 for had the        
memorial  been treated in the usual way1
 it would have been considered as a     

matter of course1 and a report might    
have been made1 so as to have  given    
general satisfaction4    ,if there was  
the slightest tendency by the commitment
 to break in upon  the constitution1 he 
would object to it2 but he did not see  
upon what  ground such an event was to  
be apprehended4 ,the petition prayed1 in
  general terms1 for the interference of
 congress1 so far as they were          
constitutionally authorized2 but even if
 its prayer was1 in some  degree1       
unconstitutional1 it might be committed1
 as was the case on  ,mr4 ,churchman's  
petition1 one part of which was supposed
 to apply for  an unconstitutional      
interference by the general government4 
,he admitted that congress was          
restricted by the constitution from     
taking measures to abolish the          
slave-trade2 yet there were a variety   
of ways by which they could countenance 
the abolition1 and they might  make some
 regulations respecting the introduction
 of them into the new  ,states1 to be   

formed out of the ,western ,territory1  
different from what  they could in the  
old settled ,states4 ,he thought the    
object well  worthy of consideration4   
,mr4 ,gerry 7of ,mass47 thought the     
interference of congress fully          
compatible with the constitution1 and   
could not help lamenting the  miseries  
to which the tribes of ,africa were     
exposed by this inhuman  commerce2 and  
said that he never contemplated the     
subject1 without  reflecting what his   
own feelings would be1 in case himself1 
his  children1 or friends1 were placed  
in the same deplorable  circumstances4  
,he then adverted to the flagrant acts  
of cruelty which  are committed in      
carrying on that traffic2 and asked     
whether it can be  supposed1 that       
congress has no power to prevent such   
transactions8 ,he  then referred to the 
constitution1 and pointed out the       
restrictions  laid on the general       
government respecting the importation of
 slaves4  ,it was not1 he presumed1 in  

the contemplation of any gentleman in   
this  house to violate that part of the 
constitution2 but that we have a  right 
to regulate this business1 is as clear  
as that we have any  rights whatever2   
nor has the contrary been shown by any  
person who has  spoken on the occasion4 
,congress can1 agreeable to the         
constitution1  lay a duty of ten dollars
 on imported slaves2 they may do this   
immediately4 ,he made a calculation of  
the value of the slaves in the          
,southern ,states1 and supposed they    
might be worth ten millions of  dollars2
 congress have a right1 if they see     
proper1 to make a proposal  to the      
,southern ,states to purchase the whole 
of them1 and their  resources in the    
,western ,territory may furnish them    
with means4 ,he did  not intend to      
suggest a measure of this kind1 he only 
instanced these  particulars1 to show   
that congress certainly have a right to 
intermeddle in the business4 ,he thought
 that no objection had been  offered1 of

 any force1 to prevent the commitment of
 the memorial4    ,mr4 ,boudinot 7of    
,n4,j47 had carefully examined the      
petition1 and found  nothing like what  
was complained of by gentlemen1         
contained in it2 he1  therefore1 hoped  
they would withdraw their opposition1   
and suffer it  to be committed4    ,mr4 
,smith 7of ,s4,c47 said1 that as the    
petitioners had particularly  prayed    
congress to take measures for the       
annihilation of the slave  trade1 and   
that was admitted on all hands to be    
beyond their power1  and as the         
petitioners would not be gratified by a 
tax of ten dollars  per head1 which was 
all that was within their power1 there  
was1 of  consequence1 no occasion for   
committing it4    ,mr4 ,stone 7of ,md47 
thought this memorial a thing of course2
 for there  never was a society1 of any 
considerable extent1 which did not      
interfere with the concerns of other    
people1 and this kind of  interference1 
whenever it has happened1 has never     

failed to deluge the  country in blood3 
on this principle he was opposed to the 
commitment4    ,the question on the     
commitment being about to be put1 the   
yeas and  nays were called for1 and are 
as follows3--    ,yeas4--,messrs4 ,ames1
 ,benson1 ,boudinot1 ,brown1            
,cadwallader1 ,clymer1  ,fitzsimons1    
,floyd1 ,foster1 ,gale1 ,gerry1 ,gilman1
 ,goodhue1 ,griffin1  ,grout1 ,hartley1 
,hathorne1 ,heister1 ,huntington1       
,lawrence1 ,lee1 ,leonard1  ,livermore1 
,madison1 ,moore1 ,muhlenberg1 ,pale1   
,parker1 ,partridge1  ,renssellaer1     
,schureman1 ,scott1 ,sedgwick1 ,seney1  
,sherman1 ,sinnickson1  ,smith of       
,maryland1 ,sturges1 ,thatcher1         
,trumbull1 ,wadsworth1 ,white1 and      
,wynkoop--#dc4    ,noes--,messrs4       
,baldwin1 ,bland1 ,bourke1 ,coles1      
,huger1 ,jackson1 ,mathews1  ,sylvester1
 ,smith of ,s4,c41 ,stone1 and          
,tucker--#aa4    ,whereupon it was      
determined in the affirmative2 and on   
motion1 the  petition of the ,society of

 ,friends1 at ,new ,york1 and the       
memorial from  the ,pennsylvania        
,society1 for the abolition of slavery1 
were also  referred to a                
committee4--,,lloyd',s ,,debates4       
,debate on ,committee's ,report1 ,march1
 #agij4    ,,eliot',s ,,debates4    ,mr4
 ,tucker moved to modify the first      
paragraph by striking out all the  words
 after the word opinion1 and to insert  
the following3 that the  several        
memorials proposed to the consideration 
of this house1 a  subject on which its  
interference would be unconstitutional1 
and even  its deliberations highly      
injurious to some of the ,states in the 
,union4    ,mr4 ,jackson rose and       
observed1 that he had been silent on the
 subject  of the reports coming before  
the committee1 because he wished the    
principles of the resolutions to be     
examined fairly1 and to be decided  on  
their true grounds4 ,he was against the 
propositions generally1 and  would      
examine the policy1 the justice and the 

use of them1 and he  hoped1 if he could 
make them appear in the same light to   
others as  they did to him by fair      
argument1 that the gentlemen in         
opposition  were not so determined in   
their opinions as not to give up their  
present sentiments4    ,with respect to 
the policy of the measure1 the situation
 of the slaves  here1 their situation in
 their native ,states1 and the disposal 
of them  in case of emancipation1 should
 be considered4 ,that slavery was an    
evil habit1 he did not mean to          
controvert2 but that habit was already  
established1 and there were peculiar    
situations in countries which  rendered 
that habit necessary4 ,such situations  
the ,states of ,south  ,carolina and    
,georgia were in--large tracts of the   
most fertile lands  on the continent    
remained uncultivated for the want of   
population4 ,it  was frequently advanced
 on the floor of ,congress1 how         
unhealthy those  climates were1 and how 
impossible it was for northern          

constitutions to  exist there4 ,what1 he
 asked1 is to be done with this         
uncultivated  territory8 ,is it to      
remain a waste8 ,is the rice trade to be
 banished  from our coasts8 ,are        
congress willing to deprive themselves  
of the  revenue arising from that trade1
 and which is daily increasing1 and to  
throw this great advantage into the     
hands of other countries8    ,let us    
examine the use or the benefit of the   
resolutions contained in  the report4 ,i
 call upon gentlemen to give me one     
single instance in  which they can be of
 service4 ,they are of no use to        
congress4 ,the  powers of that body are 
already defined1 and those powers cannot
 be  amended1 confirmed or diminished by
 ten thousand resolutions4 ,is not  that
 the guide and rule of this legislature4
 ,a multiplicity of laws is  reprobated 
in any society1 and tend but to confound
 and perplex4 ,how  strange would a law 
appear which was to confirm a law2 and  
how much  more strange must it appear   

for this body to pass resolutions to    
confirm the constitution under which    
they sit6 ,this is the case with  others
 of the resolutions4    ,a gentleman    
from ,maryland 7,mr4 ,stone7 very       
properly observed1 that the  ,union had 
received the different ,states with all 
their ill habits  about them4 ,this was 
one of these habits established long    
before the  constitution1 and could not 
now be remedied4 ,he begged congress to 
reflect on the number on the continent  
who were opposed to this  constitution1 
and on the number which yet remained in 
the ,southern  ,states4 ,the violation  
of this compact they would seize on with
  avidity2 they would make a handle of  
it to cover their designs against  the  
government1 and many good federalists1  
who would be injured by the  measure1   
would be induced to join them3 his heart
 was truly federal1  and it had always  
been so1 and he wished those designs    
frustrated4 ,he  begged congress to     
beware before they went too far3 he     

called on them  to attend to the        
interest of two whole ,states1 as well  
as to the  memorials of a society of    
quakers1 who came forward to blow the   
trumpet of sedition1 and to destroy that
 constitution which they had  not in the
 least contributed by personal service  
or supply to  establish4    ,he seconded
 ,mr4 ,tucker's motion4    ,mr4 ,smith  
7of ,s4,c47 said1 the gentleman from    
,massachusetts1 7,mr4  ,gerry17 had     
declared that it was the opinion of the 
select committee1  of which he was a    
member1 that the memorial of the        
,pennsylvania  society1 required        
congress to violate the constitution4   
,it was not  less astonishing to see    
,dr4 ,franklin taking the lead in a     
business  which looks so much like a    
persecution of the ,southern            
inhabitants1  when he recollected the   
parable he had written some time ago1   
with a  view of showing the immorality  
of one set of men persecuting others    
for a difference of opinion4 ,the       

parable was to this effect3 an old      
traveller1 hungry and weary1 applied to 
the patriarch ,abraham for a  night's   
lodging4 ,in conversation1 ,abraham     
discovered that the stranger  differed  
with him on religious points1 and turned
 him out of doors4 ,in  the night ,god  
appeared unto ,abraham1 and said1 where 
is the stranger8  ,abraham answered1 ,i 
found that he did not worship the true  
,god1 and so  ,i turned him out of      
doors4 ,the ,almighty thus rebuked the  
patriarch3  have ,i borne with him      
three-score and ten years1 and couldst  
thou not  bear with him one night8 ,has 
the ,almighty1 said ,mr4 ,smith1 borne  
with  us for more than three-score years
 and ten3 ,he has even made our  country
 opulent1 and shed the blessings of     
affluence and prosperity on  our land1  
notwithstanding all its slaves1 and must
 we now be ruined  on account of the    
tender consciences of a few scrupulous  
individuals  who differ from us on this 
point8    ,mr4 ,boudinot agreed with the

 general doctrines of ,mr4 ,s41 but     
could  not agree that the clause in the 
constitution relating to the want of    
power in congress to prohibit the       
importation of such persons as any  of  
the ,states1 now existing1 shall think  
proper to admit1 prior to  the year     
#ahjh1 and authorizing a tax or duty on 
such importation not  exceeding ten     
dollars for each person1 did not extend 
to negro slaves4  ,candor required that 
he should acknowledge that this was the 
express  design of the constitution1 and
 therefore congress could not interfere 
in prohibiting the importation or       
promoting the emancipation of them1     
prior to that period4 ,mr4 ,boudinot    
observed1 that he was well informed     
that the tax or duty of ten dollars was 
provided1 instead of the five  per cent4
 ad valorem1 and was so expressly       
understood by all parties  in the       
convention2 that therefore it was the   
interest and duty of  congress to impose
 this tax1 or it would not be doing     

justice to the  ,states1 or equalizing  
the duties throughout the ,union4 ,if   
this was  not done1 merchants might     
bring their whole capitals into this    
branch  of trade1 and save paying any   
duties whatever4 ,mr4 ,boudinot         
observed1  that the gentleman had       
overlooked the prophecy of ,st4 ,peter1 
where he  foretells that among other    
damnable heresies1 ,through covetousness
  shall they with feigned words make    
merchandize of you4      ,,note4--,this 
petition1 with others of a similar      
object1 was committed  to a select      
committee2 that committee made a report2
 the report was  referred to a committee
 of the whole house1 and discussed on   
four  successive days2 it was then      
reported to the ,house with amendments1 
and by the ,house ordered to be         
inscribed in its ,journals1 and then    
laid on the table4    ,that report1 as  
amended in committee1 is in the         
following words3 ,the  committee to whom
 were referred sundry memorials from the

 people  called ,quakers1 and also a    
memorial from the ,pennsylvania ,society
 for  promoting the abolition of        
slavery1 submit the following report1   
7as  amended in committee of the whole47
    ,first3 ,that the migration or      
importation of such persons as any of   
the ,states now existing shall think    
proper to admit1 cannot be  prohibited  
by ,congress prior to the year #ahjh4   
,secondly3 ,that ,congress have no power
 to interfere in the  emancipation of   
slaves1 or in the treatment of them1    
within any of the  ,states2 it remaining
 with the several ,states alone to      
provide any  regulations therein which  
humanity and true policy may require4   
,thirdly3 ,that ,congress have authority
 to restrain the citizens of the        
,united ,states from carrying on the    
,african ,slave trade1 for the  purpose 
of supplying foreigners with slaves1 and
 of providing by  proper regulations for
 the humane treatment1 during their     
passage1 of  slaves imported by the said

 citizens into the states admitting such
  importations4    ,fourthly3 ,that     
,congress have also authority to        
prohibit foreigners  from fitting out   
vessels in any part of the ,united      
,states for  transporting persons from  
,africa to any foreign port4            
,,address ,,of ,,the ,,executive        
,,committee ,,of ,,the ,,american       
,,anti-,,slavery  ,,society ,,to ,,the  
,friends of ,freedom and ,emancipation  
in the ,united  ,states4    ,at the     
,tenth ,anniversary of the ,american    
,anti-,slavery ,society1 held in  the   
city of ,new ,york1 ,may #gth1          
#ahdd1--;after grave deliberation1 and a
  long and earnest discussion1--it was  
decided1 by a vote of nearly  three to  
one of the members present1 that        
fidelity to the cause of  human freedom1
 hatred of oppression1 sympathy for     
those who are held  in chains and       
slavery in this republic1 and allegiance
 to ,god1 require  that the existing    
national compact should be instantly    

dissolved2 that  secession from the     
government is a religious and political 
duty2 that  the motto inscribed on the  
banner of ,freedom should be1 ,,no      
,,union ,,with  ,,slaveholders2 that it 
is impracticable for tyrants and the    
enemies of  tyranny to coalesce and     
legislate together for the preservation 
of  human rights1 or the promotion of   
the interests of ,liberty2 and that     
revolutionary ground should be occupied 
by all those who abhor the  thought of  
doing evil that good may come1 and who  
do not mean to  compromise the          
principles of ,justice and humanity4    
,a decision involving such momentous    
consequences1 so well calculated  to    
startle the public mind1 so hostile to  
the established order of  things1       
demands of us1 as the official          
representatives of the  ,american       
,society1 a statement of the reasons    
which led to it4 ,this is  due not only 
to the ,society1 but also to the country
 and the world4    ,it is declared by   

the ,american people to be a            
self-evident truth1  that all men are   
created equal2 that they are endowed    
,,by ,,their  ,,creator with certain    
inalienable rights2 that among these are
 life1  ,,liberty1 and the pursuit of   
happiness4 ,it is further maintained by 
them1 that all governments derive their 
just powers from the consent  of the    
governed2 that whenever any form of     
government becomes  destructive of human
 rights1 it is the right of the people  
to alter or  to abolish it1 and         
institute a new government1 laying its  
foundation  on such principles1 and     
organizing its powers in such form as to
 them  shall seem most likely to effect 
their safety and happiness4 ,these      
doctrines the patriots of #aggf sealed  
with their blood4 ,they would  not brook
 even the menace of oppression4 ,they   
held that there should  be no delay in  
resisting at whatever cost or peril1 the
 first  encroachments of power on their 
liberties4 ,appealing to the great      

,ruler of the universe for the rectitude
 of their course1 they pledged  to each 
other their lives1 their fortunes and   
their sacred honor1 to  conquer or      
perish in their struggle to be free4    
,for the example which they set to all  
people subjected to a despotic  sway1   
and the sacrifices which they made1     
their descendants cherish  their        
memories with gratitude1 reverence their
 virtues1 honor their  deeds1 and glory 
in their triumphs4    ,it is not        
necessary1 therefore1 for us to prove   
that a state of  slavery is incompatible
 with the dictates of reason and        
humanity2 or  that it is lawful to throw
 off a government which is at war with  
the  sacred rights of mankind4    ,we   
regard this as indeed a solemn crisis1  
which requires of every man  sobriety of
 thought1 prophetic forecast1           
independent judgment1  invincible       
determination1 and a sound heart4 ,a    
revolutionary step is  one that should  
not be taken hastily1 nor followed under

 the influence  of impulsive imitation4 
,to know what spirit they are           
of--whether they  have counted the cost 
of the warfare--what are the principles 
they  advocate--and how they are to     
achieve their object--is the first duty 
of revolutionists4    ,but1 while       
circumspection and prudence are         
excellent qualities in  every great     
emergency1 they become the allies of    
tyranny whenever they  restrain prompt1 
bold and decisive action against it4    
,we charge upon the present national    
compact1 that it was formed at the      
expense of human liberty1 by a          
profligate surrender of principle1 and  
to this hour is cemented with human     
blood4    ,we charge upon the ,american 
,constitution1 that it contains         
provisions1  and enjoins duties1 which  
make it unlawful for freemen to take the
  oath of allegiance to it1 because they
 are expressly designed to favor  a     
slaveholding oligarchy1 and             
consequently1 to make one portion of the

  people a prey to another4    ,we      
charge upon the existing national       
government1 that it is an  insupportable
 despotism1 wielded by a power which is 
superior to all  legal and              
constitutional restraints--equally      
indisposed and unable to  protect the   
lives or liberties of the people--the   
prop and safeguard  of ,american        
slavery4    ,these charges we proceed   
briefly to establish3    ,i4 ,it is     
admitted by all men of intelligence1--or
 if it be denied in  any quarter1 the   
records of our national history settle  
the question  beyond doubt1--that the   
,american ,union was effected by a      
guilty  compromise between the free and 
slaveholding ,states2 in other words1   
by immolating the colored population on 
the altar of slavery1 by  depriving the 
,north of equal rights and privileges1  
and by  incorporating the slave system  
into the government4 ,in the expressive 
and pertinent language of scripture1 it 
was a covenant with death1  and an      

agreement with hell--null and void      
before ,god1 from the first  hour of its
 inception--the framers of which were   
recreant to duty1 and  the supporters of
 which are equally guilty4    ,it was   
pleaded at the time of the adoption1 it 
is pleaded now1 that1  without such a   
compromise there could have been no     
union2 that1  without union1 the        
colonies would have become an easy prey 
to the  mother country2 and1 hence1 that
 it was an act of necessity1  deplorable
 indeed when viewed alone1 but          
absolutely indispensable to  the safety 
of the republic4    ,to this see reply3 
,the plea is as profligate as the act   
was  tyrannical4 ,it is the jesuitical  
doctrine1 that the end sanctifies the   
means4 ,it is a confession of sin1 but  
the denial of any guilt in its          
perpetration4 ,it is at war with the    
government of ,god1 and subversive  of  
the foundations of morality4 ,it is to  
make lies our refuge1 and  under        
falsehood to hide ourselves1 so that we 

may escape the  overflowing scourge4    
,therefore1 thus saith the ,lord ,god1  
,judgment  will ,i lay to the line1 and 
righteousness to the plummet2 and the   
hail  shall sweep away the refuge of    
lies1 and the waters shall overflow the 
hiding place4 ,moreover1 because ye     
trust in oppression and  perverseness1  
and stay thereon2 therefore this        
iniquity shall be to  you as a breach   
ready to fall1 swelling out in a high   
wall1 whose  breaking cometh suddenly at
 an instant4 ,and he shall break it as  
the  breaking of the potter's vessel    
that is broken in pieces2 he shall not  
spare4    ,this plea is sufficiently    
broad to cover all the oppression and   
villany that the sun has witnessed in   
his circuit1 since ,god said1  ,let     
there be light4 ,it assumes that to be  
practicable1 which is  impossible1      
namely1 that there can be freedom with  
slavery1 union with  injustice1 and     
safety with bloodguiltiness4 ,a union of
 virtue with  pollution is the triumph  

of licentiousness4 ,a partnership       
between  right and wrong1 is wholly     
wrong4 ,a compromise of the principles  
of  ,justice1 is the deification of     
crime4    ,better that the ,american    
,union had never been formed1 than that 
it  should have been obtained at such a 
frightful cost6 ,if they were  guilty   
who fashioned it1 but who could not     
foresee all its frightful  consequences1
 how much more guilty are they1 who1 in 
full view of all  that has resulted from
 it1 clamor for its perpetuity6 ,if it  
was sinful  at the commencement1 to     
adopt it on the ground of escaping a    
greater  evil1 is it not equally sinful 
to swear to support it for the same     
reason1 or until1 in process of time1 it
 be purged from its  corruption8    ,the
 fact is1 the compromise alluded to1    
instead of effecting a union1  rendered 
it impracticable2 unless by the term    
union are to understand  the absolute   
reign of the slaveholding power over the
 whole country1  to the prostration of  

,northern rights4 ,in the just use of   
words1 the  ,american ,union is and     
always has been a sham--an imposture4   
,it is an  instrument of oppression     
unsurpassed in the criminal history of  
the  world4 ,how then can it be         
innocently sustained8 ,it is not        
certain1 it  is not even probable1 that 
if it had not been adopted1 the mother  
country would have reconquered the      
colonies4 ,the spirit that would  have  
chosen danger in preference to          
crime1--to perish with justice  rather  
than live with dishonor1--to dare and   
suffer whatever might  betide1 rather   
than sacrifice the rights of one human  
being1--could  never have been          
subjugated by any mortal power4 ,surely 
it is paying a  poor tribute to the     
valor and devotion of our revolutionary 
fathers in  the cause of liberty1 to say
 that1 if they had sternly refused to   
sacrifice their principles1 they would  
have fallen an easy prey to the         
despotic power of ,england4    ,,ii4    

,the ,american ,constitution is the     
exponent of the national compact4  ,we  
affirm that it is an instrument which no
 man can innocently bind  himself to    
support1 because its anti-republican and
 anti-christian  requirements are       
explicit and peremptory2 at least1 so   
explicit that1  in regard to all the    
clauses pertaining to slavery1 they have
 been  uniformly understood and enforced
 in the same way1 by all the courts  and
 by all the people2 and so peremptory1  
that no individual  interpretation or   
authority can set them aside with       
impunity4 ,it is  not a ball of clay1 to
 be moulded into any shape that party   
contrivance or caprice may choose it to 
assume4 ,it is not a form of  words1 to 
be interpreted in any manner1 or to any 
extent1 or for the  accomplishment of   
any purpose1 that individuals in office 
under it may  determine4 ,it means      
precisely what those who framed and     
adopted it  meant--,,nothing ,,more1    
,,nothing ,,less1 as a matter of bargain

 and  compromise4 ,even if it can be    
construed to mean something else1       
without violence to its language1 such  
construction is not to be  tolerated    
against the wishes of either party4 ,no 
just or honest use  of it can be made1  
in opposition to the plain intention of 
its  framers1 except to declare the     
contract at an end1 and to refuse to    
serve under it4    ,to the argument1    
that the words slaves and slavery are   
not to be  found in the ,constitution1  
and therefore that it was never intended
 to  give any protection or countenance 
to the slave system1 it is  sufficient  
to reply1 that though no such words are 
contained in that  instrument1 other    
words were used1 intelligently and      
specifically1 ,,to  ,,meet ,,the        
,,necessities ,,of ,,slavery2 and that  
these were adopted in good  faith1 to be
 observed until a constitutional change 
could be  effected4 ,on this point1 as  
to the design of certain provisions1 no 
intelligent man can honestly entertain a

 doubt4 ,if it be objected1  that though
 these provisions were meant to cover   
slavery1 yet1 as they  can fairly be    
interpreted to mean something exactly   
the reverse1 it is  allowable to give to
 them such an interpretation1 especially
 as the  cause of freedom will thereby  
be promoted--we reply1 that this is to  
advocate fraud and violence toward one  
of the contracting parties1  whose      
co-operation was secured only by an     
express agreement and  understanding    
between them both1 in regard to the     
clauses alluded to2  and that such a    
construction1 if enforced by pains and  
penalties1  would unquestionably lead to
 a civil war1 in which the aggrieved    
party  would justly claim to have been  
betrayed1 and robbed of their           
constitutional rights4    ,again1 if it 
be said1 that those clauses1 being      
immoral1 are null and  void--we reply1  
it is true they are not to be observed2 
but it is also  true that they are      
portions of an instrument1 the support  

of which1 ,,as  ,a ,,whole1 is required 
by oath or affirmation2 and1 therefore1 
because  they are immoral1 and ,,because
 ,,of ,,this ,,obligation ,,to ,,enforce
  ,,immorality1 no one can innocently   
swear to support the ,constitution4     
,again1 if it be objected1 that the     
,constitution was formed by the  people 
of the ,united ,states1 in order to     
establish justice1 to promote  the      
general welfare1 and secure the         
blessings of liberty to themselves  and 
their posterity2 and therefore1 it is to
 be so construed as to  harmonize with  
these objects2 we reply1 again1 that its
 language is  not to be interpreted in a
 sense which neither of the contracting 
parties understood1 and which would     
frustrate every design of their         
alliance--to wit1 union at the expense  
of the colored population of  the       
country4 ,moreover1 nothing is more     
certain than that the preamble  alluded 
to never included1 in the minds of those
 who framed it1 those  who were then    

pining in bondage--for1 in that case1 a 
general  emancipation of the slaves     
would have instantly been proclaimed    
throughout the ,united ,states4 ,the    
words1 secure the blessings of  liberty 
to ourselves and our posterity1         
assuredly meant only the  white         
population4 ,to promote the general     
welfare1 referred to their  own welfare 
exclusively4 ,to establish justice1 was 
understood to be  for their sole benefit
 as slaveholders1 and the guilty        
abettors of  slavery4 ,this is          
demonstrated by other parts of the same 
instrument1  and by their own practice  
under it4    ,we would not detract aught
 from what is justly their due2 but it  
is as  reprehensible to give them credit
 for what they did not possess1 as  it  
is to rob them of what is theirs4 ,it is
 absurd1 it is false1 it is  an insult  
to the common sense of mankind1 to      
pretend that the  ,constitution was     
intended to embrace the entire          
population of the  country under its    

sheltering wings2 or that the parties to
 it were  actuated by a sense of justice
 and the spirit of impartial liberty2 or
  that it needs no alteration1 but only 
a new interpretation1 to make it        
harmonize with the object aimed at by   
its adoption4 ,as truly might it  be    
argued1 that because it is asserted in  
the ,declaration of  ,independence1 that
 all men are created equal and endowed  
with an  inalienable right to liberty1  
therefore none of its signers were      
slaveholders1 and since its adoption1   
slavery has been banished from  the     
,american soil6 ,the truth is1 our      
fathers were intent on securing  liberty
 to themselves1 without being very      
scrupulous as to the means  they used to
 accomplish their purpose4 ,they were   
not actuated by the  spirit of universal
 philanthropy2 and though in words they 
recognized occasionally the brotherhood 
of the human race1 in  practice they    
continually denied it4 ,they did not    
blush to enslave a  portion of their    

fellow-men1 and to buy and sell them as 
cattle in the  market1 while they were  
fighting against the oppression of the  
mother  country1 and boasting of their  
regard for the rights of man4 ,why1     
then1 concede to them virtues which they
 did not posses8 ,why cling to  the     
falsehood1 that they were no respecters 
of person in the formation  of the      
government8    ,alas6 that they had no  
more fear of ,god1 no more regard for   
man1 in  their hearts6 ,the iniquity of 
the house of ,israel and ,judah ,the    
,north and ,south is exceeding great1   
and the land is full of blood1  and the 
city full of perverseness2 for they say1
 the ,lord hath  forsaken the earth1 and
 the ,lord seeth not4    ,we proceed to 
a critical examination of the ,american 
,constitution1 in  its relations to     
slavery4    ,in ,,article ,i1 ,section  
#i1 it is declared--,the migration or   
importation  of such persons as any of  
the ,states now existing shall think    
proper  to admit1 shall not be          

prohibited by the ,congress1 prior to   
the year  one thousand eight hundred and
 eight2 but a tax or duty may be imposed
  on such importation1 not exceeding ten
 dollars for each person4    ,in this   
,section1 it will be perceived1 the     
phraseology is so guarded  as not to    
imply1 ex necessitate1 any criminal     
intent or inhuman  arrangement2 and yet 
no one has ever had the hardihood or    
folly to  deny1 that it was clearly     
understood by the contracting parties1  
to  mean that there should be no        
interference with the ,african slave    
trade1 on the part of the general       
government1 until the year #ahjh4 ,for  
twenty years after the adoption of the  
,constitution1 the citizens of  the     
,united ,states were to be encouraged   
and protected in the  prosecution of    
that infernal traffic--in sacking and   
burning the  hamlets of ,africa--in     
slaughtering multitudes of the          
inoffensive  natives on the soil1       
kidnapping and enslaving a still greater

  proportion1 crowding them to          
suffocation in the holds of the slave   
ships1 populating the ,atlantic with    
their dead bodies1 and subjecting  the  
wretched survivors to all the horrors of
 unmitigated bondage6 ,this  awful      
covenant was strictly fulfilled2 and    
though1 since its  termination1         
,congress has declared the foreign slave
 traffic to be  piracy1 yet all         
,christendom knows that the ,american   
flag1 instead of  being the terror of   
the ,african slavers1 has given them the
 most ample  protection4    ,the manner 
in which the #ith ,section was agreed   
to1 by the national  convention that    
formed the constitution1 is thus frankly
 avowed by the  ,hon4 ,luther ,martin1#h
 who was a prominent member of that     
body3    ,footnote #h3 ,speech before   
the ,legislature of ,maryland in #aghg4 
,the ,eastern ,states1 notwithstanding  
their aversion of slavery1 767  were    
very willing to indulge the ,southern   
,states at least with a  temporary      

liberty to prosecute the slave trade1   
provided the ,southern  ,states would1  
in their turn1 gratify them by laying no
 restriction  on navigation acts2 and1  
after a very little time1 the committee1
 by a  great majority1 agreed on a      
report1 by which the general government 
was to be prohibited from preventing the
 importation of slaves for a  limited   
time2 and the restrictive clause        
relative to navigation acts  was to be  
omitted4    ,behold the iniquity of this
 agreement6 how sordid were the motives 
which led to it6 what a profligate      
disregard of justice and humanity1  on  
the part of those who had solemnly      
declared the inalienable right  of all  
men to be free and equal1 to be a       
self-evident truth6    ,it is due to the
 national convention to say1 that this  
section was not  adopted without        
considerable opposition4 ,alluding to   
it1 ,mr4 ,martin  observes--    ,it was 
said we had just assumed a place among  
the independent nations  in consequence 

of our opposition to the attempts of    
,great ,britain to  enslave us2 that    
this opposition was grounded upon the   
preservation  of those rights to which  
,god and nature has entitled us1 not in 
particular1 but in common with all the  
rest of mankind2 that we  had appealed  
to the ,supreme ,being for his          
assistance1 as the ,god of  freedom1 who
 could not but approve our efforts to   
preserve the rights  which he had thus  
imparted to his creatures2 that now1    
when we had  scarcely risen from our    
knees1 from supplicating his mercy and  
protection in forming our government    
over a free people1 a government  formed
 pretendedly on the principles of       
liberty1 and for its  preservation1--in 
that government to have a provision1 not
 only of  putting out of its power to   
restrain and prevent the slave trade1   
even  encouraging that most infamous    
traffic1 by giving the ,states the power
  and influence in the ,union in        
proportion as they cruelly and wantonly 

sported with the rights of their        
fellow-creatures1 ought to be           
considered as a solemn mockery of1 and  
insult to1 that ,god whose  protection  
we had thus implored1 and could not fail
 to hold us up in  detestation1 and     
render us contemptible to every true    
friend of  liberty in the world4 ,it was
 said that national crimes can only be1 
and frequently are1 punished in this    
world by national punishments1  and that
 the continuance of the slave trade1 and
 thus giving it a  national character1  
sanction1 and encouragement1 ought to be
  considered as justly exposing us to   
the displeasure and vengeance of  him   
who is equally the ,lord of all1 and who
 views with equal eye the  poor ,african
 slave and his ,american master6 #i     
,footnote #i3 ,how terribly and justly  
as the guilty nation been  scourged1    
since these words were spoken1 on       
account of slavery and the  slave trade6
      ,it was urged that1 by this       
system1 we were giving the general      

government full and absolute power to   
regulate commerce1 under which  general 
power it would have a right to restrain1
 or totally prohibit1  the slave trade3 
it must1 therefore1 appear to the world 
absurd and  disgraceful to the last     
degree that we should except from the   
exercise  of that power the only branch 
of commerce which is unjustifiable in   
its nature1 and contrary to the rights  
of mankind4 ,that1 on the  contrary1 we 
ought to prohibit expressly1 in our     
,constitution1 the  further importation 
of slaves1 and to authorize the general 
government1 from time to time1 to make  
such regulations as should be  thought  
most advantageous for the gradual       
abolition of slavery1 and  the          
emancipation of the slaves already in   
the ,states4 ,that slavery is           
inconsistent with the genius of         
republicanism1 and has a tendency to    
destroy those principles on which it is 
supported1 as it lessens the  sense of  
the equal rights of mankind1 and        

habituates to tyranny and  oppression4  
,it was further urged that1 by this     
system of government1  every ,state is  
to be protected both from foreign       
invasion and from  domestic             
insurrections2 and1 from this           
consideration1 it was of the  utmost    
importance it should have the power to  
restrain the importation  of slaves1    
since in proportion as the number of    
slaves increased in  any ,state1 in the 
same proportion is the ,state weakened  
and exposed to  foreign invasion and    
domestic insurrection2 and by so much   
less will  it be able to protect itself 
against either1 and therefore by so     
much1  want aid and be a burden to1 the 
,union4    ,it was further said1 that1  
in this system1 as we were giving the   
general government power1 under the idea
 of national character1 or  national    
interest1 to regulate even our weights  
and measures1 and have  prohibited all  
possibility of emitting paper money1 and
 passing  insolvent laws1 c41 it must   

appear still more extraordinary that we 
prohibited the government from          
interfering with the slave trade1 than  
which nothing could more effect our     
national honor and interest4    ,these  
reasons influenced me1 both in the      
committee and in the  convention1 most  
decidedly to oppose and vote against the
 clause1 as  it now makes part of the   
system4 #aj    ,footnote #aj3 ,secret   
,proceedings1 p4 #fa4      ,happy had it
 been for this nation1 had these solemn 
considerations  been heeded by the      
framers of the ,constitution6 ,but for  
the sake of  securing some local        
advantages1 they choose to do evil that 
good may  come1 and to make the end     
sanctify the means4 ,they were willing  
to  enslave others1 that they might     
secure their own freedom4 ,they did     
this deed deliberately1 with their eyes 
open1 with all the facts and            
consequences arising therefrom before   
them1 in violation of all their         
heaven-attested declarations1 and in    

atheistical distrust of the  overruling 
power of ,god4 ,the ,eastern ,states    
were very willing to  indulge the       
,southern ,states in the unrestricted   
prosecution of  their piratical traffic1
 provided in return they could be       
gratified  by no restriction on being   
laid on navigation acts66--,had there   
been  no other provision of the         
,constitution justly liable to          
objection1  this one alone rendered the 
support of that instrument incompatible 
with the duties which men owe to their  
,creator1 and to each other4 ,it  was   
the poisonous infusion in the cup1      
which1 though constituting but  a very  
slight portion of its contents1 perilled
 the life of every one  who partook of  
it4    ,if it be asked to what purpose  
are these animadversions1 since the     
clause alluded to has long since expired
 by its own limitation--we  answer1     
that1 if at any time the foreign slave  
trade could be  constitutionally        
prosecuted1 it may yet be renewed1 under

 the  ,constitution1 at the pleasure of 
,congress1 whose prohibitory statute  is
 liable to be reversed at any moment1 in
 the frenzy of ,southern  opposition to 
emancipation4 ,it is ignorantly supposed
 that the bargain  was1 that the traffic
 should cease in #ahjh2 but the only    
thing  secured by it was1 the right of  
,congress 7not any obligation7 to       
prohibit it at that period4 ,if1        
therefore1 ,congress had not chosen to  
exercise that right1 the traffic might  
have been prolonged  indefinitely1 under
 the ,constitution4 ,the right to       
destroy any  particular branch of       
commerce1 implies the right to          
re-establish it4  ,true1 there is no    
probability that the ,african slave     
trade will ever  again be legalized by  
the national government2 but no credit  
is due  the framers of the ,constitution
 on this ground2 for1 while they threw  
around it all the sanction and          
protection of the national character    
and power for twenty years1 they set no 

bounds to its continuance by  any       
positive constitutional prohibition4    
,again1 the adoption of such a clause1  
and the faithful execution of  it1 prove
 what was meant by the words of the     
preamble--to form a more  perfect union1
 establish justice1 insure domestic     
tranquillity1  provide for the common   
defence1 promote the general welfare1   
and  secure the blessings of liberty to 
ourselves and our  posterity--namely1   
that the parties to the ,constitution   
regarded  only their own rights and     
interests1 and never intended that its  
language should be so interpreted as to 
interfere with slavery1 or to  make it  
unlawful for one portion of the people  
to enslave another1  without an express 
alteration in the instrument1 in the    
manner  therein set forth4 ,while1      
therefore1 the ,constitution remains as 
it  was originally adopted1 they who    
swear to support it are bound to  comply
 with all its provisions1 as a matter of
 allegiance4 ,for it  avails nothing to 

say1 that some of those provisions are  
at war with  the law of ,god and the    
rights of man1 and therefore are not    
obligatory4 ,whatever may be their      
character1 they are  constitutionally1  
obligatory2 and whoever feels that he   
cannot  execute them1 or swear to       
execute them1 without committing sin1   
has no other choice left than to        
withdraw from the government1 or to     
violate his conscience by taking on his 
lips an impious promise4 ,the  object of
 the ,constitution is not to define what
 is the law of ,god1  but ,,what ,,is   
,,the ,,will ,,of ,,the ,,people--which 
will is not to be frustrated  by an     
ingenious moral interpretation1 by those
 whom they have elected  to serve them4 
,,article #a1 ,sect4 #b1                
provides--,representatives and direct   
taxes shall  be apportioned among the   
several ,states1 which may be included  
within  this ,union1 according to their 
respective numbers1 which shall be      
determined by adding to the whole number

 of free persons1 including  those bound
 to service for a term of years1 and    
excluding ,indians not  taxed1          
three-fifths of all other persons4      
,here1 as in the clause we have already 
examined1 veiled beneath a form  of     
words as deceitful as it is unmeaning in
 a truly democratic  government1 is a   
provision for the safety1 perpetuity and
 augmentation  of the slaveholding      
power--a provision scarcely less        
atrocious than  that which related to   
the ,african slave trade1 and almost as 
afflictive in its operation--a provision
 still in force1 with no  possibility of
 its alteration1 so long as a majority  
of the slave  ,states choose to maintain
 their slave system--a provision which1 
at  the present time1 enables the ,south
 to have twenty-five additional         
representatives in ,congress on the     
score of property1 while the  ,north is 
not allowed to have one--a provision    
which concedes to the  oppressed        
three-fifths of the political power     

which is granted to all  others1 and    
then puts this power into the hands of  
their oppressors1  to be wielded by them
 for the more perfect security of their 
tyrannous  authority1 and the complete  
subjugation of the non-slaveholding     
,states4    ,referring to this atrocious
 bargain1 ,,alexander ,,hamilton        
remarked in  the ,new ,york             
,convention--    ,the first thing       
objected to1 is that clause which allows
 a  representation for three-fifths of  
the negroes4 ,much has been said of  the
 impropriety of representing men who    
have no will of their own3  whether this
 is reasoning1 or declamation1 7667 ,i  
will not presume  to say4 ,it is the    
unfortunate situation of the ,southern  
,states to  have a great part of their  
population1 as well as property1 in     
blacks4 ,the regulation complained of   
was one result of the spirit of         
accommodation which governed the        
,convention3 and without this           
indulgence1 ,,no ,,union ,,could        

,,possibly ,,have ,,been ,,formed4 ,but1
 sir1  considering some peculiar        
advantages which we derive from them1 it
  is entirely ,,just that they should be
 gratified4--,the ,southern ,states     
possess certain staples1 tobacco1 rice1 
indigo1 c4--which must be  capital      
objects in treaties of commerce with    
foreign nations2 and  the advantage     
which they necessarily procure in these 
treaties will be  felt throughout the   
,united states4    ,if such was the     
patriotism1 such the love of liberty1   
such the  morality of ,,alexander       
,,hamilton1 what can be said of the     
character of  those who were far less   
conspicuous than himself in securing    
,american  independence1 and in framing 
the ,american ,constitution8    ,listen1
 now1 to the questions of ,,john        
,,quincy ,,adams1 respecting the        
constitutional clause now under         
consideration3--    ',in outward show1  
it is a representation of persons in    
bondage2 in  fact1 it is a              

representation of their masters1--the   
oppressor  representing the             
oppressed4'--',is it in the compass of  
human  imagination to devise a more     
perfect exemplification of the art of   
committing the lamb to the tender       
custody of the wolf8'--',the            
representative is thus constituted1 not 
the friend1 agent and trustee  of the   
person whom he represents1 but the most 
inveterate of his  foes4'--',it was one 
of the curses from that ,pandora's box1 
adjusted  at the time1 as usual1 by a   
compromise1 the whole advantage of which
  inured to the benefit of the ,south1  
and to aggravate the burdens of  the    
,north4'--',if there be a parallel to it
 in human history1 it can  only be that 
of the ,roman ,emperors1 who1 from the  
days when ,julius  ,caesar substituted a
 military despotism in the place of a   
republic1  among the offices which they 
always concentrated upon themselves1 was
  that of tribune of the people4 ,a     
,roman ,emperor tribune of the people1  

is an exact parallel to that feature in 
the ,constitution of the ,united        
,states which makes the master the      
representative of his slave4'--',the    
,constitution of the ,united ,states    
expressly prescribes that no title  of  
nobility shall be granted by the ,united
 ,states4 ,the spirit of this  interdict
 is not a rooted antipathy to the grant 
of mere powerless  empty titles1 but to 
titles of nobility2 to the institution  
of  privileged orders of men4 ,but what 
order of men under the most  absolute of
 monarchies1 or the most aristocratic of
 republics1 was  ever invested with such
 an odious and unjust privilege as that 
of the  separate and exclusive          
representation of less than half a      
million  owners of slaves1 in the ,hall 
of this ,house1 in the ,chair of the    
,senate1 and in the ,presidential       
mansion8'--',this investment of power   
in the owners of one species of property
 concentrated in the highest            
authorities of the nation1 and          

disseminated through thirteen of the    
twenty-six ,states of the ,union1       
constitutes a privileged order of men   
in the community1 more adverse to the   
rights of all1 and more  pernicious to  
the interests of the whole1 than any    
order of nobility  ever known4 ,to call 
government thus constituted a democracy1
 is to  insult the understanding of     
mankind4 ,to call it an aristocracy1 is 
to  do injustice to that form of        
government4 ,aristocracy is the         
government  of the best4 ,its standard  
qualification for accession to power is 
merit1 ascertained by popular election  
recurring at short intervals  of time4  
,if even that government is prone to    
degenerate into tyranny1  what must be  
the character of that form of polity in 
which the  standard qualification for   
access to power is wealth in the        
possession  of slaves8 ,it is doubly    
tainted with the infection of riches and
 of  slavery4 ,there is no name in the  
language of national jurisprudence  that

 can define it--no model in the records 
of ancient history1 or in  the political
 theories of ,aristotle1 with which it  
can be likened4 ,it  was introduced into
 the ,constitution of the ,united       
,states by an  equivocation--a          
representation of property under the    
name of persons4  ,little did the       
members of the ,convention from the free
 ,states foresee  what a sacrifice to   
,moloch was hidden under the mask of    
this  concession4'--',the ,house of     
,representatives of the ,united ,states 
consists of #bbc members--all1 by the   
letter of the ,constitution1            
representatives only of persons1 as #ace
 of them really are2 but the  other #hh1
 equally representing the persons of    
their constituents1 by  whom they are   
elected1 also represent1 under the name 
of other  persons1 upwards of two and a 
half millions of slaves1 held as the    
property of less than half a million of 
the white constituents1 and  valued at  
twelve hundred millions of dollars4     

,each of these #hh members  represents  
in fact the whole of that mass of       
associated wealth1 and  the persons and 
exclusive interests of its owners2 all  
thus knit  together1 like the members of
 a moneyed corporation1 with a capital  
not of thirty-five or forty or fifty1   
but of twelve hundred millions  of      
dollars1 exhibiting the most            
extraordinary exemplification of the    
anti-republican tendencies of associated
 wealth that the world ever             
saw4'--',here is one class of men1      
consisting of not more than one         
fortieth part of the whole people1 not  
more than one-thirtieth part of  the    
free population1 exclusively devoted to 
their personal interests  identified    
with their own as slaveholders of the   
same associated  wealth1 and wielding by
 their votes1 upon every question of    
government  or of public policy1        
two-fifths of the whole power of the    
,house4 ,in  the ,senate of the ,union1 
the proportion of the slaveholding power

 is  yet greater4 ,by the influence of  
slavery1 in the ,states where the       
institution is tolerated1 over their    
elections1 no other than a  slaveholder 
can rise to the distinction of obtaining
 a seat in the  ,senate2 and thus1 of   
the #eb members of the federal ,senate1 
#bf are  owners of slaves1 and as       
effectively representatives of that     
interest  as the #hh members elected by 
them to the ,house4'--',by this process 
it  is that all political power in the  
,states is absorbed and engrossed by    
the owners of slaves1 and the overruling
 policy of the ,states is  shaped to    
strengthen and consolidate their        
domination4 ,the  legislative1          
executive1 and judicial authorities are 
all in their  hands--the preservation1  
propagation1 and perpetuation of the    
black  code of slavery--every law of the
 legislature becomes a link in the      
chain of the slave2 every executive act 
a rivet to his hapless fate2  every     
judicial decision a perversion of the   

human intellect to the  justification of
 wrong4'--',its reciprocal operation    
upon the  government of the nation is1  
to establish an artificial majority in  
the slave representation over that of   
the free people1 in the ,american       
,congress1 and thereby to make the      
,,preservation1 ,,propagation1 ,,and    
,,perpetuation ,,of ,,slavery ,,the     
,,vital ,,and ,,animating ,,spirit ,,of 
,,the ,,national  ,,government4'--',the 
result is seen in the fact that1 at this
 day1 the  ,president of the ,united    
,states1 the ,president of the ,senate1 
the  ,speaker of the ,house of          
,representatives1 and five out of nine  
of the  ,judges of the ,supreme         
,judicial ,courts of the ,united        
,states1 are not  only citizens of      
slaveholding ,states1 but individual    
slaveholders  themselves4 ,so are1 and  
constantly have been1 with scarcely an  
exception1 all the members of both      
,houses of ,congress from the           
slaveholding ,states2 and so are1 in    

immensely disproportionate  numbers1 the
 commanding officers of the army and    
navy2 the officers of  the customs2 the 
registers and receivers of the land     
offices1 and the  post-masters          
throughout the slaveholding             
,states4--,the ,biennial  ,register     
indicates the birth-place of all the    
officers employed in the  government of 
the ,union4 ,if it were required to     
designate the owners  of this species of
 property among them1 it would be little
 more than a  catalogue of              
slaveholders4'    ,it is confessed by   
,mr4 ,adams1 alluding to the national   
convention that  framed the             
,constitution1 that the delegation from 
the free ,states1 in  their extreme     
anxiety to conciliate the ascendency of 
the ,southern  slaveholder1 did listen  
to a compromise between right and       
wrong--between freedom and slavery2 of  
the ultimate fruits of which  they had  
no conception1 but which already even   
now is urging the ,union  to its        

inevitable ruin and dissolution1 by a   
civil1 servile1 foreign1  and ,indian   
war1 all combined in one2 a war1 the    
essential issue of  which will be       
between freedom and slavery1 and in     
which the unhallowed  standard of       
slavery will be the desecrated banner of
 the ,north  ,american ,union--that     
banner1 first unfurled to the breeze1   
inscribed  with the self-evident truths 
of the ,declaration of ,independence4   
,hence to swear to support the          
,constitution of the ,united ,states1 as
  it is1 is to make a compromise between
 right and wrong1 and to wage  war      
against human liberty4 ,it is to        
recognize and honor as republican       
legislators1 incorrigible men-stealers1 
,,merciless ,,tyrants1 ,,blood          
,,thirsty ,,assassins1 who legislate    
with deadly weapons about their         
persons1 such as pistols1 daggers1 and  
bowie-knives1 with which they  threaten 
to murder any ,northern senator or      
representative who shall  dare to stain 

their honor1 or interfere with their    
rights6 ,they  constitute a banditti    
more fierce and cruel than any whose    
atrocities  are recorded on the pages of
 history or romance4 ,to mix with them  
on  terms of social or religious        
fellowship1 is to indicate a low state  
of  virtue2 but to think of             
administering a free government by their
  co-operation1 is nothing short of     
insanity4    ,article ,,iv41 ,section   
#b1 declares1--no person held to service
 or labor  on one ,state1 under the laws
 thereof1 escaping into another1 shall1 
in consequence of any law or regulation 
therein1 be discharged from  such       
service or labor2 but shall be delivered
 up on claim of the party  to whom such 
service or labor may be due4    ,here is
 a third clause1 which1 like the other  
two1 makes no mention of  slavery or    
slaves1 in express terms2 and yet1 like 
them1 was  intelligently framed and     
mutually understood by the parties to   
the  ratification1 and intended both to 

protect the slave system and to  restore
 runaway slaves4 ,it alone makes slavery
 a national institution1  a national    
crime1 and all the people who are not   
enslaved1 the  body-guard over those    
whose liberties have been cloven down4  
,this  agreement1 too1 has been         
fulfilled to the letter by the ,north4  
,under the ,mosaic dispensation it was  
imperatively commanded1--,thou  shalt   
not deliver unto his master the servant 
which is escaped from  his master unto  
thee3 he shall dwell with thee1 even    
among you1 in  that place which he shall
 choose in one of thy gates1 where it   
liketh  him best3 thou shalt not oppress
 him4 ,the warning which the prophet    
,isaiah gave to oppressing ,moab was of 
a similar kind3 ,take counsel1  execute 
judgment2 make thy shadow as the night  
in the midst of the  noon-day2 hide the 
outcasts2 bewray not him that wandereth4
 ,let mine  outcasts dwell with thee1   
,moab2 be thou a covert to them from the
 face  of the spoiler4 ,the prophet     

,obadiah brings the following charge    
against treacherous ,edom1 which is     
precisely applicable to this guilty     
nation3--,for thy violence against thy  
brother ,jacob1 shame shall come  over  
thee1 and thou shalt be cut off for     
ever4 ,in the day that thou  stoodest on
 the other side1 in the day that the    
strangers carried away  captive his     
forces1 and foreigners entered into his 
gates1 and cast  lots upon ,jerusalem1  
even thou wast as one of them4 ,but thou
  shouldst not have looked on the day of
 thy brother1 in the day that he  became
 a stranger2 neither shouldst thou have 
rejoiced over the  children of ,judah1  
in the day of their destruction2 neither
 shouldst  thou have spoken proudly in  
the day of distress2 neither shouldst   
thou  have stood in the cross-way1 to   
cut off those of his that did  escape2  
neither shouldst thou have delivered up 
those of his that  did remain1 in the   
day of distress4    ,how exactly        
descriptive of this boasted republic is 

the impeachment of  ,edom by the same   
prophet6 ,the pride of thy heart hath   
deceived thee1  thou whose habitation is
 high2 that saith in thy heart1 ,who    
shall  bring me down to the ground8     
,though thou exalt thyself as the eagle1
  and though thou set thy nest among the
 stars1 thence will ,i bring thee  down1
 saith the ,lord4 ,the emblem of        
,american pride and power is the  eagle1
 and on her banner she has mingled stars
 with its stripes4  ,her vanity1 her    
treachery1 her oppression1 her          
self-exaltation1 and  her defiance of   
the ,almighty1 far surpass the madness  
and wickedness  of ,edom4 ,what shall be
 her punishment8 ,truly1 it may be      
affirmed of  the ,american people1 7who 
live not under the ,levitical but       
,christian  code1 and whose guilt1      
therefore1 is the more awful1 and their 
condemnation the greater17 in the       
language of another prophet--,they  all 
lie in wait for blood2 they hunt every  
man his brother with a net4  ,that they 

may do evil with both hands earnestly1  
the prince asketh1  and the judge asketh
 for a reward2 and the great man1 he    
uttereth his  mischievous desire3 so    
they wrap it up4 ,likewise of the       
colored  inhabitants of this land it may
 be said1--,this is a people robbed and 
spoiled2 they are all of them snared in 
holes1 and they are hid in              
prison-houses2 they are for a prey1 and 
none delivereth2 for a spoil1  and none 
saith1 ,restore4    ,by this            
stipulation1 the ,northern ,states are  
made the hunting ground  of             
slave-catchers1 who may pursue their    
victims with bloodhounds1 and  capture  
them with impunity wherever they can lay
 their robber hands  upon them4 ,at     
least twelve or fifteen thousand runaway
 slaves are now  in ,canada1 exiled from
 their native land1 because they could  
not find1  throughout its vast extent1 a
 single road on which they could dwell  
in  safety1 in consequence of this      
provision of the ,constitution8 ,how is 

it possible1 then1 for the advocates of 
liberty to support a  government which  
gives over to destruction one-sixth part
 of the whole  population8    ,it is    
denied by some at the present day1 that 
the clause which has  been cited1 was   
intended to apply to runaway slaves4    
,this indicates  either ignorance1 or   
folly or something worse4 ,,james       
,,madison1 as one  of the framers of the
 ,constitution1 is of some authority on 
this  point4 ,alluding to that          
instrument1 in the ,virginia convention1
 he  said3--    ,another clause secures 
us that property which we now possess4  
,at  present1 if any slave elopes to    
those ,states where slaves are free1  he
 becomes emancipated by their laws2 for 
the laws of the ,states are             
uncharitable 767 to one another in this 
respect2 but in this  constitution1 ',no
 person held to service or labor in one 
,state1 under  the laws thereof1 shall1 
in consequence of any law or regulation 
therein1 be discharged from such service

 or labor1 but shall be  delivered up on
 claim of the party to whom such service
 or labor may  be due4' ,,this ,,clause 
,,was ,,expressly ,,inserted ,,to       
,,enable ,,the ,,owners ,,of  ,,slaves  
,,to ,,reclaim ,,them4 ,this is a better
 security than any that now  exists4 ,no
 power is given to the general          
government to interfere with  respect to
 the property in slaves now held by the 
,states4    ,in the same convention1    
alluding to the same clause1 ,,gov4     
,,randolph  said3--    ,every one knows 
that slaves are held to service or      
labor4 ,and1 when  authority is given to
 owners of slaves to vindicate their    
property1  can it be supposed they can  
be deprived of it8 ,if a citizen of this
  ,state1 in consequence of this clause1
 can take his runaway slave in          
,maryland1 can it be seriously thought  
that1 after taking him and  bringing him
 home1 he could be made free8    ,it is 
objected1 that slaves are held as       
property1 and therefore1 as  the clause 

refers to persons1 it cannot mean       
slaves4 ,but this is  criticism against 
fact4 ,slaves are recognized not merely 
as property1  but also as persons--as   
having a mixed character--as combining  
the  human with the brutal4 ,this is    
paradoxical1 we admit2 but slavery is a 
paradox--the ,american ,constitution is 
a paradox--the ,american ,union is  a   
paradox--the ,american ,government is a 
paradox2 and if any one of  these is to 
be repudiated on that ground1 they all  
are4 ,that it is the  duty of the       
friends of freedom to deny the binding  
authority of them  all1 and to secede   
from them all1 we distinctly affirm4    
,after the  independence of this country
 had been achieved1 the voice of ,god   
exhorted the people1 saying1 ,execute   
true judgment1 and show mercy  and      
compassion1 every man to his brother3   
and oppress not the widow1  nor the     
fatherless1 the stranger1 nor the poor2 
and let none of you  imagine evil       
against his brother in your heart4 ,but 

they refused to  hearken1 and pulled    
away the shoulder1 and stopped their    
ears1 that  they should not hear2 yea1  
they made their hearts as an adamant    
stone4 ,shall ,i not visit for these    
things8 saith the ,lord4 ,shall not  my 
soul be avenged on such a notion as     
this8    ,whatever doubt may have rested
 on any honest mind1 respecting the     
meaning of the clause in relation to    
persons held to service or labor1  must 
have been removed by the unanimous      
decision of the ,supreme ,court  of the 
,united ,states1 in the case of ,prigg  
versus ,the ,state of  ,pennsylvania4   
,by that decision1 any ,southern        
slave-catcher is  empowered to seize and
 convey to the ,south1 without hindrance
 or  molestation on the part of the     
,state1 and without any legal process   
duly obtained and served1 any person or 
persons1 irrespective of caste  or      
complexion1 whom he may choose to claim 
as runaway slaves2 and if1  when thus   
surprised and attacked1 or on their     

arrival ,south1 they  cannot prove by   
legal witnesses1 that they are freemen1 
their doom is  sealed6 ,hence the free  
colored population of the ,north are    
specially  liable to become the victims 
of this terrible power1 and all the     
other  inhabitants are at the mercy of  
prowling kidnappers1 because there are  
multitudes of white as well as black    
slaves on ,southern plantations1  and   
slavery is no longer fastidious with    
regard to the color of its  prey4    ,as
 soon as that appalling decision of the 
,supreme ,court was  enunciated1 in the 
name of the ,constitution1 the people of
 the ,north  should have risen en masse1
 if for no other cause1 and declared the
  ,union at an end2 and they would have 
done so1 if they had not lost  their    
manhood1 and their reverence for justice
 and liberty4    ,in the #dth ,sect4 of 
,art4 ,,iv41 the ,united ,states        
guarantee to protect  every ,state in   
the ,union against domestic violence4   
,by the #hth  ,section of ,article ,i41 

congress is empowered to provide for    
calling  forth the militia to execute   
the laws of the ,union1 suppress        
insurrections1 and repel invasions4     
,these provisions1 however  strictly    
they may apply to cases of disturbance  
among the white  population1 were       
adopted with special reference to the   
slave  population1 for the purpose of   
keeping them in their chains by the     
combined military force of the country2 
and were these repealed1 and  the ,south
 left to manage her slaves as best she  
could1 a servile  insurrection would ere
 long be the consequence1 as general as 
it would  unquestionably be successful4 
,says ,mr4 ,madison1 respecting these   
clauses3--      ,on application of the  
legislature or executive1 as the case   
may be1  the militia of the other       
,states are to be called to suppress    
domestic  insurrections4 ,does this bar 
the ,states from calling forth their own
  militia8 ,no2 but it gives them a     
supplementary security to suppress      

insurrections and domestic violence4    
,the answer to ,patrick ,henry's        
objection1 as urged against the         
constitution in the ,virginia           
convention1 that there was no power left
  to the ,states to quell an            
insurrection of slaves1 as it was wholly
  vested in congress1 ,george ,nicholas 
asked3--      ,have they it now8  ,if   
they have1 does the constitution take it
 away8  ,if it does1 it must be in one  
of those clauses which have been        
mentioned by the worthy member4 ,the    
first part gives the general  government
 power to call them out when necessary4 
,does this take it  away from the       
,states8 ,no6 but it gives an additional
 security2 for1  beside the power in the
 ,state government to use their own     
militia1 it  will be the duty of the    
general government to aid them ,,with   
,,the  ,,strength ,,of ,,the ,,union1   
when called for4      ,this solemn      
guaranty of security to the slave       
system1 caps the climax  of national    

barbarity1 and stains with human blood  
the garments of all  the people4 ,in    
consequence of it1 that system has      
multiplied its  victims from five       
hundred thousand to nearly three        
millions--a vast  amount of territory   
has been purchased1 in order to give it 
extension  and perpetuity--several new  
slave ,states have been admitted into   
the  ,union--the slave trade has been   
made one of the great branches of       
,american commerce--the slave           
population1 though over-worked1 starved1
  lacerated1 branded1 maimed1 and       
subjected to every form of deprivation  
and every species of torture1 have been 
overawed and crushed1--or1  whenever    
they have attempted to gain their       
liberty by revolt1 they  have been shot 
down and quelled by the strong arm of   
the national  government2 as1 for       
example1 in the case of ,nat ,turner's  
insurrection  in ,virginia1 when the    
naval and military forces of the        
government were  called into active     

service4 ,cuban bloodhounds have been   
purchased with  the money of the people1
 and imported and used to hunt slave    
fugitives  among the everglades of      
,florida4 ,a merciless warfare has been 
waged  for the extermination or         
expulsion of the ,florida ,indians1     
because  they gave succor to those poor 
hunted fugitives--a warfare which has   
cost the nation several thousand lives1 
and forty millions of dollars4  ,but the
 catalogue of enormities is too long to 
be recapitulated in the  present        
address4    ,we have thus demonstrated  
that the compact between the ,north and 
the  ,south embraces every variety of   
wrong and outrage1--is at war with ,god 
and man1 cannot be innocently supported1
 and deserves to be  immediately        
annulled4 ,in behalf of the ,society    
which we represent1 we  call upon all   
our fellow-citizens1 who believe it is  
right to obey ,god  rather than man1 to 
declare themselves peaceful             
revolutionists1 and to  unite with us   

under the stainless banner of ,liberty1 
having for its  motto--,,equal ,,rights 
,,for ,,all--,,no ,,union ,,with        
,,slaveholders6    ,it is pleaded that  
the ,constitution provides for its own  
amendment2  and we ought to use the     
elective franchise to effect this       
object4  ,true1 there is such a proviso2
 but1 until the amendment be made1 that 
instrument is binding as it stands4 ,is 
it not to violate every moral  instinct1
 and to sacrifice principle to          
expediency1 to argue that we  may swear 
to steal1 oppress and murder by         
wholesale1 because it may be  necessary 
to do so only for the time being1 and   
because there is some  remote           
probability that the instrument which   
requires that we should  be robbers1    
oppressors and murderers1 may at some   
future day be  amended in these         
particulars8 ,let us not palter with our
 consciences  in this manner--let us not
 deny that the compact was conceived in 
sin  and brought forth in iniquity--let 

us not be so dishonest1 even to  promote
 a good object1 as to interpret the     
,constitution in a manner  utterly at   
variance with the intentions and        
arrangements of the  contracting        
parties2 but1 confessing the guilt of   
the nation1  acknowledging the dreadful 
specifications in the bond1 washing our 
hands in the waters of repentance from  
all further participation in  this      
criminal alliance1 and resolving that we
 will sustain none other  than a free   
and righteous government1 let us glory  
in the name of  revolutionists1 unfurl  
the banner of disunion1 and consecrate  
our  talents and means to the overthrow 
of all that is tyrannical in the        
land1--to the establishment of all that 
is free1 just1 true and  holy1--to the  
triumph of universal love and peace4    
,if1 in utter disregard of the          
historical facts which have been cited1 
it is still asserted1 that the          
,constitution needs no amendment to make
  it a free instrument1 adapted to all  

the exigencies of a free people1  and   
was never intended to give any strength 
or countenance to the  slave system--the
 indignant spirit of insulted ,liberty  
replies3--,what  though the assertion be
 true8 ,of what avail is a mere piece of
  parchment8 ,in itself1 though it be   
written all over with words of  truth   
and freedom--though its provisions be as
 impartial and just as  words can       
express1 or the imagination             
paint--though it be as pure as  the     
gospel1 and breathe only the spirit of  
,heaven--it is powerless2 it  has no    
executive vitality2 it is a lifeless    
corpse1 even though  beautiful in death4
 ,i am famishing for lack of bread6 ,how
 is my  appetite relieved by holding up 
to my gaze a painted loaf8 ,i am        
manacled1 wounded1 bleeding1 dying6     
,what consolation is it to know1  that  
they who are seeking to destroy my life1
 profess in words to be  my friends8 ,if
 the liberties of the people have been  
betrayed--if  judgement is turned away  

backward and justice standeth afar off1 
and  truth has fallen in the streets1   
and equality cannot enter--if the       
princes of the land are roaring lions1  
the judges evening wolves1 the  people  
light and treacherous persons1 the      
priests covered with  pollution--if we  
are living under a frightened despotism1
 which scoffs  at all constitutional    
restrains1 and wields the resources of  
the  nation to promote its own bloody   
purposes--tell us not that the forms  of
 freedom are still left to us6 ,would   
such tameness and submission  have      
freighted the ,may-,flower for ,plymouth
 ,rock8 ,would it have  resisted the    
,stamp ,act1 the ,tea ,tax1 or any of   
those entering wedges  of tyranny with  
which the ,british government sought to 
rive the  liberties of ,america8 ,the   
wheel of the ,revolution would have     
rusted on  its axle1 if a spirit so weak
 had been the only power to give it     
motion4 ,did our fathers say1 when their
 rights and liberties were              

infringed--,why1 what is done cannot be 
undone4 ,that is the first  thought4 ,no
 it was the last thing they thought of3 
or1 rather it  never entered their minds
 at all4 ,they sprang to the conclusion 
at  once--,what is done ,,shall be      
undone4 ,that is our ,,first and ,,only 
thought4        ,is water running in our
 veins8 ,do we remember still      ,old 
,plymouth ,rock1 and ,lexington1 and    
famous ,bunker ,hill8      ,the debt we 
owe our fathers' graves8 and to the yet 
unborn1      ,whose heritage ourselves  
must make a thing of pride or scorn8    
,gray ,plymouth ,rock hath yet a tongue1
 and ,concord is not dumb2      ,and    
voices from our fathers' graves and from
 the future come3      ,they call on us 
to stand our ground--they charge us     
still to be      ,not only free from    
chains ourselves1 but foremost to make  
free6    ,it is of little consequence   
who is on the throne1 if there be behind
  it a power mightier than the throne4  
,it matters not what is the theory  of  

the government1 if the practice of the  
government be unjust and  tyrannical4   
,we rise in rebellion against a         
despotism incomparably more  dreadful   
than that which induced the colonists to
 take up arms against  the mother       
country2 not on account of a three-penny
 tax on tea1 but  because fetters of    
living iron are fastened on the limbs of
 millions  of our countrymen1 and our   
own sacred rights are trampled in the   
dust4  ,as citizens of the ,state1 we   
appeal to the ,state in vain for        
protection and redress4 ,as citizen of  
the ,united ,states1 we are  treated as 
outlaws in one half of the country1 and 
the national  government consents to our
 destruction4 ,we are denied the right  
of  locomotion1 freedom of speech1 the  
right of petition1 the liberty of  the  
press1 the right peaceably to assemble  
together to protest against  oppression 
and plead for liberty--at least in      
thirteen ,states of the  ,union4 ,if we 
venture1 as avowed and unflinching      

abolitionists1 to  travel ,south of     
,mason and ,dixon's line1 we do so at   
the peril of our  lives4 ,if we would   
escape torture and death1 on visiting   
any of the  slave ,states1 we must      
stifle our conscientious convictions1   
hear no  testimony against cruelty and  
tyranny1 suppress the struggling        
emotions of humanity1 divest ourselves  
of all letters and papers of an         
antislavery character1 and do homage to 
the slaveholding power--or run  the risk
 of a cruel martyrdom6 ,these are       
appalling and undeniable  facts4        
,three millions of the ,american people 
are crushed under the ,american  ,union6
 ,they are held as slaves--trafficked as
 merchandise--registered  as goods and  
chattels6 ,the government gives them no 
protection--the  government is their    
enemy--the government keeps them in     
chains6 ,there  they lie bleeding--we   
are prostrate by their side--in their   
sorrows  and sufferings we              
participate--their stripes are inflicted

 on our  bodies1 their shackles are     
fastened to our limbs1 their cause is   
ours6  ,the ,union which grinds them to 
the dust rests upon us1 and with them   
we will struggle to overthrow it6 ,the  
,constitution1 which subjects  them to  
hopeless bondage1 is one that we cannot 
swear to support6 ,our  motto is1 ,,no  
,,union ,,with ,,slaveholders1 either   
religious or political4  ,they are the  
fiercest enemies of mankind1 and the    
bitterest foes of  ,god6 ,we separate   
from them not in anger1 not in malice1  
not for a  selfish purpose1 not to do   
them an injury1 not to cease warning1   
exhorting1 reproving them for their     
crimes1 not to leave the perishing      
bondman to his fate--,o no6 ,but to     
clear our skirts of innocent  blood--to 
give the oppressor no countenance--to   
signify our abhorrence  of injustice and
 cruelty--to testify against an ungodly 
compact--to  cease striking hands with  
thieves and consenting with             
adulterers--to  make no compromise with 

tyranny--to walk worthily of our high   
profession--to increase our moral power 
over the nation--to obey ,god  and      
vindicate the gospel of ,his ,son--to   
hasten the downfall of slavery  in      
,america1 and throughout the world6     
,we are not acting under a blind        
impulse4 ,we have carefully counted the 
cost of this warfare1 and are prepared  
to meet its consequences4 ,it  will     
subject us to reproach1 persecution1    
infamy--it will prove a  fiery ordeal to
 all who shall pass through it--it may  
cost us our  lives4 ,we shall be        
ridiculed as fools1 scorned as          
visionaries1 branded  as disorganizers1 
reviled as madmen1 threatened and       
perhaps punished  as traitors4 ,but we  
shall bide our time4 ,whether safety or 
peril1  whether victory or defeat1      
whether life or death be ours1 believing
  that our feet are planted on an       
eternal foundation1 that our position   
is sublime and glorious1 that our faith 
in ,god is rational and  steadfast1 that

 we have exceeding great and precious   
promises on which  to rely1 ,,that ,,we 
,,are ,,in ,,the ,,right1 we shall not  
falter nor be  dismayed1 though the     
earth be removed1 and though the        
mountains be  carried into the midst of 
the sea1--though our ranks be thinned to
  the number of three hundred men4      
,freemen6 are you ready for the         
conflict8 ,come what may1 will you sever
 the chain that binds you to a          
slaveholding government1 and declare    
your independence8 ,up1 then1 with  the 
banner of revolution6 ,not to shed      
blood--not to injure the person  or     
estate of any oppressor--not by force   
and arms to resist any  law--not to     
countenance a servile insurrection--not 
to wield any  carnal weapons6 ,no--ours 
must be a bloodless strife1 excepting   
our  blood be shed--for we aim1 as did  
,christ our leader1 not to destroy      
men's lives1 but to save them--to       
overcome evil with good--to conquer     
through suffering for righteousness'    

sake--to set the captive free by  the   
potency of truth6    ,secede1 then1 from
 the government4 ,submit to its         
exactions1 but pay it  no allegiance1   
and give it no voluntary aid4 ,fill no  
offices under it4  ,send no senators or 
representatives to the national or      
,state  legislature2 for what you cannot
 conscientiously perform yourself1 you  
cannot ask another to perform as your   
agent4 ,circulate a declaration  of     
,,disunion ,,from ,,slaveholders1       
throughout the country4 ,hold mass      
meetings--assemble in conventions--nail 
your banners to the mast6    ,do you ask
 what can be done1 if you abandon the   
ballot-box8 ,what did  the crucified    
,nazarene do without the elective       
franchise8 ,what did the  apostles do8  
,what did the glorious army of martyrs  
and confessors do8  ,what did ,luther   
and his intrepid associates do8 ,what   
can women and  children do8 ,what has   
,father ,mathew done for teetotalism8   
,what has  ,daniel ,o',connell done for 

,irish repeal8 ,stand1 having your loins
 girt  about with truth1 and having on  
the breast-plate of righteousness1 and  
arrayed in the whole armor of ,god6     
,the form of government that shall      
succeed the present government of  the  
,united ,states1 let time determine4 ,it
 would be a waste of time to  argue that
 question1 until the people are         
regenerated and turned from  their      
iniquity4 ,ours is no anarchical        
movement1 but one of order and          
obedience4 ,in ceasing from oppression1 
we establish liberty4 ,what is  now     
fragmentary1 shall in due time be       
crystallized1 and shine like a  gem set 
in the heavens1 for a light to all      
coming ages4    ,finally--we believe    
that the effect of this movement will   
be1--,first1  to create discussion and  
agitation throughout the ,north2 and    
these  will lead to a general perception
 of its grandeur and importance4        
,secondly1 to convulse the slumbering   
,south like an earthquake1 and  convince

 her that her only alternative is1 to   
abolish slavery1 or be  abandoned by    
that power on which she now relies for  
safety4    ,thirdly1 to attack the slave
 power in its most vulnerable point1 and
  to carry the battle to the gate4      
,fourthly1 to exalt the moral sense1    
increase the moral power1 and           
invigorate the moral constitution of all
 who heartily espouse it4    ,we        
reverently believe that1 in withdrawing 
from the ,american ,union1 we  have the 
,god of justice with us4 ,we know that  
we have our enslaved  countrymen with   
us4 ,we are confident that all free     
hearts will be with  us4 ,we are certain
 that tyrants and their abettors will be
 against us4    ,in behalf of the       
,executive committee of the ,american   
,anti-,slavery  ,society1    ,,wm4      
,,lloyd ,,garrison1 ,president4         
,,wendell ,,phillips1 ,,maria ,,weston  
,,chapman     ,secretaries4  ,boston1   
,may #bj1 #ahdd4        ,,letter ,,from 
,,francis ,,jackson4    ,,boston1 #dth  

,july1 #ahdd4    ,to ,his ,excellency   
,george ,n4 ,briggs3    ,,sir--,many    
years since1 ,i received from the       
executive of the  ,commonwealth a       
commission as ,justice of the ,peace4 ,i
 have held the  office that it conferred
 upon me till the present time1 and have
 found  it a convenience to myself1 and 
others4 ,it might continue to be so1    
could ,i consent longer to hold it4 ,but
 paramount considerations  forbid1 and  
,i herewith transmit to you my          
commission respectfully  asking you to  
accept my resignation4    ,while ,i deem
 it a duty to myself to take this step1 
,i feel called on  to state the reasons 
that influence me4    ,in entering upon 
the duties of the office in question1 ,i
 complied with  the requirements of the 
law1 by taking an oath to support the   
,constitution of the ,united ,states4 ,i
 regret that ,i ever took that  oath4   
,had ,i then as maturely considered its 
full import1 and the  obligations under 
which it is understood1 and meant to lay

 those who  take it1 as ,i have done    
since1 ,i certainly never would have    
taken it1  seeing1 as ,i now do1 that   
the ,constitution of the ,united ,states
  contains provisions calculated and    
intended to foster1 cherish1 uphold  and
 perpetuate slavery4 ,it pledges the    
country to guard and protect  the slave 
system so long as the slaveholding      
,states choose to retain  it4 ,it       
regards the slave code as lawful in the 
,states which enact it4  ,still more1 it
 has done that1 which1 until its        
adoption1 was never  before done for    
,african slavery4 ,it took it out of its
 former category  of municipal law and  
local life1 adopted it as a national    
institution1  spread around it the broad
 and sufficient shield of national law1 
and  thus gave to slavery a national    
existence4 ,consequently1 the oath to   
support the ,constitution of the ,united
 ,states is a solemn promise to  do that
 which is morally wrong2 that which is a
 violation of the  natural rights of    

man1 and a sin in the sight of ,god4    
,i am not1 in this matter1 constituting 
myself a judge of others4 ,i do  not say
 that no honest man can take such an    
oath1 and abide by it4 ,i  only say1    
that ,i would not now deliberately take 
it2 and that1  having inconsiderately   
taken it1 ,i can no longer suffer it to 
lie upon  my soul4 ,i take back the     
oath1 and ask you1 sir1 to take back the
  commission1 which was the occasion of 
my taking it4    ,i am aware that my    
course in this matter is liable to be   
regarded as  singular1 if not           
censurable2 and ,i must1 therefore1 be  
allowed to make  a more specific        
statement of those provisions of the    
,constitution  which support the        
enormous wrong1 the heinous sin of      
slavery4    ,the very first ,article of 
the ,constitution takes slavery at once 
under  its legislative protection1 as a 
basis of representation in the  popular 
branch of the ,national ,legislature4   
,it regards slaves under  the           

description of all other persons--as of 
only three-fifths of  the value of free 
persons2 thus to appearance undervaluing
 them in  comparison with freemen4 ,but 
its dark and involved phraseology seems 
intended to blind us to the             
consideration1 that those underrated    
slaves are merely a basis1 not the      
source of representation2 that  by the  
laws of all the ,states where they live1
 they are regarded not  as persons1 but 
as things2 that they are not the        
constituency of  the representative1 but
 his property2 and that the necessary   
effect of  this provision of the        
,constitution is1 to take legislative   
power out  of the hands of men as such1 
and give it to the mere possessors of   
goods and chattels4 ,fixing upon thirty 
thousand persons1 as the  smallest      
number that shall send one member into  
the ,house of  ,representatives1 it     
protects slavery by distributing        
legislative power  in a free and in a   
slave ,state thus3 ,to a congressional  

district in  ,south ,carolina1          
containing fifty thousand slaves1       
claimed as the  property of five hundred
 whites1 who hold1 on an average1 one   
hundred  apiece1 it gives one           
,representative in ,congress2 to a      
district in  ,massachusetts containing a
 population of thirty thousand five     
hundred1  one ,representative is        
assigned4 ,but inasmuch as a slave is   
never  permitted to vote1 the fifty     
thousand persons in a district in       
,carolina form no part of the           
constituency2 that is found only in  the
 five hundred free persons4 ,five       
hundred freemen of ,carolina could  send
 one ,representative to ,congress1 while
 it would take thirty  thousand five    
hundred freemen of ,massachusetts1 to do
 the same thing2  that is1 one          
slaveholder in ,carolina is clothed by  
the ,constitution  with the same        
political power and influence in the    
,representatives  ,hall at ,washington1 
as sixty ,massachusetts men like you and

 me1 who  eat their bread in the sweat  
of their own brows4    ,according to the
 census of #ahcj1 and the ratio of      
representation  based upon that1 slave  
property added twenty-five members to   
the ,house  of ,representatives4 ,and as
 it has been estimated1 7as an          
approximation  to the truth17 that the  
two and a half million slaves in the    
,united  ,states are held as property by
 about two hundred and fifty thousand   
persons--giving an average of ten slaves
 to each slaveholder1 those  twenty-five
 ,representatives1 each chosen1 at most1
 by only ten  thousand voters1 and      
probably by less than three-fourths of  
that  number1 were the representatives1 
not only of the two hundred and  fifty  
thousand persons who chose them2 but of 
property which1 five  years ago1 when   
slaves were lower in market1 than at    
present1 were  estimated1 by the man who
 is now the most prominent candidate for
 the  ,presidency1 at twelve hundred    
millions of dollars--a sum1 which1 by   

the natural increase of five years1 and 
the enhanced value resulting  from a    
more prosperous state of the planting   
interest1 cannot now be  less than      
fifteen hundred millions of dollars4    
,all this vast amount of  property1 as  
it is peculiar1 is also identical in its
 character4 ,in  ,congress1 as we have  
seen1 it is animated by one spirit1     
moves in one  mass1 and is wielded with 
one aim2 and when we consider that      
tyranny  is always timid1 and despotism 
distrustful1 we see that this vast      
money power would be false to itself1   
did it not direct all its eyes  and     
hands1 and put forth all its ingenuity  
and energy1 to one  end--self-protection
 and self-perpetuation4 ,and this it has
 ever done4  ,in all the vibrations of  
the political scale1 whether in relation
 to a  ,bank or ,sub-,treasury1 ,free   
,trade or a ,tariff1 this immense power 
has  moved1 and will continue to move1  
in one mass1 for its own protection4    
,while the weight of the slave influence

 is thus felt in the ,house of          
,representatives1 in the ,senate of the 
,union1 says ,john ,quincy ,adams1  the 
proportion of slaveholding power is     
still greater4 ,by the  influence of    
slavery in the ,states where the        
institution is tolerated1  over their   
elections1 no other than a slaveholder  
can rise to the  distinction of         
obtaining a seat in the ,senate2 and    
thus1 of the  fifty-two members of the  
federal ,senate1 twenty-six are owners  
of  slaves1 and are as effectually      
representatives of that interest1 as    
the eighty-eight members elected by them
 to the ,house4    ,the dominant power  
which the ,constitution gives to the    
slave interest1  as thus seen and       
exercised in the ,legislative ,halls of 
our nation1  is equally obvious and     
obtrusive in every other department of  
the  ,national government4    ,in the   
,electoral college1 the same cause      
produces the same  effect--the same     
power is wielded for the same purpose1  

as in the  ,halls of ,congress4 ,even   
the preliminary nominating conventions1 
before  they dare name a candidate for  
the highest office in the gift of the   
people1 must ask of the ,genius of      
slavery1 to what votary she will  show  
herself propitious4 ,this very year1 we 
see both the great  political parties   
doing homage to the slave power1 by     
nominating each  a slaveholder for the  
chair of ,state4 ,the candidate of one  
party  declares1 ,i should have opposed1
 and would continue to oppose1 any      
scheme whatever of emancipation1 either 
gradual or immediate2 and  adds1 ,it is 
not true1 and ,i rejoice that it is not 
true1 that either  of the two great     
parties of this country has any design  
or aim at  abolition4 ,i should deeply  
lament it1 if it were true4#aa          
,footnote #aa3 ,henry ,clay's speech in 
the ,united ,states ,senate in #ahci1   
and confirmed at ,raleigh1 ,n4,c4 #ahdd4
      ,the other party nominates a man  
who says1 ,i have no hesitation in      

declaring that ,i am in favor of the    
immediate re-annexation of ,texas  to   
the territory and government of the     
,united ,states4    ,thus both the      
political parties1 and the candidates of
 both1 vie with  each other1 in offering
 allegiance to the slave power1 as a    
condition  precedent to any hope of     
success in the struggle for the         
executive  chair2 a seat that1 for more 
than three-fourths of the existence of  
our constitutional government1 has been 
occupied by a slaveholder4    ,the same 
stern despotism overshadows even the    
sanctuaries of justice4  ,of the nine   
,justices of the ,supreme ,court of the 
,united ,states1 five  are slaveholders 
and of course1 must be faithless to     
their own  interest1 as well as recreant
 to the power that gives them place1 or 
must1 so far as they are concerned1 give
 both to law and  constitution such a   
construction as shall justify the       
language of ,john  ,quincy ,adams1 when 
he says--,the legislative1 executive1   

and judicial  authorities1 are all in   
their hands--for the preservation1      
propagation1 and perpetuation of the    
black code of slavery4 ,every law  of   
the legislature becomes a link in the   
chain of the slave2 every  executive act
 a rivet to his hapless fate2 every     
judicial decision a  perversion of the  
human intellect to the justification of 
wrong4    ,thus by merely adverting but 
briefly to the theory and the practical 
effect of this clause of the            
,constitution1 that ,i have sworn to    
support1 it is seen that it throws the  
political power of the nation  into the 
hands of the slaveholders2 a body of    
men1 which1 however it  may be regarded 
by the ,constitution as persons1 is in  
fact and  practical effect1 a vast      
moneyed corporation1 bound together by  
an  indissoluble unity of interest1 by a
 common sense of a common danger2       
counselling at all times for its common 
protection2 wielding the whole  power1  
and controlling the destiny of the      

nation4    ,if we look into the         
legislative halls1 slavery is seen in   
the chair of  the presiding officer of  
each1 and controlling the action of     
both4  ,slavery occupies1 by            
prescriptive right1 the ,presidential   
chair4 ,the  paramount voice that comes 
from the temple of national justice1    
issues  from the lips of slavery4 ,the  
army is in the hands of slavery1 and at 
her bidding1 must encamp in the         
everglades of ,florida1 or march from   
the ,missouri to the borders of ,mexico1
 to look after her interests in  ,texas4
    ,the navy1 even that part that is   
cruising off the coast of ,africa1 to   
suppress the foreign slave trade1 is in 
the hands of slavery4    ,freemen of the
 ,north1 who have even dared to lift up 
their voice  against slavery1 cannot    
travel through the slave ,states1 but at
 the  peril of their lives4    ,the     
representatives of freemen are          
forbidden1 on the floor on  ,congress1  
to remonstrate against the encroachments

 of slavery1 or to  pray that she would 
let her poor victims go4    ,i renounce 
my allegiance to a ,constitution that   
enthrones such a  power1 wielded for the
 purpose of depriving me of my rights1  
of  robbing my countrymen of their      
liberties1 and of securing its own      
protection1 support and perpetuation4   
,passing by that clause of the          
,constitution1 which restricted         
,congress  for twenty years1 from       
passing any law against the ,african    
slave  trade1 and which gave authority  
to raise a revenue on the stolen sons   
of ,africa1 ,i come to that part of the 
fourth article1 which guarantees        
protection against domestic violence1   
and which pledges to the  ,south the    
military force of the country1 to       
protect the masters  against their      
insurgent slaves3 binds us1 and our     
children1 to shoot  down our            
fellow-countrymen1 who may rise1 in     
emulation of our  revolutionary fathers1
 to vindicate their inalienable right to

 life1  liberty and the pursuit of      
happiness1--this clause of the          
,constitution1 ,i say distinctly1 ,i    
never will support4    ,that part of the
 ,constitution which provides for the   
surrender of  fugitive slaves1 ,i never 
have supported and never will4 ,i will  
join in  no slave-hunt4 ,my door shall  
stand open1 as it has long stood1 for   
the  panting and trembling victim of the
 slave-hunter4 ,when ,i shut it  against
 him1 may ,god shut the door of her     
mercy against me6 ,under this  clause of
 the ,constitution1 and designed to     
carry it into effect1  slavery has      
demanded that laws should be passed1 and
 of such a  character1 as have left the 
free citizen of the ,north without      
protection for his own liberty4 ,the    
question1 whether a man seized in  a    
free ,state as a slave1 is a slave or   
not1 the law of ,congress does  not     
allow a jury to determine3 but refers it
 to the decision of a  ,judge of a      
,united ,state' ,court1 or even of the  

humblest ,state  magistrate1 it may be1 
upon the testimony or affidavit of the  
party  most deeply interested to support
 the claim4 ,by virtue of this law1     
freemen have been seized and dragged    
into perpetual slavery--and  should ,i  
be seized by a slave-hunter in any part 
of the country where  ,i am not         
personally known1 neither the           
,constitution nor laws of the  ,united  
,states would shield me from the same   
destiny4    ,these1 sir1 are the        
specific parts of the ,constitution of  
the united  ,states1 which in my opinion
 are essentially vicious1 hostile at    
once  to the liberty and to the morals  
of the nation4 ,and these are the       
principal reasons of my refusal any     
longer to acknowledge my  allegiance to 
it1 and of my determination to revoke my
 oath to support  it4 ,i cannot1 in     
order to keep the law of man1 break the 
law of ,god1  or solemnly call him to   
witness my promise that ,i will break   
it4    ,it is true that the             

,constitution provides for its own      
amendment1 and  that by this process1   
all the guarantees of ,slavery may be   
expunged4  ,but it will be time enough  
to swear to support it when this is     
done4  ,it cannot be right to do so1    
until these amendments are made4    ,it 
is also true that the framers of the    
,constitution did studiously  keep the  
words ,slave and ,slavery from its face4
 ,but to do our  constitutional fathers 
justice1 while they forebore--from very 
shame--to give the word ,slavery a place
 in the ,constitution1 they  did not    
forbear--again to do them justice--to   
give place in it to the  thing4 ,they   
were careful to wrap up the idea1 and   
the substance of  ,slavery1 in the      
clause for the surrender of the         
fugitive1 though they  sacrificed       
justice in doing so4    ,there is       
abundant evidence that this clause      
touching persons held to  service or    
labor1 not only operates practically1   
under the judicial  construction1 for   

the protection of the slave interest2   
but that it  was intended so to operate 
by the framers of the ,constitution4    
,the  highest judicial                  
authorities--,chief ,justice ,shaw1 of  
the ,supreme ,court  of ,massachusetts1 
in the ,latimer case1 and ,mr4 ,justice 
,story1 in the  ,supreme ,court of the  
,united ,states1 in the case of ,prigg  
vs4 ,the  ,state of ,pennsylvania1--tell
 us1 ,i know not on what evidence1 that 
without this compromise1 this security  
for ,southern slaveholders1  the ,union 
could not have been formed4 ,and there  
is still higher  evidence1 not only that
 the framers of the ,constitution meant 
by this  clause to protect slavery1 but 
that they did this1 knowing that        
slavery was wrong4 ,mr4 ,madison#ab     
informs us that the clause in  question1
 as it came out of the hands of ,dr4    
,johnson1 the chairman of  the committee
 on style1 read thus3 ,no person legally
 held to  service1 or labor1 in one     
,state1 escaping into another1 shall1   

c41  and the word legally was struck    
out1 and the words under the laws       
thereof inserted after the word ,state1 
in compliance with the wish  of some1   
who thought the term legal equivocal1   
and favoring the idea  that slavery was 
legal in a moral view4 ,a conclusive    
proof that1  although future generations
 might apply that clause to other kinds 
of  service or labor1 when slavery      
should have died out1 or been killed    
off by the young spirit of liberty1     
which was then awake and at work  in the
 land2 still1 slavery was what they were
 wrapping up in  equivocal words3 and   
wrapping it up for its protection and   
safe  keeping3 a conclusive proof that  
the framers of the ,constitution were   
more careful to protect themselves in   
the judgement of coming  generations1   
from the charge of ignorance1 than of   
sin2 a conclusive  proof that they knew 
that slavery was not legal in a moral   
view1  that it was a violation of the   
moral law of ,god2 and yet knowing and  

confessing its immorality1 they dared to
 make this stipulation for its  support 
and defence4    ,footnote #ab3 ,madison 
,papers1 p4 #aehi4      ,this language  
may sound harsh to the ears of those who
 think it a part  of their duty1 as     
citizens1 to maintain that whatever the 
patriots of  the revolution did1 was    
right2 and who hold that we are bound to
 do  all the iniquity that they         
covenanted for us that we should do4    
,but  the claims of truth and right are 
paramount to all other claims4    ,with 
all our veneration for our              
constitutional fathers1 we must         
admit1--for they have left on record    
their own confession of  it1--that in   
this part of their work they intended to
 hold the  shield of their protection   
over a wrong1 knowing that it was a     
wrong4  ,they made a compromise which   
they had no right to make--a compromise 
of moral principle for the sake of what 
they probably regarded as  political    
expediency4 ,i am sure they did not     

know--no man could  know1 or can now    
measure1 the extent1 or the consequences
 of the wrong  that they were doing4 ,in
 the strong language of ,john ,quincy   
,adams1#ac  in relation to the article  
fixing the basis of representation1     
,little  did the members of the         
,convention1 from the free ,states1     
imagine or  foresee what a sacrifice to 
,moloch was hidden under the mask of    
this  concession4    ,footnote #ac3 ,see
 his ,report on the ,massachusetts      
,resolutions4      ,i verily believe    
that1 giving all due consideration to   
the benefits  conferred upon this nation
 by the ,constitution1 its national     
unity1  its swelling masses of wealth1  
its power1 and the external prosperity  
of its multiplying millions2 yet the    
moral injury that has been  done1 by the
 countenance shown to slavery by holding
 over that  tremendous sin the shield of
 the ,constitution1 and thus breaking   
down  in the eyes of the nation the     
barrier between right and wrong2 by so  

tenderly cherishing slavery as1 in less 
than the life of man1 to  multiply her  
children from half a million to nearly  
three millions2 by  exacting oaths from 
those who occupy prominent stations in  
society1  that they will violate at once
 the rights of man and the law of ,god2 
by substituting itself as a rule of     
right1 in place of the moral laws  of   
the universe2--thus in effect1          
dethroning the ,almighty in the  hearts 
of this people and setting up another   
sovereign in his  stead--more than      
outweighs it all4 ,a melancholy and     
monitory lesson  this1 to all           
time-serving and temporising statesmen6 
,a striking  illustration of the        
impolicy of sacrificing right to any    
considerations of expediency6 ,yet1 what
 better than the evil effects  that we  
have seen1 could the authors of the     
,constitution have  reasonably expected1
 from the sacrifice of right1 in the    
concessions  they made to slavery8 ,was 
it reasonable in them to expect that    

after  they had introduced a vicious    
element into the very ,constitution of  
the body politic which they were calling
 into life1 it would not exert  its     
vicious energies8 ,was it reasonable in 
them to expect that1 after  slavery had 
been corrupting the public morals for a 
whole generation1  their children would 
have too much virtue to use for the     
defence of  slavery1 a power which they 
themselves had not too much virtue to   
give8 ,it is dangerous for the sovereign
 power of a ,state to license           
immorality2 to hold the shield of its   
protection over any thing that  is not  
legal in a moral view4 ,bring into your 
house a benumbed  viper1 and lay it down
 upon your warm hearth1 and soon it will
 not ask  you into which room it may    
crawl4 ,let ,slavery once lean upon the 
supporting arm1 and bask in the         
fostering smile of the ,state1 and you  
will soon see1 as we now see1 both her  
minions and her victims  multiply apace 
till the politics1 the morals1 the      

liberties1 even the  religion of the    
nation1 are brought completely under her
 control4    ,to me1 it appears that the
 virus of slavery1 introduced into the  
,constitution of our body politic1 by a 
few slight punctures1 has now  so       
pervaded and poisoned the whole system  
of our ,national ,government1  that     
literally there is no health in it4 ,the
 only remedy that ,i can  see for the   
disease1 is to be found in the          
dissolution of the  patient4    ,the    
,constitution of the ,united ,states1   
both in theory and practice1 is  so     
utterly broken down by the influence and
 effects of slavery1 so  imbecile for   
the highest good of the nation1 and so  
powerful for evil1  that ,i can give no 
voluntary assistance in holding it up   
any longer4    ,henceforth it is dead to
 me1 and ,i to it4 ,i withdraw all      
profession of  allegiance to it1 and all
 my voluntary efforts to sustain it4    
,the  burdens that it lays upon me1     
while it is held up by others1 ,i shall 

endeavor to bear patiently1 yet acting  
with reference to a higher law1  and    
distinctly declaring1 that while ,i     
retain my own liberty1 ,i will  be a    
part to no compact1 which helps to rob  
any other man of his4    ,very          
respectfully1 your friend1    ,,francis 
,,jackson4           99     99     99   
99     99    ,,from    ,,mr4            
,,webster',s ,,speech    ,,at ,,niblo',s
 ,,gardens4    ,we have slavery1        
already1 amongst us4 ,the ,constitution 
found it among  us2 it recognized it and
 gave it ,,solemn ,,guaranties4 ,to the 
full extent  of these guaranties we are 
all bound1 in honor1 in justice1 and by 
the  ,constitution4 ,all the            
stipulations1 contained in the          
,constitution1 in  favor of the         
slaveholding ,states which are already  
in the ,union1  ought to be fulfilled1  
and so far as depends on me1 shall be   
fulfilled1 in the fulness of their      
spirit1 and to the exactness of  their  
letter4666           99     99     99   

99     99    ,,extracts ,,from    ,,john
 ,q4 ,,adams',s ,,address    ,,at       
,,north ,,bridgewater1 ,,nov4 #f1 #ahdd4
    ,the benefits of the ,constitution  
of the ,united ,states1 were the        
restoration of credit and reputation1 to
 the country--the revival of  commerce1 
navigation1 and ship-building--the      
acquisition of the means  of discharging
 the debts of the ,revolution1 and the  
protection and  encouragement of the    
infant and drooping manufactures of the 
country4  ,all this1 however1 as is now 
well ascertained1 was insufficient to   
propitiate the rulers of the ,southern  
,states to the adoption of the          
,constitution4 ,what they specially     
wanted was protection4--,protection     
from the powerful and savage tribes of  
,indians within their  borders1 and who 
were harrassing them with the most      
terrible of  wars--and protection from  
their own negroes--protection from their
  insurrections--protection from their  
escape--protection even to the  trade by

 which they were brought into the       
country--protection1 shall ,i  not blush
 to say1 protection to the very bondage 
by which they were  held4 ,yes6 it      
cannot be denied--the slaveholding lords
 of the ,south  prescribed1 as a        
condition of their assent to the        
,constitution1 three  special provisions
 to secure the perpetuity of their      
dominion over  their slaves4 ,the first 
was the immunity for twenty years of    
preserving the ,african slave-trade2 the
 second was the stipulation to          
surrender fugitive slaves--an engagement
 positively prohibited by the  laws of  
,god1 delivered from ,sinai2 and        
thirdly1 the exaction fatal to  the     
principles of popular representation1 of
 a representation for  slaves--for      
articles of merchandise1 under the name 
of persons4    ,the reluctance with     
which the freemen of the ,north         
submitted to the  dictation of these    
conditions1 is attested by the awkward  
and  ambiguous language in which they   

are expressed4 ,the word slave is  most 
cautiously and fastidiously excluded    
from the whole instrument4 ,a  stranger1
 who should come from a foreign land1   
and read the  ,constitution of the      
,united ,states1 would not believe that 
slavery or a  slave existed within the  
borders of our country4 ,there is not   
word in  the ,constitution apparently   
bearing up on the condition of slavery1 
nor is there a provision but would be   
susceptible of practical  execution if  
there were not a slave in the land4     
,the delegates from ,south ,carolina and
 ,georgia distinctly avowed that1       
without this guarantee of protection to 
their property in slaves1 they  would   
not yield their assent to the           
,constitution2 and the freemen of  the  
,north1 reduced to the alternative of   
departing from the vital  principle of  
their liberty1 or of forfeiting the     
,union itself1 averted  their faces1 and
 with trembling hand subscribed the     
bond4    ,twenty years passed away--the 

slave markets of the ,south were        
saturated with the blood of ,african    
bondage1 and from midnight of the  #cast
 ,december1 #ahjg1 not a slave from     
,africa was suffered ever more to  be   
introduced upon our soil4 ,but the      
internal traffic was still  lawful1 and 
the breeding ,states soon reconciled    
themselves to a  prohibition which gave 
them the monopoly of the interdicted    
trade1 and  they joined the full chorus 
of reprobation1 to punish with death the
  slave-trader from ,africa1 while they 
cherished and shielded and  enjoyed the 
precious profits of the ,american       
slave-trade exclusively  to themselves4 
,perhaps this unhappy result of their   
concession had not altogether  escaped  
the foresight of the freemen of the     
,north2 but their intense  anxiety for  
the preservation of the whole ,union1   
and the habit already  formed of        
yielding to the somewhat peremptory and 
overbearing tone  which the relation of 
master and slave welds into the nature  

of the  lord1 prevailed with them to    
overlook this consideration1 the        
internal  slave-trade having scarcely   
existed while that with ,africa had been
  allowed4 ,but of one consequence which
 has followed from the slave            
representation1 pervading the whole     
organic structure of the  ,constitution1
 they certainly were not prescient2 for 
if they had been1  never--no1 never     
would they have consented to it4    ,the
 representation1 ostensibly of slaves1  
under the name of persons1  was in its  
operation an exclusive grant of power to
 one class of  proprietors1 owners of   
one species of property1 to the         
detriment of  all the rest of the       
community4 ,this species of property was
 odious in  its nature1 held in direct  
violation of the natural and inalienable
  rights of man1 and of the vital       
principles of ,christianity2 it was all 
accumulated in one geographical section 
of the country1 and was all  held by    
wealthy men1 comparatively small in     

numbers1 not amounting to  a tenth part 
of the free white population of the     
,states in which it  was concentrated4  
,in some of the ancient1 and in some    
modern republics1 extraordinary         
political power and privileges have been
 invested in the owners of  horses2 but 
then these privileges and these powers  
have been granted  for the equivalent of
 extraordinary duties and services to   
the  community1 required of the favored 
class4 ,the ,roman knights  constituted 
the cavalry of their armies1 and the    
bushels of rings  gathered by ,hannibal 
from their dead bodies1 after the battle
 of  ,cannae1 amply prove that the      
special powers conferred upon them were 
no gratuitous grants4 ,but in the       
,constitution of the ,united ,states1   
the political power invested in the     
owners of slaves is entirely            
gratuitous4 ,no extraordinary service is
 required of them2 they are1 on  the    
contrary1 themselves grievous burdens   
upon the community1 always  threatened  

with the danger of insurrections1 to be 
smothered in the  blood of both parties1
 master and slave1 and always depressing
 the  condition of the poor free        
laborer1 by competition with the labor  
of  the slave4 ,the property in horses  
was the gift of ,god to man1 at the     
creation of the world2 the property in  
slaves is property acquired and  held by
 crimes1 differing in no moral aspect   
from the pillage of a  freebooter1 and  
to which no lapse of time can give a    
prescriptive  right4 ,you are told that 
this is no concern of yours1 and that   
the  question of freedom and slavery is 
exclusively reserved to the             
consideration of the separate ,states4  
,but if it be so1 as to the mere        
question of right between master and    
slave1 it is of tremendous  concern to  
you that this little cluster of         
slave-owners should  possess1 besides   
their own share in the representative   
hall of the  nation1 the exclusive      
privilege of appointing two-fifths of   

the whole  number of the representatives
 of the people4 ,this is now your       
condition1 under that delusive ambiguity
 of language and of principle1  which   
begins by declaring the representation  
in the popular branch of  the           
legislature a representation of persons1
 and then provides that  one class of   
persons shall have neither part nor lot 
in the choice of  their representative2 
but their elective franchise shall he   
transferred to their masters1 and the   
oppressors shall represent the          
oppressed4 ,the same perversion of the  
representative principle  pollutes the  
composition of the colleges of electors 
of ,president and  ,vice ,president of  
the ,united ,states1 and every          
department of the  government of the    
,union is thus tainted at its source by 
the gangrene  of slavery4               
,fellow-citizens1--with a body of men   
thus composed1 for legislators  and     
executors of the laws1 what will1 what  
must be1 what has been your             

legislation8 ,the numbers of freemen    
constituting your nation are much       
greater than those of the slaveholding  
,states1 bond and free4 ,you have  at   
least three-fifths of the whole         
population of the ,union4 ,your         
influence on the legislation and the    
administration of the government  ought 
to be in the proportion of three to     
two4--,but how stands the  fact8        
,besides the legitimate portion of      
influence exercised by the  slaveholding
 ,states by the measure of their        
numbers1 here is an  intrusive influence
 in every department1 by a              
representation nominally  of persons1   
but really of property1 ostensibly of   
slaves1 but  effectively of their       
masters1 overbalancing your superiority 
of  numbers1 adding two-fifths of       
supplementary power to the two-fifths   
fairly secured to them by the compact1  
,,controlling ,,and ,,overruling ,,the  
,,whole ,,action ,,of ,,your            
,,government ,,at ,,home ,,and ,,abroad1

 and warping it to  the sordid private  
interest and oppressive policy of       
#cjj1jjj owners of  slaves4    ,from the
 time of the adoption of the            
,constitution of the ,united  ,states1  
the institution of domestic slavery has 
been becoming more and  more the        
abhorrence of the civilized world4 ,but 
in proportion as it  has been growing   
odious to all the rest of mankind1 it   
has been  sinking deeper and deeper into
 the affections of the holders of       
slaves themselves4 ,the cultivation of  
cotton and of sugar1 unknown in  the    
,union at the establishment of the      
,constitution1 has added largely  to the
 pecuniary value of the slave4 ,and the 
suppression of the  ,african slave-trade
 as piracy upon pain of death1 by       
securing the  benefit of a monopoly to  
the virtuous slaveholders of the ancient
  dominion1 has turned her heroic       
tyrannicides into a community of        
slave-breeders for sale1 and converted  
the land of ,george ,washington1        

,patrick ,henry1 ,richard ,henry ,lee1  
and ,thomas ,jefferson1 into a great    
barracoon--a cattle-show of human       
beings1 an emporium1 of which the       
staple articles of merchandise are the  
flesh and blood1 the bones and  sinews  
of immortal man4    ,of the increasing  
abomination of slavery in the unbought  
hearts of men  at the time when the     
,constitution of the ,united ,states was
 formed1  what clearer proof could be   
desired1 than that the very same year in
  which that charter of the land was    
issued1 the ,congress of the            
,confederation1 with not a tithe of the 
powers given by the people to  the      
,congress of the new compact1 actually  
abolished slavery for ever  throughout  
the whole ,northwestern territory1      
without a remonstrance or  a murmur4    
,but in the articles of confederation1  
there was no guaranty  for the property 
of the slaveholder--no double           
representation of him  in the ,federal  
councils--no power of taxation--no      

stipulation for the  recovery of        
fugitive slaves4 ,but when the powers of
 government came  to be delegated to the
 ,union1 the--that is1 ,south ,carolina 
and  ,georgia--refused their            
subscription to the parchment1 till it  
should  be saturated with the infection 
of slavery1 which no fumigation could   
purify1 no quarantine could extinguish4 
,the freemen of the ,north gave  way1   
and the deadly venom of slavery was     
infused into the ,constitution  of      
freedom4 ,its first consequence has been
 to invert the first  principle of      
,democracy1 that the will of the        
majority of numbers shall  rule the     
land4 ,by means of the double           
representation1 the minority  command   
the whole1 and a ,,knot ,,of            
,,slaveholders ,,give ,,the ,,law ,,and 
,,prescribe ,,the ,,policy ,,of ,,the   
,,country4 ,to acquire this superiority 
of a  large majority of freemen1 a      
persevering system of engrossing nearly 
all the seats of power and place1 is    

constantly for a long series of  years  
pursued1 and you have seen1 in a period 
of fifty-six years1 the                 
,chief-magistracy of the ,union held1   
during forty-four of them1 by the       
owners of slaves4 ,the ,executive       
departments1 the ,army and ,navy1 the   
,supreme ,judicial ,court and diplomatic
 missions abroad1 all present the  same 
spectacle2--an immense majority of power
 in the hands of a very  small minority 
of the people--millions made for a      
fraction of a few  thousands4           
99     99     99     99     99    ,from 
that day 7#ahcj17 ,,slavery1            
,,slaveholding1 ,,slave-,,breeding ,,and
  ,,slave-,,trading1 ,,have ,,formed    
,,the ,,whole ,,foundation ,,of ,,the   
,,policy ,,of ,,the  ,,federal          
,,government1 and of the slaveholding   
,states1 at home and  abroad2 and at the
 very time when a new census has        
exhibited a large  increase upon the    
superior numbers of the free ,states1 it
 has  presented the portentous evidence 

of increased influence and  ascendancy  
of the slaveholding power4    ,of the   
prevalence of that power1 you have had  
continual and conclusive  evidence in   
the suppression for the space of ten    
years of the right of  petition1        
guarantied1 if there could be a         
guarantee against slavery1  by the first
 article amendatory of the              
,constitution4                          
99     99     99     99     99          
,,the ,,anti-,,slavery                  
,,examiner4--,,no4 ,,xi    ,,the        
,,constitution    ,a ,,pro-,,slavery    
,,compact    ,,or    ,,selections       
,,from    ,,the ,,madison ,,papers1 ,c4 
,,second ,,edition1 ,,enlarged4         
99     99     99     99     99    ,,new 
,,york3    ,,american ,,anti-,,slavery  
,,society1    #adb ,,nassau ,,street4   
#ahde4        ,,contents4               
,,introduction4    ,debates in the      
,congress of the ,confederation4        
,debates in the ,federal ,convention4   
,list of ,members of the ,federal       

,convention4  ,speech of ,luther        
,martin4    ,,debates ,,in ,,state      
,,conventions4        ,massachusetts1   
,new ,york1      ,pennsylvania1         
,virginia1      ,north ,carolina1       
,south ,carolina1    ,extracts from the 
,federalist1  ,debates in ,first        
,congress1  ,address of the ,executive  
,committee of the ,american             
,anti-,slavery ,society1  ,letter from  
,francis ,jackson to ,gov4 ,briggs1     
,extract from ,mr4 ,webster's ,speech1  
,extracts from ,j4,q4 ,adams's ,address1
 ,november1 #ahdd4                      
,,introduction4           99     99     
99     99     99    ,every one knows    
that the ,madison ,papers contain a     
,report1 from the  pen of ,james        
,madison1 of the ,debates in the ,old   
,congress of the  ,confederation and in 
the ,convention which formed the        
,constitution of  the ,united ,states4  
,we have extracted from them1 in these  
pages1 all  the ,debates on those       
clauses of the ,constitution which      

relate to  slavery4 ,to these we have   
added all that is found1 on the same    
topic1  in the ,debates of the several  
,state ,conventions which ratified the  
,constitution3 together with so much of 
the ,speech of ,luther ,martin  before  
the ,legislature of ,maryland1 and of   
the ,federalist1 as relate  to our      
subject2 with some extracts1 also1 from 
the ,debates of the  first ,federal     
,congress on ,slavery4 ,these are all   
printed without  alteration1 except     
that1 in some instances1 we have        
inserted in  brackets1 after the name of
 a speaker1 the name of the ,state from 
which he came4 ,the notes and italics   
are those of the original1 but  the     
editor has added two notes on page #ch1 
which are marked as his1  and we have   
taken the liberty of printing in        
capitals one sentiment of  ,rufus       
,king's1 and two of ,james ,madison's--a
 distinction which the  importance of   
the statements seemed to                
demand--otherwise we have  reprinted    

exactly from the originals4    ,these   
extracts develop most clearly all the   
details of that  compromise1 which was  
made between freedom and slavery1 in    
#aghg2  granting to the slaveholder     
distinct privileges and protection for  
his  slave property1 in return for      
certain commercial concessions on his   
part toward the ,north4 ,they prove also
 that the ,nation at large were  fully  
aware of this bargain at the time1 and  
entered into it willingly  and with open
 eyes4    ,we have added the late       
,address of the ,american ,anti-,slavery
 ,society1  and the ,letter of ,,francis
 ,,jackson to ,governor ,,briggs1       
resigning his  commission of ,justice of
 the ,peace--as bold and honorable      
protests  against the guilt and infamy  
of this ,national bargain1 and as       
proving  most clearly the duty of each  
individual to trample it under his feet4
  ,the clauses of the ,constitution to  
which we refer as of a pro-slavery      
character are the following 3--         

,,art4 #a1 ,,sect4 #b4--,representatives
 and direct taxes shall be  apportioned 
among the several ,states1 which may be 
included within  this ,union1 according 
to their respective numbers1 which shall
 be  determined by adding to the whole  
number of free persons1 including  those
 bound to service for a term of years1  
and excluding ,indians not  taxed1      
three-fifths of all other persons4      
,,art4 #a1 ,,sect4 #h4--;,congress shall
 have power 4 4 4 to suppress           
insurrections4    ,,art4 #a1 ,,sect4    
#i4--,the migration or importation of   
such persons as any  of the ,states now 
existing1 shall think proper to admit1  
shall not be  prohibited by the         
,congress1 prior to the year one        
thousand eight  hundred and eight3 but a
 tax or duty may be imposed on such     
importation1 not exceeding ten dollars  
for each person4    ,,art4 #d1 ,,sect4  
#b4--,no person1 held to service or     
labor in one ,state1  under the laws    
thereof1 escaping into another1 shall1  

in consequence  of any law or regulation
 therein1 be discharged from such       
service or  labor2 but shall be         
delivered up on claim of the party to   
whom such  service or labor may be due4 
,,art4 #d1 ,,sect4 #d4--,the ,united    
,states shall guarantee to every ,state 
in  this ,union a republican form of    
government2 and shall protect each of   
them against invasion2 and1 on          
application of the legislature1 or of   
the executive1 7when the legislature    
cannot be convened7 against  domestic   
violence4    ,the first of these        
clauses1 relating to representation1    
confers on a  slaveholding community    
additional political power for every    
slave held  among them1 and thus tempts 
them to continue to uphold the system3  
the  second and the last1 relating to   
insurrection and domestic violence1     
perfectly innocent in themselves--yet   
being made with the fact  directly in   
view that slavery exists among us1 do   
deliberately pledge  the whole national 

force against the unhappy slave if he   
imitate our  fathers and resist         
oppression--thus making us partners in  
the guilt of  sustaining slavery3 the   
third1 relating to the slave-trade1     
disgraces  the nation by a pledge not to
 abolish that traffic till after twenty 
years1 without obliging ,congress to do 
so even then1 and thus the  slave-trade 
may be legalized to-morrow if ,congress 
choose3 the fourth  is a promise on the 
part of the whole ,nation to return     
fugitive slaves  to their masters1 a    
deed which ,god's law expressly condemns
 and which  every noble feeling of our  
nature repudiates with loathing and     
contempt4    ,these are the articles of 
the ,compromise1 so much talked of1     
between  the ,north and ,south4    ,we  
do not produce the extracts which make  
up these pages to show what  is the     
meaning of the clauses above cited4 ,for
 no man or party1 of any  authority in  
such matters1 has ever pretended to     
doubt to what subject  they all relate4 

,if indeed they were ambiguous in their 
terms1 a  resort to the history of those
 times would set the matter at rest     
forever4 ,a few persons1 to be sure1 of 
late years1 to serve the  purposes of a 
party1 have tried to prove that the     
,constitution makes  no compromise with 
slavery4 ,notwithstanding the clear     
light of  history2--the unanimous       
decision of all the courts in the land1 
both  ,state and ,federal2--the action  
of ,congress and the ,state             
,legislature2--the constant practice of 
the ,executive in all its               
branches2--and the deliberate           
acquiescence of the whole people for    
half a century1 still they contend that 
the ,nation does not know its  own      
meaning1 and that the ,constitution does
 not tolerate slavery6  ,every candid   
mind1 however1 must acknowledge that the
 language of the  ,constitution is clear
 and explicit4    ,its terms are so     
broad1 it is said1 that they include    
many others  beside slaves1 and hence it

 is wisely 767 inferred that they cannot
  include the slaves themselves6 ,many  
persons besides slaves in this  country 
doubtless are held to service and labor 
under the laws of the  ,states1 but that
 does not at all show that slaves are   
not held to  service2 many persons      
beside the slaves may take part in      
insurrections1 but that does not prove  
that when the slaves rise1 the          
,national ,government is not bound to   
put them down by force4 ,such a  thing  
has been heard of before as one         
description including a great  variety  
of persons1--and this is the case in the
 present instance4    ,but granting that
 the terms of the ,constitution are     
ambiguous--that  they are susceptible of
 two meanings1 if the unanimous1        
concurrent1  unbroken practice of every 
department of the ,government1 judicial1
  legislative1 and executive1 and the   
acquiescence of the whole people  for   
fifty years do not prove which is the   
true construction1 then how  and where  

can such a question ever be settled8 ,if
 the people and the  ,courts of the land
 do not know what they themselves mean1 
who has  authority to settle their      
meaning for them8    ,if then the people
 and the ,courts of a country are to be 
allowed to  determine what their own    
laws mean1 it follows that at this time 
and  for the last half century1 the     
,constitution of the ,united ,states has
  been1 and still is1 a pro-slavery     
instrument1 and that any one who  swears
 to support it1 swears to do pro-slavery
 acts1 and violates his  duty both as a 
man and an abolitionist4 ,what the      
,constitution may  become a century     
hence1 we know not2 we speak of it as it
 is1 and  repudiate it as it is4    ,but
 the purpose1 for which we have thrown  
these pages before the  community1 is   
this4 ,some men1 finding the nation     
unanimously deciding  that the          
,constitution tolerates slavery1 have   
tried to prove that this  false         
construction1 as they think it1 has been

 foisted into the  instrument by the    
corrupting influence of slavery itself1 
tainting all  it touches4 ,they assert  
that the known anti-slavery spirit of   
revolutionary times never could have    
consented to so infamous a  bargain as  
the ,constitution is represented to be1 
and has in its  present hands become4   
,now these pages prove the melancholy   
fact1 that  willingly1 with deliberate  
purpose1 our fathers bartered honesty   
for  gain1 and became partners with     
tyrants1 that they might share in the   
profits of their tyranny4    ,and in    
view of this fact1 will it not require a
 very strong argument  to make any      
candid man believe1 that the bargain    
which the fathers  tell us they meant to
 incorporate into the ,constitution1 and
 which the  sons have always thought    
they found there incorporated1 does not 
exist  there1 after all8 ,forty of the  
shrewdest men and lawyers in the land   
assemble to make a bargain1 among other 
things1 about slaves1--after  months of 

anxious deliberation they put it into   
writing and sign their  names to the    
instrument1--fifty years roll away1     
twenty millions1 at  least1 of their    
children pass over the stage of         
life1--courts sit and  pass             
judgment1--parties arise and struggle   
fiercely2 still all concur  in finding  
in the instrument just that meaning     
which the fathers tell  us they intended
 to express3--must not he be a desperate
 man1 who1  after all this1 sets out to 
prove that the fathers were bunglers and
  the sons fools1 and that slavery is   
not referred to at all8    ,besides1 the
 advocates of this new theory of the    
,anti-slavery  character of the         
,constitution1 quote some portions of   
the ,madison  ,papers in support of     
their views1--and this makes it proper  
that the  community should hear all that
 these ,debates have to say on the      
subject4 ,the further we explore them1  
the clearer becomes the fact1  that the 
,constitution was meant to be1 what it  

has always been  esteemed1 a compromise 
between slavery and freedom4    ,if then
 the ,constitution be1 what these       
,debates show that our fathers  intended
 to make it1 and what1 too1 their       
descendants1 this nation1  say they did 
make it and agree to uphold1--then we   
affirm that it is a  covenant with death
 and an agreement with hell1 and ought  
to be  immediately annulled4 ,no        
abolitionist can consistently take      
office  under it1 or swear to support   
it4    ,but if1 on the contrary1 our    
fathers failed in their purpose1 and the
  ,constitution is all pure and         
untouched by slavery1--then1 ,union     
itself  is impossible1 without guilt4   
,for it is undeniable that the fifty    
years passed under this 7anti-slavery7  
,constitution1 show us the  slaves      
trebling in numbers2--slaveholders      
monopolizing the offices and  dictating 
the policy of the                       
,government2--prostituting the strength 
and  influence of the ,nation to the    

support of slavery here and             
elsewhere2--trampling on the rights of  
the free ,states1 and making the  courts
 of the country their tools4 ,to        
continue this disastrous  alliance      
longer is madness4 ,the trial of fifty  
years with the best of  men and the best
 of ,constitutions1 on this supposition1
 only proves  that it is impossible for 
free and slave ,states to unite on any  
terms1  without all becoming partners in
 the guilt and responsible for the sin  
of slavery4 ,we dare not prolong the    
experiment1 and with double  earnestness
 we repeat our demand upon every honest 
man to join in the  outcry of the       
,american ,anti-,slavery ,society1--    
,,no ,,union ,,with ,,slaveholders6     
,,the ,,constitution    ,a              
,,pro-,,slavery ,,compact4           99 
99     99     99     99    ,extracts    
from ,debates in the ,congress of       
,confederation1 preserved by  ,thomas   
,jefferson1 #aggf4    ,congress         
proceeded the same day to consider the  

,declaration of  ,independence1 99 99 99
    ,the clause too reprobating the     
enslaving the inhabitants of ,africa was
  struck out1 in compliance to ,south   
,carolina and ,georgia1 who had never   
attempted to restrain the importation of
 ,slaves1 and who on the  contrary still
 wished to continue it4 ,our ,northern  
brethren also1 ,i  believe1 felt a      
little tender under those censures2 for 
though their  people have very few      
slaves themselves1 yet they had been    
pretty  considerable carriers of them to
 others4--p4 #ah4    ,on ,friday1 the   
twelfth of ,july1 #aggf1 the committee  
appointed to draw  the articles of      
,confederation reported them1 and on the
 twenty-second1  the ,house resolved    
themselves into a committee to take them
 into  consideration4 ,on the thirtieth 
and thirty-first of that month1 and  the
 first of the ensuing1 those articles   
were debated which determined  the      
proportion or quota of money which each 
,state should furnish to  the common    

treasury1 and the manner of voting in   
,congress4 ,the first  of these articles
 was expressed in the original draught  
in these  words3--    ,article #aa4 ,all
 charges of war and all other expenses  
that shall be  incurred for the common  
defence1 or general welfare1 and allowed
 by  the ,united ,states assembled1     
shall be defrayed out of a common       
treasury1 which shall be supplied by the
 several ,colonies in  proportion to the
 number of inhabitants of every age1 sex
 and duality1  except ,indians not      
paying taxes1 in each ,colony1 a true   
account of  which1 distinguishing the   
white inhabitants1 shall be triennially 
taken and transmitted to the ,assembly  
of the ,united ,states4    ,mr4 ,,chase 
7of ,maryland7 moved1 that the quotas   
should be paid1 not by  the number of   
inhabitants of every condition but by   
that of the white  inhabitants4 ,he     
admitted that taxation should be always 
in proportion  to property2 that this   
was in theory the true rule1 but that   

from a  variety of difficulties it was a
 rule which could never be adopted in   
practice4 ,the value of the property in 
every ,state could never be  estimated  
justly and equally4 ,some other measure 
for the wealth of the  ,state must      
therefore be devised1 some standard     
referred to which  would be more simple4
 ,he considered the number of           
inhabitants as a  tolerably good        
criterion of property1 and that this    
might always be  obtained4 ,he therefore
 thought it the best mode we could      
adopt1 with  one exception only4 ,he    
observed that negroes are property1 and 
as such  cannot be distinguished from   
the lands or personalities held in those
  ,states where there are few slaves4   
,that the surplus of profit which a     
,northern farmer is able to lay by1 he  
invests in cattle1 horses1 c42  whereas1
 a ,southern farmer lays out that same  
surplus in slaves4 ,there  is no more   
reason therefore for taxing the         
,southern ,states on the  farmer's head 

and on his slave's head1 than the       
,northern ones on their  farmers' heads 
and the heads of their cattle4 ,that the
 method proposed  would therefore tax   
the ,southern ,states according to their
 numbers and  their wealth conjunctly1  
while the ,northern would be taxed on   
numbers  only3 that negroes in fact     
should not be considered as members of  
the  ,state1 more than cattle1 and that 
they have no more interest in it4       
,mr4 ,john ,adams 7of ,massachusetts7   
observed1 that the numbers of people    
were taken by this article as an index  
of the wealth of the ,state and  not as 
subjects of taxation4 ,that as to this  
matter it was of no  consequence by what
 name you called your people1 whether by
 that of  freemen or of slaves4 ,that in
 some countries the laboring poor were  
called freemen1 in others they were     
called slaves3 but that the  difference 
as to the state was imaginary only4     
,what matters it whether  a landlord    
employing ten laborers on his farm gives

 them annually as  much money as will   
buy them the necessaries of life1 or    
gives them  those necessaries at short  
hand8 ,the ten laborers add as much     
wealth  annually to the ,state1 increase
 its exports as much1 in the one case   
as the other4 ,certainly five hundred   
freemen produce no more profits1  no    
greater surplus for the payment of      
taxes1 than five hundred slaves4        
,therefore the ,state in which are the  
laborers called freemen1 should  be     
taxed no more than that in which are    
those called slaves4 ,suppose1  by any  
extraordinary operation of nature or of 
law1 one half the  laborers of a ,state 
could in the course of one night be     
transformed  into slaves1--would the    
,state be made the poorer1 or the less  
able to  pay taxes8 ,that the condition 
of the laboring poor in most            
countries1--that of the fishermen1      
particularly1 of the ,northern          
,states1--is as abject as that of       
slaves4 ,it is the number of laborers   

which produces the surplus for taxation2
 and numbers1 therefore1                
indiscriminately1 are the fair index of 
wealth4 ,that it is the use of  the word
 property here1 and its application to  
some of the people of  the ,state1 which
 produces the fallacy4 ,how does the    
,southern farmer  procure slaves8       
,either by importation or by purchase   
from his  neighbor4 ,if he imports a    
slave1 he adds one to the number of     
laborers  in his country1 and           
proportionably to its profits and       
abilities to pay  taxes2 if he buys from
 his neighbor1 it is only a transfer of 
a  laborer from one farm to another1    
which does not change the annual        
produce of the ,state1 and therefore    
should not change its tax2 that if  a   
,northern farmer works ten laborers on  
his farm1 he can1 it is true1  invest   
the surplus of ten men's labor in       
cattle2 but so may the  ,southern farmer
 working ten slaves4 ,that a ,state of  
one hundred  thousand freemen can       

maintain no more cattle than one of one 
hundred  thousand slaves2 therefore they
 have no more of that kind of property4 
,that a slave may1 indeed1 from the     
custom of speech1 be more properly      
called the wealth of his master1 than   
the free laborer might be called  the   
wealth of his employer3 but as to the   
,state1 both were equally its  wealth1  
and should therefore equally add to the 
quota of its tax4    ,mr4 ,,harrison 7of
 ,virginia7 proposed1 as a compromise1  
that two slaves  should be counted as   
one freeman4 ,he affirmed that slaves   
did not do  as much work as freemen1 and
 doubted if two effected more than one4 
,that this was proved by the price of   
labor1 the hire of a laborer in  the    
,southern colonies being from #h to #ab1
 while in the ,northern it  was         
generally #bd4    ,mr4 ,,wilson 7of     
,pennsylvania7 said1 that if this       
amendment should take  place1 the       
,southern colonies would have all the   
benefit of slaves1  whilst the ,northern

 ones would bear the burthen4 ,that     
slaves increase  the profits of a       
,state1 which the ,southern ,states mean
 to take to  themselves2 that they also 
increase the burthen of defence1 which  
would of course fall so much the heavier
 on the ,northern2 that slaves  occupy  
the places of freemen and eat their     
food4 ,dismiss your slaves1  and freemen
 will take their places4 ,it is our duty
 to lay every  discouragement on the    
importation of slaves2 but this         
amendment would  give the jus trium     
liberorum to him who would import       
slaves4 ,that  other kinds of property  
were pretty equally distributed through 
all  the ,colonies3 there were as many  
cattle1 horses1 and sheep1 in the       
,north as the ,south1 and ,south as the 
,north2 but not so as to slaves3  that  
experience has shown that those colonies
 have been always able to  pay most1    
which have the most inhabitants1 whether
 they be black or  white2 and the       
practice of the ,southern colonies has  

always been to  make every farmer pay   
poll taxes upon all his laborers1       
whether they  be black or white4 ,he    
acknowledged indeed that freemen worked 
the  most2 but they consume the most    
also4 ,they do not produce a greater    
surplus for taxation4 ,the slave is     
neither fed nor clothed so  expensively 
as a freeman4 ,again1 white women are   
exempted from labor  generally1 which   
negro women are not4 ,in this then the  
,southern ,states  have an advantage as 
the article now stands4 ,it has         
sometimes been  said that slavery was   
necessary1 because the commodities they 
raise  would be too dear for market if  
cultivated by freemen2 but now it is    
said that the labor of the slave is the 
dearest4    ,mr4 ,,payne 7of            
,massachusetts7 urged the original      
resolution of  ,congress1 to proportion 
the quotas of the ,states to the number 
of  souls4    ,dr4 ,,witherspoon 7of    
,new-,jersey7 was of opinion1 that the  
value of  lands and houses was the best 

estimate of the wealth of a nation1 and 
that it was practicable to obtain such a
 valuation4 ,this is the true  barometer
 of wealth4 ,the one now proposed is    
imperfect in itself1 and  unequal       
between the ,states4 ,it has been       
objected that negroes eat the  food of  
freemen1 and therefore should be taxed3 
horses also eat the  food of freemen2   
therefore they also should be taxed4 ,it
 has been said  too1 that in carrying   
slaves into the estimate of the taxes   
the ,state  is to pay1 we do no more    
than those ,states themselves do1 who   
always  take slaves into the estimate of
 the taxes the individual is to pay4    
,but the cases are not parallel4 ,in the
 ,southern ,colonies1 slaves  pervade   
the whole ,colony2 but they do not      
pervade the whole continent4  ,that as  
to the original resolution of ,congress1
 it was temporary only1  and related to 
the moneys heretofore emitted3 whereas  
we are now  entering into a new compact1
 and therefore stand on original ground4

    ,,august #ast4 ,the question being  
put1 the amendment proposed was         
rejected by the votes of                
,new-,hampshire1 ,massachusetts1        
,rhode-,island1  ,connecticut1          
,new-,york1 ,new-,jersey and            
,pennsylvania1 against those of         
,delaware1 ,maryland1 ,virginia1 ,north2
 and ,south ,carolina4 ,georgia was     
divided4--pp4 #bg-h-i1 #cj-a-b4         
99     99     99     99     99          
,extracts from ,madison's ,report of    
,debates in the ,congress of the        
,confederation4      ,,tuesday1 ,january
 #ad1 #aghc4    ,if the valuation of    
land had not been prescribed by the     
,federal  ,articles1 the ,committee     
would certainly have preferred some     
other rule  of appointment1 particularly
 that of numbers1 under certain         
qualifications as to slaves4--p4 #bfj   
,,tuesday1 ,feb4 #aa1 #aghc4    ,mr4    
,,wolcott declares his opinion that the 
,confederation ought to be  amended by  
substituting numbers of inhabitants as  

the rule2 admits the  difference between
 freemen and blacks2 and suggests a     
compromise1 by  including in the        
numeration such blacks only as were     
within sixteen  and sixty years of      
age4--p4 #cca      ,,thursday1 ,march   
#bg1 #aghc4    7,the eleventh and       
twelfth paragraphs37    ,mr4 ,,wilson   
7of ,pennsylvania7 was strenuous in     
their favor2 said he was  in ,congress  
when the ,articles of ,confederation    
directing a valuation  of land were     
agreed to2 that it was the effect of the
 impossibility of  compromising the     
different ideas of the ,eastern and     
,southern ,states1  as to the value of  
slaves compared with the whites1 the    
alternative in  question4    ,mr4       
,,clark 7of ,new-,jersey7 was in favor  
of them4 ,he said that he was  also in  
,congress when this article was decided2
 that the ,southern  ,states would have 
agreed to numbers in preference to the  
value of land  if half their slaves only
 should be included2 but that the       

,eastern  ,states would not concur in   
that proposition4    ,it was agreed1 on 
all sides1 that1 instead of fixing the  
proportion by  ages1 as the report      
proposed1 it would be best to fix the   
proportion  in absolute numbers4 ,with  
this view1 and that the blank might be  
filled up1 the clause was recommitted4  
p4 #dba-b4    ,,friday1 ,march #bh1     
#aghc4    ,the committee last mentioned1
 reported that two blacks be rated as   
one  freeman4    ,mr4 ,,wolcott 7of     
,connecticut7 was for rating them as    
four to three4 ,mr4  ,,carroll as four  
to one4 ,mr4 ,,williamson 7of ,north    
,carolina7 said he  was principled      
against slavery2 and that he thought    
slaves an  incumbrance to society1      
instead of increasing its ability to pay
  taxes4 ,mr4 ,,higginson 7of           
,massachusetts7 as four to three4 ,mr4  
,,rutledge  7of ,south ,carolina7 said1 
for the sake of the object1 he would    
agree  to rate slaves as two to one1 but
 he sincerely thought three to one      

would be a juster proportion4 ,mr4      
,,holton as four to three4--,mr4        
,,osgood  said he did not go beyond four
 to three4 ,on a question for rating    
them  as three to two1 the votes were1  
,new ,hampshire1 aye2 ,massachusetts1   
no2 ,rhode ,island2 divided2            
,connecticut1 aye2 ,new ,jersey1 aye2   
,pennsylvania1 aye2 ,delaware1 aye2     
,maryland1 no2 ,virginia1 no2 ,north    
,carolina1 no2 ,south ,carolina1 no4    
,the paragraph was then postponed1 by   
general consent1 some wishing for       
further time to deliberate on it2  but  
it appearing to be the general opinion  
that no compromise would be  agreed to4 
,after some further discussions on the  
,report1 in which the necessity  of some
 simple and practicable rule of         
apportionment came fully into  view1    
,mr4 ,,madison 7of ,virginia7 said that1
 in order to give a proof of  the       
sincerity of his professions of         
liberality1 he would propose that       
slaves should be rated as five to three4

 ,mr4 ,,rutledge 7of ,south  ,carolina7 
seconded the motion4 ,mr4 ,,wilson 7of  
,pennsylvania7 said he  would sacrifice 
his opinion on this compromise4    ,mr4 
,,lee was against changing the rule1 but
 gave it as his opinion that  two slaves
 were not equal to one freeman4    ,on  
the question for five to three1 it      
passed in the affirmative2 ,new         
,hampshire1 aye2 ,massachusetts1        
divided2 ,rhode ,island1 no2            
,connecticut1  no2 ,new ,jersey1 aye2   
,pennsylvania1 aye2 ,maryland1 aye2     
,virginia1 aye2  ,north ,carolina1 aye2 
,south ,carolina1 aye4    ,a motion was 
then made by ,mr4 ,,bland1 seconded by  
,mr4 ,,lee1 to strike  out the clause so
 amended1 and1 on the question ,shall it
 stand1 it  passed in the negative2 ,new
 ,hampshire1 aye2 ,massachusetts1 no2   
,rhode  ,island1 no2 ,connecticut1 no2  
,new ,jersey1 aye2 ,pennsylvania1 aye2  
,delaware1 no2 ,maryland1 aye2          
,virginia1 aye2 ,north ,carolina1 aye2  
,south  ,carolina1 no2 so the clause was

 struck out4    ,the arguments used by  
those who were for rating slaves high   
were1 that  the expense of feeding and  
clothing them was as far below that     
incident to freemen as their industry   
and ingenuity were below those  of      
freemen2 and that the warm climate      
within which the ,states having  slaves 
lay1 compared with the rigorous climate 
and inferior fertility  of the others1  
ought to have great weight in the case2 
and that the  exports of the former     
,states were greater than of the latter4
 ,on the  other side1 it was said1 that 
slaves were not put to labor as young as
  the children of laboring families2    
that1 having no interest in their       
labor1 they did as little as possible1  
and omitted every exertion of  thought  
requisite to facilitate and expedite it2
 that if the exports  of the ,states    
having slaves exceeded those of the     
others1 their  imports were in          
proportion1 slaves employed wholly in   
agriculture1 not  in manufactures2 and  

that1 in fact1 the balance of trade     
formerly was  much more against the     
,southern ,states than the others4      
,on the main question1 ,new ,hampshire1 
aye2 ,massachusetts1 no2 ,rhode         
,island1 no2 ,connecticut1 no2 ,new     
,york 7,mr4 ,,floyd1 aye27 ,new ,jersey1
  aye2 ,delaware1 no2 ,maryland1 aye2   
,virginia1 aye2 ,north ,carolina1 aye2  
,south ,carolina1 no4--pp4 #dbc-d-e4    
,,tuesday1 ,april l1 #aghc4    ,congress
 resumed the ,report on ,revenue1 c4    
,mr4 ,,hamilton1 who  had been absent   
when the last question was taken for    
substituting  numbers in place of the   
value of land1 moved to reconsider that 
vote4  ,he was seconded by ,mr4         
,,osgood4 ,those who voted differently  
from  their former votes were influenced
 by the conviction of the necessity  of 
the change1 and despair on both sides of
 a more favorable rate  of the slaves4  
,the rate of three-fifths was agreed to 
without  opposition4--p4 #dcj4          
,,monday1 ,,may #bf1 #aghc4    ,the     

,resolutions on the ,journal instructing
 the ministers in ,europe to            
remonstrate against the carrying off the
 negroes--also those for  furloughing   
the troops--passed unanimously4--p4     
#def4           99     99     99     99 
99    ,letter from ,mr4 ,madison to     
,edmund ,randolph4    ,,philadelphia1   
,april #h1 #aghc4    ,a change of the   
valuation of lands for the number of    
inhabitants1  deducting two-fifths of   
the slaves1 has received a tacit        
sanction1  and1 unless hereafter        
expunged1 will go forth in the general  
recommendation1 as material to future   
harmony and justice among the  members  
of the ,confederacy4 ,the deduction of  
two-fifths was a  compromise between the
 wide opinions and demands of the       
,southern and  other ,states4--p4 #ebc4 
99     99     99     99     99          
,extract from ,debates in the ,federal  
,convention of #aghg1 for the  formation
 of the ,constitution of the ,united    
,states4    ,,tuesday1 ,may #bi1 #aghg4 

,mr4 ,,charles ,,pinckney laid before   
the ,house the draft of a ,federal      
,government4 99 99 99 ,the proportion of
 direct taxation shall be  regulated by 
the whole number of inhabitants of every
  description--pp4 #gce1 #gda4          
,,wednesday1 ,may #cj1 #aghg4    ,the   
following ,resolution1 being the second 
of those proposed by ,mr4  ,,randolph1  
was taken up1 viz4    ,that the rights  
of suffrage in the ,national            
,legislature ought to be  proportioned  
to the quotas of contribution1 or to the
 number of free  inhabitants1 as the one
 or the other rule may seem best in     
different  cases4    ,colonel ,,hamilton
 moved to alter the resolution so as to 
read1 that  the rights of suffrage in   
the ,national ,legislature ought to be  
proportioned to the number of free      
inhabitants4 ,mr4 ,,spaight seconded    
the motion4--p4 #gej4      ,,wednesday1 
,june #f1 #aghg4    ,mr4 ,,madison4 ,we 
have seen the mere distinction of color 
made1 in the  most enlightened period of

 time1 a ground of the most oppressive  
dominion ever exercised by man over     
man4--p4 #hjf4      ,,monday1 ,june #aa1
 #aghg4    ,mr4 ,,sherman proposed1 that
 the proportion of suffrage in the first
  branch should be according to the     
respective numbers of free  inhabitants2
    ,mr4 ,,rutledge proposed1 that the  
proportion of suffrage in the first     
branch should be according to the quotas
 of contribution4    ,mr4 ,,king and    
,mr4 ,,wilson1 in order to bring the    
question to a point1  moved1 that the   
right of suffrage in the first branch of
 the ,national  ,legislature ought not  
to be according to the rule established 
in the  ,articles of ,confederation1 but
 according to some equitable ratio of   
representation4--p4 #hcf4    ,it was    
then moved by ,mr4 ,,rutledge1 seconded 
by ,mr4 ,,butler1 to add to  the words1 
equitable ratio of representation1 at   
the end of the  motion just agreed to1  
the words according to the quotas of    
contribution4 ,on motion of ,mr4        

,,wilson1 seconded by ,mr4 ,,pinckney1  
this  was postponed2 in order to add1   
after the words1 equitable ratio of     
representation1 the words following3 ,in
 proportion to the whole  number of     
white and other free citizens and       
inhabitants of every age1  sex and      
condition1 including those bound to     
servitude for a term of  years1 and     
three-fifths of all other persons not   
comprehended in the  foregoing          
description1 except ,indians not paying 
taxes1 in each  ,state--this being the  
rule in the act of ,congress1 agreed to 
by  eleven ,states1 for apportioning    
quotas of revenue on the ,states1 and   
requiring a census only every five1     
seven1 or ten years4    ,mr4 ,,gerry 7of
 ,massachusetts7 thought property not   
the rule of  representation4 ,why1 then1
 should the blacks1 who were property in
 the  ,south1 be in the rule of         
representation more than the cattle and 
horses of the ,north8    ,on the        
question1--,massachusetts1 ,connecticut1

 ,new ,york1 ,pennsylvania1  ,maryland1 
,virginia1 ,north ,carolina1 ,south     
,carolina1 ,georgia1 aye--#i2  ,new     
,jersey1 ,delaware1 no--#b4--pp4 #hdb-c4
      ,,tuesday1 ,june #ai1 #aghg4      
,mr4 ,,madison4 ,where slavery exists1  
the republican theory becomes still     
more fallacious4--p4 #hii4              
,,saturday1 ,june #cj1 #aghg4    ,mr4   
,madison1--admitted that every peculiar 
interest1 whether in any  class of      
citizens1 or any description of states1 
ought to be secured  as far as possible4
 ,wherever there is danger of attack1   
there ought to  be given a              
constitutional power of defence4 ,but he
 contended that the  ,states were       
divided into different interests1 not by
 their difference  of size1 but by other
 circumstances2 the most material of    
which  resulted partly from climate1 but
 principally from the effects of  their 
having or not having slaves4 ,these two 
causes concurred in  forming the great  
division of interests in the ,united    

,states4 ,it did  not lie between the   
large and small ,states4 ,,it ,,lay     
,,between ,,the  ,,northern ,,and       
,,southern2 and if any defensive power  
were necessary1 it  ought to be mutually
 given to these two interests4 ,he was  
so strongly  impressed with this        
important truth1 that he had been       
casting about in  his mind for some     
expedient that would answer the purpose4
 ,the one  which had occurred was1 that1
 instead of proportioning the votes of  
the ,states in both branches1 to the    
irrespective numbers of  inhabitants1   
computing the slaves in the ratio of    
five to three1 they  should be          
represented in one branch according to  
the number of free  inhabitants only2   
and in the other according to the whole 
number1  counting slaves as free4 ,by   
this arrangement the ,southern scale    
would  have the advantage in one ,house1
 and the ,northern in the other4 ,he had
  been restrained from proposing this   
expedient by two considerations2  one   

was his unwillingness to urge any       
diversity of interests on an  occasion  
where it is but too apt to arise of     
itself2 the other was the  inequality of
 powers that must be vested in the two  
branches1 and  which would destroy the  
equilibrium of interests4--pp4 #ajjf-g  
,,monday1 ,july #b1 #aghg4    ,mr4      
,,pinckney4 ,there is a real distinction
 between the ,northern and  ,southern   
interests4 ,north ,carolina1 ,south     
,carolina1 and ,georgia1 in  their rice 
and indigo1 had a peculiar interest     
which might be  sacrificed4--p4 #ajaf4  
,,friday1 ,july #f1 #aghg4    ,mr4      
,,pinckney--thought the blacks ought to 
stand on an equality with  the whites2  
but would agree to the ratio settled by 
,congress4--p4  #ajci4      ,,monday1   
,july #i1 #aghg4    ,mr4 ,,patterson    
considered the proposed estimate for the
 future  according to the combined rules
 of numbers and wealth1 as too vague4   
,for this reason ,new ,jersey was       
against it4 ,he could regard negro      

slaves in no light but as property4     
,they are no free agents1 have no       
personal liberty1 no faculty of         
acquiring property1 but on the  contrary
 are themselves property1 and like other
 property entirely at  the will of the  
master4 ,has a man in ,virginia a number
 of votes in  proportion to the number  
of his slaves8 ,and if negroes are not  
represented in the ,states to which they
 belong1 why should they be  represented
 in the ,general ,government4 ,what is  
the true principle of  representation8  
,it is an expedient by which an assembly
 of certain  individuals1 chosen by the 
people1 is substituted in place of the  
inconvenient meeting of the people      
themselves4 ,if such a meeting of  the  
people was actually to take place1 would
 the slaves vote8 ,they  would not4 ,why
 then should they be represented8 ,he   
was also against  such an indirect      
encouragement of the slave trade2       
observing that  ,congress1 in their act 
relating to the change of the eighth    

article of  ,confederation1 had been    
ashamed to use the term slaves1 and had 
substituted a description4    ,mr4      
,,madison reminded ,mr4 ,,patterson that
 his doctrine of  representation1 which 
was in its principle the genuine one1   
must for  ever silence the pretensions  
of the small ,states to an equality of  
votes with the large ones4 ,they ought  
to vote in the same proportion  in which
 their citizens would do1 if the people 
of all the ,states were  collectively   
met4 ,he suggested1 as a proper ground  
of compromise1 that  in the first branch
 the ,states should be represented      
according to  their number of free      
inhabitants2 and in the second1 which   
had for one  of its primary objects the 
guardianship of property1 according to  
the  whole number1 including slaves4    
,mr4 ,,butler urged warmly the justice  
and necessity of regarding wealth  in   
the apportionment of representation4    
,mr4 ,,king had always expected1 that1  
as the ,southern ,states are the        

richest1 they would not league          
themselves with the ,northern1 unless   
some respect were paid to their superior
 wealth4 ,if the latter expect  those   
preferential distinctions in commerce1  
and other advantages  which they will   
derive from the connexion1 they must not
 expect to  receive them without        
allowing some advantages in return4     
,eleven out of  thirteen of the ,states 
had agreed to consider slaves in the    
apportionment of taxation2 and taxation 
and representation ought to go          
together4--pp4 #ajed-e-f4               
,,tuesday1 ,july #aj1 #aghg4    ,in     
,convention1--,mr4 ,,king reported1 from
 the ,committee yesterday  appointed1   
that the ,states at the first meeting of
 the ,general  ,legislature1 should be  
represented by sixty-five members1 in   
the  following proportions1 to          
wit3--,new ,hampshire1 by #c2           
,massachusetts1 #h2  ,rhode ,island1 #a2
 ,connecticut1 #e2 ,new ,york1 #f2 ,new 
,jersey1 #d2  ,pennsylvania1 #h2        

,delaware1 #a2 ,maryland1 #f2 ,virginia1
 #aj2 ,north  ,carolina1 #e2 ,south     
,carolina1 #e2 ,georgia1 #c4    ,mr4    
,,king remarked that the four ,eastern  
,states1 having #hjj1jjj souls1  have   
one-third fewer representatives than the
 four ,southern ,states1  having not    
more than #gjj1jjj souls1 rating the    
blacks as five for  three4 ,the ,eastern
 people will advert to these            
circumstances1 and be  dissatisfied4 ,he
 believed them to be very desirous of   
uniting with  their ,southern brethren1 
but did not think it prudent to rely so 
far  on that disposition1 as to subject 
them to any gross inequality4 ,he  was  
fully convinced that ,,the ,,question   
,,concerning ,a ,,difference ,,of       
,,interests ,,did ,,not ,,lie ,,where   
,,it ,,had ,,hitherto ,,been            
,,discussed1 ,,between  ,,the ,,great   
,,and ,,small ,,states2 ,,but ,,between 
,,the ,,southern ,,and ,,eastern4 ,for  
this reason be had been ready to yield  
something1 in the proportion of         

representatives1 for the security of the
 ,southern4 ,no principle would  justify
 the giving them a majority4 ,they were 
brought as near an  equality as was     
possible4 ,he was not averse to giving  
them a still  greater security1 but did 
not see how it could be done4           
,general ,,pinckney4 ,the ,report before
 it was committed was more favorable  to
 the ,southern ,states than as it now   
stands4 ,if they are to form so         
considerable a minority1 and the        
regulation of trade is to be given to   
the ,general ,government1 they will be  
nothing more than overseers for  the    
,northern ,states4 ,he did not expect   
the ,southern ,states to be  raised to a
 majority of representatives2 but wished
 them to have  something like an        
equality4    ,mr4 ,,williamson4 ,the    
,southern interest must be extremely    
endangered by  the present arrangement4 
,the ,northern ,states are to have a    
majority in  the first instance1 and the
 means of perpetuating it4    ,general  

,,pinckney urged the reduction2 dwelt on
 the superior wealth of  the ,southern  
,states1 and insisted on its having its 
due weight in the  ,government4    ,mr4 
,,gouverneur ,,morris regretted the turn
 of the debate4 ,the ,states1 he  found1
 had many representatives on the floor4 
,few1 he feared1 were to  be deemed the 
representatives of ,america4 ,he thought
 the ,southern  ,states have1 by the    
,report1 more than their share of       
,representation4  ,property ought to    
have its weight1 but not all the weight4
 ,if the  ,southern ,states are to      
supply money1 the ,northern ,states are 
to spill  their blood4 ,besides1 the    
probable revenue to be expected from the
  ,southern ,states has been greatly    
overrated4--pp4 #ajef-g-h-i4            
,,wednesday1 ,july #aa1 #aghg4    ,mr4  
,,williamson moved that ,mr4            
,,randolph's propositions be postponed1 
in  order to consider the following1    
that in order to ascertain the          
alterations that may happen in the      

population and wealth of the  several   
,states1 a census shall be taken of the 
free white inhabitants1  and            
three-fifths of those of other          
descriptions on the first year  after   
this government shall have been adopted1
 and every ---- year  thereafter2 and   
that the representation be regulated    
accordingly4    ,mr4 ,,butler and       
,general ,,pinckney insisted that blacks
 be included in the  rule of            
representation equally with the whites2 
and for that purpose  moved that the    
words three-fifths be struck out4       
,mr4 ,,gerry thought that three-fifths  
of them was1 to say the least1 the  full
 proportion that could be admitted4     
,mr4 ,,gorham4 ,this ratio was fixed by 
,congress as a rule of taxation4  ,then1
 it was urged1 by the ,delegates        
representing the ,states having  slaves1
 that the blacks were still more        
inferior to freemen4 ,at  present1 when 
the ratio of representation is to be    
established1 we are  assured that they  

are equal to freemen4 ,the arguments on 
the former  occasion had convinced him1 
that three-fifths was pretty near the   
just  proportion1 and he should vote    
according to the same opinion now4      
,mr4 ,,butler insisted that the labor of
 a slave in ,south ,carolina was as     
productive and valuable1 as that of a   
freeman in ,massachusetts2 that  as     
wealth was the great means of defence   
and utility to the nation1  they were   
equally valuable to it with freemen2 and
 that consequently  an equal            
representation ought to be allowed for  
them in a government  which was         
instituted principally1 for the         
protection of property1 and  was itself 
to be supported by property4    ,mr4    
,,mason could not agree to the motion1  
notwithstanding it was  favorable to    
,virginia1 because he thought it unjust4
 ,it was certain  that the slaves were  
valuable1 as they raised the value of   
land1  increased the exports and        
imports1 and of course the revenue1     

would  supply the means of feeding and  
supporting an army1 and might in cases  
of emergency become themselves soldiers4
 ,as in these important  respects they  
were useful to the community at large1  
they ought not to  be excluded from the 
estimate of representation4 ,he could   
not1  however1 regard them as equal to  
freemen1 and could not vote for them  as
 such4 ,he added1 as worthy of remark1  
that the ,southern ,states have  this   
peculiar species of property1 over and  
above the other species of  property    
common to all the ,states4    ,mr4      
,,williamson reminded ,mr4 ,,gorham that
 if the ,southern ,states  contended for
 the inferiority of blacks to whites    
when taxation was in  view1 the ,eastern
 ,states1 on the same occasion1         
contended for their  equality4 ,he did  
not1 however1 either then or now1 concur
 in either  extreme1 but approved of the
 ratio of three-fifths4    ,on ,mr4     
,,butler',s motion1 for considering     
blacks as equal to whites in  the       

apportionment of                        
representation1--,delaware1 ,south      
,carolina1  ,georgia1 aye--#c2          
,massachusetts1 ,connecticut1 ,new      
,jersey1 ,pennsylvania1  ,maryland1     
,virginia1 ,north ,carolina1 no--#g2    
,new ,york1 not on the floor4    ,mr4   
,,gouverneur ,,morris said he had       
several objections to the  proposition  
of ,mr4 ,,williamson4 ,in the first     
place1 it fettered the  ,legislature too
 much4 ,in the second place1 it would   
exclude some  ,states altogether who    
would not have a sufficient number to   
entitle  them to a single               
representation4 ,in the third place1 it 
will not  consist with the resolution   
passed on ,saturday last1 authorizing   
the  ,legislature to adjust the         
representation from time to time on the 
principles of population and wealth2 nor
 with the principles of  equity4 ,if    
slaves were to be considered as         
inhabitants1 not as wealth1  then the   
said ,resolution would not be pursued2  

if as wealth1 then why  is no other     
wealth but slaves included8 ,these      
objections may perhaps  be removed by   
amendments4    ,mr4 ,,king thought there
 was great force in the objections of   
,mr4  ,,gouverneur ,,morris4 ,he would1 
however1 accede to the proposition for  
the sake of doing something4    ,mr4    
,,gouverneur ,,morris4 ,another         
objection with him1 against admitting   
the blacks into the census1 was1 that   
the people of ,pennsylvania would       
revolt at the idea of being put on a    
footing with slaves4 ,they would  reject
 any plan that was to have such an      
effect4    ,mr4 ,,madison4 ,future      
contributions1 it seemed to be          
understood on all  hands1 would be      
principally levied on imports and       
exports4--pp4  #ajff-g-h-i2 #ajgj-b-c4  
,on the question on the first clause of 
,mr4 ,,williamson's motion1 as to       
taking a census of the free inhabitants1
 it passed in the                       
affirmative1--,massachusetts1           

,connecticut1 ,new ,jersey1             
,pennsylvania1  ,virginia1 ,north       
,carolina1 aye--#f2 ,delaware1          
,maryland1 ,south ,carolina1  ,georgia1 
no--#d4    ,the next clause as to       
three-fifths of the negroes being       
considered1    ,mr4 ,,king1 being much  
opposed to fixing numbers as the rule of
  representation1 was particularly so on
 account of the blacks4 ,he  thought the
 admission of them along with whites at 
all1 would excite  great discontents    
among the ,states having no slaves4 ,he 
had never  said1 as to any particular   
point1 that he would in no event        
acquiesce  in and support it2 but he    
would say that if in any case such a    
declaration was to be made by him1 it   
would be in this4    ,he remarked that  
in the temporary allotment of           
representatives made by  the ,committee1
 the ,southern ,states had received more
 than the number  of their white and    
three-fifths of their black inhabitants 
entitled  them to4    ,mr4 ,,sherman4   

,south ,carolina had not more beyond her
 proportion than  ,new ,york and ,new   
,hampshire2 nor either of them more than
 was necessary  in order to avoid       
fractions1 or reducing them below their 
proportion4  ,georgia had more2 but the 
rapid growth of that ,state seemed to   
justify  it4 ,in general the allotment  
might not be just1 but considering all  
circumstances he was satisfied with it4 
,mr4 ,,gorham was aware that there might
 be some weight in what had  fallen from
 his colleague1 as to the umbrage which 
might be taken by  the people of the    
,eastern ,states4 ,but he recollected   
that when the  proposition of ,congress 
for changing the eighth ,article of the 
,confederation was before the           
,legislature of ,massachusetts1 the only
  difficulty then was1 to satisfy them  
that the negroes ought not to  have been
 counted equally with the whites1       
instead of being counted in  the ratio  
of three-fifths only4#a    ,footnote #a3
 ,they were then to have been a rule of 

taxation only4      ,mr4 ,,wilson did   
not well see1 on what principle the     
admission of blacks  in the proportion  
of three-fifths could be explained4 ,are
 they  admitted as citizens--then why   
are they not admitted on an equality    
with white citizens8 ,are they admitted 
as property--then why is not  other     
property admitted into the computation8 
,these were difficulties1  however1     
which he thought must be overruled by   
the necessity of  compromise4 ,he had   
some apprehensions also1 from the       
tendency of the  blending of the blacks 
with the whites1 to give disgust to the 
people  of ,pennsylvania1 as had been   
intimated by his colleague 7,mr4        
,,gouverneur ,,morris47    ,mr4         
,,gouverneur ,,morris was compelled to  
declare himself reduced to the  dilemma 
of doing injustice to the ,southern     
,states1 or to human nature2  and he    
must therefore do it to the former4 ,for
 he could never agree to  give such     
encouragement to the slave trade1 as    

would be given by  allowing them a      
representation for their negroes2 and he
 did not  believe those ,states would   
ever confederate on terms that would    
deprive them of that trade4    ,on the  
question for agreeing to include        
three-fifths of the                     
blacks1--,connecticut1 ,virginia1 ,north
 ,carolina1 ,georgia1 aye--#d2          
,massachusetts1 ,new-,jersey1           
,pennsylvania1 ,delaware1 ,maryland1#b  
,south  ,carolina1                      
no--#f4--pp4#ajgf-g-h4    ,footnote #b3 
,mr4 ,carroll said1 in explanation of   
the vote of ,maryland1  that he wished  
the phraseology to be so altered as to  
obviate1 if  possible1 the danger which 
had been expressed of giving umbrage to 
the  ,eastern and ,middle ,states4      
,,thursday1 ,july #ab1 #aghg4    ,in    
,convention1--,mr4 ,,gouverneur ,,morris
 moved a proviso1 that  taxation shall  
be in proportion to representation4     
,mr4 ,,butler contended again1 that     
representation should be according to   

the full number of inhabitants1         
including all the blacks2 admitting  the
 justice of ,mr4 ,,gouverneur           
,,morris',s motion4    ,general         
,,pinckney was alarmed at what was said 
yesterday1 by  ,,gouverneur ,,morris    
concerning the negroes4 ,he was now     
again alarmed at  what had been thrown  
out concerning the taxing of exports4   
,south  ,carolina has in one year       
exported to the amount of #fjj1jjj4     
sterling1  all which was the fruit of   
the labor of her blacks4 ,will she be   
represented in proportion to this       
amount8 ,she will not4 ,neither ought   
she then to be subject to a tax on it4  
,he hoped a clause would be  inserted in
 the system1 restraining the            
,legislature from taxing  exports4      
,mr4 ,,wilson approved the principle1   
but could not see how it could be       
carried into execution2 unless          
restrained to direct taxation4    ,mr4  
,,gouverneur ,,morris having so varied  
his motion by inserting the  word       

direct1 it passed1 nem4 con41 as        
follows3 provided always  that direct   
taxation ought to be proportioned to    
representation    ,mr4 ,,davie said it  
was high time now to speak out4 ,he saw 
that it was  meant by some gentlemen to 
deprive the ,southern ,states of any    
share of  representation for their      
blacks4 ,he was sure that ,north        
,carolina would  never confederate on   
any terms that did not rate them at     
least as  three-fifths4 ,if the ,eastern
 ,states meant1 therefore1 to exclude   
them  altogether1 the business was at an
 end4    ,dr4 ,,johnson thought that    
wealth and population were the true1    
equitable rules of representation2 but  
he conceived that these two  principles 
resolved themselves into one1 population
 being the best  measure of wealth4 ,he 
concluded1 therefore1 that the number of
 people  ought to be established as the 
rule1 and that all descriptions1        
including blacks equally with the       
whites1 ought to fall within the        

computation4 ,as various opinions had   
been expressed on the subject1 he  would
 move that a committee might be         
appointed to take them into             
consideration1 and report them4    ,mr4 
,,gouveneur ,,morris4 ,it had been said 
that it is high time to speak  out4 ,as 
one member1 he would candidly do so4 ,he
 came here to form a  compact for the   
good of ,america4 ,he was ready to do so
 with all the  ,states4 ,he hoped1 and  
believed1 that all would enter into such
  compact4 ,if they would not1 he was   
ready to join with any states that      
would4 ,but as the compact was to be    
voluntary1 it is in vain for the        
,eastern ,states to insist on what the  
,southern ,states will never agree  to4 
,it is equally vain for the latter to   
require1 what the other  ,states can    
never admit2 and he verily believed the 
people of  ,pennsylvania will never     
agree to a representation of negroes4   
,what can  be desired by these ,states  
more than has been already              

proposed--that  the legislature shall   
from time to time regulate              
representation  according to population 
and wealth8    ,general ,,pinckney      
desired that the rule of wealth should  
be  ascertained1 and not left to the    
pleasure of the legislature1 and that   
property in slaves should not be exposed
 to danger1 under a government          
instituted for the protection of        
property4    ,the first clause in the   
,report of the first ,grand ,committee  
was  postponed4    ,mr4 ,,ellsworth1 in 
order to carry into effect the principle
  established1 moved to add to the last 
clause adopted by the house the  words  
following1 and that the rule of         
contribution by direct  taxation1 for   
the support of the ,government of the   
,united ,states1  shall be the number of
 white inhabitants1 and three-fifths of 
every  other description in the several 
,states1 until some other rule that     
shall more accurately ascertain the     
wealth of the several ,states1 can  be  

devised and adopted by the ,legislature4
    ,mr4 ,,butler seconded the motion1  
in order that it might be committed4    
,mr4 ,,randolph was not satisfied with  
the motion4 ,the danger will be         
revived1 that the ingenuity of the      
,legislature may evade or pervert  the  
rule1 so as to perpetuate the power     
where it shall be lodged in  the first  
instance4 ,he proposed1 in lieu of ,mr4 
,,ellsworth',s motion  that in order to 
ascertain the alterations in            
representation that  stay be required1  
from time to time1 by changes in the    
relative  circumstances of the ,states1 
a census shall be taken within two years
  from the first meeting of the ,general
 ,legislature of the ,united  ,states1  
and once within the term of every ----  
years afterwards1 of  all the           
inhabitants1 in the manner and according
 to the ratio  recommended by ,congress 
in their ,resolution of the eighteenth  
day of  ,april1 #aghc1 7rating the      
blacks at three-fifths of their number72

 and  that the ,legislature of the      
,united ,states shall arrange the       
representation accordingly4 ,he urged   
strenuously that express  security ought
 to be presided for including slaves in 
the ratio of  representation4 ,he       
lamented that such a species of property
 existed4  ,but as it did exist1 the    
holders of it would require this        
security4  ,it was perceived that the   
design was entertained by some of       
excluding  slaves altogether2 the       
,legislature therefore ought not to be  
left at  liberty4    ,mr4 ,,ellsworth   
withdraws his motion1 and seconds that  
of ,mr4 ,,randolph4    ,mr4 ,,wilson    
observed1 that less umbrage would       
perhaps be taken against  an admission  
of the slaves into the rule of          
representation1 if it  should be so     
expressed as to make them indirectly    
only an ingredient  in the rule1 by     
saying that they should enter into the  
rule of  taxation2 and as representation
 was to be according to taxation1 the   

end would be equally attained4    ,mr4  
,,pinckney moved to amend ,mr4          
,,randolph',s motion1 so as to make     
blacks equal to the whites in the ratio 
of representation4 ,this1  he urged was 
nothing more than justice4 ,the blacks  
are the laborers1  the peasants1 of the 
,southern ,states4 ,they are as         
productive of  pecuniary resources as   
those of the ,northern ,states4 ,they   
add equally  to the wealth1 and1        
considering money as the sinew of war1  
to the  strength1 of the nation4 ,it    
will also be politic with regard to the 
,northern ,states1 as taxation is to    
keep pace with representation4    ,on   
,mr4 ,,pinckney',s 7of ,s4 ,carolina7   
motion1 for rating blacks as equal  to  
whites1 instead of as                   
three-fifths1--,south ,carolina1        
,georgia1  aye--#b2 ,massachusetts1     
,connecticut 7,doctor ,,johnson1 aye71  
,new ,jersey1  ,pennsylvania 7three     
against two71 ,delaware1 ,maryland1     
,virginia1 ,north  ,carolina1 no--#h4   

,mr4 ,,randolph',s 7of ,virginia7       
proposition1 as varied by ,mr4 ,,wilson 
7of  ,pennsylvania7 being read for      
taking the question on the whole1--     
,mr4 ,,gerry 7of ,massachusetts7 urged  
that the principle of it could not  be  
carried into execution1 as the ,states  
were not to be taxed as  ,states4 ,with 
regard to taxes on imposts1 he conceived
 they would be  more productive where   
there were no slaves1 than where there  
were2 the  consumption being greater4   
,mr4 ,,ellsworth 7of ,connecticut74 ,in 
the case of a poll-tax there would  be  
no difficulty4 ,but there would probably
 be none4 ,the sum allotted  to a ,state
 may be levied without difficulty1      
according to the plan  used by the      
,state in raising its own supplies4     
,on the question on the whole           
proposition1 as proportioning           
representation to direct taxation1 and  
both to the white and  three-fifths of  
the black inhabitants1 and requiring a  
census within  six years1 and within    

every ten years                         
afterwards1--,connecticut1              
,pennsylvania1 ,maryland1 ,virginia1    
,north ,carolina1 ,georgia1 aye--#f2    
,new  ,jersey1 ,delaware1 no--#b2       
,massachusetts1 ,south ,carolina1       
divided4--pp4 #ajgi to #ajhg4           
,friday1 ,july #ac1 #aghg4 ,mr4         
,,madison said1 that having always      
conceived  that the difference of       
interest in the ,united ,states lay not 
between  the large and small1 but the   
,northern and ,southern ,states4-p4     
#ajhh4    ,on the motion of ,mr4        
,,randolph 7of ,virginia7 the vote of   
,monday last1  authorizing the          
,legislature to adjust1 from time to    
time1 the  representation upon the      
principles of wealth and numbers of     
inhabitants1 was reconsidered by common 
consent1 in order to strike  out wealth 
and adjust the resolution to that       
requiring periodical  revisions         
according to the number of whites and   
three-fifths of the  blacks4    ,mr4    

,,gouverneur ,,morris 7of ,pennsylvania7
 opposed the alteration1 as  leaving    
still an incoherence4 ,if negroes were  
to be viewed as  inhabitants1 and the   
revision was to proceed on the principle
 of  numbers of inhabitants1 they ought 
to be added in their entire number1  and
 not in the proportion of three-fifths4 
,if as property1 the word  wealth was   
right2 and striking it out would produce
 the very  inconsistency which it was   
meant to get rid of4 ,the train of      
business1  and the late turn which it   
had taken1 had led him1 he said1 into   
deep  meditation on it1 and he would    
candidly state the result4 ,a           
distinction had been set up1 and urged1 
between the ,northern and  ,southern    
,states4 ,he had hitherto considered    
this doctrine as  heretical4 ,he still  
thought the distinction groundless4 ,he 
sees1  however1 that it is persisted in2
 and the ,southern gentlemen will not   
be satisfied unless they see the way    
open to their gaining a majority  in the

 public councils4 ,the consequence of   
such a transfer of power  from the      
maritime to the interior and landed     
interest1 will1 he  foresees1 be such an
 oppression to commerce1 that he shall  
be obliged  to vote for the vicious     
principle of equality in the second     
branch1 in  order to provide some       
defence for the ,northern ,states       
against it4 ,but  to come more to the   
point1 either this distinction is       
fictitious or  real2 if fictitious1 let 
it be dismissed1 and let us proceed with
 due  confidence4 ,if it be real1       
instead of attempting to blend          
incompatible  things1 let us at once    
take a friendly leave of each other4    
,there can  be no end of demands for    
security1 if every particular interest  
is to  be entitled to it4 ,the ,eastern 
,states may claim it for their fishery1 
and for other objects1 as the ,southern 
,states claim it for their  peculiar    
objects4 ,in this struggle between the  
two ends of the ,union1  what part ought

 the ,middle ,states1 in point of       
policy1 to take8 ,to  join their        
,eastern brethren1 according to his     
ideas4 ,if the ,southern  ,states get   
the power into their hands1 and be      
joined1 as they will be1  with the      
interior country1 they will inevitably  
bring on a war with  ,spain for the     
,mississippi4 ,this language is already 
held4 ,the interior  country1 having no 
property nor interest exposed on the    
sea1 will be  little affected by such a 
war4 ,he wished to know what security   
the  ,northern and ,middle ,states will 
have against this danger4 ,it has been  
said that ,north ,carolina1 ,south      
,carolina1 and ,georgia only1 will in a 
little time have a majority of the      
people of ,america4 ,they must in  that 
case include the great interior country1
 and every thing was to  be apprehended 
from their getting the power into their 
hands4    ,mr4 ,,butler 7of ,south      
,carolina74 ,the security the ,southern 
,states want  is1 that their negroes may

 not be taken from them1 which some     
gentlemen within or without doors have a
 very good mind to do4 ,it was  not     
supposed that ,north ,carolina1 ,south  
,carolina and ,georgia1 would  have more
 people than all the other ,states1 but 
many more relatively  to the other      
,states1 than they now have4 ,the people
 and strength of  ,america are evidently
 bearing southwardly1 and               
southwestwardly4    ,on the question to 
strike out wealth1 and to make the      
change  as moved by ,mr4 ,,randolph 7of 
,virginia7 it passed in the             
affirmative1--,massachusetts1           
,connecticut1 ,new ,jersey1             
,pennsylvania1  ,maryland1 ,virginia1   
,north ,carolina1 ,south ,carolina1     
,georgia1 aye--#i2  ,delaware1          
divided4--pp4 #ajij-a-b-c-d4            
,,saturday1 ,july #ad1 #aghg4    ,mr4   
,,madison4 ,it seemed now to be pretty  
well understood1 that the real          
difference of interests lay1 not between
 the large and small1 but  between the  

,northern and ,southern1 ,states4 ,,the 
,,institution ,,of ,,slavery1  ,,and    
,,it',s ,,consequences1 ,,formed ,,the  
,,line ,,of ,,discrimination4--p4 #aajd4
      ,,tuesday1 ,july #ag1 #aghg4      
,mr4 ,,williamson4 ,the largest ,state  
will be sure to succeed4 ,this will  not
 be ,virginia1 however4 ,her slaves will
 have no suffrage4--p4  #aabc4          
,,thursday1 ,july #ai1 #aghg4    ,mr4   
,,madison4 ,the right of suffrage was   
much more diffusive in the  ,northern   
than the ,southern ,states2 and the     
latter could have no  influence in the  
election1 on the score of the           
negroes4--p4 #aadh4      ,,monday1 ,july
 #bc1 #aghg4    ,general ,,pinckney     
reminded the ,convention1 that if the   
,committee should  fail to insert some  
security to the ,southern ,states       
against an  emancipation of slaves1 and 
taxes on exports1 he should be bound by 
duty to his ,state to vote against their
 report4--p4 #aahg4      ,,tuesday1     
,july #bd1 #aghg4    ,mr4 ,,williamson4 

,as the ,executive is to have a kind of 
veto on the  laws1 and there is an      
essential difference of interests       
between the  ,northern and ,southern    
,states1 particularly in the carrying   
trade1 the  power will be dangerous1 if 
the ,executive is to be taken from part 
of  the ,union1 to the part from which  
he is not taken4--p4 #aahi4    ,mr4     
,,gouverneur ,,morris hoped the         
,committee would strike out the whole   
of the clause proportioning direct      
taxation to representation4 ,he had     
only meant it as a bridge#c to assist us
 over a certain gulf2 having  passed the
 gulf1 the bridge may be removed4 ,he   
thought the principle  laid down with so
 much strictness liable to strong       
objections4--p4  #aaig4    ,footnote #c3
 ,the object was to lessen the          
eagerness1 on one side1 for1  and the   
opposition1 on the other1 to the share  
of representation  claimed by the       
,southern ,states on account of the     
negroes4        ,,wednesday1 ,july #be1 

#aghg4    ,mr4 ,,madison4 ,refer the    
appointment of the ,national ,executive 
to the  ,state ,legislatures1 and 99 99 
99    ,the remaining mode was an        
election by the people1 or rather by the
  qualified part of them at large4 99 99
 99    ,the second difficulty arose from
 the disproportion of qualified voters  
in the ,northern and ,southern ,states1 
and the disadvantages which this  mode  
would throw on the latter4 ,the answer  
to this objection was--in  the first    
place1 that this disproportion would be 
continually  decreasing under the       
influence of the republican laws        
introduced in  the ,southern ,states1   
and the more rapid increase of their    
population2  in the second place1 that  
local considerations must give way to   
the  general interest4 ,as an individual
 from the ,southern ,states1 he was     
willing to make the sacrifice4--pp4     
#abjj-a4    ,,thursday1 ,july #bf1      
#aghg4    ,mr4 ,gouverneur ,morris4     
,revenue will be drawn1 it is foreseen1 

as much  as possible from trade4--p4    
#abag4    ,,monday1 ,august #f1 #aghg4  
,mr4 ,rutledge delivered in the ,report 
of the ,committee of ,detail4           
,,article ,,vii4    ,,sect4 #c4 ,the    
proportions of direct taxation shall be 
regulated by the  whole number of white 
and other free citizens and inhabitants 
of every  age1 sex and condition1       
including those bound to servitude for a
 term  of years1 and three-fifths of all
 other persons not comprehended in  the 
foregoing description1 7except ,indians 
not paying taxes72 which  number shall1 
within six years after the first meeting
 of the  ,legislature1 and within the   
term of every ten years afterwards1 be  
taken in such a manner as the said      
,legislature shall direct4    ,,sect4   
#d4 ,no tax or duty shall be laid by the
 ,legislature on articles  exported from
 any ,state2 nor on the migration or    
importation of such  persons as the     
several ,states shall think proper to   
admit2 nor shall  such migration or     

importation be prohibited4    ,,sect4   
#e4 ,no capitation tax shall be laid1   
unless in proportion to the  census     
herein before directed to be taken4     
,,sect4 #f4 ,no navigation act shall be 
passed without the assent of  two-thirds
 of the members present in each         
house4--pp4 #abbf-cc-cd4    ,,wednesday1
 ,august #h1 #aghg4    ,mr4 ,king wished
 to know what influence the vote just   
passed was meant  to have on the        
succeeding part of the ,report1         
concerning the admission  of slaves into
 the rule of representation4 ,he could  
not reconcile his  mind to the ,article1
 if it was to prevent objections to the 
latter  part4 ,the admission of slaves  
was a most grating circumstance to his  
mind1 and he believed would be so to a  
great part of the people of  ,america4  
,he had not made a strenuous opposition 
to it heretofore1  because he had hoped 
that this concession would have produced
 a  readiness1 which had not been       
manifested1 to strengthen the ,general  

,government1 and to mark a full         
confidence in it4 ,the ,report under    
consideration had1 by the tenor of it1  
put an end to all those hopes4  ,in two 
great points the hands of the           
,legislature were absolutely tied4  ,the
 importation of slaves could not be     
prohibited4 ,exports could not  be      
taxed4 ,is this reasonable8 ,what are   
the great objects of the  general       
system8 ,first1 defence against foreign 
invasion2 secondly1  against internal   
sedition4 ,shall all the ,states1 then1 
be bound to  defend each1 and shall each
 be at liberty to introduce a weakness  
which will render defence more          
difficult8 ,shall one part of the       
,united  ,states be bound to defend     
another part1 and that other part be at 
liberty1 not only to increase its own   
danger1 but to withhold the             
compensation for the burden8 ,if slaves 
are to be imported1 shall not  the      
exports produced by their labor supply a
 revenue the better to  enable the      

,general ,government to defend their    
masters8 ,there was so  much inequality 
and unreasonableness in all this1 that  
the people of  the ,northern ,states    
could never be reconciled to it4 ,no    
candid man  could undertake to justify  
it to them4 ,he had hoped that some     
accommodation would have taken place on 
this subject2 that at least a  time     
would have been limited for the         
importation of slaves4 ,he never  could 
agree to let them be imported without   
limitation1 and then be  represented in 
the ,national ,legislature4 ,indeed1 he 
could so little  persuade himself of the
 rectitude of such a practice1 that he  
was not  sure be could assent to it     
under any circumstances4 ,at all events1
  either slaves should not be           
represented1 or exports should be       
taxable4    ,mr4 ,,sherman regarded the 
slave trade as iniquitous2 but the point
 of  representation having been settled 
after much difficulty and  deliberation1
 he did not think himself bound to make 

opposition2  especially as the present  
,article1 as amended1 did not preclude  
any  arrangement whatever on that point1
 in another place of the report4    ,mr4
 ,,gouverneur ,,morris moved to insert  
free before the word  inhabitants4      
,much1 he said1 would depend on this    
point4 ,he never  would concur in       
upholding domestic slavery4 ,it was a   
nefarious  institution4 ,it was the     
curse of ,heaven on the ,states where it
  prevailed4 ,compare the free regions  
of the ,middle ,states1 where a rich    
and noble cultivation marks the         
prosperity and happiness of the  people1
 with the misery and poverty which      
overspread the barren wastes  of        
,virginia1 ,maryland1 and the other     
,states having slaves4 ,travel  through 
the whole continent1 and you behold the 
prospect continually  varying with the  
appearance and disappearance of slavery4
 ,the moment  you leave the ,eastern    
,states1 and enter ,new ,york1 the      
effects of the  institution become      

visible4 ,passing through the ,jerseys  
and entering  ,pennsylvania1 every      
criterion of superior improvement       
witnesses the  change4 ,proceed         
southwardly1 and every step you take1   
through the  great regions of slaves1   
presents a desert increasing with the   
increasing proportion of these wretched 
beings4 ,upon what principle is  it that
 the slaves shall be computed in the    
representation8 ,are they  men8 ,then   
make them citizens1 and let them vote4  
,are they property8  ,why1 then1 is no  
other property included8 ,the houses in 
this city  7,philadelphia7 are worth    
more than all the wretched slaves who   
cover  the rice swamps of ,south        
,carolina4 ,the admission of slaves into
 the  representation1 when fairly       
explained1 comes to this1 that the      
inhabitant of ,georgia and ,south       
,carolina who goes to the coast of      
,africa1 and1 in defiance of the most   
sacred laws of humanity1 tears  away his
 fellow creatures from their dearest    

connections1 and damns  them to the most
 cruel bondage1 shall have more votes in
 a government  instituted for protection
 of the rights of mankind1 than the     
citizen  of ,pennsylvania or ,new       
,jersey1 who views with a laudable      
horror so  nefarious a practice4 ,he    
would add1 that domestic slavery is the 
most  prominent feature in the          
aristocratic countenance of the proposed
  ,constitution4 ,the vassalage of the  
poor has ever been the favorite         
offspring of aristocracy4 ,and what is  
the proposed compensation to the        
,northern ,states1 for a sacrifice of   
every principle of right1 of every      
impulse of humanity8 ,they are to bind  
themselves to march their  militia for  
the defence of the ,southern ,states1   
for their defence  against those very   
slaves of whom they complain4 ,they must
 supply  vessels and seamen1 in case of 
foreign attack4 ,the ,legislature will  
have indefinite power to tax them by    
excises1 and duties on imports2  both of

 which will fall heavier on them than on
 the ,southern  inhabitants2 for the    
bohea tea used by a ,northern freeman   
will pay  more tax than the whole       
consumption of the miserable slave1     
which  consists of nothing more than his
 physical subsistence and the rag  that 
covers his nakedness4 ,on the other     
side1 the ,southern ,states are  not to 
be restrained from importing fresh      
supplies of wretched  ,africans1 at once
 to increase the danger of attack1 and  
the difficulty  of defence2 nay1 they   
are to be encouraged to it1 by an       
assurance of  having their votes in the 
,national ,government increased in      
proportion2  and are1 at the same time1 
to have their exports and their slaves  
exempt from all contributions for the   
public service4 ,let it not be  said1   
that direct taxation is to be           
proportioned to representation4 ,it  is 
idle to suppose that the ,general       
,government can stretch its hand        
directly into the pockets of the people1

 scattered over so vast a  country4     
,they can only do it through the medium 
of exports1 imports  and excises4 ,for  
what1 then1 are all the sacrifices to be
 made8 ,he  would sooner submit himself 
to a tax for paying for all the negroes 
in  the ,united ,states1 than saddle    
posterity with such a ,constitution4    
,mr4 ,,dayton seconded the motion4 ,he  
did it1 he said1 that his  sentiments on
 the subject might appear1 whatever     
might be the fate of  the amendment4    
,mr4 ,,sherman did not regard the       
admission of the negroes into the ratio 
of representation1 as liable to such    
insuperable objections4 ,it was  the    
freemen of the ,southern ,states who    
were1 in fact1 to be  represented       
according to the taxes paid by them1 and
 the negroes are  only included in the  
estimate of the taxes4 ,this was his    
idea of the  matter4    ,mr4 ,,pinckney 
considered the fisheries1 and the       
western frontier1 as  more burdensome to
 the ,united ,states than the slaves4   

,he thought this  could be demonstrated1
 if the occasion were a proper one4     
,mr4 ,,wilson thought the motion        
premature4 ,an agreement to the clause  
would be no bar to the object of it4    
,on the question1 on the motion to      
insert free before inhabitants1         
,new-,jersey1 aye--#a2 ,new-,hampshire1 
,massachusetts1 ,connecticut1           
,pennsylvania1 ,delaware1 ,maryland1    
,virginia1 ,north ,carolina1 ,south     
,carolina1 ,georgia1 no--#aj4--pp4      
#abfa-b-c-d-e-f4    ,,thursday1 ,august 
#af1 #aghg4    ,mr4 ,,mason urged the   
necessity of connecting with the powers 
of levying  taxes1 duties1 c41 the      
prohibition in ,article #f1 ,sect4 #d1  
that no  tax should be laid on exports4 
,he hoped the ,northern ,states did not 
mean to deny the ,southern this         
security4    ,,mr4 ,,gouverneur ,,morris
 considered such a proviso as           
inadmissible  anywhere4    ,,mr4        
,,madison4 ,fourthly1 the ,southern     
,states1 being most in danger and  most 

needing naval protection1 could the less
 complain1 if the burthen  should be    
somewhat heaviest on them4 ,and finally1
 we are not providing  for the present  
moment only2 and time will equalize the 
situation of  the ,states in this       
matter4 ,he was1 for these reasons1     
against the  motion4    ,,mr4 ,,mercer4 
,it had been said the ,southern ,states 
had most need of  naval protection4 ,the
 reverse was the case4 ,were it not for 
promoting  the carrying trade of the    
,northern ,states1 the ,southern ,states
 could  let the trade go into foreign   
bottoms1 where it would not need our    
protection4--pp4 #acci-dj-da-db4        
,,tuesday1 ,august #ba1 #aghg4          
,articles #g1 ,section #c1 was then     
resumed4    ,,mr4 ,,dickinson moved to  
postpone this1 in order to reconsider   
,article  #d1 ,section #d1 and to limit 
the number of ,representatives to be    
allowed to the large ,states4 ,unless   
this were done1 the small ,states  would
 be reduced to entire insignificance1   

and encouragement given to  the         
importation of slaves4    ,,mr4         
,,sherman would agree to such a         
reconsideration2 but did not see the    
necessity of postponing the section     
before the ,house4 ,,mr4 ,,dickinson    
withdrew his motion4    ,article #g1    
,section #c1 was then agreed to1--ten   
ayes2 ,delaware alone1  no4--p4 #acgi4  
,article #g1 ,section #d1 was then taken
 up4    ,,mr4 ,,langdon4 ,by this       
section the ,states are left at liberty 
to tax  exports4 ,this could not be     
admitted4 ,it seems to be feared that   
the  ,northern ,states will oppress the 
trade of the ,southern4 ,this may be    
guarded against1 by requiring the       
concurrence of two-thirds1 or           
three-fourths of the ,legislature1 in   
such cases4--p4 #achb-c4    ,,mr4       
,,madison4 ,as to the fear of           
disproportionate burthens on the more   
exporting ,states1 it might be remarked 
that it was agreed1 on all  hands1 that 
the revenue would principally be drawn  

from trade4--p4  #ache4    ,,col4       
,,mason--,a majority1 when interested1  
will oppress the minority4    ,if we    
compare the ,states in this point of    
view1 the eight ,northern  ,states have 
an interest different from the five     
,southern ,states2 and  have1 in one    
branch of the ,legislature1 thirty-six  
votes1 against  twenty-nine1 and in the 
other in the proportion of eight against
 five4  ,the ,southern ,states had      
therefore ground for their suspicions4  
,the  case of exports was not the same  
with that of imports4--pp4 #achf-g4     
,,mr4 ,l4 ,,martin proposed to vary     
,article #g1 ,section #d1 so as to allow
 a  prohibition or tax on the           
importation of slaves4 ,in the first    
place1  as five slaves are to be counted
 as three freemen1 in the  apportionment
 of ,representatives1 such a clause     
would leave an  encouragement to this   
traffic4 ,in the second place1 slaves   
weakened  one part of the ,union1 which 
the other parts were bound to protect2  

the privilege of importing them was     
therefore unreasonable4 ,and in the     
third place1 it was inconsistent with   
the principles of the  ,revolution1 and 
dishonorable to the ,american character1
 to have such a  feature in the         
,constitution4    ,mr4 ,,rutledge did   
not see how the importation of slaves   
could be  encouraged by this section4   
,he was not apprehensive of             
insurrections1  and would readily exempt
 the other ,states from the obligation  
to  protect the ,southern against them4 
,religion and humanity had nothing  to  
do with this question4 ,interest alone  
is the governing principle  with        
nations4 ,the true question at present  
is1 whether the ,southern  ,states shall
 or shall not be parties to the ,union4 
,if the ,northern  ,states consult their
 interest1 they will not oppose the     
increase of  slaves1 which will increase
 the commodities of which they will     
become  the carriers4    ,mr4           
,,ellsworth was for leaving the clause  

as it stands4 ,let every ,state  import 
what it pleases4 ,the morality or wisdom
 of slavery are  considerations         
belonging to the ,states themselves4    
,what enriches a  part enriches the     
whole1 and the ,states are the best     
judges of their  particular interest4   
,the ,old ,confederation had not meddled
 with this  point2 and he did not see   
any greater necessity for bringing it   
within  the policy of the new one4      
,mr4 ,,pinckney4 ,south ,carolina can   
never receive the plan if it  prohibits 
the slave trade4 ,in every proposed     
extension of the powers  of ,congress1  
that ,state has expressly and watchfully
 excepted that of  meddling with the    
importation of negroes4 ,if the ,states 
be all left at  liberty on this subject1
 ,south ,carolina may perhaps1 by       
degrees1 do of  herself what is wished1 
as ,virginia and ,maryland already have 
done4  ,adjourned4--pp4 #achh-i4        
,,wednesday1 ,august #bb1 #aghg4    ,in 
,convention1--,article #g1 ,section #d1 

was resumed4    ,mr4 ,,sherman was for  
leaving the clause as it stands4 ,he    
disapproved of  the slave trade2 yet as 
the ,states were now possessed of the   
right to  import slaves1 as the public  
good did not require it to be taken from
  them1 and as it was expedient to have 
as few objections as possible to  the   
proposed scheme of government1 he       
thought it best to leave the  matter as 
we find it4 ,he observed that the       
abolition of slavery seemed  to be going
 on in the ,united ,states1 and that the
 good sense of the  several ,states     
would probably by degrees complete it4  
,he urged on the  ,convention the       
necessity of despatching its business4  
,col4 ,,mason4 ,this infernal traffic   
originated in the avarice of ,british   
merchants4 ,the ,british ,government    
constantly checked the attempts of      
,virginia to put a stop to it4 ,the     
present question concerns not the       
importing ,states alone1 but the whole  
,union4 ,the evil of having slaves  was 

experienced during the late war4 ,had   
slaves been treated as they  might have 
been by the enemy1 they would have      
proved dangerous  instruments in their  
hands4 ,but their folly dealt by the    
slaves as it  did by the tories4 ,he    
mentioned the dangerous insurrections of
 the  slaves in ,greece and ,sicily2 and
 the instructions given by ,cromwell to 
the commissioners sent to ,virginia1 to 
arm the servants and slaves1 in  case   
other means of obtaining its submission 
should fail4 ,maryland and  ,virginia he
 said had already prohibited the        
importation of slaves  expressly4 ,north
 ,carolina had done the same in         
substance4 ,all this  would be in vain1 
if ,south ,carolina and ,georgia be at  
liberty to  import4 ,the ,western people
 are already calling out for slaves for 
their new lands2 and will fill that     
country with slaves1 if they can  be got
 through ,south ,carolina and ,georgia4 
,slavery discourages arts  and          
manufactures4 ,the poor despise labor   

when performed by slaves4  ,they prevent
 the emigration of whites1 who really   
enrich and  strengthen a country4 ,they 
produce the most pernicious effect on   
manners4 ,every master of slaves is born
 a petty tyrant4 ,they bring the        
judgment of ,heaven on a country4 ,as   
nations cannot be rewarded or  punished 
in the next world1 they must be in this4
 ,by an inevitable  chain of causes and 
effects1 ,providence punishes national  
sins by  national calamities4 ,he       
lamented that some of our ,eastern      
brethren  had1 from a lust of gain1     
embarked in this nefarious traffic4 ,as 
to  the ,states being in possession of  
the right to import1 this was the  case 
with many other rights1 now to be       
properly given up4 ,he held it          
essential in every point of view1 that  
the ,general ,government should  have   
power to prevent the increase of        
slavery4    ,mr4 ,,ellsworth1 as he had 
never owned a slave1 could not judge of 
the  effects of slavery on character4   

,he said1 however1 that if it was to  be
 considered in a moral light1 we ought  
to go further and free those  already in
 the country4 ,as slaves also multiply  
so fast in ,virginia  and ,maryland that
 it is cheaper to raise than import     
them1 whilst in  the sickly rice swamps 
foreign supplies are necessary1 if we go
 no  further than is urged1 we shall be 
unjust towards ,south ,carolina and     
,georgia4 ,let us not intermeddle4 ,as  
population increases1 poor  laborers    
will be so plenty as to render slaves   
useless4 ,slavery1 in  time1 will not be
 a speck in our country4 ,provision is  
already made in  ,connecticut for       
abolishing it4 ,and the abolition has   
already taken  place in ,massachusetts4 
,as to the danger of insurrections from 
foreign  influence1 that will become a  
motive to kind treatment of the slaves4 
,mr4 ,,pinckney4 ,if slavery be wrong1  
it is justified by the example of  all  
the world4 ,he cited the case of        
,greece1 ,rome and other ancient        

,states2 the sanction given by ,france1 
,england1 ,holland and other  modern    
,states4 ,in all ages one half of       
mankind have been slaves4 ,if  the      
,southern ,states were let alone1 they  
will probably of themselves  stop       
importations4 ,he would himself1 as a   
citizen of ,south ,carolina1  vote for  
it4 ,an attempt to take away the right1 
as proposed1 will  produce serious      
objections to the ,constitution1 which  
he wished to see  adopted4    ,gen4     
,,pinckney declared it to be his firm   
opinion that if himself and  all his    
colleagues were to sign the             
,constitution and use their  personal   
influence1 it would be of no avail      
towards obtaining the  assent of their  
constituents4 ,south ,carolina and      
,georgia cannot do  without slaves4 ,as 
to ,virginia1 she will gain by stopping 
the  importations4 ,her slaves will rise
 in value1 and she has more than she    
wants4 ,it would be unequal1 to require 
,south ,carolina and ,georgia1 to       

confederate on such unequal terms4 ,he  
said the ,royal assent1 before  the     
,revolution1 had never been refused to  
,south ,carolina1 as to  ,virginia4 ,he 
contended that the importation of slaves
 would be for the  interest of the whole
 ,union4 ,the more slaves1 the more     
produce to  employ the carrying trade2  
the more consumption also2 and the more 
of  this1 the more revenue for the      
common treasury4 ,he admitted it to be  
reasonable that slaves should be dutied 
like other imports2 but should  consider
 a rejection of the clause as an        
exclusion of ,south ,carolina  from the 
,union4    ,mr4 ,,baldwin had conceived 
national objects alone to be before the 
,convention2 not such as1 like the      
present1 were of a local nature4        
,georgia was decided on this point4     
,that ,state has always hitherto        
supposed a ,general ,government to be   
the pursuit of the central ,states1  who
 wished to have a vortex for everything2
 that her distance would  preclude her1 

from equal advantage2 and that she could
 not prudently  purchase it by yielding 
national powers4 ,from this it might be 
understood1 in what light she would view
 an attempt to abridge one of  her      
favorite prerogatives4 ,if left to      
herself1 she may probably put a  stop to
 the evil4 ,as one ground for this      
conjecture1 he took notice of  the sect 
of ----2 which he said was a respectable
 class of people1 who  carried their    
ethics beyond the mere equality of men1 
extending  their humanity to the claims 
of the whole animal creation4    ,mr4   
,,wilson observed that if ,south        
,carolina and ,georgia were themselves  
disposed to get rid of the importation  
of slaves in a short time1 as  had been 
suggested1 they would never refuse to   
unite because the  importation might be 
prohibited4 ,as the section now stands1 
all  articles imported are to be taxed4 
,slaves alone are exempt4 ,this is in   
fact a bounty on that article4    ,mr4  
,,gerry thought we had nothing to do    

with the conduct of the ,states  as to  
slaves1 but ought to be careful not to  
give any sanction to it4    ,mr4        
,,dickinson considered it as            
inadmissible1 on every principle of     
honor and safety1 that the importation  
of slaves should be authorized  to the  
,states by the ,constitution4 ,the true 
question was1 whether the  national     
happiness would be promoted or impeded  
by the importation2  and this question  
ought to be left to the ,national       
,government1 not to  the ,states        
particularly interested4 ,if ,england   
and ,france permit  slavery1 slaves are1
 at the same time1 excluded from both   
those  kingdoms4 ,greece and ,rome were 
made unhappy by their slaves4 ,he could 
not believe that the ,southern ,states  
would refuse to confederate on  the     
account apprehended2 especially as the  
power was not likely to be  immediately 
exercised by the ,general ,government4  
,mr4 ,,williamson stated the law of     
,north ,carolina on the subject1 to     

wit1 that it did not directly prohibit  
the importation of slaves4 ,it  imposed 
a duty of #e on each slave imported from
 ,africa2 #aj on each  from elsewhere2  
and #ej on each from a ,state licensing 
manumission4 ,he  thought the ,southern 
,states could not be members of the     
,union1 if the  clause should be        
rejected2 and that it was wrong to force
 any thing  down not absolutely         
necessary1 and which any ,state must    
disagree to4    ,mr4 ,,king thought the 
subject should be considered in a       
political light  only4 ,if two ,states  
will not agree to the ,constitution1 as 
stated on  one side1 he could affirm    
with equal belief1 on the other1 that   
great  and equal opposition would be    
experienced from the other ,states4 ,he 
remarked on the exemption of slaves from
 duty1 whilst every other  import was   
subjected to it1 as an inequality that  
could not fail to  strike the commercial
 sagacity of the ,northern and ,middle  
,states4    ,mr4 ,,langdon was strenuous

 for giving the power to the ,general   
,government4 ,he could not1 with a good 
conscience1 leave it with the  ,states1 
who could then go on with the traffic1  
without being  restrained by the        
opinions here given1 that they will     
themselves cease  to import slaves4     
,gen4 ,,pinckney thought himself bound  
to declare candidly1 that he did  not   
think ,south ,carolina would stop her   
importations of slaves1 in any  short   
time2 but only stop them occasionally as
 she now does4 ,he moved  to commit the 
clause1 that slaves might be made liable
 to an equal tax  with other imports2   
which he thought right1 and which would 
remove one  difficulty that had been    
started4    ,mr4 ,,rutledge4 ,if the    
,convention thinks that ,north          
,carolina1 ,south  ,carolina1 and       
,georgia1 will ever agree to the plan1  
unless their right  to import slaves be 
untouched1 the expectation is vain4 ,the
 people of  those ,states will never be 
such fools1 as to give up so important  

an  interest4 ,he was strenuous against 
striking out the section1 and  seconded 
the motion of ,gen4 ,,pinckney for a    
commitment4    ,mr4 ,,gouverneur        
,,morris wished the whole subject to be 
committed1  including the clauses       
relating to taxes on exports and to a   
navigation  act4 ,these things may form 
a bargain among the ,northern and       
,southern  ,states4    ,,mr4 ,,butler   
declared that he never would agree to   
the power of taxing  exports4    ,mr4   
,,sherman said it was better to let the 
,southern ,states import  slaves1 than  
to part with them1 if they made that a  
sine qua non4 ,he  was opposed to a tax 
on slaves imported1 as making the matter
 worse1  because it implied they were   
property4 ,he acknowledged that if the  
power of prohibiting the importation    
should be given to the ,general         
,government1 that it would be exercised4
 ,he thought it would be its  duty to   
exercise the power4    ,mr4 ,,read was  
for the commitment1 provided the clause 

concerning taxes  on exports should also
 be committed4    ,mr4 ,,sherman        
observed that that clause had been      
agreed to1 and  therefore could not be  
committed4    ,mr4 ,randolph was for    
committing1 in order that some middle   
ground  might1 if possible1 be found4   
,he could never agree to the clause as  
it  stands4 ,he would sooner risk the   
,constitution4 ,he dwelt on the dilemma 
to which the ,convention was exposed4   
,by agreeing to the clause1 it  would   
revolt the ,quakers1 the ,methodists1   
and many others in the  ,states having  
no slaves4 ,on the other hand1 two      
,states might be lost  to the ,union4   
,let us then1 he said1 try the chance of
 a commitment4    ,on the question for  
committing the remaining part of        
,sections #d and #e1  of ,article       
#g1--;,connecticut1 ,new ,jersey1       
,maryland1 ,virginia1 ,north  ,carolina1
 ,south ,carolina1 ,georgia1 aye--#g2   
,new ,hampshire1  ,pennsylvania1        
,delaware1 no--#c2 ,massachusetts       

absent4    ,mr4 ,pinckney and ,mr4      
,langdon moved to commit ,section #f1 as
 to a  navigation act by two-thirds of  
each ,house4    ,mr4 ,gorham did not see
 the propriety of it4 ,is it meant to   
require a  greater proportion of votes8 
,he desired it to be remembered1 that   
the  ,eastern ,states had no motive to  
union but a commercial one4 ,they were  
able to protect themselves4 ,they were  
not afraid of external danger1  and did 
not need the aid of the ,southern       
,states4    ,mr4 ,wilson wished for a   
commitment1 in order to reduce the      
proportion  of votes required4    ,mr4  
,ellsworth was for taking the plan as it
 is4 ,this widening of  opinions had a  
threatening aspect4 ,if we do not agree 
on this middle  and moderate ground1 he 
was afraid we should lose two ,states1  
with  such others as may be disposed to 
stand aloof2 should fly into a  variety 
of shapes and directions1 and most      
probably into several                   
confederations1--and not without        

bloodshed4    ,on the question for      
committing ,section #f1 as to a         
navigation act1 to a  member from each  
,state1--,new ,hampshire1               
,massachusetts1 ,pennsylvania1          
,delaware1 ,maryland1 ,virginia1 ,north 
,carolina1 ,south ,carolina1 ,georgia1  
aye--#i2 ,connecticut1 ,new ,jersey1    
no--#b4    ,the ,committee appointed    
were ,messrs4 ,langdon1 ,king1 ,johnson1
  ,livingston1 ,clymer1 ,dickinson1 ,l4 
,martin1 ,madison1 ,williamson1 ,c4,c4  
,pinckney1 and ,baldwin4    ,to this    
,committee were referred also the two   
clauses above mentioned  of the fourth  
and fifth ,sections of ,article #g4--pp4
 #acij to #acig4    ,friday1 ,august    
#bd1 #aghg    ,in                       
,convention1--,governor ,livingston1    
from the committee of eleven1  to whom  
were referred the two remaining clauses 
of the fourth section1  and the fifth   
and sixth sections1 of the seventh      
,article1 delivered in  the following   
,report3    ,strike out so much of the  

fourth section as was referred to the   
,committee1 and insert1 ',the migration 
or importation of such persons  as the  
several ,states1 now existing1 shall    
think proper to admit1  shall not be    
prohibited by the ,legislature prior to 
the year #ahjj2 but  a tax or duty may  
be imposed on such migration or         
importation1 at a  rate not exceeding   
the average of the duties laid on       
imports4    ,the fifth ,section to      
remain as in the ,report4  ,the sixth   
,section to be stricken out4--p4 #adae4 
,,saturday1 ,august #be1 #aghg4    ,the 
,report of the ,committee of eleven 7see
 ,friday1 the twenty-fourth71  being    
taken up1--    ,gen4 ,,pinckney moved to
 strike out the words1 the year eighteen
  hundred1 as the year limiting the     
importation of slaves2 and to  insert   
the words1 the year eighteen hundred and
 eight4    ,mr4 ,,gorham seconded the   
motion4    ,mr4 ,,madison4 ,twenty years
 will produce all the mischief that can 
be  apprehended from the liberty to     

import slaves4 ,so long a term will be  
more dishonorable to the ,american      
character1 than to say nothing about  it
 in the ,constitution4    ,on the       
motion1 which passed in the             
affirmative1--,new-,hampshire1          
,massachusetts1 ,connecticut1 ,maryland1
 ,north ,carolina1 ,south ,carolina1    
,georgia1 aye--#g2 ,new-,jersey1        
,pennsylvania1 ,delaware1 ,virginia1    
no--#d4    ,mr4 ,,gouverneur ,,morris   
was for making the clause read at once1 
the  importation of slaves in ,north    
,carolina1 ,south ,carolina1 and        
,georgia1  shall not be prohibited1 c4  
,this he said1 would be most fair1 and  
would avoid the ambiguity by which1     
under the power with regard to          
naturalization1 the liberty reserved to 
the ,states might be defeated4  ,he     
wished it to be known1 also1 that this  
part of the ,constitution was  a        
compliance with those ,states4 ,if the  
change of language1 however1  should be 
objected to1 by the members from those  

,states1 he should not  urge it4        
,col4 ,,mason was not against using the 
term slaves1 but against naming  ,north 
,carolina1 ,south ,carolina1 and        
,georgia1 lest it should give  offence  
to the people of those ,states4    ,mr4 
,,sherman liked a description better    
than the terms proposed1 which  had been
 declined by the old ,congress1 and were
 not pleasing to some  people4    ,mr4  
,,clymer concurred with ,mr4 ,,sherman4 
,mr4 ,,williamson said1 that both in    
opinion and practice he was against     
slavery2 but thought it more in favor of
 humanity1 from a view of all           
circumstances1 to let in ,south         
,carolina and ,georgia on those terms1  
than to exclude them from the ,union4   
,mr4 ,,gouverneur ,,morris withdrew his 
motion4    ,mr4 ,,dickinson wished the  
clause to be confined to the ,states    
which had  not themselves prohibited the
 importation of slaves2 and for that    
purpose moved to amend the clause1 so as
 to read3 ,the importation of  slaves   

into such of the ,states as shall permit
 the same1 shall not be  prohibited by  
the ,legislature of the ,united ,states1
 until the year  #ahjh2 which was       
disagreed to1 nem4 con4#d    ,footnote  
#d3 ,in the printed ,journals1          
,connecticut1 ,virginia1 and  ,georgia1 
voted in the affirmative4      ,the     
first part of the ,report was then      
agreed to1 amended as follows3  ,the    
migration or importation of such persons
 as the several ,states  now existing   
shall think proper to admit1 shall not  
be prohibited by  the ,legislature prior
 to the year #ahjh1--    ,new           
,hampshire1 ,massachusetts1             
,connecticut1 ,maryland1 ,north         
,carolina1  ,south ,carolina1 ,georgia1 
aye--#g2 ,new ,jersey1 ,pennsylvania1   
,delaware1  ,virginia1 no--#d4    ,mr4  
,,baldwin1 in order to restrain and more
 explicitly define1 the  average duty1  
moved to strike out of the second part  
the words1  average of the duties laid  
on imports1 and insert common impost on 

articles not enumerated2 which was      
agreed to1 nem4 con4    ,mr4 ,,sherman  
was against this second part1 as        
acknowledging men to be  property1 by   
taxing them as such under the character 
of slaves4    ,mr4 ,,king and ,mr4      
,,langdon considered this as the price  
of the first  part4 ,gen4 ,,pinckney    
admitted that it was so4 ,col4 ,,mason4 
,not to tax1  will be equivalent to a   
bounty on1 the importation of slaves4   
,mr4 ,,gorham thought that ,mr4         
,,sherman should consider the duty1 not 
as  implying that slaves are property1  
but as a discouragement to the          
importation of them4    ,mr4            
,,gouverneur ,,morris remarked1 that1 as
 the clause now stands1 it  implies that
 the ,legislature may tax freemen       
imported4    ,mr4 ,,sherman1 in answer  
to ,mr4 ,,gorham1 observed1 that the    
smallness of  the duty showed revenue to
 be the object1 not the discouragement  
of  the importation4    ,mr4 ,,madison  
thought it wrong to admit in the        

,constitution the idea  that there could
 be property in men4 ,the reason of     
duties did not  hold1 as slaves are not1
 like merchandize consumed1 c4    ,col4 
,,mason1 in answer to ,mr4 ,,gouverneur 
,,morris4 ,the provision1 as it  stands1
 was necessary for the case of convicts1
 in order to prevent  the introduction  
of them4    ,it was finally agreed1 nem4
 con41 to make the clause read3 but a   
tax or duty may be imposed on such      
importation1 not exceeding ten  dollars 
for each person2 and then the second    
part1 as amended1 was  agreed to4--pp4  
#adbg to #cj4      ,,tuesday1 ,august   
#bh1 #aghg4    ,article #ad1 was then   
taken up4#e    ,footnote #e3 ,article   
#ad was1--,the citizens of each ,state  
shall be  entitled to all privileges and
 immunities of citizens in the several  
,states4--,,editor4      ,general       
,,pinckney was not satisfied with it4   
,he seemed to wish some  provision      
should be included in favor of property 
in slaves4    ,on the question on       

,article #ad1--,new ,hampshire1         
,massachusetts1  ,connecticut1 ,new     
,jersey1 ,pennsylvania1 ,delaware1      
,maryland1 ,virginia1  ,north ,carolina1
 aye--#i2 ,south ,carolina1 no--#a2     
,georgia1 divided4    ,article #ae1f    
being then taken up1 the words1 high    
misdemeanor1  were struck out1 and the  
words1 other crime1 inserted1 in order  
to  comprehend all proper cases2 it     
being doubtful whether high  misdemeanor
 had not a technical meaning too        
limited4    ,footnote #f3 ,article #ae  
was1--,any person charged with treason1 
felony  or high misdemeanor in any      
,state1 who shall flee from justice1 and
  shall be found in any other ,state1   
shall1 on demand of the ,executive      
power of the ,state from which he fled1 
be delivered up and removed to  the     
,state having jurisdiction of the       
offence4--,,editor4      ,mr4 ,,butler  
and ,mr4 ,,pinckney moved to require    
fugitive slaves and  servants to be     
delivered up like criminals4    ,mr4    

,,wilson4 ,this would oblige the        
,executive of the ,state to do it1 at   
the public expense4    ,mr4 ,,sherman   
saw no more propriety in the public     
seizing and  surrendering a slave or    
servant1 than a horse4    ,mr4 ,,butler 
withdrew his proposition1 in order that 
some particular  provision might be     
made1 apart from this article4          
,article #ae1 as amended1 was then      
agreed to1 nem4 con4--pp4 #addg-h4      
,,wednesday1 ,,august #bi1 #aghg4       
,article #g1 ,section #f1 by the        
,committee of ,eleven reported to be    
struck  out 7see the twenty-fourth      
inst47 being now taken up1--    ,mr4    
,,pinckney moved to postpone the        
,report1 in favor of the following      
proposition3 ,that no act of the        
,legislature for the purpose of         
regulating the ,commerce of the ,united 
,states with foreign powers1  among the 
several ,states1 shall be passed without
 the assent of  two-thirds of the       
members of each ,house4 ,he remarked    

that there were  five distinct          
commercial interests4    ,the power of  
regulating commerce was a pure          
concession on the part of  the ,southern
 ,states4 ,they did not need the        
protection of the ,northern  ,states at 
present4--p4 #adej4    ,general         
,,pinckney said it was the true interest
 of the ,southern ,states  to have no   
regulation of commerce2 but considering 
the loss brought on  the commerce of the
 ,eastern ,states by the ,revolution1   
their liberal  conduct towards the      
views#g of ,south ,carolina1 and the    
interest the  weak ,southern ,states had
 in being united with the strong        
,eastern  ,states1 he thought it proper 
that no fetters should be imposed on the
  power of making commercial            
regulations1 and that his constituents1 
though prejudiced against the ,eastern  
,states1 would be reconciled to  this   
liberality4 ,he had1 himself1 he said1  
prejudices against the  ,eastern ,states
 before he came here1 but would         

acknowledge that he had  found them as  
liberal and candid as any men           
whatever4--p4 #adea4    ,footnote #g3   
,he meant the permission to import      
slaves4 ,an understanding  on the two   
subjects of navigation and slavery1 had 
taken place  between those parts of the 
,union1 which explains the vote of the  
motion depending1 as well as the        
language of ,general ,pinckney and      
others4      ,mr4 ,,pinckney replied1   
that his enumeration meant the five     
minute  interests4 ,it still left the   
two great divisions of ,northern and    
,southern interests4    ,mr4            
,,gouverneur ,,morris opposed the object
 of the motion as highly  injurious4--,a
 navy was essential to security1        
particularly of the  ,southern          
,states2--    ,mr4 ,,williamson4 ,as to 
the weakness of the ,southern ,states1  
he was not  alarmed on that account4    
,the sickliness of their climate for    
invaders  would prevent their being made
 an object4 ,he acknowledged that he did

  not think the motion requiring        
two-thirds necessary in itself2 because 
if a majority of the ,northern ,states  
should push their regulations too  far1 
the ,southern ,states would build ships 
for themselves2 but he knew  the        
,southern people were apprehensive on   
this subject1 and would be  pleased with
 the precaution4    ,mr4 ,,spaight was  
against the motion4 ,the ,southern      
,states could at any  time save         
themselves from oppression1 by building 
ships for their own  use4--p4 #adeb4    
,mr4 ,,butler differed from those who   
considered the rejection of the  motion 
as no concession on the part of the     
,southern ,states4 ,he  considered the  
interests of these and of the ,eastern  
,states to be as  different as the      
interests of ,russia and ,turkey4       
,being1  notwithstanding1 desirous of   
conciliating the affections of the      
,eastern ,states1 he should vote against
 requiring two-thirds instead of  a     
majority4--p4 #adec4    ,mr4 ,,madison4 

,he added1 that the ,southern ,states   
would derive an  essential advantage1 in
 the general security afforded by the   
increase  of our maritime strength4 ,he 
stated the vulnerable situation of them 
all1 and of ,virginia in particular4    
,mr4 ,,rutledge was against the motion  
of his colleague4 ,at the worst1 a      
navigation act could bear hard a little 
while only on the ,southern  ,states4   
,as we are laying the foundation for a  
great empire1 we ought  to take a       
permanent view of the subject1 and not  
look at the present  moment only4       
,mr4 ,,gorman4 ,the ,eastern ,states    
were not led to strengthen the ,union by
  fear for their own safety4    ,he     
deprecated the consequences of disunion2
 but if it should take  place1 it was   
the ,southern part of the ,continent    
that had most reason  to dread them4    
,on the question to postpone1 in order  
to take up ,mr4 ,,pinckney's  motion1-- 
,maryland1 ,virginia1 ,north ,carolina1 
,georgia1 aye--#d2 ,new ,hampshire1     

,massachusetts1 ,connecticut1 ,new      
,jersey1 ,pennsylvania1 ,delaware1      
,south  ,carolina1 no--#g4 ,the ,report 
of the ,committee for striking out      
,section  #f1 requiring two-thirds of   
each ,house to pass a navigation act1   
was  then agreed to1 nem4 con4    ,mr4  
,,butler moved to insert after ,article 
#ae1 ,if any person bound to  service or
 labor in any of the ,united ,states1   
shall escape into  another ,state1 he or
 she shall not be discharged from such  
service or  labor1 in consequence of any
 regulations subsisting in the ,state to
  which they escape1 but shall be       
delivered up to the person justly       
claiming their service or labor1--which 
was agreed to1 nem4  con4--p4 #aded-e-f4
      ,,thursday1 ,august #cj1 #aghg4   
,article #ah1 being taken up1    ,on a  
question for striking out domestic      
violence1 and inserting  insurrections1 
it passed in the negative1--,new        
,jersey1 ,virginia1  ,north ,carolina1  
,south ,carolina1 ,georgia1 aye--#e2    

,new ,hampshire1  ,massachusetts1       
,connecticut1 ,pennsylvania1 ,delaware1 
,maryland1  no--#f4--pp4 #adff-g4       
,,monday1 ,september #aj1 #aghg4    ,mr4
 ,,rutledge said he never could agree to
 give a power by which the  articles    
relating to slaves might be altered by  
the ,states not  interested in that     
property1 and prejudiced against it4 ,in
 order to  obviate this objection1 these
 words were added to the proposition3   
provided that no amendments1 which may  
be made prior to the year #ahjh  shall  
in any manner affect the fourth and     
fifth sections of the  seventh          
,article3--p4 #aecf4    ,,tuesday1      
,september #ac1 #aghg4    ,article #a1  
,section #b4 ,on motion of ,mr4         
,,randolph1 the word servitude  was     
struck out1 and service unanimously#h   
inserted1 the former  being thought to  
express the condition of slaves1 and the
 latter the  obligations of free        
persons4    ,footnote #h3  ,see page    
#cgb of the printed journal4      ,mr4  

,,dickenson and ,mr4 ,,wilson moved to  
strike out1 and direct taxes1  from     
,article #a1 ,section #b1 as improperly 
placed in a clause relating  merely to  
the ,constitution of the ,house of      
,representatives4    ,mr4 ,,gouverneur  
,,morris4 ,the insertion here was in    
consequence of what  had passed on this 
point2 in order to exclude the          
appearance of  counting the negroes in  
the representation4 ,the including of   
them  may now be referred to the object 
of direct taxes1 and incidentally  only 
to that of representation4    ,on the   
motion to strike out1 and direct taxes1 
from this place1--    ,new ,jersey1     
,delaware1 ,maryland1 aye--#c2 ,new     
,hampshire1 ,massachusetts1             
,connecticut1 ,pennsylvania1 ,virginia1 
,north ,carolina1 ,south ,carolina1     
,georgia1 no--#h4--pp4 #aefi-gj4        
,,saturday1 ,september #ae1 #aghg4      
,article #d1 ,section #b1 7the third    
paragraph17 the term legally was  struck
 out2 and the words1 under the laws     

thereof1 inserted after  the word       
,state1 in compliance with the wish of  
some who thought the  term legal        
equivocal1 and favoring the idea that   
slavery was legal  in a moral view4--p4 
#aehi4    ,mr4 ,,gerry stated the       
objections which determined him to      
withhold his  name from the             
,constitution3 #a-b-c-d-e-f1 that       
three-fifths of the  blacks are to be   
represented1 as if they were            
freemen4--p4 #aeie4                     
,,list ,,of ,,members  ,,of ,,the       
,,federal ,,convention ,,who ,,formed   
,,the ,,constitution ,,of               
,,the ,,united ,,states4        ,from   
,attended4  ,new ,hampshire1     #a     
,john ,langdon1           ,july #bc1    
#aghg4                      ,john       
,pickering1                     #b      
,nicholas ,gilman1            #bc4      
,benjamin ,west1  ,massachusetts1       
,francis ,dana1                         
,elbridge ,gerry1          ,may #bi4    
#c ,nath'l ,gorham1              #bh4   

#d ,rufus ,king1                 #be4   
,caleb ,strong1            ,may #bh4    
,rhode ,island1       7,no appointment47
  ,connecticut1       #e ,w4,s4         
,johnson1            ,june #b4          
#f ,roger ,sherman1           ,may #cj4 
,oliver ,ellsworth1           #bi4  ,new
 ,york1            ,robert ,yates1      
#be4                     #g ,alex'r     
,hamilton1            #be4              
,john ,lansing1            ,june #b4    
,new ,jersey1        #h ,wm4            
,livingston1              #e4           
#i ,david ,brearly1           ,may #be4 
,wm4 ,c4 ,houston1          ,may #be4   
#aj ,wm4 ,patterson1             do4    
,john ,nielson1                         
,abraham ,clark4                    #aa 
,jonathan ,dayton1        ,june #ba4    
,pennsylvania1     #ab ,benj4 ,franklin1
          ,may #bh4                     
#ac ,thos4 ,mifflin1             do4    
#ad ,robert ,morris1           ,may #be4
                    #ae ,geo4 ,clymer1  
#bh4                    #af ,thos4      

,fitzsimons1           #be4             
#ag ,jared ,ingersoll1            #bh4  
#ah ,james ,wilson1               #be4  
#ai ,gouv'r ,morris1              #be4  
,delaware1         #bj ,geo4 ,reed1     
#be4                    #ba ,g4         
,bedford1 ,jr4             #bh4         
#bb ,john ,dickenson1             #bh4  
#bc ,richard ,bassett1            #be4  
#bd ,jacob ,broom1                #be4  
,maryland1         #be ,james ,m',henry1
              #bi4                      
#bf ,daniel of ,st4 ,tho4               
,jenifer1            ,june #b4          
#bg ,daniel ,carroll1          ,july #i4
                       ,john ,f4        
,mercer1          ,aug4 #f4             
,luther ,martin1           ,june #i4    
,virginia1         #bh ,g4 ,washington1 
,may #be4                      ,patrick 
,henry1 7declined47                     
,edmund ,randolph1            #be4      
#bi ,john ,blair1                 #be4  
#cj ,jas4 ,madison1 ,jr4           #be4 
,george ,mason1               #be4      

,george ,wythe1               #be4      
,james ,mc,clurg1 7in                   
room of ,p4 ,henry7      #be4           
#ca ,wm4 ,blount 7in room               
of ,r4 ,caswell71    ,june #bj4         
,willie ,jones1 7declined47             
#cb ,r4,d4 ,spaight1            ,may    
#be4                    #cc ,hugh       
,williamson1 7in                        
room of ,w4 ,jones17  ,may #be4  ,south 
,carolina1   #cd ,john ,rutledge1       
#be4                    #ce ,chas4 ,c4  
,pinckney1          #be4                
#cf ,chas4 ,pinckney1             #be4  
#cg ,peirce ,butler1              #be4  
,georgia1          #ch ,william ,few1   
,may #be4                    #ci ,abr'm 
,baldwin1          ,june #aa4           
,william ,pierce1          ,may #ca4    
,george ,walton4                        
,wm4 ,houston1            ,june  #a4    
,nath'l ,pendleton4    ,those with      
numbers before their names signed the   
,constitution4  #ci  ,those in italics  
never attended4                         

#aj  ,members who attended1 but did not 
sign the ,constitution1        #af      
--                                      
#fe        ,extracts from a speech of   
,luther ,martin1 7delivered before the  
,legislature of ,maryland17 one of the  
delegates from ,maryland to the         
,convention that formed the             
,constitution of the ,united ,states4   
,with respect to that part of the second
 section of the first  ,article1 which  
relates to the apportionment of         
representation and  direct taxation1    
there were considerable objections made 
to it1  besides the great objection of  
inequality--,it was urged1 that no      
principle could justify taking slaves   
into computation in  apportioning the   
number of representatives a ,state      
should have in  the government--,that it
 involved the absurdity of increasing   
the power  of a ,state in making laws   
for free men in proportion as that      
,state  violated the rights of          
freedom--,that it might be proper to    

take slaves  into consideration1 when   
taxes were to be apportioned1 because it
  had a tendency to discourage slavery2 
but to take them into account  in giving
 representation tended to encourage the 
slave trade1 and  to make it the        
interest of the ,states to continue that
 infamous  traffic--,that slaves could  
not be taken into account as men1 or    
citizens1 because they were not admitted
 to the rights of  citizens1 in the     
,states which adopted or continued      
slavery--,if they  were to be taken into
 account as property1 it was asked1 what
  peculiar circumstance should render   
this property 7of all others the  most  
odious in its nature7 entitled to the   
high privilege of  conferring           
consequence and power in the government 
to its possessors1  rather than any     
other property3 and why slaves should1  
as  property1 be taken into account     
rather than horses1 cattle1 mules1 or   
any other species2 and it was observed  
by an honorable member from             

,massachusetts1 that he considered it as
 dishonorable and humiliating  to enter 
into compact with the slaves of the     
,southern ,states1 as  it would with the
 horses and mules of the ,eastern4      
,by the ninth section of this ,article1 
the importation of such persons  as any 
of the ,states now existing1 shall think
 proper to admit1 shall  not be         
prohibited prior to the year #ahjh1 but 
a duty may be imposed on  such          
importation1 not exceeding ten dollars  
for each person4    ,the design of this 
clause is to prevent the general        
government from  prohibiting the        
importation of slaves2 but the same     
reasons which  caused them to strike out
 the word national1 and not admit the   
word  stamps1 influenced them here to   
guard against the word slaves4  ,they   
anxiously sought to avoid the admission 
of expressions which  might be odious in
 the ears of ,americans1 although they  
were willing  to admit into their system
 those things which the expressions     

signified2 and hence it is that the     
clause is so worded as really to        
authorize the general government to     
impose a duty of ten dollars on  every  
foreigner who comes into a ,state to    
become a citizen1 whether he  comes     
absolutely free1 or qualifiedly so as a 
servant2 although this  is contrary to  
the design of the framers1 and the duty 
was only meant  to extend to the        
importation of slaves4    ,this clause  
was the subject of a great diversity of 
sentiment in the  ,convention4 ,as the  
system was reported by the committee of 
detail1 the  provision was general1 that
 such importation should not be         
prohibited1  without confining it to any
 particular period4 ,this was rejected  
by  eight ,states--,georgia1 ,south     
,carolina1 and1 ,i think1 ,north        
,carolina1  voting for it4    ,we were  
then told by the delegates of the two   
first of those ,states1  that their     
,states would never agree to a system1  
which put it in the  power of the       

general government to prevent the       
importation of slaves1  and that they1  
as delegates from those ,states1 must   
withhold their  assent from such a      
system4    ,a committee of one member   
from each ,state was chosen by ballot1  
to  take this part of the system under  
their consideration1 and to  endeavor to
 agree upon some report1 which should   
reconcile those  ,states4 ,to this      
committee also was referred the         
following proposition1  which had been  
reported by the committee of detail1 to 
wit3 ,no  navigation act shall be passed
 without the assent of two-thirds of the
  members present in each house2 a      
proposition which the staple and        
commercial ,states were solicitous to   
retain1 lest their commerce  should be  
placed too much under the power of the  
,eastern ,states2 but  which these last 
,states were as anxious to reject4 ,this
 committee1 of  which also ,i had the   
honor to be a member1 met and took under
 their  consideration the subjects      

committed to them4 ,i found the ,eastern
  ,states1 notwithstanding their        
aversion to slavery1 were very willing  
to indulge the ,southern ,states1 at    
least with a temporary liberty to       
prosecute the slave trade1 provided the 
,southern ,states would in  their turn  
gratify them1 by laying no restriction  
on navigation acts2  and after a very   
little time1 the committee1 by a great  
majority1  agreed on a report1 by which 
the general government was to be        
prohibited from preventing the          
importation of slaves for a limited     
time1 and the restricted clause relative
 to navigation acts was to be  omitted4 
,this report was adopted by a majority  
of the ,convention1 but not  without    
considerable opposition4    ,it was     
said1 we had just assumed a place among 
independent nations in  consequence of  
our opposition to the attempts of ,great
 ,britain to  enslave us2 that this     
opposition was grounded upon the        
preservation  of those rights to which  

,god and nature had entitled us1 not in 
particular1 but in common with all the  
rest of mankind2 that we  had appealed  
to the ,supreme ,being for his          
assistance1 as the ,god of  freedom1 who
 could not but approve our efforts to   
preserve the  rights which he had thus  
imparted to his creatures2 that now1    
when  we had scarcely risen from our    
knees1 from supplicating his mercy and  
protection in forming our government    
over a free people1 a government  formed
 pretendedly on the principles of       
liberty1 and for its  preservation1--in 
that government to have a provision not 
only putting  it out of its power to    
restrain and prevent the slave trade1   
even  encouraging that most infamous    
traffic1 by giving the ,states the power
  and influence in the ,union in        
proportion as they cruelly and wantonly 
sported with the rights of their        
fellow-creatures1 ought to be           
considered as a solemn mockery of1 and  
an insult to1 that ,god whose           

protection we had then implored1 and    
could not fail to hold us up in         
detestation1 and render us contemptible 
to every true friend of  liberty in the 
world4 ,it was said1 it ought be        
considered that  national crimes can    
only be1 and frequently are1 punished in
 this  world by national punishments2   
and that the continuance of the slave   
trade1 and thus giving it a national    
sanction1 and encouragement1  ought to  
be considered as justly exposing us to  
the displeasure and  vengeance of him   
who is equally ,lord of all1 and who    
views with equal  eye the poor ,african 
slave and his ,american master6    ,it  
was urged that by this system1 we were  
giving the general  government full and 
absolute power to regulate commerce1    
under which  general power it would have
 a right to restrain1 or totally        
prohibit1  the slave trade3 it must1    
therefore1 appear to the world absurd   
and  disgraceful to the last degree1    
that we should except from the  exercise

 of that power1 the only branch of      
commerce which is  unjustifiable in its 
nature1 and contrary to the rights of   
mankind4  ,that1 on the contrary1 we    
ought rather to prohibit expressly in   
our  ,constitution1 the further         
importation of slaves1 and to authorize 
the  general government1 from time to   
time1 to make such regulations as       
should be thought most advantageous for 
the gradual abolition of  slavery1 and  
the emancipation of the slaves which are
 already in the  ,states4 ,that slavery 
is inconsistent with the genius of      
republicanism1  and has a tendency to   
destroy those principles on which it is 
supported1 as it lessens the sense of   
the equal rights of mankind1 and        
habituates us to tyranny and oppression4
 ,it was further urged1 that1  by this  
system of government1 every ,state is to
 be protected both from  foreign        
invasion and from domestic              
insurrections2 from this  consideration1
 it was of the utmost importance it     

should have a power  to restrain the    
importation of slaves1 since1 in        
proportion as the  number of slaves are 
increased in any ,state1 in the same    
proportion  the ,state is weakened and  
exposed to foreign invasion or domestic 
insurrection1 and by so much less will  
it be able to protect itself  against   
either1 and therefore will by so much   
the more want aid from1  and be a burden
 to1 the ,union4    ,it was further     
said1 that1 as in this system we were   
giving the  general government a power1 
under the idea of national character1 or
  national interest1 to regulate even   
our weights and measures1 and have      
prohibited all possibility of emitting  
paper money1 and passing  insolvent     
laws1 c41 it must appear still more     
extraordinary1 that we  should prohibit 
the government from interfering with    
both slave trade1  than which nothing   
could so materially affect both our     
national honor  and interest4    ,these 
reasons influenced me1 both on the      

committee and in convention1  most      
decidedly to oppose and vote against the
 clause1 as it now makes  part of the   
system4    ,you will perceive1 sir1 not 
only that the general government is     
prohibited from interfering in the slave
 trade before the year  eighteen hundred
 and eight1 but that there is no        
provision in the  ,constitution that it 
shall afterwards be prohibited1 nor any 
security  that such prohibition will    
ever take place2 and ,i think there is  
great  reason to believe1 that1 if the  
importation of slaves is permitted      
until the year eighteen hundred and     
eight1 it will not be prohibited        
afterwards4 ,at this time1 we do not    
generally hold this commerce in so      
great abhorrence as we have done4 ,when 
our liberties were at stake1 we  warmly 
felt for the common rights of men4 ,the 
danger being thought to  be past1 which 
threatened ourselves1 we are daily      
growing more  insensible to those       
rights4 ,in those ,states which have    

restrained or  prohibited the           
importation of slaves1 it is only done  
by legislative  acts1 which may be      
repealed4 ,when those ,states find that 
they must1 in  their national character 
and connexion1 suffer in the disgrace1  
and  share in the inconveniences        
attendant upon that detestable and      
iniquitous traffic1 they may be desirous
 also to share in the benefits  arising 
from it2 and the odium attending it will
 be greatly effaced by  the sanction    
which is given to it in the general     
government4    ,by the next paragraph1  
the general government is to have a     
power of  suspending the habeas corpus  
act1 in cases of rebellion or  invasion4
    ,as the ,state governments have a   
power of suspending the habeas corpus   
act in those cases1 it was said1 there  
could be no reason for giving  such a   
power to the general government2 since1 
whenever the ,state  which is invaded1  
or in which an insurrection takes place1
 finds its  safety requires it1 it will 

make use of that power4 ,and it was     
urged1  that if we gave this power to   
the general government1 it would be an  
engine of oppression in its hands2 since
 whenever a ,state should  oppose its   
views1 however arbitrary and            
unconstitutional1 and refuse  submission
 to them1 the general government may    
declare it to be an act  of rebellion1  
and1 suspending the habeas corpus act1  
may seize upon  the persons of those    
advocates of freedom1 who have had      
virtue and  resolution enough to excite 
the opposition1 and may imprison them   
during its pleasure in the remotest part
 of the ,union2 so that a  citizen of   
,georgia might be bastiled in the       
furthest part of ,new  ,hampshire2 or a 
citizen of ,new ,hampshire in the       
furthest extreme of  the ,south1 cut off
 from their family1 their friends1 and  
their every  connexion4 ,these          
considerations induced me1 sir1 to give 
my negative  also to this clause4       
,,extracts ,,from ,,debates ,,in ,,the  

,,several ,,state ,,conventions ,,on    
,,the ,,adoption  ,,of ,,the ,,united   
,,states' ,,constitution4           99  
99     99     99     99                 
,,massachusetts ,,convention4    ,the   
third paragraph of the #b;d section     
being read1    ,mr4 ,,king rose to      
explain it4 ,there has1 says he1 been   
much  misconception of this section4 ,it
 is a principle of this ,constitution1  
that representation and taxation should 
go hand in hand4 ,this  paragraph       
states1 that the number of free persons 
shall be determined1  by adding to the  
whole number of free persons1 including 
those bound  to service for a term of   
years1 and excluding ,indians not taxed1
  three-fifths of all other persons4    
,these persons are the slaves4 ,by  this
 rule is representation and taxation to 
be apportioned4 ,and it was  adopted1   
because it was the language of all      
,america4    ,mr4 ,,widgery asked1 if a 
boy of six years of age was to be       
considered  as a free person8    ,mr4   

,,king in answer said1 all persons born 
free were to be considered  as freemen2 
and to make the idea of taxation by     
numbers more  intelligible1 said that   
five negro children of ,south ,carolina1
 are to  pay as much tax as the three   
,governors of ,new ,hampshire1          
,massachusetts1 and ,connecticut4       
,mr4 ,,gorham thought the proposed      
section much in favor of                
,massachusetts2 and if it operated      
against any ,state1 it was              
,pennsylvania1 because they have more   
white persons bound than any  other4    
,judge ,,dana1 in reply to the remark of
 some gentlemen1 that the  southern     
,states were favored in this mode of    
apportionment1 by having  five of their 
negroes set against three persons in the
 eastern1 the  honorable judge observed1
 that the negroes of the southern       
,states work  no longer than when the   
eye of the driver is on them4 ,can1     
asked he1  that land flourish like this1
 which is cultivated by the hands of    

freemen8 ,are not three of these        
independent freemen of more real        
advantage to a ,state1 than five of     
those poor slaves8    ,mr4 ,,nasson     
remarked on the statement of the        
honorable ,mr4 ,,king1 by  saying that  
the honorable gentleman should have gone
 further1 and  shown us the other side  
of the question4 ,it is a good rule that
 works  both ways--and the gentleman    
should also have told us1 that three of 
our infants in the cradle1 are to be    
rated as high as five of the  working   
negroes of ,virginia4 ,mr4 ,n4 adverted 
to a statement of ,mr4  ,,king1 who had 
said1 that five negro children of ,south
 ,carolina were  equally rateable as    
three governors of ,new ,england1 and   
wished1 he  said1 the honorable         
gentleman had considered this question  
upon the  other side--as it would then  
appear that this ,state will pay as     
great  a tax for three children in the  
cradle1 as any of the southern ,states  
will for five hearty working negro men4 

,he hoped1 he said1 while we  were      
making a new government1 we should make 
it better than the old  one3 for if we  
had made a bad bargain before1 as had   
been hinted1 it  was a reason why we    
should make a better one now4    ,mr4   
,,dawes said1 he was sorry to hear so   
many objections raised against  the     
paragraph under consideration4 ,he      
though them wholly unfounded2  that the 
black inhabitants of the southern       
,states must be considered  either as   
slaves1 and as so much property1 or in  
the character of so  many freemen2 if   
the former1 why should they not be      
wholly  represented8 ,our own ,state    
laws and ,constitution would lead us to 
consider those blacks as freemen1 and so
 indeed would our own ideas  of natural 
justice3 if1 then1 they are freemen1    
they might form an  equal basis for     
representation as though they were all  
white  inhabitants4 ,in either view1    
therefore1 he could not see that the    
northern ,states would suffer1 but      

directly to the contrary4 ,he  thought1 
however1 that gentlemen would do well to
 connect the passage  in dispute with   
another article in the ,constitution1   
that permits  ,congress1 in the year    
#ahjh1 wholly to prohibit the           
importation of  slaves1 and in the mean 
time to impose a duty of ten dollars a  
head on  such blacks as should be       
imported before that period4 ,besides1  
by the  new ,constitution1 every        
particular ,state is left to its own    
option  totally to prohibit the         
introduction of slaves into its own     
territories4 ,what could the convention 
do more8 ,the members of the  southern  
,states1 like ourselves1 have their     
prejudices4 ,it would not  do to abolish
 slavery1 by an act of ,congress1 in a  
moment1 and so  destroy what our        
southern brethren consider as property4 
,but we may  say1 that although slavery 
is not smitten by an apoplexy1 yet it   
has  received a mortal wound and will   
die of a consumption4    ,mr4 ,,neal    

7from ,kittery17 went over the ground of
 objection to this  section on the idea 
that the slave trade was allowed to be  
continued  for #bj years4 ,his          
profession1 he said1 obliged him to bear
 witness  against any thing that should 
favor the making merchandise of the     
bodies of men1 and unless his objection 
was removed1 he could not put  his hand 
to the ,constitution4 ,other gentlemen  
said1 in addition to  this idea1 that   
there was not even a proposition that   
the negroes ever  shall be free1 and    
,gen4 ,,thompson exclaimed3    ,mr4     
,president1 shall it be said1 that after
 we have established our  own           
independence and freedom1 we make slaves
 of others8 ,oh6  ,washington1 what a   
name has he had6 ,how he has            
immortalized himself6  but he holds     
those in slavery who have a good right  
to be free as he  has--he is still for  
self2 and1 in my opinion1 his character 
has sunk  #ej per cent4    ,on the other
 side1 gentlemen said1 that the step    

taken in this article  towards the      
abolition of slavery1 was one of the    
beauties of the  ,constitution4 ,they   
observed1 that in the confederation     
there was no  provision whatever for its
 ever being abolished2 but this         
,constitution  provides1 that ,congress 
may1 after #bj years1 totally annihilate
 the  slave trade2 and that1 as all the 
,states1 except two1 have passed laws   
to this effect1 it might reasonably be  
expected1 that it would then be  done4  
,in the interim1 all the ,states were at
 liberty to prohibit it4    ,,saturday1 
,january #bf4--,the debate on the #ith  
section still continued  desultory--and 
consisted of similar objections1 and    
answers thereto1  as had before been    
used4 ,both sides deprecated the slave  
trade in the  most pointed terms2 on one
 side it was pathetically lamented1 by  
,mr4  ,,nason1 ,major ,,lusk1 ,mr4      
,,neal1 and others1 that this           
,constitution  provided for the         
continuation of the slave trade for #bj 

years4 ,on the  other1 the honorable    
,judge ,,dana1 ,mr4 ,,adams and others1 
rejoiced that a  door was now to be     
opened for the annihilation of this     
odious1  abhorrent practice1 in a       
certain time4    ,gen4 ,,heath4 ,mr4    
,president1--,by my indisposition and   
absence1 ,i have  lost several important
 opportunities3 ,i have lost the        
opportunity  of expressing my sentiments
 with a candid freedom1 on some of the  
paragraphs of the system1 which have    
lain heavy on my mind4 ,i have  lost the
 opportunity of expressing my warm      
approbation on some of the  paragraphs4 
,i have lost the opportunity of hearing 
those judicious1  enlightening and      
convincing arguments1 which have been   
advanced during  the investigation of   
the system4 ,this is my misfortune1 and 
,i must  bear it4 ,the paragraph        
respecting the migration or importation 
of such  persons as any of the ,states  
now existing shall think proper to      
admit1  c41 is one of those considered  

during my absence1 and ,i have heard    
nothing on the subject1 save what has   
been mentioned this morning2 but  ,i    
think the gentlemen who have spoken1    
have carried the matter rather  too far 
on both sides4 ,i apprehend that it is  
not in our power to do  any thing for or
 against those who are in slavery in the
 southern  ,states4 ,no gentleman within
 these walls detests every idea of      
slavery  more than ,i do3 it is         
generally detested by the people of this
  ,commonwealth2 and ,i ardently hope   
that the time will soon come1 when  our 
brethren in the southern ,states will   
view it as we do1 and put a  stop to it2
 but to this we have no right to compel 
them4 ,two questions  naturally arise3  
if we ratify the ,constitution1 shall we
 do any thing  by our act to hold the   
blacks in slavery--or shall we become   
the  partakers of other men's sins8 ,i  
think neither of them4 ,each ,state is  
sovereign and independent to a certain  
degree1 and they have a right1  and will

 regulate their own internal affairs1 as
 to themselves appears  proper2 and     
shall we refuse to eat1 or to drink1 or 
to be united1 with  those who do not    
think1 or act1 just as we do8 surely    
not4 ,we are not  in this case partakers
 of other men's sins1 for in nothing do 
we  voluntarily encourage the slavery of
 our fellow-men2 a restriction is  laid 
on the ,federal ,government1 which could
 not be avoided1 and a  union take      
place4 ,the ,federal ,convention went as
 far as they could2  the migration or   
importation1 c41 is confined to the     
,states1 now  existing only1 new ,states
 cannot claim it4 ,congress1 by their   
ordinance for erecting new ,states1 some
 time since1 declared that the  new     
,states shall be republican1 and that   
there shall be no slavery in  them4 ,but
 whether those in slavery in the        
southern ,states will be  emancipated   
after the year #ahjh1 ,i do not pretend 
to determine3 ,i  rather doubt it4      
,mr4 ,,neal rose and said1 that as the  

,constitution at large1 was now  under  
consideration1 he would just remark1    
that the article which  respected the   
,africans1 was the one which laid on his
 mind--and1  unless his objections to   
that were removed1 it must1 how much    
soever  he liked the other parts of the 
,constitution1 be a sufficient reason   
for him to give his negative to it4     
,major ,,lusk concurred in the idea     
already thrown out in the debate1  that 
although the insertion of the amendments
 in the ,constitution was  devoutly     
wished1 yet he did not see any reason to
 suppose they ever  would be adopted4   
,turning from the subject of amendments1
 the ,major  entered largely into the   
consideration of the #ith section1 and  
in the  most pathetic and feeling       
manner1 described the miseries of the   
poor  natives of ,africa1 who are       
kidnapped and sold for slaves4 ,with the
  brightest colors he painted their     
happiness and ease on their native      
shores1 and contrasted them with their  

wretched1 miserable and unhappy         
condition1 in a state of slavery4       
,rev4 ,mr4 ,,backus4 ,much1 sir1 hath   
been said about the importation of      
slaves into this country4 ,i believe    
that1 according to my capacity1 no  man 
abhors that wicked practice more than ,i
 do1 and would gladly make  use of all  
lawful means towards the abolishing of  
slavery in all parts  of the land4 ,but 
let us consider where we are1 and what  
we are doing4  ,in the articles of      
confederation1 no provision was made to 
hinder the  importation of slaves into  
any of these ,states3 but a door is now 
opened hereafter to do it2 and each     
,state is at liberty now to abolish     
slavery as soon as they please4 ,and let
 us remember our former  connexion with 
,great ,britain1 from whom many in our  
land think we  ought not to have        
revolted4 ,how did they carry on the    
slave trade6 ,i  know that the ,bishop  
of ,gloucester1 in an annual sermon in  
,london1 in  ,february1 #agff1          

endeavored to justify their tyrannical  
claims of power  over us1 by casting the
 reproach of the slave trade upon the   
,americans4 ,but at the close of the    
war1 the ,bishop of ,chester1 in an     
annual sermon1 in ,february1 #aghc1     
ingenuously owned1 that their nation  is
 the most deeply involved in the guilt  
of that trade1 of any nation  in the    
world2 and also1 that they have treated 
their slaves in the  ,west ,indies worse
 than the ,french or ,spaniards have    
done theirs4 ,thus  slavery grows more  
and more odious through the world2 and1 
as an  honorable gentleman said some    
days ago1 ,though we cannot say that    
slavery is struck with an apoplexy1 yet 
we may hope it will die with a          
consumption4 ,and a main source1 sir1 of
 that iniquity1 hath been an  abuse of  
the covenant of circumcision1 which gave
 the seed of ,abraham  to destroy the   
inhabitants of ,canaan1 and to take     
their houses1  vineyards1 and all their 
estates1 as their own2 and also to buy  

and  hold others as servants4 ,and as   
,christian privileges are greater than  
those of the ,hebrews were1 many have   
imagined that they had a right to  seize
 upon the lands of the heathen1 and to  
destroy or enslave them as  far as they 
could extend their power4 ,and from     
thence the mystery of  iniquity1 carried
 many into the practice of making       
merchandise of  slaves and souls of men4
 ,but all ought to remember1 that when  
,god  promised the land of ,canaan to   
,abraham and his seed1 he let him know  
that they were not to take possession of
 that land1 until the iniquity  of the  
,amorites was full2 and then they did it
 under the immediate  direction of      
,heaven2 and they were as real executors
 of the judgment  of ,god upon those    
heathens1 as any person ever was an     
executor of a  criminal justly          
condemned4 ,and in doing it they were   
not allowed to  invade the lands of the 
,edomites1 who sprang from ,esau1 who   
was not  only of the seed of ,abraham1  

but was born at the same birth with     
,israel2 and yet they were not of that  
church4 ,neither were ,israel  allowed  
to invade the lands of the ,moabites1 or
 of the children of  ,ammon1 who were of
 the seed of ,lot4 ,and no officer in   
,israel had any  legislative power1 but 
such as were immediately inspired4 ,even
 ,david1  the man after ,god's own      
heart1 had no legislative power1 but    
only as  he was inspired from above3 and
 he is expressly called a prophet in    
the ,new ,testament ,and we are to      
remember that ,abraham and his seed1    
for four hundred years1 had no warrant  
to admit any strangers into  that       
church1 but by buying of him as a       
servant1 with money4 ,and it was  a     
great privilege to be bought1 and       
adopted into a religious family  for    
seven years1 and then to have their     
freedom4 ,and that covenant was         
expressly repealed in various parts of  
the ,new ,testament2 and  particularly  
in the first epistle to the             

,corinthians1 wherein it is  said--,ye  
are bought with a price2 therefore      
glorify ,god in your body1  and in your 
spirit1 which are ,god's4 ,and          
again--,circumcision is  nothing1 and   
uncircumcision is nothing1 but keeping  
of the  commandments of ,god4 ,ye are   
bought with a price2 be not ye the      
servants of men4 ,thus the gospel sets  
all men upon a level1 very  contrary to 
the declaration of an honorable         
gentleman in this house1  that the      
,bible was contrived for the advantage  
of a particular order  of men4          
,,new ,,york ,,convention4    ,mr4 ,m4  
,,smith4 ,he would now proceed to state 
his objections to the  clause just read1
 7section #b1 of article #a1 clause #c74
 ,his objections  were comprised under  
three heads3 #ast1 the rule of          
apportionment is  unjust2 #b;d1 there is
 no precise number fixed on1 below which
 the house  shall not be reduced2 #c;d1 
it is inadequate4 ,in the first place1  
the  rule of apportionment of the       

representatives is to be according to   
the  whole number of the white          
inhabitants1 with three-fifths of all   
others2 that is1 in plain ,english1 each
 ,state is to send  representatives in  
proportion to the number of freemen1 and
  three-fifths of the slaves it         
contains4 ,he could not see any rule by 
which slaves were to be included in the 
ratio of representation2--the  principle
 of a representation being that every   
free agent should be  concerned in      
governing himself1 it was absurd to give
 that power to a  man who could not     
exercise it--slaves have no will of     
their own3 the  very operation of it was
 to give certain privileges to those    
people  who were so wicked as to keep   
slaves4 ,he knew it would be admitted1  
that this rule of apportionment was     
founded on unjust principles1 but  that 
it was the result of accommodation2     
which1 he supposed1 we should  be under 
the necessity of admitting1 if we meant 
to be in union with  the southern       

,states1 though utterly repugnant to his
 feelings4    ,mr4 ,,hamilton4 ,in order
 that the committee may understand      
clearly the  principles on which the    
,general ,convention acted1 ,i think it 
necessary  to explain some preliminary  
circumstances4    ,sir1 the natural     
situation of this country seems to      
divide its  interests into different    
classes4 ,there are navigating and      
non-navigating ,states--the ,northern   
are properly the navigating  ,states3   
the ,southern appear to possess neither 
the means nor the  spirit of navigation4
 ,this difference of situation naturally
 produces  a dissimilarity of interest  
and views respecting foreign commerce4  
,it  was the interest of the ,northern  
,states that there should be no         
restraints on the navigation1 and that  
they should have full power1 by  a      
majority on ,congress1 to make          
commercial regulations4 ,the ,southern  
,states wished to impose a restraint on 
the ,northern1 by requiring that        

two-thirds in ,congress should be       
requisite to pass an act in  regulation 
of commerce3 they were apprehensive that
 the restraints of  a navigation law    
would discourage foreigners1 and by     
obliging them to  employ the shipping of
 the ,northern ,states would probably   
enhance  their freight4 ,this being the 
case1 they insisted strenuously on      
having this provision engrafted in the  
,constitution2 and the ,northern        
,states were as anxious in opposing it4 
,on the other hand1 the small  ,states  
seeing themselves embraced by the       
confederation upon equal  terms1 wished 
to retain the advantages which they     
already possessed3  the large ,states1  
on the contrary1 thought it improper    
that ,rhode  ,island and ,delaware      
should enjoy an equal suffrage with     
themselves3  from these sources a       
delicate and difficult contest arose4   
,it became  necessary1 therefore1 to    
compromise2 or the ,convention must have
  dissolved without effecting any thing4

 ,would it have been wise and  prudent  
in that body1 in this critical          
situation1 to have deserted  their      
country8 ,no4 ,every man who hears      
me--every wise man in the  ,united      
,states1 would have condemned them4 ,the
 ,convention were obliged  to appoint a 
committee for accommodation4 ,in this   
committee the  arrangement was formed as
 it now stands2 and their report was    
accepted4 ,it was a delicate point2 and 
it was necessary that all  parties      
should be indulged4 ,gentlemen will see1
 that if there had not  been a          
unanimity1 nothing could have been done3
 for the ,convention had  no power to   
establish1 but only to recommend a      
government4 ,any other  system would    
have been impracticable4 ,let a         
,convention be called  to-morrow--let   
them meet twenty times2 nay1 twenty     
thousand times2  they will have the same
 difficulties to encounter2 the same    
clashing  interests to reconcile4       
,but dismissing these reflections1 let  

us consider how far the  arrangement is 
in itself entitled to the approbation of
 this body4 ,we  will examine it upon   
its own merits4    ,the first thing     
objected to1 is that clause which allows
 a  representation for three-fifths of  
the negroes4 ,much has been said of  the
 impropriety of representing men1 who   
have no will of their own4  ,whether    
this be reasoning or declamation1 ,i    
will not presume to say4  ,it is the    
unfortunate situation of the southern   
,states1 to have a  great part of their 
population1 as well as property1 in     
blacks4 ,the  regulations complained of 
was one result of the spirit of         
accommodation1 which governed the       
,convention2 and without this           
indulgence1 no union could possibly have
 been formed4 ,but1 sir1  considering   
some peculiar advantages which we       
derived from them1 it is  entirely just 
that they should be gratified4 ,the     
southern ,states  possess certain       
staples1 tobacco1 rice1 indigo1 c41     

which must be  capital objects in       
treaties of commerce with foreign       
nations2 and the  advantage which they  
necessarily procure in these treaties   
will be  felt throughout all the        
,states4 ,but the justice of this plan  
will  appear in another view4 ,the best 
writers on government have held that    
representation should be compounded of  
persons and property4 ,this rule  has   
been adopted1 as far as it could be1 in 
the ,constitution of ,new  ,york4 ,it   
will1 however1 by no means1 be admitted1
 that the slaves are  considered        
altogether as property4 ,they are men1  
though degraded to  the condition of    
slavery4 ,they are persons known to the 
municipal laws  of the ,states which    
they inhabit as well as to the laws of  
nature4 ,but  representation and        
taxation go together--and one uniform   
rule ought to  apply to both4 ,would it 
be just to compute these slaves in the  
assessment of taxes1 and discard them   
from the estimate in the  apportionment 

of representatives8 ,would it be just to
 impose a  singular burthen1 without    
conferring some adequate advantage8     
,another circumstance ought to be       
considered4 ,the rule we have been      
speaking of is a general rule1 and      
applies to all the ,states4 ,now1 you   
have a great number of people in your   
,state1 which are not represented  at   
all2 and have no voice in your          
government3 these will be included  in  
the enumeration--not two-fifths--nor    
three-fifths1 but the whole4  ,this     
proves that the advantages of the plan  
are not confined to the  southern       
,states1 but extend to other parts of   
the ,union4    ,mr4 ,m4 ,,smith4 ,i     
shall make no reply to the arguments    
offered by the  honorable gentleman to  
justify the rule of apportionment fixed 
by this  clause3 for though ,i am       
confident they might be easily refuted1 
yet ,i  am persuaded we must yield this 
point1 in accommodation to the  southern
 ,states4 ,the amendment therefore      

proposes no alteration to the  clause in
 this respect4    ,mr4 ,,harrison4      
,among the objections1 that1 which has  
been made to the  mode of apportionment 
of representatives1 has been            
relinquished4 ,i  think this concession 
does honor to the gentleman who had     
stated the  objection4 ,he has candidly 
acknowledged1 that this apportionment   
was  the result of accommodation2       
without which no union could have been  
formed4           99     99     99      
99     99    ,,pennsylvania             
,,convention4    ,mr4 ,,wilson4 ,much   
fault has been found with the mode of   
expression1  used in the first clause of
 the ninth section of the first article4
 ,i  believe ,i can assign a reason1 why
 that mode of expression was used1  and 
why the term slave was not admitted in  
this ,constitution--and as  to the      
manner of laying taxes1 this is not the 
first time that the  subject has come   
into the view of the ,united ,states1   
and of the  ,legislatures of the several

 ,states4 ,the gentleman1 7,mr4         
,,findley7 will  recollect1 that in the 
present ,congress1 the quota of the     
federal  debt1 and general expenses1 was
 to be in proportion to the value of    
land1 and other enumerated property1    
within the ,states4 ,after trying  this 
for a number of years1 it was found on  
all hands1 to be a mode  that could not 
be carried into execution4 ,congress    
were satisfied of  this1 and in the year
 #aghc recommended1 in conformity with  
the powers  they possessed under the    
articles of confederation1 that the     
quota  should be according to the number
 of free people1 including those  bound 
to servitude1 and excluding ,indians not
 taxed4 ,these were the  expressions    
used in #aghc1 and the fate of this     
recommendation was  similar to all their
 other resolutions4 ,it was not carried 
into  effect1 but it was adopted by no  
fewer than eleven1 out of thirteen      
,states2 and it cannot but be matter of 
surprise1 to hear gentlemen1  who agreed

 to this very mode of expression at that
 time1 come forward  and state it as an 
objection on the present occasion4 ,it  
was natural1  sir1 for the late         
convention1 to adopt the mode after it  
had been  agreed to by eleven ,states1  
and to use the expression1 which they   
found had been received as              
unexceptionable before4 ,with respect to
 the  clause1 restricting ,congress from
 prohibiting the migration or           
importation of such persons1 as any of  
the ,states now existing1 shall  think  
proper to admit1 prior to the year      
#ahjh4 ,the honorable gentleman  says1  
that this clause is not only dark1 but  
intended to grant to  ,congress1 for    
that time1 the power to admit the       
importation of slaves4  ,no such thing  
was intended2 but ,i will tell you what 
was done1 and it  gives me high         
pleasure1 that so much was done4 ,under 
the present  ,confederation1 the ,states
 may admit the importation of slaves as 
long  as they please2 but by this       

article1 after the year #ahjh the       
,congress  will have power to prohibit  
such importation1 notwithstanding the   
disposition of any ,state to the        
contrary4 ,i consider this as laying    
the foundation for banishing slavery out
 of this country2 and though  the period
 is more distant than ,i could wish1 yet
 it will produce the  same kind1 gradual
 change1 which was pursued in           
,pennsylvania4 ,it is  with much        
satisfaction ,i view this power in the  
general government1  whereby they may   
lay an interdiction on this reproachful 
trade2 but an  immediate advantage is   
also obtained1 for a tax or duty may be 
imposed  on such importation1 not       
exceeding ten dollars for each person2  
and  this1 sir1 operates as a partial   
prohibition2 it was all that could be   
obtained1 ,i am sorry it was no more2   
but from this ,i think there is  reason 
to hope1 that yet a few years1 and it   
will be prohibited  altogether2 and in  
the mean time1 the new ,states which are

 to be  formed1 will be under the       
control of ,congress in this particular2
 and  slaves will never be introduced   
amongst them4 ,the gentleman says1 that 
it is unfortunate in another point of   
view2 it means to prohibit the          
introduction of white people from       
,europe1 as this tax may deter them     
from coming amongst us2 a little        
impartiality and attention will         
discover the care that the ,convention  
took in selecting their  language4 ,the 
words are the migration or ,,importation
 of such  persons1 c41 shall not be     
prohibited by ,congress prior to the    
year  #ahjh1 but a tax or duty may be   
imposed on such importation2 it is      
observable here1 that the term migration
 is dropped1 when a tax or  duty is     
mentioned1 so that ,congress have power 
to impose the tax only  on those        
imported4    ,i recollect1 on a former  
day1 the honorable gentlemen from       
,westmoreland 7,mr4 ,,findley17 and the 
honorable gentleman from  ,cumberland   

7,mr4 ,,whitehill17 took exception      
against the first clause of  the #ith   
section1 art4 #a1 arguing very unfairly1
 that because ,congress  might impose a 
tax or duty of ten dollars on the       
importation of  slaves1 within any of   
the ,united ,states1 ,congress might    
therefore  permit slaves to be imported 
within this ,state1 contrary to its     
laws4  ,i confess ,i little thought that
 this part of the system would be       
excepted to4    ,i am sorry that it     
could be extended no further2 but so far
 as it  operates1 it presents us with   
the pleasing prospect1 that the rights  
of mankind will be acknowledged and     
established throughout the union4    ,if
 there was no other lovely feature in   
the ,constitution but this one1  it     
would diffuse a beauty over its whole   
countenance4 ,yet the lapse of  a few   
years6 and ,congress will have power to 
exterminate slavery from  within our    
borders4    ,how would such a delightful
 prospect expand the breast of a        

benevolent  and philanthropic ,european8
 ,would he cavil at an expression8 catch
 at  a phrase8 ,no1 sir1 that is only   
reserved for the gentleman on the  other
 side of your chair to do4    ,mr4      
,mc,k,e,a,n4 ,the arguments against the 
,constitution are1 ,i think1  chiefly   
these34444    ,that migration or        
importation of such persons1 as any of  
the ,states  shall admit1 shall not be  
prohibited prior to #ahjh1 nor a tax or 
duty  imposed on such importation       
exceeding ten dollars for each person4  
,provision is made that ,congress shall 
have power to prohibit the  importation 
of slaves after the year #ahjh1 but the 
gentlemen in  opposition1 accuse this   
system of a crime1 because it has not   
prohibited them at once4 ,i suspect     
those gentlemen are not well  acquainted
 with the business of the diplomatic    
body1 or they would  know that an       
agreement might be made1 that did not   
perfectly accord  with the will and     
pleasure of any one person4 ,instead of 

finding fault  with what has been       
gained1 ,i am happy to see a disposition
 in the  ,united ,states to do so much4 
,,virginia ,,convention4    ,,gov4      
,,randolph4 ,this is one point of       
weakness ,i wish for the honor of  my   
countrymen that it was the only one4    
,there is another circumstance  which   
renders us more vulnerable4 ,are we not 
weakened by the  population of those    
whom we hold in slavery8  ,the day may  
come when  they may make impression upon
 us4 ,gentlemen who have been long      
accustomed to the contemplation of the  
subject1 think there is a cause  of     
alarm in this case3 the number of those 
people1 compared to that of  the whites1
 is in an immense proportion3 their     
number amounts to  #bcf1jjj--that of the
 whites1 only to #ceb1jjj4 99 99 99 99  
,i beseech them  to consider1 whether   
,virginia and ,north ,carolina1 both    
oppressed with  debts and slaves1 can   
defend themselves externally1 or make   
their  people happy internally4         

,,george ,,mason4 ,we are told in strong
 language1 of dangers to which we  will 
be exposed unless we adopt this         
,constitution4 ,among the rest1         
domestic safety is said to be in danger4
 ,this government does not  attend to   
our domestic safety4 ,it authorizes the 
importation of slaves  for twenty-odd   
years1 and thus continues upon us that  
nefarious trade4  ,instead of securing  
and protecting us1 the continuation of  
this  detestable trade adds daily to our
 weakness4 ,though this evil is         
increasing1 there is no clause in the   
,constitution that will prevent  the    
,northern and ,eastern ,states from     
meddling with our whole property  of    
that kind4 ,there is a clause to        
prohibit the importation of slaves      
after twenty years1 but there is no     
provision made for securing to the      
,southern ,states those they now        
possess4 ,it is far from being a        
desirable property4 ,but it will involve
 us in great difficulties and           

infelicity to be now deprived of them4  
,there ought to be a clause in  the     
,constitution to secure us that         
property1 which we have acquired  under 
our former laws1 and the loss of which  
would bring ruin on a  great many       
people4    ,,mr4 ,,lee4 ,the honorable  
gentleman abominates it1 because it does
 not  prohibit the importation of       
slaves1 and because it does not secure  
the  continuance of the existing        
slavery6 ,is it not obviously           
inconsistent  to criminate it for two   
contradictory reasons8 ,i submit it to  
the  consideration of the gentleman1    
whether1 if it be reprehensible in the  
one case1 it can be censurable in the   
other8 ,,mr4 ,,lee then concluded by    
earnestly recommending to the committee 
to proceed regularly4    ,,mr4 ,,henry4 
,it says that no state shall engage in  
war1 unless actually  invaded4 ,if you  
give this clause a fair construction1   
what is the  true meaning of it8 ,what  
does this relate to8 ,not domestic      

insurrections1 but war4 ,if the country 
be invaded1 a ,state may go to  war2 but
 cannot suppress insurrections4 ,if     
there should happen an  insurrection of 
slaves1 the country cannot be said to be
  invaded4--,they cannot therefore      
suppress it1 without the interposition  
of ,congress4    ,,mr4 ,,george         
,,nicholas4 ,another worthy member says1
 there is no power in  the ,states to   
quell an insurrection of slaves4 ,have  
they it now8 ,if  they have1 does the   
,constitution take it away8 ,if it does1
 it must be  in one of the three clauses
 which have been mentioned by the worthy
  member4 ,the first clause gives the   
general government power to call  them  
out when necessary4 ,does this take it  
away from the ,states8 ,no4  ,but it    
gives an additional security3 for1      
besides the power in the  ,state        
governments to use their own militia1 it
 will be the duty of the  general       
government to aid them with the strength
 of the ,union when  called for4 ,no    

part of this ,constitution can show that
 this power is  taken away4    ,mr4     
,,george ,,mason4 ,mr4 ,chairman1 this  
is a fatal section1 which has  created  
more dangers than any other4 ,the first 
clause allows the  importation of slaves
 for twenty years4 ,under the royal     
government1  this evil was looked upon  
as a great oppression1 and many attempts
  were made to prevent it2 but the      
interest of the ,african merchants      
prevented its prohibition4 ,no sooner   
did the revolution take place1  than it 
was thought of4 ,it was one of the great
 causes of our  separation from ,great  
,britain4 ,its exclusion has been a     
principal  object of this ,state1 and   
most of the ,states in the ,union4 ,the 
augmentation of slaves weakens the      
,states2 and such a trade is  diabolical
 in itself1 and disgraceful to mankind4 
,yet1 by this  ,constitution1 it is     
continued for twenty years4 ,as much as 
,i value an  union of all the ,states1  
,i would not admit the ,southern ,states

 into  the ,union1 unless they agreed to
 the discontinuance of this  disgraceful
 trade1 because it would bring weakness 
and not strength to  the ,union4 ,and   
though this infamous traffic be         
continued1 we have no  security for the 
property of that kind which we have     
already4 ,there is  no clause in this   
,constitution to secure it2 for they may
 lay such tax  as will amount to        
manumission4 ,and should the government 
be amended1  still this detestable kind 
of commerce cannot be discontinued till 
after the expiration of twenty years4   
,for the fifth article1 which  provides 
for amendments1 expressly excepts this  
clause4 ,i have ever  looked upon this  
as a most disgraceful thing to ,america4
 ,i cannot  express my detestation of   
it4 ,yet they have not secured us the   
property of the slaves we have already4 
,so that1 they have done what  they     
ought not to have done1 and have left   
undone what they ought to  have done    
,mr4 ,,madison4 ,mr4 ,chairman1 ,i      

should conceive this clause to be       
impolitic1 if it were one of those      
things which could be excluded  without 
encountering greater evils4 ,the        
,southern ,states would not have        
entered into the union of ,america1     
without the temporary permission of     
that trade4 ,and if they were excluded  
from the union1 the consequences  might 
be dreadful to them and to us4 ,we are  
not in a worse situation  than before4  
,that traffic is prohibited by our laws1
 and we may  continue the prohibition4  
,the union in general is not in a worse 
situation4 ,under the articles of       
confederation1 it might be continued    
forever3 but by this clause an end may  
be put to it after twenty  years4 ,there
 is1 therefore1 an amelioration of our  
circumstances4 ,a  tax may be laid in   
the mean time2 but it is limited1       
otherwise  ,congress might lay such a   
tax as would amount to a prohibition4   
,from  the mode of representation and   
taxation1 ,congress cannot lay such a   

tax on slaves as will amount to         
manumission4 ,another clause secures us 
that property which we now possess4 ,at 
present1 if any slave elopes to  any of 
those ,states where slaves are free1 he 
becomes emancipated by  their laws4 ,for
 the laws of the ,states are            
uncharitable to one another  in this    
respect4 ,but in this ,constitution1 no 
person held to service1  or labor1 in   
one ,state1 under the laws thereof1     
escaping into another1  shall1 in       
consequence of any law or regulation    
therein1 be discharged  from such       
service or labor2 but shall be delivered
 up on claim of the  party to whom such 
service or labor may be due4 ,this      
clause was  expressly inserted to enable
 owners of slaves to reclaim them4 ,this
 is  a better security than any that now
 exist4 ,no power is given to the       
general government to interpose with    
respect to the property in slaves  now  
held by the ,states4 ,the taxation of   
this ,state being equal only to  its    

representation1 such a tax cannot be    
laid as he supposes4 ,they  cannot      
prevent the importation of slaves for   
twenty years3 but after  that period1   
they can4 ,the gentlemen from ,south    
,carolina and ,georgia  argued in this  
manner3 ,we have now liberty to import  
this species of  property1 and much of  
the property now possessed1 has been    
purchased1  or otherwise acquired1 in   
contemplation of improving it by the    
assistance of imported slaves4 ,what    
would be the consequence of  hindering  
us from it8 ,the slaves of ,virginia    
would rise in value1 and  we would be   
obliged to go to your markets4 ,i need  
not expatiate on  this subject4 ,great  
as the evil is1 a dismemberment of the  
union would  be worse4 ,if those ,states
 should disunite from the other ,states1
 for  not including them in the         
temporary continuance of this traffic1  
they  might solicit and obtain aid from 
foreign powers4    ,mr4 ,,tyler warmly  
enlarged on the impolicy1 iniquity1 and 

disgracefulness of this wicked traffic4 
,he thought the reasons urged  by       
gentlemen in defence of it were         
inconclusive1 and ill founded4 ,it  was 
one cause of the complaints against     
,british tyranny1 that this  trade was  
permitted4 ,the ,revolution had put a   
period to it2 but now it  was to be     
revived4 ,he thought nothing could      
justify it4 ,this temporary  restriction
 on ,congress militated1 in his opinion1
 against the  arguments of gentlemen on 
the other side1 that what was not given 
up1  was retained by the ,states2 for   
that if this restriction had not been   
inserted1 ,congress could have          
prohibited the ,african trade4 ,the     
power  of prohibiting it was not        
expressly delegated to them2 yet they   
would  have had it by implication1 if   
this restraint had not been provided4   
,this seemed to him to demonstrate most 
clearly the necessity of  restraining   
them by a bill of rights1 from          
infringing our unalienable  rights4 ,it 

was immaterial whether the bill of      
rights was by itself1 or  included in   
the ,constitution4 ,but he contended for
 it one way or the  other4 ,it would be 
justified by our own example1 and that  
of ,england4  ,his earnest desire was1  
that it should be handed down to        
posterity1  that he had opposed this    
wicked clause4    ,mr4 ,,madison4 ,as to
 the restriction in the clause under    
consideration1  it was a restraint on   
the exercise of a power expressly       
delegated to  ,congress1 namely1 that of
 regulating commerce with foreign       
nations4    ,mr4 ,,henry insisted1 that 
the insertion of these restrictions on  
,congress1 was a plain demonstration    
that ,congress could exercise  powers by
 implication4 ,the gentleman had        
admitted that ,congress could  have     
interdicted the ,african trade1 were it 
not for this restriction4  ,if so1 the  
power not having been expressly         
delegated1 must be obtained  by         
implication4 ,he demanded where1 then1  

was their doctrine of  reserved rights8 
,he wished for negative clauses to      
prevent them from  assuming any powers  
but those expressly given4 ,he asked why
 it was  moited to secure us that       
property in slaves1 which we held now8  
,he  feared its omission was done with  
design4 ,they might lay such heavy      
taxes on slaves1 as would amount to     
emancipation2 and then the  ,southern   
,states would be the only sufferers4    
,his opinion was confirmed  by the mode 
of levying money4 ,congress1 he         
observed1 had power to lay  and collect 
taxes1 imposts1 and excises4 ,imposts   
7or duties7 and  excises1 were to be    
uniform4 ,but this uniformity did not   
extend to  taxes4 ,this might compel the
 ,southern ,states to liberate their    
negroes4 ,he wished this property       
therefore to be guarded4 ,he  considered
 the clause which had been adduced by   
the gentleman as a  security for this   
property1 as no security at all4 ,it was
 no more than  this--that a runaway     

negro could be taken up in ,maryland or 
,new ,york4  ,this could not prevent    
,congress from interfering with that    
property by  laying a grievous and      
enormous tax on it1 so as to compel     
owners to  emancipate their slaves      
rather than pay the tax4 ,he apprehended
 it  would be productive of much        
stockjobbing1 and that they would play  
into one another's hands in such a      
manner as that this property would  be  
lost to the country4    ,mr4 ,,george   
,,nicholas wondered that gentlemen who  
were against slavery  would be opposed  
to this clause2 as after that period the
 slave trade  would be done away4 ,he   
asked if gentlemen did not see the      
inconsistency of their arguments8 ,they 
object1 says he1 to the  ,constitution1 
because the slave trade is laid open for
 twenty-odd  years2 and yet tell you1   
that by some latent operation of it1 the
  slaves who are now1 will be           
manumitted4 ,at that same moment1 it is 
opposed for being promotive and         

destructive of slavery4 ,he contended   
that it was advantageous to ,virginia1  
that it should be in the power  of      
,congress to prevent the importation of 
slaves after twenty years1  as it would 
then put a period to the evil complained
 of4    ,as the ,southern ,states would 
not confederate without this clause1 he 
asked1 if gentlemen would rather        
dissolve the confederacy than to  suffer
 this temporary inconvenience1 admitting
 to it to be such8  ,virginia might     
continue the prohibition of such        
importation during the  intermediate    
period1 and would be benefitted by it1  
as a tax of ten  dollars on each slave  
might be laid1 of which she would       
receive a  share4 ,he endeavored to     
obviate the objection of gentlemen1 that
 the  restriction on ,congress was a    
proof that they would have power not    
given them1 by remarking1 that they     
would only have had a general           
superintendency of trade1 if the        
restriction had not been inserted4  ,but

 the ,southern ,states insisted on this 
exception to that general               
superintendency for twenty years4 ,it   
could not therefore have been a  power  
by implication1 as the restriction was  
an exception from a  delegated power4   
,the taxes could not1 as had been       
suggested1 be laid  so high on negroes  
as to amount to emancipation2 because   
taxation and  representation were fixed 
according to the census established in  
the  ,constitution4 ,the exception of   
taxes1 from the uniformity annexed to   
duties and excises1 could not have the  
operation contended for by the          
gentleman2 because other clauses had    
clearly and positively fixed the        
census4 ,had taxes been uniform1 it     
would have been universally  objected   
to1 for no one object could be selected 
without involving  great inconveniences 
and oppressions4 ,but1 says ,mr4        
,nicholas1 is it  from the general      
government we are to fear emancipation8 
,gentlemen  will recollect what ,i said 

in another house1 and what other        
gentlemen  have said that advocated     
emancipation4 ,give me leave to say1    
that that  clause is a great security   
for our slave tax4 ,i can tell the      
committee1 that the people of our       
country are reduced to beggary by  the  
taxes on negroes4 ,had this             
,constitution been adopted1 it would not
  have been the case4 ,the taxes were   
laid on all our negroes4 ,by this       
system two-fifths are exempted4 ,he then
 added1 that he had imagined  gentlemen 
would not support here what they had    
opposed in another  place4    ,mr4      
,,henry replied1 that though the        
proportion of each was to be fixed  by  
the census1 and three-fifths of the     
slaves only were included in  the       
enumeration1 yet the proportion of      
,virginia being once fixed1  might be   
laid on blacks and blacks only4 ,for the
 mode of raising the  proportion of each
 ,state being to be directed by         
,congress1 they might  make slaves the  

sole object to raise it4 ,personalities 
he wished to  take leave of2 they had   
nothing to do with the question1 which  
was  solely whether that paper was wrong
 or not4    ,mr4 ,,nicholas replied1    
that negroes must be considered as      
persons1 or  property4 ,if as property1 
the proportion of taxes to be laid on   
them  was fixed in the ,constitution4   
,if he apprehended a poll tax on        
negroes1 the ,constitution had prevented
 it4 ,for1 by the census1 where  a white
 man paid ten shillings1 a negro paid   
but six shillings4 ,for  the exemption  
of two-fifths of them reduced it to that
 proportion4    ,the second1 third1 and 
fourth clauses1 were then read as       
follows3      ,the privilege of the writ
 of habeas corpus shall not be          
suspended1  unless when in cases of     
rebellion or invasion the public safety 
may  require it4    ,no bill of         
attainder or ex post facto law shall be 
passed4    ,no capitation or other      
direct tax shall be paid1 unless in     

proportion  to the census or enumeration
 herein before directed to be taken4    
,mr4 ,,george ,,mason said1 that        
gentlemen might think themselves secured
  by the restriction in the fourth      
clause1 that no capitation or other     
direct tax should be laid but in        
proportion to the census before         
directed to be taken4 ,but that when    
maturely considered it would be  found  
to be no security whatsoever4 ,it was   
nothing but a direct  assertion1 or mere
 confirmation of the clause which fixed 
the ratio of  taxes and representation4 
,it only meant that the quantum to be   
raised  of each ,state should be in     
proportion to their numbers in the      
manner  therein directed4 ,but the      
general government was not precluded    
from  laying the proportion of any      
particular ,state on any one species of 
property they might think proper4 ,for  
instance1 if five hundred  thousand     
dollars were to be raised1 they might   
lay the whole of the  proportion of the 

,southern ,states on the blacks1 or any 
one species of  property3 so that by    
laying taxes too heavily on slaves1 they
 might  totally annihilate that kind of 
property4 ,no real security could arise 
from the clause which provides1 that    
persons held to labor in one  ,state1   
escaping into another1 shall be         
delivered up4 ,this only meant1  that   
runaway slaves should not be protected  
in other ,states4 ,as to the  exclusion 
of ex post facto laws1 it could not be  
said to create any  security in this    
case4 ,for laying a tax on slaves would 
not be ex  post facto4    ,mr4 ,,madison
 replied1 that even the ,southern       
,states1 who were most  affected1 were  
perfectly satisfied with this provision1
 and dreaded no  danger to the property 
they now hold4 ,it appeared to him1 that
 the  general government would not      
intermeddle with that property for      
twenty  years1 but to lay a tax on every
 slave imported1 not exceeding ten      
dollars2 and that after the expiration  

of that period they might  prohibit the 
traffic altogether4 ,the census in the  
,constitution was  intended to introduce
 equality in the burdens to be laid on  
the  community4 ,no gentleman objected  
to laying duties1 imposts1 and  excises1
 uniformly4 ,but uniformity of taxes    
would be subversive to the  principles  
of equality3 for that it was not        
possible to select any  article which   
would be easy for one ,state1 but what  
would be heavy for  another4 ,that the  
proportion of each ,state being         
ascertained1 it would  be raised by the 
general government in the most          
convenient manner for  the people1 and  
not by the selection of any one         
particular object4  ,that there must be 
some degree of confidence put in agents1
 or else we  must reject a state of     
civil society altogether4 ,another great
  security to this property1 which he   
mentioned1 was1 that five ,states  were 
greatly interested in that species of   
property1 and there were  other ,states 

which had some slaves1 and had made no  
attempt1 or taken  any step to take them
 from the people4 ,there were a few     
slaves in ,new  ,york1 ,new ,jersey and 
,connecticut3 these ,states would1      
probably1 oppose  any attempts to       
annihilate this species of property4 ,he
 concluded1 by  observing1 that he would
 be glad to leave the decision of this  
to the  committee4    ,the second       
section was then read as follows3     99
     99     99    ,no person held to    
service or labor in one ,state1 under   
the laws  thereof1 escaping into        
another1 shall1 in consequence of any   
law or  regulation therein be discharged
 from such service4    ,mr4 ,,george    
,,mason4--,mr4 ,chairman1 on some former
 part of the  investigation of this     
subject1 gentlemen were pleased to make 
some  observations on the security of   
property coming within this section4    
,it was then said1 and ,i now say1 that 
there is no security1 nor have          
gentlemen convinced me of this4    ,mr4 

,,henry4 ,among ten thousand implied    
powers which they may assume1  they may1
 if we be engaged in war1 liberate every
 one of your slaves  if they please4    
,and this must and will be done by men1 
a majority of  whom have not a common   
interest with you4 ,they will1          
therefore1 have  no feeling for your    
interests4 ,it has been repeatedly said 
here1 that  the great object of a       
national government1 was national       
defence4 ,that  power which is said to  
be intended for security and safety1 may
 be  rendered detestable and oppressive4
 ,if you give power to the general      
government to provide for the general   
defence1 the means must be  commensurate
 to the end4 ,all the means in the      
possession of the people  must be given 
to the government which is entrusted    
with the public  defence4 ,in this      
,state there are #bcf1jjj blacks1 and   
there are many in  several other        
,states4 ,but there are few or none in  
the ,northern  ,states1 and yet if the  

,northern ,states shall be of opinion1  
that our  numbers are numberless1 they  
may call forth every national resource4 
,may ,congress not say1 that every black
 man must fight8 ,did we not see  a     
little of this last war8 ,we were not so
 hard pushed1 as to make  emancipation  
general4 ,but acts of assembly passed1  
that every slave  who would go to the   
army should be free4 ,another thing will
 contribute  to bring this event        
about--slavery is detested--we feel its 
fatal  effects--we deplore it with all  
the pity of humanity4 ,let all these    
considerations1 at some future period1  
press with full force on the  minds of  
,congress4 ,let that urbanity1 which ,i 
trust will distinguish  ,america1 and   
the necessity of national defence1 let  
all these things  operate on their      
minds1 they will search that paper1 and 
see if they  have power of manumission4 
,and have they not1 sir8 ,have they not 
power  to provide for the general       
defence and welfare8 ,may they not think

  that these call for the abolition of  
slavery8 ,may not they pronounce  all   
slaves free1 and will they not be       
warranted by that power8 ,there  is no  
ambiguous implication or logical        
deduction4 ,the paper speaks to  the    
point4 ,they have the power in clear1   
unequivocal terms2 and will  clearly and
 certainly exercise it4 ,as much as ,i  
deplore slavery1 ,i see  that prudence  
forbids its abolition4 ,i deny that the 
general  government ought to set them   
free1 because a decided majority of the 
,states have not the ties of sympathy   
and fellow-feeling for those  whose     
interest would be affected by their     
emancipation4 ,the majority  of         
,congress is to the ,north1 and the     
slaves are to the ,south4 ,in this      
situation1 ,i see a great deal of the   
property of the people of  ,virginia in 
jeopardy1 and their peace and           
tranquillity gone away4 ,i  repeat it   
again1 that it would rejoice my very    
soul1 that every one of  my             

fellow-beings was emancipated4 ,as we   
ought with gratitude to admire  to      
admire that decree of ,heaven1 which has
 numbered us among the free1  we ought  
to lament and deplore the necessity of  
holding our fellow-men  in bondage4 ,but
 is it practicable by any human means1  
to liberate  them1 without producing the
 most dreadful and ruinous consequences8
 ,we  ought to possess them in the      
manner we have inherited them from our  
ancestors1 as their manumission is      
incompatible with the felicity of  the  
country4 ,but we ought to soften1 as    
much as possible1 the rigor of  their   
unhappy fate4 ,i know that in a variety 
of particular instances1  the           
legislature1 listening to complaints1   
have admitted their  emancipation4 ,let 
me not dwell on this subject4 ,i will   
only add1 that  this1 as well as every  
other property of the people of         
,virginia1 is in  jeopardy1 and put in  
the hands of those who have no          
similarity of  situation with us4 ,this 

is a local matter1 and ,i can see no    
propriety  in subjecting it to          
,congress4    ,have we not a right to   
say1 hear our propositions8 ,why1 sir1  
your  slaves have a right to make their 
humble requests4--,those who are in  the
 meanest occupations of human life1 have
 a right to complain4    ,gov4          
,,randolph4 ,that honorable gentleman1  
and some others1 have  insisted that the
 abolition of slavery will result from  
it1 and at the  same time have          
complained1 that it encourages its      
continuation4 ,the  inconsistency proves
 in some degree1 the futility of their  
arguments4  ,but if it be not           
conclusive1 to satisfy the committee    
that there is no  danger of             
enfranchisement taking place1 ,i beg    
leave to refer them to  the paper       
itself4 ,i hope that there is none here1
 who1 considering the  subject in the   
calm light of philosophy1 will advance  
an objection  dishonorable to ,virginia2
 that at the moment they are securing   

the  rights of their citizens1 an       
objection is started that there is a    
spark of hope1 that those unfortunate   
men now held in bondage1 may1 by  the   
operation of the general government be  
made free4 ,but if any  gentleman be    
terrified by this apprehension1 let him 
read the system4  ,i ask1 and ,i will   
ask again and again1 till ,i be answered
 7not by  declamation7 where is the part
 that has a tendency to the abolition of
  slavery8 ,is it the clause which says1
 that the migration or  importation of  
such persons as any of the ,states now  
existing1 shall  think proper to admit1 
shall not be prohibited by ,congress    
prior to  the year #ahjh8 ,this is an   
exception from the power of regulating  
commerce1 and the restriction is only to
 continue till #ahjh4 ,then  ,congress  
can1 by the exercise of that power1     
prevent future  importations2 but does  
it affect the existing state of slavery8
 ,were  it right here to mention what   
passed in ,convention on the occasion1  

,i  might tell you that the ,southern   
,states1 even ,south ,carolina herself2 
conceived this property to be secure by 
these words4 ,i believe1  whatever we   
may think here1 that there was not a    
member of the  ,virginia delegation who 
had the smallest suspicion of the       
abolition of  slavery4 ,go to their     
meaning4 ,point out the clause where    
this  formidable power of emancipation  
is inserted4 ,but another clause of  the
 ,constitution proves the absurdity of  
the supposition4 ,the words of  the     
clause are1 ,no person held to service  
or labor in one ,state1  under the laws 
thereof1 escaping into another1 shall1  
in consequence  of any law or regulation
 therein1 be discharged from such       
service or  labor2 but shall be         
delivered up on claim of the party to   
whom such  service or labor may be due4 
,every one knows that slaves are held to
  service and labor4 ,and when authority
 is given to owners of slaves to        
vindicate their property1 can it be     

supposed they can be deprived of  it8   
,if a citizen of this ,state1 in        
consequence of this clause1 can  take   
his runaway slave in ,maryland1 can it  
be seriously thought1 that  after taking
 him and bringing him home1 he could be 
made free8    ,i observed that the      
honorable gentleman's proposition comes 
in a truly  questionable shape1 and is  
still more extraordinary and            
unaccountable  for another              
consideration2 that although we went    
article by article  through the         
,constitution1 and although we did not  
expect a general  review of the subject1
 7as a most comprehensive view had been 
taken of  it before it was regularly    
debated17 yet we are carried back to the
  clause giving that dreadful power1 for
 the general welfare4 ,pardon me  if ,i 
remind you of the true state of that    
business4 ,i appeal to the  candor of   
the honorable gentleman1 and if he      
thinks it an improper  appeal1 ,i ask   
the gentlemen here1 whether there be a  

general  indefinite power of providing  
for the general welfare8 ,the power is1 
to lay and collect taxes1 duties1       
imposts1 and excises1 to pay the  debts 
and provide for the common defence and  
general welfare4 ,so that  they can only
 raise money by these means1 in order to
 provide for the  general welfare4 ,no  
man who reads it can say it is general  
as the  honorable gentleman represents  
it4 ,you must violate every rule of     
construction and common sense1 if you   
sever it from the power of  raising     
money and annex it to any thing else1 in
 order to make it that  formidable power
 which it is represented to be4    ,mr4 
,,george ,,mason4 ,mr4 ,chairman1 with  
respect to commerce and  navigation1 he 
has given it as his opinion1 that their 
regulation1 as  it now stands1 was a    
sine qua non of the ,union1 and that    
without it1  the ,states in ,convention 
would never concur4 ,i differ from him4 
,it  never was1 nor in my opinion ever  
will be1 a sine qua non of the  ,union4 

,i will give you1 to the best of my     
recollection1 the history of  that      
affair4 ,this business was discussed at 
,philadelphia for four  months1 during  
which time the subject of commerce and  
navigation was  often under             
consideration2 and ,i assert1 that eight
 ,states out of  twelve1 for more than  
three months1 voted for requiring       
two-thirds of  the members present in   
each house to pass commercial and       
navigation  laws4 ,true it is1 that     
afterwards it was carried by a majority1
 as it  stands4 ,if ,i am right1 there  
was a great majority for requiring      
two-thirds of the ,states in this       
business1 till a compromise took  place 
between the ,northern and ,southern     
,states2 the ,northern ,states  agreeing
 to the temporary importation of slaves1
 and the ,southern  ,states conceding1  
in return1 that navigation and          
commercial laws  should be on the       
footing on which they now stand4 ,if ,i 
am mistaken1  let me be put right4      

,these are my reasons for saying that   
this was not  a sine qua non of their   
concurrence4 ,the ,newfoundland         
fisheries will  require that kind of    
security which we are now in want of4   
,the ,eastern  ,states therefore agreed 
at length1 that treaties should require 
the  consent of two-thirds of the       
members present in the senate4    ,mr4  
,madison4 ,i was struck with surprise   
when ,i heard him express  himself      
alarmed with respect to the emancipation
 of slaves4 ,let me  ask1 if they should
 even attempt it1 if it will not be an  
usurpation  of power8 ,there is no power
 to warrant it1 in that paper4 ,if there
 be1  ,i know it not4 ,but why should it
 be done8 ,says the honorable           
gentleman1 for the general welfare--it  
will infuse strength into our  system4  
,can any member of this committee       
suppose1 that it will  increase our     
strength8 ,can any one believe1 that the
 ,american councils  will come into a   
measure which will strip them of their  

property1  discourage and alienate the  
affections of five-thirteenths of the   
,union8 ,why was nothing of this sort   
aimed at before8 ,i believe such an     
idea never entered into an ,american    
breast1 nor do ,i believe it ever  will1
 unless it will enter into the heads of 
those gentlemen who  substitute         
unsupported suspicions for reasons4     
,mr4 ,henry4 ,he asked me where was the 
power of emancipating slaves8 ,i  say it
 will be implied1 unless implication be 
prohibited4 ,he admits  that the power  
of granting passports will be in the new
 ,congress  without the insertion of    
this restriction--yet he can shew me    
nothing  like such a power granted in   
that ,constitution4 ,notwithstanding he 
admits their right to this power by     
implication1 he says that ,i am  unfair 
and uncandid in my deduction1 that they 
can emancipate our  slaves1 though the  
word emancipation be not mentioned in   
it4 ,they can  exercise power by        
implication in one instance1 as well as 

in another4  ,thus1 by the gentleman's  
own argument1 they can exercise the     
power  though it be not delegated4      
,mr4 ,z4 ,johnson4 ,they tell us that   
they see a progressive danger of        
bringing about emancipation4 ,the       
principle has begun since the           
revolution4 ,let us do what we will1 it 
will come round4 ,slavery has  been the 
foundation of that impiety and          
dissipation1 which have been  so much   
disseminated among our countrymen4 ,if  
it were totally  abolished1 it would do 
much good4        ,,north ,,carolina    
,,convention4    ,the first three       
clauses of the second section read4     
,mr4 ,,goudy4 ,mr4 ,chairman1 this      
clause of taxation will give an         
advantage to some ,states1 over the     
others4 ,it will be oppressive to  the  
,southern ,states4 ,taxes are equal to  
our representation4 ,to augment  our    
taxes and increase our burthens1 our    
negroes are to be  represented4 ,if a   
,state has fifty thousand negroes1 she  

is to send one  representative for them4
 ,i wish not to be represented with     
negroes1  especially if it increases my 
burthens4    ,mr4 ,davie4 ,mr4          
,chairman1 ,i will endeavor to obviate  
what the gentleman  last up has said4 ,i
 wonder to see gentlemen so precipitate 
and hasty  on a subject of such awful   
importance4 ,it ought to be considered1 
that  some of us are slow of            
apprehension1 not having those quick    
conceptions1 and luminous               
understandings1 of which other gentlemen
 may  be possessed4 ,the gentleman does 
not wish to be represented with         
negroes4 ,this1 sir1 is an unhappy      
species of population1 but cannot  at   
present alter their situation4 ,the     
,eastern ,states had great  jealousies  
on this subject4 ,they insisted that    
their cows and horses  were equally     
entitled to representation2 that the one
 was property as  well as the other4 ,it
 became our duty on the other hand1 to  
acquire as  much weight as possible in  

the legislation of the ,union2 and as   
the  ,northern ,states were more        
populous in whites1 this only could be  
done  by insisting that a certain       
proportion of our slaves should make a  
part of the computed population4 ,it was
 attempted to form a rule of            
representation from a compound ratio of 
wealth and population2 but1 on          
consideration1 it was found             
impracticable to determine the          
comparative  value of lands1 and other  
property1 in so extensive a territory1  
with  any degree of accuracy2 and       
population alone was adopted as the only
  practicable rule or criterion of      
representation4 ,it was urged by the    
deputies of the ,eastern ,states1 that a
 representation of two-fifths  would of 
little utility1 and that their entire   
representation would be  unequal and    
burthensome4 ,that in a time of war1    
slaves rendered a  country more         
vulnerable1 while its defence devolved  
upon its free  inhabitants4 ,on the     

other hand1 we insisted1 that in time of
 peace  they contributed by their labor 
to the general wealth as well as other  
members of the community4 ,that as      
rational beings they had a right of     
representation1 and in some instances   
might be highly useful in war4  ,on     
these principles1 the ,eastern ,states  
gave the matter up1 and  consented to   
the regulation as it has been read4 ,i  
hope these reasons  will appear         
satisfactory4 ,it is the same rule or   
principle which was  proposed some years
 ago by ,congress1 and assented to by   
twelve of the  ,states4 ,it may wound   
the delicacy of the gentleman from      
,guilford1 7,mr4  ,,goudy17 but ,i hope 
he will endeavor to accommodate his     
feelings to the  interests and          
circumstances of his country4    ,mr4   
,,james ,,galloway said1 that he did not
 object to the representation  of       
negroes1 so much as he did to the       
fewness of the number of                
representatives4 ,he was surprised how  

we came to have but five1  including    
those intended to represent negroes4    
,that in his humble  opinion ,north     
,carolina was entitled to that number   
independent of the  negroes4    ,first  
clause of the #ith section read4    ,mr4
 ,j4 ,m',,dowall wished to hear the     
reasons of this restriction4    ,mr4    
,,spaight answered that there was a     
contest between the ,northern and       
,southern ,states--that the ,southern   
,states1 whose principal support        
depended on the labor of slaves1 would  
not consent to the desire of  the       
,northern ,states to exclude the        
importation of slaves absolutely4  ,that
 ,south ,carolina and ,georgia insisted 
on this clause1 as they were  now in    
want of hands to cultivate their lands3 
,that in the course of  twenty years    
they would be fully supplied3 ,that the 
trade would be  abolished then1 and that
 in the mean time some tax or duty might
 be  laid on4    ,mr4 ,m',,dowall       
replied1 that the explanation was just  

such as he  expected1 and by no means   
satisfactory to him1 and that he looked 
upon  it as a very objectionable part of
 the system4    ,mr4 ,,iredell4 ,mr4    
,chairman1 ,i rise to express sentiments
 similar to  those of the gentleman from
 ,craven4 ,for my part1 were it         
practicable  to put an end to the       
importation of slaves immediately1 it   
would give  me the greatest pleasure1   
for it certainly is a trade utterly     
inconsistent with the rights of         
humanity1 and under which great         
cruelties have been exercised4 ,when the
 entire abolition of slavery  takes     
place1 it will be an event which must be
 pleasing to every  generous mind1 and  
every friend of human nature2 but we    
often wish for  things which are not    
attainable4 ,it was the wish of a great 
majority  of the ,convention to put an  
end to the trade immediately1 but the   
,states of ,south ,carolina and ,georgia
 would not agree to it4 ,consider  then 
what would be the difference between our

 present situation in  this respect1 if 
we do not agree to the ,constitution1   
and what it will  be if we do agree to  
it4 ,if we do not agree to it1 do we    
remedy the  evil8 ,no1 sir1 we do not2  
for if the ,constitution be not adopted1
 it  will be in the power of every      
,state to continue it forever4 ,they may
  or may not abolish it at their        
discretion4 ,but if we adopt the        
,constitution1 the trade must cease     
after twenty years1 if ,congress        
declare so1 whether particular ,states  
please so or not3 surely1 then1  we gain
 by it4 ,this was the utmost that could 
be obtained4 ,i heartily  wish more     
could have been done4 ,but as it is1    
this government is nobly  distinguished 
above others by that very provision4    
,where is there  another country in     
which such a restriction prevails8 ,we1 
therefore1  sir1 set an example of      
humanity by providing for the abolition 
of this  inhuman traffic1 though at a   
distant period4 ,i hope1 therefore1 that

  this part of the ,constitution will   
not be condemned1 because it has  not   
stipulated for what it was impracticable
 to obtain4    ,mr4 ,,spaight further   
explained the clause4 ,that the         
limitation of this  trade to the term of
 twenty years1 was a compromise between 
the  ,eastern ,states and the ,southern 
,states4 ,south ,carolina and ,georgia  
wished to extend the term4 ,the ,eastern
 ,states insisted on the entire         
abolition of the trade4 ,that the ,state
 of ,north ,carolina had not  thought   
proper to pass any law prohibiting the  
importation of slaves1  and therefore   
its delegation in the convention did not
 think  themselves authorized to contend
 for an immediate prohibition of it4    
,mr4 ,,iredell added to what he had said
 before1 that the ,states of  ,georgia  
and ,south ,carolina had lost a great   
many slaves during the  war1 and that   
they wished to supply the loss4    ,mr4 
,,galloway4 ,mr4 ,chairman1 the         
explanation given to this clause does   

not satisfy my mind4 ,i wish to see this
 abominable trade put an end  to4 ,but  
in case it be thought proper to continue
 this abominable  traffic for twenty    
years1 yet ,i do not wish to see the tax
 on the  importation extended to all    
persons whatsoever4 ,our situation is   
different from the people to the ,north4
 ,we want citizens2 they do not4        
,instead of laying a tax1 we ought to a 
give a bounty1 to encourage  foreigners 
to come among us4 ,with respect to the  
abolition of slavery1  it requires the  
utmost consideration4 ,the property of  
the ,southern  ,states consists         
principally of slaves4 ,if they mean to 
do away slavery  altogether1 this       
property will be destroyed4 ,i apprehend
 it means to  bring forward manumission4
 ,if we must manumit our slaves1 what   
country  shall we send them to8 ,it is  
impossible for us to be happy if1 after 
manumission1 they are to stay among us4 
,mr4 ,,iredell4 ,mr4 ,chairman1 the     
worthy gentleman1 ,i believe1 has       

misunderstood this clause1 which runs in
 the following words3 ,the  migration or
 importation of such persons as any of  
the ,states now  existing1 shall think  
proper to admit1 shall not be prohibited
 by the  ,congress prior to the year    
#ahjh1 but a tax or duty may be imposed 
on  such importation1 not exceeding ten 
dollars for each person4    ,now1 sir1  
observe that the ,eastern ,states1 who  
long ago have abolished  slavery1 did   
not approve of the expression slaves2   
they therefore  used another that       
answered the same purpose4 ,the         
committee will  observe the distinction 
between the two words migration and     
importation4 ,the first part of the     
clause will extend to persons who  come 
into the country as free people1 or are 
brought as slaves1 but  the last part   
extends to slaves only4 ,the word       
migration refers to  free persons2 but  
the word importation refers to slaves1  
because  free people cannot be said to  
be imported4 ,the tax1 therefore1 is    

only  to be laid on slaves who are      
imported1 and not on free persons who   
migrate4 ,i further beg leave to say1   
that the gentleman is mistaken in       
another thing4 ,he seems to say that    
this extends to the abolition of        
slavery4 ,is there anything in this     
constitution which says that  ,congress 
shall have it in their power to abolish 
the slavery of those  slaves who are now
 in the country8 ,is it not the plain   
meaning of it1  that after twenty years 
they may prevent the future importation 
of  slaves8 ,it does not extend to those
 now in the country4 ,there is  another 
circumstance to be observed4 ,there is  
no authority vested in  congress to     
restrain the ,states in the interval of 
twenty years1 from  doing what they     
please4 ,if they wish to inhibit such   
importation1 they  may do so4 ,our next 
assembly may put an entire end to the   
importation  of slaves4    ,article     
fourth4 ,the first section and two first
 clauses of the second  section read    

without observation4    ,the last clause
 read--    ,mr4 ,,iredell begged leave  
to explain the reason of this clause4   
,in some  of the ,northern ,states1 they
 have emancipated all their slaves4 ,if 
any  of our slaves1 said he1 go there   
and remain there a certain time1 they   
would1 by the present laws1 be entitled 
to their freedom1 so that  their masters
 could not get them again4 ,this would  
be extremely  prejudicial to the        
inhabitants of the ,southern ,states1   
and to prevent  it1 this clause is      
inserted in the ,constitution4 ,though  
the word  slave be not mentioned1 this  
is the meaning of it4 ,the ,northern    
delegates1 owing to their particular    
scruples on the subject of  slavery1 did
 not choose the word slave to be        
mentioned4    ,the rest of the forth    
article read without observation4       
99     99     99     99     99    ,mr4  
,,iredell4 ,it is however to be         
observed1 that the first and forth      
clauses in the ninth section of the     

first article1 are protected from  any  
alteration until the year #ahjh2 and in 
order that no consolidation  should take
 place1 it is provided1 that no ,state  
shall1 by any  amendment or alteration1 
be ever deprived of an equal suffrage in
 the  ,senate without its own consent4  
,the two first prohibitions are with    
respect to the census1 according to     
which direct taxes are imposed1  and    
with respect to the importation of      
slaves4 ,as to the first1 it  must be   
observed1 that there is a material      
difference between the  ,northern and   
,southern ,states4 ,the ,northern       
,states have been much  longer settled1 
and are much fuller of people than the  
,southern1 but  have not land in equal  
proportion1 nor scarcely any slaves4    
,the  subject of this article was       
regulated with great difficulty1 and by 
a  spirit of concession which it would  
not be prudent to disturb for a  good   
many years4 ,in twenty years there will 
probably be a great  alteration1 and    

then the subject may be re-considered   
with less  difficulty and greater       
coolness4 ,in the mean time1 the        
compromise was  upon the best footing   
that could be obtained4 ,a compromise   
likewise  took place in regard to the   
importation of slaves4 ,it is probable  
that  all the members reprobated this   
inhuman traffic1 but those of ,south    
,carolina and ,georgia would not consent
 to an immediate prohibition of  it2 one
 reason of which was1 that during the   
last war they lost a vast  number of    
negroes1 which loss they wish to supply4
 ,in the mean time1  it is left to the  
,states to admit or prohibit the        
importation1 and  ,congress may impose a
 limited duty upon it4      ,,south     
,,carolina ,,convention4    ,hon4       
,,rawlins ,,lowndes4 ,in the first      
place1 what cause was there for         
jealously of our importing negroes8 ,why
 confine us to twenty years1 or  rather 
why limit us at all8 ,for his part he   
thought this trade could  be justified  

on the principles of religion1 humanity1
 and justice2 for  certainly to         
translate a set of human beings from a  
bad country to a  better1 was fulfilling
 every part of these principles4 ,but   
they don't  like our slaves1 because    
they have none themselves2 and therefore
 want  to exclude us from this great    
advantage2 why should the ,southern     
,states allow of this1 without the      
consent of nine ,states8    ,judge      
,,pendleton observed1 that only three   
,states1 ,georgia1 ,south  ,carolina1   
and ,north ,carolina1 allowed the       
importation of negroes4  ,virginia had a
 clause in her ,constitution for this   
purpose1 and  ,maryland1 he believed1   
even before the war1 prohibited them4   
,mr4 ,,lowndes continued--that we had a 
law prohibiting the importation  of     
negroes for three years1 a law he       
greatly approved of2 but there  was no  
reason offered1 why the ,southern       
,states might not find it  necessary to 
alter their conduct1 and open their     

ports4 ,without  negroes this ,state    
would degenerate into one of the most   
contemptible  in the ,union2 and cited  
an expression that fell from ,gen4      
,,pinckney on  a former debate1 that    
whilst there remained one acre of swamp 
land in  ,south ,carolina he should     
raise his voice against restricting the 
importation of negroes4 ,even in        
granting the importation for twenty     
years1 care had been taken to make us   
pay for this indulgence1 each  negro    
being liable1 on importation1 to pay a  
duty not exceeding ten  dollars1 and1 in
 addition to this1 were liable to a     
capitation tax4  ,negroes were our      
wealth1 our only natural resource2 yet  
behold how our  kind friends in the     
,north were determined soon to tie up   
our hands1  and drain us of what we had4
 ,the ,eastern ,states drew their means 
of  subsistence1 in a great measure1    
from their shipping2 and on that  head1 
they had been particularly careful not  
to allow of any burdens2  they were not 

to pay tonnage1 or duties2 no1 not even 
the form of  clearing out3 all ports    
were free and open to them6 ,why1 then1 
call  this a reciprocal bargain1 which  
took all from one party1 to bestow it   
on the other8    ,major ,,butler        
observed that they were to pay a five   
per cent impost4  ,this1 ,mr4 ,,lowndes 
proved1 must fall upon the consumer4    
,they are to be  the carriers2 and we1  
being the consumers1 therefore all      
expenses  would fall upon us4    ,hon4  
,e4 ,,rutledge4 ,the gentleman had      
complained of the inequality of  the    
taxes between the ,northern and         
,southern ,states--that ten dollars a   
head was imposed on the importation of  
negroes1 and that those negroes  were   
afterwards taxed4 ,to this it was       
answered1 that the ten dollars  per head
 was an equivalent to the five per cent 
on imported articles2  and as to their  
being afterwards taxed1 the advantage is
 on our side2  or1 at least1 not against
 us4    ,in the ,northern ,states1 the  

labor is performed by white people2 in  
the  ,southern by black4 ,all the free  
people 7and there are few others7 in    
the ,northern ,states1 are to be taxed  
by the new ,constitution1 whereas1  only
 the free people1 and two-fifths of the 
slaves in the ,southern  ,states are to 
be rated in the apportioning of taxes4  
,but the principle   objection is1 that 
no duties are laid on shipping--that in 
fact the  carrying trade was to be      
vested in a great measure in the        
,americans2  that the shipbuilding      
business was principally carried on in  
the  ,northern ,states4 ,when this      
subject is duly considered1 the         
,southern  ,states1 should be the last  
to object to it4 ,mr4 ,,rutledge then   
went  into a consideration of the       
subject2 after which the house          
adjourned4    ,gen4 ,,charles           
,,cotesworth ,,pinckney4 ,we were at a  
loss for some time for  a role to       
ascertain the proportionate wealth of   
the ,states1 at last we  thought that   

the productive labor of the inhabitants 
was the best rule  for ascertaining     
their wealth2 in conformity to this     
rule1 joined to  a spirit of concession1
 we determined that representatives     
should be  apportioned among the several
 ,states1 by adding to the whole number 
of  free persons three-fifths of the    
slaves4 ,we thus obtained a             
representation for our property1 and ,i 
confess ,i did not expect that  we had  
conceded too much to the ,eastern       
,states1 when they allowed us a         
representation for a species of property
 which they have not among  them4       
,the honorable gentleman alleges1 that  
the ,southern ,states are weak1 ,i      
sincerely agree with him--we are so weak
 that by ourselves we could  not form an
 union strong enough for the purpose of 
effectually  protecting each other4     
,without union with the other ,states1  
,south  ,carolina must soon fall4 ,is   
there any one among us so much a        
,quixotte  as to suppose that this      

,state could long maintain her          
independence if  she stood alone1 or was
 only connected with the ,southern      
,states8 ,i  scarcely believe there is4 
,let an invading power send a naval     
force  into the ,chesapeake to keep     
,virginia in alarm1 and attack ,south   
,carolina with such a naval and military
 force as ,sir ,henry ,clinton  brought 
here in #aghj1 and though they might not
 soon conquer us1 they  would certainly 
do us an infinite deal of mischief2 and 
if they  considerably increased their   
numbers1 we should probably fall4 ,as1  
from the nature of our climate1 and the 
fewness of our inhabitants1 we  are     
undoubtedly weak1 should we not endeavor
 to form a close union  with the        
,eastern ,states1 who are strong8       
,for who have been the greatest         
sufferers in the ,union1 by our         
obtaining our independence8 ,i answer1  
the ,eastern ,states2 they have  lost   
every thing but their country1 and their
 freedom4 ,it is notorious  that some   

ports to the ,eastward1 which used to   
fit out one hundred and  fifty sail of  
vessels1 do not now fit out thirty2 that
 their trade of  ship-building1 which   
used to be very considerable1 is now    
annihilated2  that their fisheries are  
trifling1 and their mariners in want of 
bread2 surely we are called upon by     
every tie of justice1 friendship1  and  
humanity1 to relieve their distresses2  
and as by their exertions  they have    
assisted us in establishing our freedom1
 we should let them1  in some measure1  
partake of our prosperity4 ,the ,general
 then said he  would make a few         
observations on the objections which the
 gentleman  had thrown out on the       
restrictions that might be laid on the  
,african  trade after the year #ahjh4   
,on this point your delegates had to    
contend  with the religious and         
political prejudices of the ,eastern and
 ,middle  ,states1 and with the         
interested and inconsistent opinion of  
,virginia1  who was warmly opposed to   

our importing more slaves4 ,i am of the 
same  opinion now as ,i was two years   
ago1 when ,i used the expressions that  
the gentleman has quoted1 that while    
there remained one acre of swamp  land  
uncleared of ,south ,carolina1 ,i would 
raise my voice against  restricting the 
importation of negroes4 ,i am as        
thoroughly convinced  as that gentleman 
is1 that the nature of our climate1 and 
the flat1  swampy situation of our      
country1 obliges us to cultivate our    
land with  negroes1 and that without    
them ,south ,carolina would soon be a   
desert  waste4    ,you have so          
frequently heard my sentiments on this  
subject that ,i need  not now repeat    
them4 ,it was alleged1 by some of the   
members who  opposed an unlimited       
importation1 that slaves increased the  
weakness  of any ,state who admitted    
them2 that they were a dangerous species
 of  property1 which an invading enemy  
could easily turn against ourselves  and
 the neighboring ,states1 and that as we

 were allowed a  representation for them
 in the ,house of ,representatives1 our 
influence  in government would be       
increased in proportion as we were less 
able to  defend ourselves4 ,show some   
period1 said the members from the       
,eastern ,states1 when it may be in our 
power to put a stop1 if we  please1 to  
the importation of this weakness1 and we
 will endeavor1 for  your convenience1  
to restrain the religious and political 
prejudices  of our people on this       
subject4    ,the ,middle ,states and    
,virginia made us no such proposition2  
they were  for an immediate and total   
prohibition4 ,we endeavored to obviate  
the  objections that were made1 in the  
best manner we could1 and assigned      
reasons for our insisting on the        
importation1 which there is no  occasion
 to repeat1 as they must occur to every 
gentleman in the  house3 a committee of 
the ,states was appointed in order to   
accommodate  this matter1 and after a   
great deal of difficulty1 it was settled

 on  the footing recited in the         
,constitution4    ,by this settlement we
 have secured an unlimited importation  
of negroes  for twenty years2 nor is it 
declared that the importation shall be  
then stopped2 it may be continued--we   
have a security that the general        
government can never emancipate them1   
for no such authority is  granted1 and  
it is admitted on all hands1 that the   
general government  has no powers but   
what are expressly granted by the       
,constitution2 and  that all rights not 
expressed were reserved by the several  
,states4 ,we  have obtained a right to  
recover our slaves1 in whatever part of 
,america they may take refuge1 which is 
a right we had not before4 ,in  short1  
considering all circumstances1 we have  
made the best terms1 for  the security  
of this species of property1 it was in  
our power to make4  ,we would have made 
better if we could1 but on the whole ,i 
do not think  them bad4    ,hon4        
,,robert ,,barnwell4 ,mr4 ,,barnwell    

continued to say1 ,i now come to the    
last point for consideration1 ,i mean   
the clause relative to the  negroes2 and
 here ,i am particularly pleased with   
the ,constitution2 it  has not left this
 matter of so much importance to us open
 to immediate  investigation2 no1 it has
 declared that the ,united ,states shall
 not1  at any rate1 consider this matter
 for twenty-one years1 and yet          
gentlemen are displeased with it4       
,congress has guaranteed this right for 
that space of time1 and at its          
expiration may continue it as long as   
they please4 ,this question then        
arises1 what will their interest lead   
them to do8 ,the ,eastern ,states1  as  
the honorable gentleman says1 will      
become the carriers of ,america1  it    
will1 therefore1 certainly be their     
interest to encourage  exportation to as
 great an extent as possible2 and if the
 quantum of  our products will be       
diminished by the prohibition of        
negroes1 ,i  appeal to the belief of    

every man1 whether he thinks those very 
carriers will themselves dam up the     
resources from whence their profit  is  
derived8 ,to think so is so             
contradictory to the general conduct of 
mankind1 that ,i am of opinion1 that    
without we ourselves put a stop to      
them1 the traffic for negroes will      
continue forever4      ,,federalist1    
,no4 #db      ,,by ,,james ,,madison4   
,it were doubtless to be wished1 that   
the power of prohibiting the            
importation of slaves1 had not been     
postponed until the year #ahjh1 or      
rather that it had been suffered to have
 immediate operation4 ,but it  is not   
difficult to account either for this    
restriction on the general  government1 
or for the manner in which the whole    
clause is expressed4    ,it ought to be 
considered as a great point gained in   
favor of  humanity1 that a period of    
twenty years may terminate for ever     
within  these ,states1 a traffic which  
has so long and so loudly upbraided the 

barbarism of modern policy2 that within 
that period1 it will receive a          
considerable discouragement from the    
,federal government1 and may be  totally
 abolished1 by a concurrence of the few 
,states which continue  the unnatural   
traffic in the prohibitory example which
 has been given  by so great a majority 
of the ,union4 ,happy would it be for   
the  unfortunate ,africans1 if an equal 
prospect lay before them1 of being      
redeemed from the oppressions of their  
,european brethren6 ,attempts  have been
 made to pervert this clause into an    
objection against the  ,constitution1 by
 representing it on one side1 as a      
criminal toleration  of an illicit      
practice2 and on another1 as calculated 
to prevent  voluntary and beneficial    
emigrations from ,europe to ,america4 ,i
 mention  these misconstructions1 not   
with a view to give them an answer1 for 
they deserve none2 but as specimens of  
the manner and spirit1 in which  some   
have thought fit to conduct their       

opposition to the proposed  government4 
,,federalist1 ,no4 #ed4      ,,by       
,,james ,,madison4    ,all this is      
admitted1 it will perhaps be said3 but  
does it follow from  an admission of    
numbers for the measure of              
representation1 or of  slaves combined  
with free citizens as a ratio of        
taxation1 that slaves  ought to be      
included in the numerical rule of       
representation8    ,slaves are          
considered as property1 not as persons4 
,they ought  therefore1 to be           
comprehended in estimates of taxation1  
which are  founded on property1 and to  
be excluded from representation1 which  
is  regulated by a census of persons4   
,this is the objection as ,i  understand
 it2 stated in its full force4 ,i shall 
be equally candid in  stating the       
reasoning which may be offered on the   
opposite side4 ,we  subscribe to the    
doctrine1 might one of our ,southern    
brethren observe1  that representation  
relates more immediately to persons1 and

 taxation  more immediately to property2
 and we join in the application of this 
distinction to the case of our slaves4  
,but we must deny the fact1 that slaves 
are considered merely as  property1 and 
in no respect whatever as persons4 ,the 
true state of the  case is1 that they   
partake of both these qualities1 being  
considered  by our laws1 in some        
respects as persons1 and in other       
respects as  property4    ,in being     
compelled to labor1 not for himself2 but
 for a master2 in  being vendible by one
 master to another master2 and in being 
subject  at all times to be restrained  
in his liberty and chastised in his body
  by the capricious will of another2 the
 slave may appear to be degraded  from  
the human rank1 and classed with those  
irrational animals which  fall under the
 legal denomination of property4 ,in    
being protected1 on  the other hand1 in 
his life1 and in his limbs1 against the 
violence of  all others1 even the master
 of his labor and his liberty2 and in   

being  punishable himself for all       
violence committed against others2 the  
slave is no less evidently regarded by  
the law as a member of the  society1 not
 as a part of the irrational creation2  
as a moral person1  not as a mere       
article of property4 ,the ,federal      
,constitution1  therefore1 decides with 
great propriety on the case of our      
slaves1  when it views them in the mixed
 character of persons and property4     
,this is in fact their true character4  
,it is the character bestowed on  them  
by the laws under which they live1 and  
it will not be denied1  that these are  
the proper criterion2 because it is only
 under the  pretext1 that the laws have 
transformed the negroes into subjects of
  property1 that a place is disputed    
them in the computation of numbers2  and
 it is admitted1 that if the laws were  
to restore the rights which  have been  
taken away1 the negroes could no longer 
be refused an equal  share of           
representation with the other           

inhabitants4    ,this question may be   
placed in another light4 ,it is agreed  
on all  sides1 that numbers are the best
 scale of wealth and taxation1 as they  
are the only proper scale of            
representation4 ,would the convention   
have  been impartial or consistent1 if  
they had rejected the slaves from the   
list of inhabitants1 when the shares of 
representation were to be  calculated2  
and inserted them on the lists when the 
tariff of  contributions was to be      
adjusted8    ,could it be reasonably    
expected1 that the ,southern ,states    
would concur  in a system1 which        
considered their slaves in some degree  
as men1 when  burdens were to be        
imposed1 but refused to consider them in
 the same  light1 when advantages were  
to be conferred8    ,might not some     
surprise also be expressed1 that those  
who reproach the  ,southern ,states with
 the barbarous policy of considering as 
property a  part of their human         
brethren1 should themselves contend1    

that the  government to which all the   
,states are to be parties1 ought to     
consider this unfortunate race more     
completely in the unnatural light  of   
property1 than the very laws of which   
they complain8    ,it may be replied1   
perhaps1 that slaves are not included in
 the  estimate of representatives in any
 of the ,states possessing them4 ,they  
neither vote themselves1 nor increase   
the votes of their masters4 ,upon  what 
principle1 then1 ought they to be taken 
into the ,federal estimate  of          
representation8 ,in rejecting them      
altogether1 the ,constitution  would1 in
 this respect1 have followed the very   
laws which have been  appealed to the   
proper guide4    ,this objection is     
repelled by a single observation4 ,it is
 a  fundamental principle of the        
proposed ,constitution1 that as the     
aggregate number of representatives     
allotted to the several ,states is  to  
be determined by a ,federal rule1       
founded on the aggregate number of      

inhabitants2 so1 the right of choosing  
this allotted number in each  ,state1 is
 to be exercised by such part of the    
inhabitants1 as the  ,state itself may  
designate4 ,the qualifications on which 
the right of  suffrage depends1 are not 
perhaps the same in any two ,states4 ,in
 some  of the ,states the difference is 
very material4 ,in every ,state1 a      
certain proportion of inhabitants are   
deprived of this right by the           
,constitution of the ,state1 who will be
 included in the census by which  the   
,federal ,constitution apportions the   
representatives4 ,in this point  of     
view1 the ,southern ,states might retort
 the complaint1 by insisting1  that the 
principle laid down by the convention   
required that no regard  should be had  
to the policy of particular ,states     
towards their own  inhabitants2 and     
consequently1 that the slaves1 as       
inhabitants1 should  have been admitted 
into the census according to their full 
number1 in  like manner with other      

inhabitants1 who1 by the policy of other
  ,states1 are not admitted to all the  
rights of citizens4 ,a rigorous         
adherence1 however1 to this principle is
 waived by those who would be  gainers  
by it4 ,all that they ask1 is that equal
 moderation be shown on  the other side4
 ,let the case of the slaves be         
considered1 as it is in  truth1 a       
peculiar one4 ,let the compromising     
expedient of the  ,constitution be      
mutually adopted1 which regards them as 
inhabitants1  but as debased by         
servitude below the equal level of free 
inhabitants1  which regards the slave as
 divested of two-fifths of the man4     
,,debates ,,in ,,first ,,congress4      
,,lloyd',s ,,debates4    ,may #ac1      
#aghi4    ,mr4 ,,parker 7of ,va47 moved 
to insert a clause in the bill1 imposing
 a  duty on the importation of slaves of
 ten dollars each person4 ,he was  sorry
 that the ,constitution prevented       
,congress from prohibiting the          
importation altogether2 he thought it a 

defect in that instrument that  it      
allowed of such actions1 it was contrary
 to the revolution  principles1 and     
ought not to be permitted2 but as he    
could not do all  the good he desired1  
he was willing to do what lay in his    
power4 ,he  hoped such a duty as he     
moved for would prevent1 in some degree1
 this  irrational and inhuman traffic2  
if so1 he should feel happy from the    
success of his motion4    ,mr4 ,,smith  
7of ,south ,carolina17 hoped that such  
an important and  serious proposition as
 this would not be hastily adopted2 it  
was a  very late moment for the         
introduction of new subjects4 ,he       
expected the  committee had got through 
the business1 and would rise without    
discussing any thing further2 at least1 
if gentlemen were determined  on        
considering the present motion1 he hoped
 they would delay for a few  days1 in   
order to give time for an examination of
 the subject4 ,it was  certainly a      
matter big with the most serious        

consequences to the ,state  he          
represented2 be did not think any one   
thing that had been discussed  was so   
important to them1 and the welfare of   
the ,union1 as the  question now brought
 forward1 but he was not prepared to    
enter on any  argument1 and therefore   
requested the motion might either be    
withdrawn  or laid on the table4    ,mr4
 ,,sherman 7of ,ct47 approved of the    
object of the motion1 but he did  not   
think this bill was proper to embrace   
the subject4 ,he could not  reconcile   
himself to the insertion of human beings
 as an article of  duty1 among goods1   
wares and merchandise4 ,he hoped it     
would be  withdrawn for the present1 and
 taken up hereafter as an independent   
subject4    ,mr4 ,,jackson1 7of ,geo47  
observing the quarter from which this   
motion  came1 said it did not surprise  
him1 though it might have that effect   
on others4 ,he recollected that         
,virginia was an old settled ,state1 and
  had her complement of slaves1 so she  

was careless of recruiting her  numbers 
by this means2 the natural increase of  
her imported blacks  were sufficient for
 their purpose2 but he thought gentlemen
 ought to  let their neighbors get      
supplied before they imposed such a     
burden  upon the importation4 ,he knew  
this business was viewed in an odious   
light to the ,eastward1 because the     
people were capable of doing their  own 
work1 and had no occasion for slaves2   
but gentlemen will have some  feeling   
for others2 they will not try to throw  
all the weight upon  others1 who have   
assisted in lightening their burdens2   
they do not  wish to charge us for every
 comfort and enjoyment of life1 and at  
the  same time take away the means of   
procuring them2 they do not wish to     
break us down at once4    ,he was       
convinced1 from the inaptitude of the   
motion1 and the want of  time to        
consider it1 that the candor of the     
gentleman would induce him  to withdraw 
it for the present2 and if ever it came 

forward again1 he  hoped it would       
comprehend the white slaves as well as  
black1 who were  imported from all the  
goals of ,europe2 wretches1 convicted of
 the most  flagrant crimes1 were brought
 in and sold without any duty whatever4 
,he thought that they ought to be taxed 
equal to the ,africans1 and had  no     
doubt but the constitutionality and     
propriety of such a measure was  equally
 apparent as the one proposed4    ,mr4  
,,tucker 7of ,s4,c47 thought it unfair  
to bring in such an important  subject  
at a time when debate was almost        
precluded4 ,the committee had  gone     
through the impost bill1 and the whole  
,union were impatiently  expecting the  
result of their deliberations1 the      
public must be  disappointed and much   
revenue lost1 or this question cannot   
undergo  that full discussion which it  
deserves4    ,we have no right1 said he1
 to consider whether the importation of 
slaves is proper or not2 the            
,constitution gives us no power on that 

point1 it is left to the ,states to     
judge of that matter as they see  fit4  
,but if it was a business the gentleman 
was determined to  discourage1 he ought 
to have brought his motion forward      
sooner1 and  even then not have         
introduced it without previous notice4  
,he hoped the  committee would reject   
the motion1 if it was not withdrawn2 he 
was not  speaking so much for the ,state
 he represented1 as for ,georgia1       
because  the ,state of ,south ,carolina 
had a prohibitory law1 which could be   
renewed when its limitation expired4    
,mr4 ,,parker 7of ,va417 had ventured to
 introduce the subject after full       
deliberation1 and did not like to       
withdraw it4 ,although the gentleman    
from ,connecticut 7,mr4 ,,sherman7 had  
said1 that they ought not to be         
enumerated with goods1 wares1 and       
merchandise1 he believed they were      
looked upon by the ,african traders in  
this light2 he knew it was  degrading   
the human species to annex that         

character to them2 but he  would rather 
do this than continue the actual evil of
 importing slaves  a moment longer4 ,he 
hoped ,congress would do all that lay in
 their  power to restore to human nature
 its inherent privileges1 and if        
possible wipe off the stigma which      
,america labored under4 ,the            
inconsistency in our principles1 with   
which we are justly charged1  should be 
done away2 that we may shew by our      
actions the pure  beneficence of the    
doctrine we held out to the world in our
  declaration of independence4    ,mr4  
,,sherman 7of ,ct417 thought the        
principles of the motion and the        
principles of the bill were             
inconsistent2 the principle of the bill 
was to raise revenue1 the principle of  
the motion to correct a moral  evil4    
,now1 considering it as an object of    
revenue1 it would be unjust1  because   
two or three ,states would bear the     
whole burden1 while he  believed they   
bore their full proportion of all the   

rest4 ,he was  against receiving the    
motion into this bill1 though he had no 
objection to taking it up by itself1 on 
the principles of humanity and  policy2 
and therefore would vote against it if  
it was not withdrawn4    ,mr4 ,,ames 7of
 ,mass417 joined the gentleman last up4 
,no one could  suppose him favorable to 
slavery1 he detested it from his soul1  
but he  had some doubts whether imposing
 a duty on the importation1 would not   
have the appearance of countenancing the
 practice2 it was certainly a  subject  
of some delicacy1 and no one appeared to
 be prepared for the  discussion1 he    
therefore hoped the motion would be     
withdrawn4    ,mr4 ,,livermore4 ,was not
 against the principle of the motion1   
but in the  present case he conceived it
 improper4 ,if negroes were goods1      
wares1  or merchandise1 they came within
 the title of the bill2 if they were    
not1 the bill would be inconsistent2 but
 if they are goods1 wares or            
merchandise1 the #e per cent ad valorem1

 will embrace the importation2  and the 
duty of #e per cent is nearly equal to  
#aj dollars per head1 so  there is no   
occasion to add it even on the score of 
revenue4    ,mr4 ,,jackson 7of ,ga417   
said it was the fashion of the day1 to  
favor the  liberty of slaves2 he would  
not go into a discussion of the subject1
  but he believed it was capable of     
demonstration that they were better  off
 in their present situation1 than they  
would be if they were  manumitted2 what 
are they to do if they are discharged8  
,work for a  living8 ,experience has    
shewn us they will not4 ,examine what is
 become  of those in ,maryland1 many of 
them have been set free in that ,state2 
did they turn themselves to industry and
 useful pursuits8 ,no1 they  turn out   
common pickpockets1 petty larceny       
villains2 and is this  mercy1 forsooth1 
to turn them into a way in which they   
must lose their  lives1--for where they 
are thrown upon the world1 void of      
property and  connections1 they cannot  

get their living but by pilfering4 ,what
 is to  be done for compensation8 ,will 
,virginia set all her negroes free8     
,will  they give up the money they cost 
them1 and to whom8 ,when this practice  
comes to be tried there1 the sound of   
liberty will lose those charms  which   
make it grateful to the ravished ear4   
,but our slaves are not in a worse      
situation than they were on the  coast  
of ,africa2 it is not uncommon there for
 the parents to sell  their children in 
peace2 and in war the whole are taken   
and made  slaves together4 ,in these    
cases it is only a change of one slavery
 for  another2 and are they not better  
here1 where they have a master bound  by
 the ties of interest and law to provide
 for their support and  comfort in old  
age1 or infirmity1 in which1 if they    
were free1 they  would sink under the   
pressure of woe for want of assistance4 
,he would say nothing of the partiality 
of such a tax1 it was admitted  by the  
avowed friends of the measure2 ,georgia 

in particular would be  oppressed4 ,on  
this account it would be the most odious
 tax ,congress  could impose4    ,mr4   
,,schureman 7of ,n4,j47 hoped the       
gentleman would withdraw his  motion1   
because the present was not the time or 
place for introducing  the business2 he 
thought it had better be brought forward
 in the  ,house1 as a distinct          
proposition4 ,if the gentleman persisted
 in having  the question determined1 he 
would move the previous question if he  
was  supported4    ,mr4 ,,madison1 7of  
,va47 ,i cannot concur with gentlemen   
who think the  present an improper time 
or place to enter into a discussion of  
the  proposed motion2 if it is taken up 
in a separate view1 we shall do the     
same thing at a greater expense of time4
 ,but the gentlemen say that it  is     
improper to connect the two objects1    
because they do not come  within the    
title of the bill4 ,but this objection  
may be obviated by  accommodating the   
title to the contents2 there may be some

  inconsistency in combining the ideas  
which gentlemen have expressed1  that   
is1 considering the human race as a     
species of property2 but the  evil does 
not arise from adopting the clause now  
proposed1 it is from  the importation to
 which it relates4 ,our object in       
enumerating persons  on paper with      
merchandise1 is to prevent the practice 
of actually  treating them as such1 by  
having them1 in future1 forming part of 
the  cargoes of goods1 wares1 and       
merchandise to be imported into the     
,united ,states4 ,the motion is         
calculated to avoid the very evil       
intimated by the gentleman4 ,it has been
 said that this tax will be  partial and
 oppressive3 but suppose a fair view is 
taken of this  subject1 ,i think we may 
form a different conclusion4 ,but if it 
be  partial or oppressive1 are there not
 many instances in which we have  laid  
taxes of this nature8 ,yet are they not 
thought to be justified by  national    
policy8 ,if any article is warranted on 

this account1 how much  more are we     
authorized to proceed on this occasion8 
,the dictates of  humanity1 the         
principles of the people1 the national  
safety and  happiness1 and prudent      
policy requires it of us2 the           
constitution has  particularly called   
our attention to it--and of all the     
articles  contained in the bill before  
us1 this is one of the last ,i should be
  willing to make a concession upon so  
far as ,i was at liberty to go1         
according to the terms of the           
constitution or principles of           
justice--,i  would not have it          
understood that my zeal would carry me  
to disobey  the inviolable commands of  
either4    ,i understood it had been    
intimated1 that the motion was          
inconsistent  or unconstitutional4 ,i   
believe1 sir1 my worthy colleague has   
formed  the words with a particular     
reference to the ,constitution2 any how1
 so  far as the duty is expressed1 it   
perfectly accords with that  instrument2

 if there are any inconsistencies in it1
 they may be  rectified2 ,i believe the 
intention is well understood1 but ,i am 
far  from supposing the diction         
improper4 ,if the description of the    
persons  does not accord with the ideas 
of the gentleman from ,georgia1 7,mr4   
,,jackson17 and his idea is a proper one
 for the committee to adopt1 ,i  see no 
difficulty in changing the phraseology4 
,i conceive the ,constitution1 in this  
particular1 was formed in order  that   
the government1 whilst it was restrained
 from laying a total  prohibition1 might
 be able to give some testimony of the  
sense of  ,america1 with respect to the 
,african trade4 ,we have liberty to     
impose  a tax or duty upon the          
importation of such persons as any of   
the  ,states now existing shall think   
proper to admit2 and this liberty was   
granted1 ,i presume1 upon two           
considerations--the first was1 that     
until  the time arrived when they might 
abolish the importation of slaves1  they

 might have an opportunity of evidencing
 their sentiments1 on the  policy and   
humanity of such a trade2 the other was 
that they might be  taxed in due        
proportion with other articles imported2
 for if the  possessor will consider    
them as property1 of course they are of 
value  and ought to be paid for4 ,if    
gentlemen are apprehensive of oppression
  from the weight of the tax1 let them  
make an estimate of its  proportion1 and
 they will find that it very little     
exceeds five per  cent ad valorem1 so   
that they will gain very little by      
having them  thrown into that mass of   
articles1 whilst by selecting them in   
the  manner proposed1 we shall fulfil   
the prevailing expectation of our       
fellow citizens1 and perform our duty in
 executing the purposes of the          
,constitution4 ,it is to be hoped that  
by expressing a national  disapprobation
 of this trade1 we may destroy it1 and  
save ourselves  from reproaches1 and our
 posterity the imbecility ever attendant

 on a  country filled with slaves4    ,i
 do not wish to say anything harsh1 to  
the hearing of gentlemen who  entertain 
different sentiments from me1 or        
different sentiments from  those ,i     
represent2 but if there is any one point
 in which it is  clearly the policy of  
this nation1 so far as we               
constitutionally can1  to vary the      
practice of obtaining under some of the 
,state governments1  it is this2 but it 
is certain a majority of the ,states are
 opposed to  this practice1 therefore1  
upon principle1 we ought to             
discountenance  it as far as is in our  
power4    ,if ,i was not afraid of being
 told that the representatives of the   
several ,states1 are the best able to   
judge of what is proper and  conducive  
to their particular prosperity1 ,i      
should venture to say that  it is as    
much the interest of ,georgia and ,south
 ,carolina1 as of any in  the ,union4   
,every addition they receive to their   
number of slaves1  tends to weaken them 

and renders them less capable of self   
defence4 ,in  case of hostilities with  
foreign nations1 they will be the means 
of  inviting attack instead of repelling
 invasion4 ,it is a necessary duty  of  
the general government to protect every 
part of the empire against  danger1 as  
well internal as external2 every thing  
therefore which  tends to increase this 
danger1 though it may be a local affair1
 yet if  it involves national expense or
 safety1 becomes of concern to every    
part of the ,union1 and is a proper     
subject for the consideration of  those 
charged with the general administration 
of the government4 ,i  hope1 in making  
these observations1 ,i shall not be     
understood to mean  that a proper       
attention ought not to be paid to the   
local opinions and  circumstances of any
 part of the ,united ,states1 or that   
the particular  representatives are not 
best able to judge of the sense of their
  immediate constituents4    ,if we     
examine the proposed measure by the     

agreement there is between  it1 and the 
existing ,state laws1 it will show us   
that it is patronized  by a very        
respectable part of the ,union4 ,i am   
informed that ,south  ,carolina has     
prohibited the importation of slaves for
 several years  yet to come2 we have the
 satisfaction then of reflecting that we
 do  nothing more than their own laws do
 at this moment4 ,this is not the  case 
with one ,state4 ,i am sorry that her   
situation is such as to seem  to require
 a population of this nature1 but it is 
impossible in the  nature of things1 to 
consult the national good without doing 
what we  do not wish to do1 to some     
particular part4 ,perhaps gentlemen     
contend  against the introduction of the
 clause1 on too slight grounds4 ,if it  
does not conform with the title of the  
bill1 alter the latter2 if it  does not 
conform to the precise terms of the     
,constitution1 amend it4  ,but if it    
will tend to delay the whole bill1 that 
perhaps will be the  best reason for    

making it the object of a separate one4 
,if this is the  sense of the committee 
,i shall submit4    ,mr4 ,,gerry 7of    
,mass47 thought all duties ought to be  
laid as equal as  possible4 ,he had     
endeavored to enforce this principle    
yesterday1 but  without the success he  
wished for1 he was bound by the         
principles of  justice therefore to vote
 for the proposition2 but if the        
committee  were desirous of considering 
the subject fully by itself1 he had no  
objection1 but he thought when gentlemen
 laid down a principle1 they  ought to  
support it generally4    ,mr4 ,,burke   
7of ,s4,c47 said1 gentlemen were        
contending for nothing2 that  the value 
of a slave1 averaged about #hj1 and the 
duty on that sum at  five per cent1     
would be ten dollars1 as congress could 
go no farther  than that sum1 he        
conceived it made no difference whether 
they were  enumerated or left in the    
common mass4    ,mr4 ,,madison1 7of     
,va47 ,if we contend for nothing1 the   

gentlemen who are  opposed to us do not 
contend for a great deal2 but the       
question is1  whether the five per cent 
ad valorem1 on all articles imported1   
will  have any operation at all upon the
 introduction of slaves1 unless we  make
 a particular enumeration on this       
account2 the collector may  mistake1 for
 he would not presume to apply the term 
goods1 wares1 and  merchandise to any   
person whatsoever4 ,but if that general 
definition  of goods1 wares and         
merchandise are supposed to include     
,african  ,slaves1 why may we not       
particularly enumerate them1 and lay the
 duty  pointed out by the ,constitution1
 which1 as gentlemen tell us1 is no     
more than five per cent upon their      
value2 this will not increase the       
burden upon any1 but it will be that    
manifestation of our sense1  expected by
 our constituents1 and demanded by      
justice and humanity4    ,mr4 ,,bland   
7of ,va47 had no doubt of the propriety 
or good policy of  this measure4 ,he had

 made up his mind upon it1 he wished had
 never  been introduced into ,america2  
but if it was impossible at this time to
  cure the evil1 he was very willing to 
join in any measures that would  prevent
 its extending farther4 ,he had some    
doubts whether the  prohibitory laws of 
the ,states were not in part repealed4  
,those who  had endeavored to           
discountenance this trade1 by laying a  
duty on the  importation1 were prevented
 by the ,constitution from continuing   
such  regulation1 which declares1 that  
no ,state shall lay any impost or       
duties on imports4 ,if this was the     
case1 and he suspected pretty  strongly 
that it was1 the necessity of adopting  
the proposition of his  colleague was   
now apparent4    ,mr4 ,,sherman 7of     
,ct47 said1 the ,constitution does not  
consider these  persons as a species of 
property2 it speaks of them as persons1 
and  says1 that a tax or duty may be    
imposed on the importation of them  into
 any ,state which shall permit the same1

 but they have no power to  prohibit    
such importation for twenty years4 ,but 
,congress have power to  declare upon   
what terms persons coming into the      
,united ,states shall be  entitled to   
citizenship2 the rule of naturalization 
must however be  uniform4 ,he was       
convinced there were others ought to be 
regulated in  this particular1 the      
importation of whom was of an evil      
tendency1 he  meant convicts            
particularly4 ,he thought that some     
regulation  respecting them was also    
proper2 but it being a different        
subject1 it  ought to be taken up in a  
different manner4    ,mr4 ,,madison 7of 
,va47 was led to believe1 from the      
observation that had  fell from the     
gentlemen1 that it would be best to make
 this the  subject of a distinct bill3  
he therefore wished his colleague would 
withdraw his motion1 and move in the    
house for leave to bring in a  bill on  
the same principles4    ,mr4 ,,parker   
7of ,va47 consented to withdraw his     

motion1 under a  conviction that the    
house was fully satisfied of its        
propriety4 ,he  knew very well that     
these persons were neither goods1 nor   
wares1 but  they were treated as        
articles of merchandise4 ,although he   
wished to  get rid of this part of his  
property1 yet he should not consent to  
deprive other people of theirs by any   
act of his without their  consent4      
,the committee rose1 reported progress1 
and the house adjourned4    ,,february  
#aath1 #agij4    ,mr4 ,,lawrance 7of    
,new ,york17 presented an address from  
the society of  ,friends1 in the ,city  
of ,new ,york2 in which they set forth  
their desire  of co-operating with their
 ,southern brethren4    ,mr4 ,,hartley  
7of ,penn47 then moved to refer the     
address of the annual  assembly of      
,friends1 held at ,philadelphia1 to a   
committee2 he thought  it a mark of     
respect due so numerous and respectable 
a part of the  community4    ,mr4       
,,white 7of ,va47 seconded the motion4  

,mr4 ,,smith1 7of ,s4,c47 ,however      
respectable the petitioners may be1 ,i  
hope gentlemen will consider that others
 equally respectable are  opposed to the
 object which is aimed at1 and are      
entitled to an  opportunity of being    
heard before the question is determined4
 ,i  flatter myself gentlemen will not  
press the point of commitment  to-day1  
it being contrary to our usual mode of  
procedure4    ,mr4 ,,fitzsimons 7of     
,penn47 ,if we were now about to        
determine the final  question1 the      
observation of the gentleman from ,south
 ,carolina would  apply2 but1 sir1 the  
present question does not touch upon the
 merits  of the case2 it is merely to   
refer the memorial to a committee1 to   
consider what is proper to be done2     
gentlemen1 therefore1 who do not  mean  
to oppose the commitment to-morrow1 may 
as well agree to it  to-day1 because it 
will tend to save the time of the house4
    ,mr4 ,,jackson 7of ,geo47 wished to 
know why the second reading was to be   

contended for to-day1 when it was       
diverting the attention of the  members 
from the great object that was before   
the committee of the  whole8 ,is it     
because the feelings of the ,friends    
will be hurt1 to have  their affair     
conducted in the usual course of        
business8 ,gentlemen who  advocate the  
second reading to-day1 should respect   
the feelings of the  members who        
represent that part of the ,union which 
is principally to  be affected by the   
measure4 ,i believe1 sir1 that the      
latter class  consists of as useful and 
as good citizens as the petitioners1 men
  equally friends to the revolution1 and
 equally susceptible of the  refined    
sensations of humanity and benevolence4 
,why then should such  particular       
attention be paid to them1 for bringing 
forward a business  of questionable     
policy8 ,if ,congress are disposed to   
interfere in the  importation of slaves1
 they can take the subject up without   
advisers1  because the ,constitution    

expressly mentions all the power they   
can  exercise on the subject4    ,mr4   
,,sherman 7of ,conn47 suggested the idea
 of referring it to a  committee1 to    
consist of a member from each ,state1   
because several  ,states had already    
made some regulations on this subject4  
,the sooner  the subject was taken up he
 thought it would be the better4    ,mr4
 ,,parker1 7of ,va47 ,i hope1 ,mr4      
,speaker1 the petition of these         
respectable people1 will be attended to 
with all the readiness the  importance  
of its object demands2 and ,i cannot    
help expressing the  pleasure ,i feel in
 finding so considerable a part of the  
community  attending to matters of such 
momentous concern to the future         
prosperity and happiness of the people  
of ,america4 ,i think it my duty1  as a 
citizen of the ,union1 to espouse their 
cause2 and it is incumbent  upon every  
member of this house to sift the subject
 well1 and  ascertain what can be done  
to restrain a practice so nefarious4    

,the  ,constitution has authorized us to
 levy a tax upon the importation of     
such persons as the ,states shall       
authorize to be admitted4 ,i would      
willingly go to that extent2 and if any 
thing further can be devised  to        
discountenance the trade1 consistent    
with the terms of the  ,constitution1 ,i
 shall cheerfully give it my assent and 
support4    ,mr4 ,,madison1 7of ,va47   
,the gentleman from ,pennsylvania1 7,mr4
  ,,fitzsimons7 has put this question on
 its proper ground4 ,if gentlemen  do   
not mean to oppose the commitment       
to-morrow1 they may as well  acquiesce  
in it to-day2 and ,i apprehend gentlemen
 need not be alarmed  at any measure it 
is likely ,congress should take2 because
 they will  recollect1 that the         
,constitution secures to the individual 
,states the  right of admitting1 if they
 think proper1 the importation of slaves
  into their own territory1 for eighteen
 years yet unexpired2 subject1  however1
 to a tax1 if ,congress are disposed to 

impose it1 of not more  than ten dollars
 on each person4    ,the petition1 if ,i
 mistake not1 speaks of artifices used  
by  self-interested persons to carry on 
this trade2 and the petition from  ,new 
,york states a case that may require the
 consideration of ,congress4  ,if       
anything is within the ,federal         
authority to restrain such violation  of
 the rights of nations1 and of mankind1 
as is supposed to be  practised in some 
parts of the ,united ,states1 it will   
certainly tend  to the interest and     
honor of the community to attempt a     
remedy1 and is  a proper subject for our
 discussion4 ,it may be1 that foreigners
 take  advantage of the liberty afforded
 them by the ,american trade1 to  employ
 our slipping in the slave trade between
 ,africa and the ,west  ,indies1 when   
they are restrained from employing their
 own by  restrictive laws of their      
nation4 ,if this is the case1 is there  
any  person of humanity that would not  
wish to prevent them8 ,another          

consideration why we should commit the  
petition is1 that we may give  no ground
 of alarm by a serious opposition1 as if
 we were about to  take measures that   
were unconstitutional4    ,mr4 ,,stone  
7of ,md47 feared that if ,congress took 
any measures1  indicative of an         
intention to interfere with the kind of 
property  alluded to1 it would sink it  
in value very considerably1 and might be
  injurious to a great number of the    
citizens1 particularly in the  ,southern
 ,states4    ,he thought the subject was
 of general concern1 and that the       
petitioners had no more right to        
interfere will it than any other        
members of the community4 ,it was an    
unfortunate circumstance1 that it  was  
the property of sects to imagine they   
understood the rights of  human nature  
better than all the world beside2 and   
that they would1 in  consequence1 be    
meddling with concerns in which they had
 nothing to  do4    ,as the petition    
relates to a subject of a general       

nature1 it ought to  lie on the table1  
as information2 he would never consent  
to refer  petitions1 unless the         
petitioners were exclusively interested4
 ,suppose  there was a petition to come 
before us from a society1 praying us to 
be honest in our transactions1 or that  
we should administer the  ,constitution 
according to its intention--what would  
you do with a  petition of this kind8   
,certainly it would remain on your      
table4 ,he  would1 nevertheless1 not    
have it supposed1 that the people had   
not a  right to advise and give their   
opinion upon public measures2 but he    
would not be influenced by that advice  
or opinion1 to take up a  subject sooner
 than the convenience of other business 
would admit4  ,unless he changed his    
sentiments1 he would oppose the         
commitment4    ,mr4 ,,burke 7of ,s4,c47 
thought gentlemen were paying attention 
to what  did not deserve it4 ,the men in
 the gallery had come here to meddle in 
a business with which they had nothing  

to do2 they were volunteering  it in the
 cause of others1 who neither expected  
nor desired it4 ,he had  a respect for  
the body of ,quakers1 but1 nevertheless1
 he did not  believe they had more      
virtue1 or religion1 than other people1 
nor  perhaps so much1 if they were      
examined to the bottom1 notwithstanding 
their outward pretences4 ,if their      
petition is to be noticed1 ,congress    
ought to wait till counter applications 
were made1 and then they might  have the
 subject more fairly before them4 ,the  
rights of the ,southern  ,states ought  
not to be threatened1 and their property
 endangered1 to  please people who were 
to be unaffected by the consequences4   
,mr4 ,,hartley 7of ,penn47 thought the  
memorialists did not deserve to be      
aspersed for their conduct1 if          
influenced by motives of benignity1     
they solicited the ,legislature of the  
,union to repel1 as far as in  their    
power1 the increase of a licentious     
traffic4 ,nor do they merit  censure1   

because their behavior has the          
appearance of more morality  than other 
people's4 ,but it is not for ,congress  
to refuse to hear the  applications of  
their fellow citizens1 while those      
applications  contain nothing           
unconstitutional or offensive4 ,what is 
the object of  the address before us8   
,it is intended to bring before this    
,house a  subject of great importance to
 the cause of humanity2 there are       
certain facts to be enquired into1 and  
the memorialists are ready to  give all 
the information in their power2 they are
 waiting1 at a great  distance from     
their homes1 and wish to return2 if1    
then1 it will be  proper to commit the  
petition to-morrow1 it will be equally  
proper  to-day1 for it is conformable to
 our practice1 beside1 it will tend to  
their conveniency4    ,mr4 ,,lawrance   
7of ,n4,y47 ,the gentleman from ,south  
,carolina says1 the  petitioners are of 
a society not known in the laws or      
,constitution4  ,sir1 in all our acts1  

as well as in the ,constitution1 we have
 noticed  this ,society2 or why is it   
that we admit them to affirm1 in cases  
where others are called upon to swear8  
,if we pay this attention to  them1 in  
one instance1 what good reason is there 
for contemning them  in another8 ,i     
think the gentleman from ,maryland 7,mr4
 ,,stone17 carries  his apprehensions   
too far1 when he fears that             
negro-property will fall  in value1 by  
the suppression of the slave-trade2 not 
that ,i suppose it  immediately in the  
power of ,congress to abolish a traffic 
which is a  disgrace to human nature2   
but it appears to me1 that1 if the      
importation was crushed1 the value of a 
slave would be increased  instead of    
diminished2 however1 considerations of  
this kind have  nothing to do with the  
present question2 gentlemen may         
acquiesce in  the commitment of the     
memorial1 without pledging themselves to
 support  its object4    ,mr4 ,,jackson1
 7of ,ga47 ,i differ much in opinion    

with the gentleman last  up4 ,i         
apprehend if1 through the interference  
of the general  government1 the slave   
trade was abolished1 it would evince to 
the  people a disposition toward a total
 emancipation1 and they would hold      
their property in jeopardy4 ,any        
extraordinary attention of ,congress to 
this petition may have1 in some degree1 
a similar effect4 ,i would beg  to ask  
those1 then1 who are so desirous of     
freeing the negroes1 if  they have funds
 sufficient to pay for them8 ,if they   
have1 they may  come forward on that    
business with some propriety2 but1 if   
they have  not1 they should keep        
themselves quiet1 and not interfere with
 a  business in which they are not      
interested4 ,they may as well come      
forward1 and solicit ,congress to       
interdict the ,west ,india trade1       
because it is injurious to the morals of
 mankind2 from thence we  import rum1   
which has a debasing influence upon the 
consumer4 ,but1  sir1 is the whole      

morality of the ,united ,states confined
 to the  ,quakers8 ,are they the only   
people whose feelings are to be         
consulted  on this occasion8 ,is it to  
them we owe our present happiness8 ,was 
it  they who formed the ,constitution8  
,did they1 by their arms1 or            
contributions1 establish our            
independence8 ,i believe they were      
generally opposed to that measure4 ,why1
 then1 on their application1  shall we  
injure men1 who1 at the risk of their   
lives and fortunes1  secured to the     
community their liberty and property8   
,if ,congress pay  any uncommon degree  
of attention to their petition1 it will 
furnish  just ground of alarm to the    
,southern ,states4 ,but1 why do these   
men set  themselves up1 in such a       
particular manner1 against slavery8 ,do 
they  understand the rights of mankind1 
and the disposition of ,providence      
better than others8 ,if they were to    
consult that ,book which claims our     
regard1 they will find that slavery is  

not only allowed1 but  commended4 ,their
 ,saviour1 who possessed more           
benevolence and  commiseration than they
 pretend to1 has allowed of it4 ,and if 
they  fully examine the subject1 they   
will find that slavery has been no      
novel doctrine since the days of ,cain4 
,but be these things as they  may1 ,i   
hope the ,house will order the petition 
to lie on the table1 in  order to       
prevent alarming our ,southern brethren4
    ,mr4 ,,sedgwick1 7of ,mass47 ,if it 
was a serious question1 whether the     
,memorial should be committed or not1 ,i
 would not urge it at this time2  but   
that cannot be a question for a moment1 
if we consider our  relative situation  
with the people4 ,a number of men1--who 
are  certainly very respectable1 and of 
whom1 as a society1 it may be said  with
 truth1 that they conform their moral   
conduct to their religious  tenets1 as  
much as any people in the whole         
community1--come forward  and tell you1 
that you may effect two objects by the  

exercise of a  ,constitutional authority
 which will give great satisfaction2 on 
the  one hand you may acquire revenue1  
and on the other1 restrain a  practice  
productive of great evil4 ,now1 setting 
aside the religious  motives which      
influenced their application1 have they 
not a right1 as  citizens1 to give their
 opinion of public measures8 ,for my    
part ,i do  not apprehend that any      
,state1 or any considerable number of   
individuals in any ,state1 will be      
seriously alarmed at the commitment  of 
the petition1 from a fear that ,congress
 intend to exercise an  unconstitutional
 authority1 in order to violate their   
rights2 ,i  believe there is not a wish 
of the kind entertained by any member of
  this body4 ,how can gentlemen hesitate
 then to pay that respect to a  memorial
 which it is entitled to1 according to  
the ordinary mode of  procedure in      
business8 ,why shall we defer doing that
 till to-morrow1  which we can do       
to-day8 for the result1 ,i apprehend1   

will be the same  in either case4       
,mr4 ,smith1 7of ,s4,c47 ,the question1 
,i apprehend1 is1 whether we will  take 
the petition up for a second reading1   
and not whether it shall be  committed8 
,now1 ,i oppose this1 because it is     
contrary to our usual  practice1 and    
does not allow gentlemen time to        
consider of the merits  of the prayer2  
perhaps some gentlemen may think it     
improper to commit  it to so large a    
committee as has been mentioned2 a      
variety of causes  may be supposed to   
show that such a hasty decision is      
improper2  perhaps the prayer of it is  
improper4 ,if ,i understood it right1 on
 its  first reading1 though1 to be sure1
 ,i did not comprehend perfectly all    
that the petition contained1 it prays   
that we should take measures for  the   
abolition of the slave trade2 this is   
desiring an unconstitutional  act1      
because the constitution secures that   
trade to the ,states1  independent of   
congressional restrictions1 for the term

 of twenty-one  years4 ,if1 therefore1  
it prays for a violation of             
constitutional  rights1 it ought to be  
rejected1 as an attempt upon the virtue 
and  patriotism of the house4    ,mr4   
,,boudinot1 7of ,n4,j47 ,it has been    
said that the ,quakers have no  right to
 interfere in this business2 ,i am      
surprised to hear this  doctrine        
advanced1 after it has been so lately   
contended1 and settled1  that the people
 have a right to assemble and petition  
for redress of  grievances2 it is not   
because the petition comes from the     
society of  ,quakers that ,i am in favor
 of the commitment1 but because it comes
  from citizens of the ,united ,states1 
who are as equally concerned in  the    
welfare and happiness of their country  
as others4 ,there certainly  is no      
foundation for the apprehensions which  
seem to prevail in  gentlemen's minds4  
,if the petitioners were so uninformed3 
as to  suppose that ,congress could be  
guilty of a violation of the            

,constitution1 yet1 ,i trust we know our
 duty better than to be led  astray by  
an application from any man1 or set of  
men whatever4 ,i do  not consider the   
merits of the main question to be before
 us2 it will  be time enough to give our
 opinions upon that1 when the committee 
have  reported4 ,if it is in our power1 
by recommendation1 or any other way1  to
 put a stop to the slave trade in       
,america1 ,i do not doubt of its        
policy2 but how far the ,constitution   
will authorize us to attempt to  depress
 it1 will be a question well worthy of  
our consideration4    ,mr4 ,,sherman 7of
 ,conn47 observed1 that the petitioners 
from ,new ,york1  stated that they had  
applied to the legislature of that      
,state1 to  prohibit certain practices  
which they conceived to be improper1 and
  which tended to injure the well-being 
of the community2 that the  legislature 
had considered the application1 but had 
applied no remedy1  because they        
supposed that power was exclusively     

vested in the general  government1 under
 the ,constitution of the ,united       
,states2 it would1  therefore1 be proper
 to commit that petition1 in order to   
ascertain  what were the powers of the  
general government1 in the case doubted 
by  the legislature of ,new ,york4      
,mr4 ,,gerry 7of ,mass47 thought        
gentlemen were out of order in entering 
upon the merits of the main question at 
this time1 when they were  considering  
the expediency of committing the        
petition2 he should1  therefore1 not    
follow them further in that track than  
barely to  observe1 that it was the     
right of the citizens to apply for      
redress1  in every case they conceived  
themselves aggrieved in2 and it was the 
duty of ,congress to afford redress as  
far as is in their power4 ,that  their  
,southern brethren had been betrayed    
into the slave trade by the  first      
settlers1 was to be lamented2 they were 
not to be reflected on  for not viewing 
this subject in a different light1 the  

prejudice of  education is eradicated   
with difficulty2 but he thought nothing 
would  excuse the general government for
 not exerting itself to prevent1 as  far
 as they constitutionally could1 the    
evils resulting from such  enormities as
 were alluded to by the petitioners2 and
 the same  considerations induced him   
highly to commend the part the society  
of  ,friends had taken2 it was the cause
 of humanity they had interested        
themselves in1 and he wished1 with them1
 to see measures pursued by  every      
nation1 to wipe off the indelible stain 
which the slave trade  had brought upon 
all who were concerned in it4    ,mr4   
,,madison 7of ,va47 thought the question
 before the committee was no  otherwise 
important than as gentlemen made it so  
by their serious  opposition4 ,did they 
permit the commitment of the ,memorial1 
as a  matter of course1 no notice would 
be taken of it out of doors2 it  could  
never be blown up into a decision of the
 question respecting the  discouragement

 of the ,african slave trade1 nor alarm 
the owners with  an apprehension that   
the general government were about to    
abolish  slavery in all the ,states2    
such things are not contemplated by any 
gentleman2 but1 to appearance1 they     
decide the question more against        
themselves than would be the case if it 
was determined on its real  merits1     
because gentlemen may be disposed to    
vote for the commitment  of a petition1 
without any intention of supporting the 
prayer of it4    ,mr4 ,,white 7of ,va47 
would not have seconded the motion1 if  
he had  thought it would have brought on
 a lengthy debate4 ,he conceived that a 
business of this kind ought to be       
decided without much discussion2 it  had
 constantly been the practice of the    
house1 and he did not suppose  there was
 any reason for a deviation4    ,mr4    
,,page 7of ,va47 said1 if the memorial  
had been presented by any  individual1  
instead of the respectable body it was1 
he should have  voted in favor of a     

commitment1 because it was the duty of  
the  legislature to attend to subjects  
brought before them by their            
constituents2 if1 upon inquiry1 it was  
discovered to be improper to  comply    
with the prayer of the petitioners1 he  
would say so1 and they  would be        
satisfied4    ,mr4 ,,stone 7of ,md47    
thought the business ought to be left to
 take its  usual course2 by the rules of
 the house1 it was expressly declared1  
that petitions1 memorials1 and other    
papers1 addressed to the house1  should 
not be debated or decided on the day    
they were first read4    ,mr4 ,,baldwin 
7of ,ga47 felt at a loss to account why 
precipitation was  used on this         
occasion1 contrary to the customary     
usage of the house2  he had not heard a 
single reason advanced in favor of it4  
,to be sure  it was said the petitioners
 are a respectable body of men--he did  
not  deny it--but1 certainly1 gentlemen 
did not suppose they were paying        
respect to them1 or to the house1 when  

they urged such a hasty  procedure2     
anyhow it was contrary to his idea of   
respect1 and the idea  the house had    
always expressed1 when they had         
important subjects under  consideration2
 and1 therefore1 he should be against   
the motion4 ,he was  afraid that there  
was really a little volunteering in this
 business1  as it had been termed by the
 gentleman from ,georgia4    ,mr4       
,,huntington 7of ,conn47 considered the 
petitioners as much  disinterested as   
any person in the ,united ,states2 he   
was persuaded  they had an aversion to  
slavery2 yet they were not singular in  
this1  others had the same2 and he hoped
 when ,congress took up the subject1    
they would go as far as possible to     
prohibit the evil complained of4  ,but  
he thought that would better be done by 
considering it in the  light of revenue4
 ,when the committee of the whole1 on   
the finance  business1 came to the ways 
and means1 it might properly be taken   
into  consideration1 without giving any 

ground for alarm4    ,mr4 ,,tucker1 7of 
,s4,c47 ,i have no doubt on my mind     
respecting what ought  to be done on    
this occasion2 so far from committing   
the memorial1 we  ought to dismiss it   
without further notice4 ,what is the    
purport of the  memorial8 ,it is plainly
 this2 to reprobate a particular kind of
  commerce1 in a moral view1 and to     
request the interposition of  ,congress 
to effect its abrogation4 ,but ,congress
 have no authority1  under the          
constitution1 to do more than lay a duty
 of ten dollars upon  each person       
imported2 and this is a political       
consideration1 not  arising from either 
religion or morality1 and is the only   
principle  upon which we can proceed to 
take it up4 ,but what effect do these   
men  suppose will arise from their      
exertions8 ,will a duty of ten dollars  
diminish the importation8 ,will the     
treatment be better than usual8 ,i      
apprehend it will not1 nay1 it may be   
worse4 ,because an interference  with   

the subject may excite a great degree of
 restlessness in the  minds of those it 
is intended to serve1 and that may be a 
cause for  the masters to use more rigor
 towards them1 than they would otherwise
  exert2 so that these men seem to      
overshoot their object4 ,but if they    
will endeavor to procure the abolition  
of the slave trade1 let them  prefer    
their petitions to the ,state           
legislatures1 who alone have the  power 
of forbidding the importation2 ,i       
believe their applications  there would 
be improper2 but if they are any where  
proper1 it is  there4 ,i look upon the  
address then to be ill-judged1 however  
good the  intention of the framers4     
,mr4 ,,smith 7of ,s4,c47 claimed it as a
 right1 that the petition should  lay   
over till to-morrow4    ,mr4 ,,boudinot 
7of ,n4,j47 said it was not unusual to  
commit petitions on  the day they were  
presented2 and the rules of the house   
admitted the  practice1 by the          
qualification which followed the        

positive order1 that  petitions should  
not be decided on the day they were     
first read1  unless where the house     
shall direct otherwise4    ,mr4 ,,smith 
7of ,s4,c47 declared his intention of   
calling the yeas and  nays1 if gentlemen
 persisted in pressing the question4    
,mr4 ,,clymer 7of ,penn47 hoped the     
motion would be withdrawn for the       
present1 and the business taken up in   
course to-morrow2 because1  though he   
respected the memorialists1 he also     
respected order and the  situation of   
the members4    ,mr4 ,,fitzsimons 7of   
,penn47 did not recollect whether he    
moved or  seconded the motion1 but if he
 had1 he should not withdraw it on      
account of the threat of calling the    
yeas and nays4    ,mr4 ,,baldwin 7of    
,ga47 hoped the business would be       
conducted with temper  and moderation1  
and that gentlemen would concede and    
pass the subject  over for a day at     
least4    ,mr4 ,,smith 7of ,s4,c47 had  
no idea of holding out a threat to any  

gentleman4 ,if the declaration of an    
intention to call the yeas and  nays was
 viewed by gentlemen in that light1 he  
would withdraw that  call4    ,mr4      
,,white 7of ,va47 hereupon withdrew his 
motion4 ,and the address was  ordered to
 lie on the table4    ,,february #abth1 
#agij4    ,the following memorial was   
presented and read3    ,to the ,senate  
and ,house of ,representatives of the   
,united ,states3 ,the  memorial of the  
,pennsylvania ,society for promoting the
 abolition of  slavery1 the relief of   
free negroes unlawfully held in bondage1
 and  the improvement of the condition  
of the ,african race1 respectfully      
showeth3 ,that from a regard for the    
happiness of mankind1 an  association   
was formed several years since in this  
,state1 by a number  of her citizens1 of
 various religious denominations1 for   
promoting the  abolition of slavery1 and
 for the relief of those unlawfully held
 in  bondage4 ,a just and acute         
conception of the true principles of    

liberty1 as it spread through the land1 
produced accessions to their  numbers1  
many friends to their cause1 and a      
legislative cooperation  with their     
views1 which1 by the blessing of ,divine
 ,providence1 have  been successfully   
directed to the relieving from bondage a
 large  number of their fellow creatures
 of the ,african race4 ,they have also  
the satisfaction to observe1 that1 in   
consequence of that spirit of           
philanthropy and genuine liberty which  
is generally diffusing its  beneficial  
influence1 similar institutions are     
forming at home and  abroad4 ,that      
mankind are all formed by the same      
,almighty ,being1 alike  objects of his 
care1 and equally designed for the      
enjoyment of  happiness1 the ,christian 
religion teaches us to believe1 and the 
political creed of ,americans fully     
coincides with the position4 ,your      
memorialists1 particularly engaged in   
attending to the distresses  arising    
from slavery1 believe it their          

indispensable duty to present  this     
subject to your notice4 ,they have      
observed with real  satisfaction1 that  
many important and salutary powers are  
vested in  you for 'promoting the       
welfare and securing the blessings of   
liberty  to the people of the ,united   
,states2' and as they conceive1 that    
these  blessings ought rightfully to be 
administered without distinction of     
color1 to all descriptions of people1 so
 they indulge themselves in  the        
pleasing expectation1 that nothing which
 can be done for the  relief of the     
unhappy objects of their care1 will be  
either omitted or  delayed4 ,from a     
persuasion that equal liberty was       
originally the  portion1 and is still   
the birth-right of all men1 and         
influenced by  the strong ties of       
humanity and the principles of their    
institution1  your memorialists         
conceived themselves bound to use all   
justifiable  endeavors to loosen the    
bands of slavery1 and promote a general 

enjoyment of the blessings of freedom4  
,under these impressions1 they          
earnestly entreat your serious attention
 to the subject of slavery2  that you   
will be pleased to countenance the      
restoration of liberty to  those unhappy
 men1 who alone1 in this land of        
freedom1 are degraded  into perpetual   
bondage1 and who1 amidst the general joy
 of surrounding  freemen1 are groaning  
in servile subjection2 that you will    
devise  means for removing this         
inconsistency from the character of the 
,american people2 that you will promote 
mercy and justice towards this          
distressed race1 and that you will step 
to the very verge of the power  vested  
in you1 for discouraging every species  
of traffic in the  persons of our       
fellow-men4    ,,benjamin ,,franklin1   
,president4    ,,philadelphia1 ,february
 #c1 #agij4    ,mr4 ,,hartley 7of       
,penn47 then called up the memorial     
presented  yesterday1 from the annual   
meeting of ,friends at ,philadelphia1   

for a  second reading2 whereupon the    
same was read a second time1 and moved  
to be committed4    ,mr4 ,,tucker 7of   
,s4,c47 was sorry the petition had a    
second reading1 as  he conceived it     
contained an unconstitutional request1  
and from that  consideration he wished  
it thrown aside4 ,he feared the         
commitment of  it would be a very       
alarming circumstance to the ,southern  
,states2 for  if the object was to      
engage ,congress in an unconstitutional 
measure1  it would be considered as an  
interference with their rights1 the     
people would become very uneasy under   
the government1 and lament that  they   
ever put additional powers into their   
hands4 ,he was surprised to  see another
 memorial on the same subject1 and that 
signed by a man who  ought to have known
 the constitution better4 ,he thought it
 a  mischievous attempt1 as it respected
 the persons in whose favor it was      
intended4 ,it would buoy them up with   
hopes1 without a foundation1 and  as    

they could not reason on the subject1 as
 more enlightened men  would1 they might
 be led to do what they would be        
punished for1 and  the owners of them1  
in their own defence1 would be compelled
 to  exercise over them a severity they 
were not accustomed to4 ,do these  men  
expect a general emancipation of slaves 
by law8 ,this would never  be submitted 
to by the ,southern ,states without a   
civil war4 ,do they  mean to purchase   
their freedom8 ,he believed their money 
would fall  short of the price4 ,but how
 is it they are more concerned in this  
business than others8 ,are they the only
 persons who possess religion  and      
morality8 ,if the people are not so     
exemplary1 certainly they will  admit   
the clergy are2 why then do we not find 
them uniting in a body1  praying us to  
adopt measures for the promotion of     
religion and piety1  or any moral       
object8 ,they know it would be an       
improper interference2  and to say the  
best of this memorial1 it is an act of  

imprudence1  which he hoped would       
receive no countenance from the house4  
,mr4 ,,seney 7of ,md47 denied that there
 was anything unconstitutional in  the  
memorial1 at least1 if there was1 it had
 escaped his attention1  and he should  
be obliged to the gentleman to point it 
out4 ,its only  object was1 that        
congress should exercise their          
constitutional  authority1 to abate the 
horrors of slavery1 as far as they      
could3  ,indeed1 he considered that all 
altercation on the subject of           
commitment was at an end1 as the house  
had impliedly determined  yesterday that
 it should be committed4    ,mr4 ,,burke
 7of ,s4,c47 saw the disposition of the 
house1 and he feared  it would be       
referred to a committee1 maugre all     
their opposition2 but  he must insist   
that it prayed for an unconstitutional  
measure4 ,did it  not desire congress to
 interfere and abolish the slave trade1 
while  the constitution expressly       
stipulated that congress should exercise

 no  such power8 ,he was certain the    
commitment would sound an alarm1 and    
blow the trumpet of sedition in the     
,southern ,states4 ,he was sorry to  see
 the petitioners paid more attention to 
than the constitution2  however1 he     
would do his duty1 and oppose the       
business totally2 and if  it was        
referred to a committee1 as mentioned   
yesterday1 consisting of  a member from 
each ,state1 and he was appointed1 he   
would decline  serving4    ,mr4 ,,scott1
 7of ,penn47 ,i can't entertain a doubt 
but the memorial is  strictly agreeable 
to the constitution3 it respects a part 
of the duty  particularly assigned to us
 by that instrument1 and ,i hope we may1
 be  inclined to take it into           
consideration4 ,we can1 at present1 lay 
our  hands upon a small duty of ten     
dollars4 ,i would take this1 and if it  
is all we can do1 we must be content4   
,but ,i am sorry that the framers  of   
the constitution did not go farther and 
enable us to interdict it  for good and 

all2 for ,i look upon the slave-trade to
 be one of the  most abominable things  
on earth2 and if there was neither ,god 
nor  devil1 ,i should oppose it upon the
 principles of humanity and the law  of 
nature4 ,i cannot1 for my part1 conceive
 how any person can be said  to acquire 
a property in another2 is it by virtue  
of conquest8 ,what  are the rights of   
conquest8 ,some have dared to advance   
this monstrous  principle1 that the     
conqueror is absolute master of his     
conquest2 that  he may dispose of it as 
his property1 and treat it as he        
pleases2 but  enough of those who reduce
 men to the state of transferable goods1
 or  use them like beasts of burden2 who
 deliver them up as the property or     
patrimony of another man4 ,let us argue 
on principles countenanced by  reason   
and becoming humanity2 the petitioners  
view the subject in a  religious light1 
but ,i do not stand in need of religious
 motives to  induce me to reprobate the 
traffic in human flesh2 other           

considerations weigh with me to support 
the commitment of the  memorial1 and to 
support every constitutional measure    
likely to bring  about its total        
abolition4 ,perhaps1 in our legislative 
capacity1 we  can go no further than to 
impose a duty of ten dollars1 but ,i do 
not  know how far ,i might go1 if ,i was
 one of the judges of the ,united       
,states1 and those people were to come  
before me and claim their  emancipation2
 but ,i am sure ,i would go as far as ,i
 could4    ,mr4 ,,jackson 7of ,ga47     
differed with the gentleman last up1 and
 supposed  the master had a qualified   
property in his slave2 he said the      
contrary  doctrine would go to the      
destruction of every species of personal
  service4 ,the gentleman said he did   
not stand in need of religion to  induce
 him to reprobate slavery1 but if he is 
guided by that evidence1  which the     
,christian system is founded upon1 he   
will find that religion  is not against 
it2 he will see1 from ,genesis to       

,revelation1 the  current setting strong
 that way4 ,there never was a government
 on the  face of the earth1 but what    
permitted slavery4 ,the purest sons of  
freedom in the ,grecian republics1 the  
citizens of ,athens and  ,lacedaemon all
 held slaves4 ,on this principle the    
nations of ,europe  are associated2 it  
is the basis of the feudal system4 ,but 
suppose all  this to have been wrong1   
let me ask the gentleman1 if it is      
policy to  bring forward a business at  
this moment1 likely to light up a flame 
of  civil discord1 for the people of the
 ,southern ,states will resist one      
tyranny as soon as another2 the other   
parts of the continent may bear  them   
down by force of arms1 but they will    
never suffer themselves to  be divested 
of their property without a struggle4   
,the gentleman says1  if he was a       
federal judge1 he does not know to what 
length he would go  in emancipating     
these people2 but1 ,i believe his       
judgment would be of  short duration in 

,georgia2 perhaps even the existence of 
such a judge  might be in danger4       
,mr4 ,,sherman 7of ,conn47 could see no 
difficulty in committing the  memorial2 
because it was probable the committee   
would understand their  business1 and   
perhaps they might bring in such a      
report as would be  satisfactory to     
gentlemen on both sides of the ,house4  
,mr4 ,,baldwin 7of ,ga47 was sorry the  
subject had ever been brought  before   
,congress1 because it was of a delicate 
nature1 as it respected  some of the    
,states4 ,gentlemen who had been present
 at the formation of  this              
,constitution1 could not avoid the      
recollection of the pain and  difficulty
 which the subject caused in that body2 
the members from the  ,southern ,states 
were so tender upon this point1 that    
they had well  nigh broken up without   
coming to any determination2 however1   
from the  extreme desire of preserving  
the ,union1 and obtaining an efficient  
government1 they were induced mutually1 

to concede1 and the  ,constitution      
jealously guarded what they agreed to4  
,if gentlemen look  over the footsteps  
of that body1 they will find the        
greatest degree  of caution used to     
imprint them1 so as not to be easily    
eradicated2  but the moment we go to    
jostle on that ground1 said he1 ,i fear 
we  shall feel it tremble under our     
feet4 ,congress have no power to        
interfere with the importation of       
slaves1 beyond what is given in the     
#ith section of the first article of the
 ,constitution2 every thing else  is    
interdicted to them in the strongest    
terms4 ,if we examine the               
,constitution1 we shall find the        
expressions1 relative to this subject1  
cautiously expressed1 and more          
punctiliously guarded than any other    
part4 ,the migration or importation of  
such persons1 shall not be  prohibited  
by ,congress4 ,but lest this should not 
have secured the  object sufficiently1  
it is declared in the same section1     

,that no  capitation or direct tax shall
 be laid1 unless in proportion to the   
census2 this was intended to prevent    
,congress from laying any special  tax  
upon negro slaves1 as they might1 in    
this way1 so burthen the  possessors of 
them1 as to induce a general            
emancipation4 ,if we go on  to the #eth 
article1 we shall find the #ast and #eth
 clauses of the #ith  section of the    
#ast article restrained from being      
altered before the  year #ahjh4         
,gentlemen have said1 that this petition
 does not pray for an abolition  of the 
slave-trade2 ,i think1 sir1 it prays for
 nothing else1 and  therefore we have no
 more to do with it1 than if it prayed  
us to  establish an order of nobility1  
or a national religion4    ,mr4         
,,sylvester 7of ,n4,y47 said that he had
 always been in the habit of  respecting
 the society called ,quakers2 he        
respected them for their  exertions in  
the cause of humanity1 but he thought   
the present was not  a time to enter    

into a consideration of the subject1    
especially as he  conceived it to be a  
business in the province of the ,state  
legislatures4    ,mr4 ,,lawrance 7of    
,n4,y47 observed that the subject would 
undoubtedly  come under the             
consideration of the house2 and he      
thought1 that as it  was now before     
them1 that the present time was as      
proper as any2 he  was therefore for    
committing the memorial2 and when the   
prayer of it  had been properly         
examined1 they could see how far        
,congress may  constitutionally         
interfere2 as they knew the limits of   
their power on  this1 as well as on     
every other occasion1 there was no just 
apprehension to be entertained that they
 would go beyond them4 ,mr4  ,smith 7of 
,s4,c47 insisted that it was not in the 
power of the ,house to  brunt the prayer
 of the petition1 which event to the    
total abolishment  of the slave-trade1  
and it was therefore unnecessary to     
commit it4 ,he  observed1 that in the   

,southern ,states1 difficulties had     
arisen on  adopting the ,constitution1  
inasmuch as it was apprehended1 that    
,congress might take measures under it  
for abolishing the slave-trade4         
,perhaps the petitioners1 when they     
applied to this ,house1 did not  think  
their object unconstitutional1 but now  
they are told that if is1  they will be 
satisfied with the answer1 and press it 
no further4 ,if  their object had been  
for ,congress to lay a duty of ten      
dollars per  head on the importation of 
slaves1 they would have said so1 but    
that  does not appear to have been the  
case2 the commitment of the petition1   
on that ground1 cannot be contended2 if 
they will not be content with  that1    
shall it be committed to investigate    
facts8 ,the petition speaks  of none2   
for what purpose then shall it be       
committed8 ,if gentlemen can  assign no 
good reason for the measure1 they will  
not support it1 when  they are told that
 it will create great jealousies and    

alarm in the  ,southern ,states2 for ,i 
can assure them1 that there is no point 
on  which they are more jealous and     
suspicious1 than on a business with     
which they think the government has     
nothing to do4    ,when we entered into 
this ,confederacy1 we did it from       
political1 not  from moral motives1 and 
,i do not think my constituents want to 
learn  morals from the petitioners2 ,i  
do not believe they want improvement in 
their moral system2 if they do1 they can
 get it at home4    ,the gentleman from 
,georgia1 has justly stated the jealousy
 of the  ,southern ,states4 ,on entering
 into this government1 they apprehended 
that the other ,states1 not knowing the 
necessity the citizens of the  ,southern
 ,states were under to hold this species
 of property1 would1  from motives of   
humanity and benevolence1 be led to vote
 for a general  emancipation2 and had   
they not seen that the ,constitution    
provided  against the effect of such a  
disposition1 ,i may be bold to say1 they

  never would have adopted it4 ,and     
notwithstanding all the calumny's  with 
which some gentlemen have viewed the    
subject1 they will find1  that the      
discussion alone will create great      
alarm4 ,we have been told1  that if the 
discussion will create alarm1 we ought  
to have avoided it1  by saying nothing2 
but it was not for that purpose that we 
were sent  here2 we look upon this      
measure as an attack upon the palladium 
of the  property of our country2 it is  
therefore our duty to oppose it by      
every means in our power4 ,gentlemen    
should consider that when we  entered   
into a political connexion with the     
other ,states1 that this  property was  
there2 it was acquired under a former   
government1  conformably to the laws and
 ,constitution2 therefore anything that 
will  tend to deprive them of that      
property1 must be an ex post facto law1 
and as such is forbid by our political  
compact4    ,i said the ,states would   
never have entered into the             

confederation1  unless their property   
had been guaranteed to them1 for such is
 the  state of agriculture in that      
county1 that without slaves it must be  
depopulated4 ,why will these people then
 make use of arguments to  induce the   
slave to turn his hand against his      
master8 ,we labor under  difficulties   
enough from the ravages of the late war4
 ,a gentleman can  hardly come from that
 country1 with a servant or two1 either 
to this  place or ,philadelphia1 but    
what there are persons trying to seduce 
his  servants to leave him2 and1 when   
they have done this1 the poor  wretches 
are obliged to rob their master in order
 to obtain a  subsistence2 all those1   
therefore1 who are concerned in this    
seduction1 are accessaries to the       
robbery4    ,the reproaches which they  
cast upon the owners of negro property1 
is  charging them with the want of      
humanity2 ,i believe the proprietors are
  persons of as much humanity as any    
part of the continent and are as        

conspicuous for their good morals as    
their neighbors4 ,it was said           
yesterday1 that the ,quakers were a     
society known to the laws1 and the      
,constitution1 but they are no more so  
than other religious societies2  they   
stood exactly in the same situation2    
their memorial1 therefore1  relates to a
 matter in which they are no more       
interested than any  other sect1 and can
 only be considered as a piece of       
advice2 it is  customary to refer a     
piece of advice to a committee1 but if  
it is  supposed to pray for what they   
think a moral purpose1 is that          
sufficient to induce us to commit it8   
,what may appear a moral virtue  in     
their eyes1 may not be so in reality4 ,i
 have heard of a sect of  ,shaking      
,quakers1 who1 ,i presume1 suppose their
 tenets of a moral  tendency2 ,i am     
informed one of them forbids to         
intermarry1 yet in  consequence of their
 shakings and concussions1 you may see  
them with a  numerous offspring about   

them4 ,now1 if these people were to     
petition  ,congress to pass a law       
prohibiting matrimony1 ,i ask1 would    
gentlemen  agree to refer such a        
petition8 ,i think if they would reject 
one of  that nature1 as improper1 they  
ought also to reject this4    ,mr4      
,,page 7of ,va47 was in favor of the    
commitment2 he hoped that the  designs  
of the respectable memorialists would   
not be stopped at the  threshold1 in    
order to preclude a fair discussion of  
the prayer of the  memorial4 ,he        
observed that gentlemen had founded     
their arguments upon  a                 
misrepresentation2 for the object of the
 memorial was not declared  to be the   
total abolition1 of the slave trade2 but
 that ,congress would  consider1 whether
 it be not in reality within their power
 to exercise  justice and mercy1 which1 
if adhered to1 they cannot doubt must   
produce the abolition of the slave      
trade4 ,if then the prayer contained    
nothing unconstitutional1 he trusted the

 meritorious effort would not  be       
frustrated4 ,with respect to the alarm  
that was apprehended1 he  conjectured   
there was none2 but there might be just 
cause1 if the  memorial was not taken   
into consideration4 ,he placed himself  
in the  case of a slave1 and said1 that 
on hearing that ,congress had refused   
to listen to the decent suggestions of a
 respectable part of the  community1 he 
should infer1 that the general          
government 7from which  was expected    
great good would result to every class  
of citizens7 had  shut their ears       
against the voice of humanity1 and he   
should despair  of any alleviation of   
the miseries he and his posterity had in
  prospect2 if anything could induce him
 to rebel1 it must be a stroke  like    
this1 impressing on his mind all the    
horrors of despair4 ,but if  he was     
told1 that application was made in his  
behalf and that ,congress  were willing 
to hear what could be urged in favor of 
discouraging the  practice of importing 

his fellow-wretches1 he would trust in  
their  justice and humanity1 and wait   
the decision patiently4 ,he presumed    
that these unfortunate people would     
reason in the same way2 and he1         
therefore1 conceived the most likely way
 to prevent danger1 was to  commit the  
petition4 ,he lived in a ,state which   
had the misfortune of  having in her    
bosom a great number of slaves1 he held 
many of them  himself1 and was as much  
interested in the business1 he believed1
 as  any gentleman in ,south ,carolina  
or ,georgia1 yet1 if he was determined  
to hold them in eternal bondage1 he     
should feel no uneasiness or alarm  on  
account of the present measure1 because 
he should rely upon the  virtue of      
,congress1 that they would not exercise 
any unconstitutional  authority4    ,mr4
 ,,madison 7of ,va47 ,the debate has    
taken a serious turn1 and it will  be   
owing to this alone if an alarm is      
created2 for had the memorial  been     
treated in the usual way1 it would have 

been considered as a  matter of course1 
and a report might have been made1 so as
 to have  given general satisfaction4   
,if there was the slightest tendency by 
the commitment to break in upon  the    
,constitution1 he would object to it2   
but he did not see upon what  ground    
such an event was to be apprehended4    
,the petition prayed1 in  general terms1
 for the interference of ,congress1 so  
far as they were  constitutionally      
authorized2 but even if its prayer was1 
in some  degree1 unconstitutional1 it   
might be committed1 as was the case on  
,mr4 ,churchman's petition1 one part of 
which was supposed to apply for  an     
unconstitutional interference by the    
general government4    ,he admitted that
 ,congress was restricted by the        
,constitution from  taking measures to  
abolish the slave trade2 yet there were 
a variety  of ways by which they could  
countenance the abolition1 and they     
might  make some regulations respecting 
the introduction of them into the new   

,states1 to be formed out of the        
,western ,territory1 different from what
  they could in the old settled ,states4
 ,he thought the object well  worthy of 
consideration4    ,mr4 ,,gerry 7of      
,mass47 thought the interference of     
,congress fully  compatible with the    
,constitution1 and could not help       
lamenting the  miseries to which the    
natives of ,africa were exposed by this 
inhuman  commerce2 and said that he     
never contemplated the subject1 without 
reflecting what his own feelings would  
be1 in case himself1 his  children1 or  
friends1 were placed in the same        
deplorable  circumstances4 ,he then     
adverted to the flagrant acts of cruelty
 which  are committed in carrying on    
that traffic2 and asked whether it can  
be  supposed1 that ,congress has no     
power to prevent such transactions8 ,he 
then referred to the ,constitution1 and 
pointed out the restrictions  laid on   
the general government respecting the   
importation of slaves4  ,it was not1 he 

presumed1 in the contemplation of any   
gentleman in this  house to violate that
 part of the ,constitution2 but that we 
have a  right to regulate this business1
 is as clear as that we have any  rights
 whatever2 nor has the contrary been    
shown by any person who has  spoken on  
the occasion4 ,congress can1 agreeable  
to the ,constitution1  lay a duty of ten
 dollars on imported slaves2 they may do
 this  immediately4 ,he made a          
calculation of the value of the slaves  
in the  ,southern ,states1 and supposed 
they might be worth ten millions of     
dollars2 ,congress have a right1 if they
 see proper1 to make a proposal  to the 
,southern ,states to purchase the whole 
of them1 and their  resources in the    
,western ,territory may furnish them    
with means4 ,he did  not intend to      
suggest a measure of this kind1 he only 
instanced these  particulars1 to show   
that ,congress certainly have a right to
  intermeddle in the business4 ,he      
thought that no objection had been      

offered1 of any force1 to prevent the   
commitment of the memorial4    ,mr4     
,,boudinot 7of ,n4,j47 had carefully    
examined the petition1 and found        
nothing like what was complained of by  
gentlemen1 contained in it2 he1         
therefore1 hoped they would withdraw    
their opposition1 and suffer it  to be  
committed4    ,mr4 ,,smith 7of ,s4,c47  
said1 that as the petitioners had       
particularly  prayed ,congress to take  
measures for the annihilation of the    
slave  trade1 and that was admitted on  
all hands to be beyond their power1  and
 as the petitioners would not be        
gratified by a tax of ten dollars  per  
head1 which was all that was within     
their power1 there was1 of  consequence1
 no occasion for committing it4    ,mr4 
,,stone 7of ,md47 thought this memorial 
a thing of course2 for there  never was 
a society1 of any considerable extent1  
which did not  interfere with the       
concerns of other people1 and this kind 
of  interference1 whenever it has       

happened1 has never failed to deluge the
  country in blood3 on this principle he
 was opposed to the commitment4    ,the 
question on the commitment being about  
to be put1 the yeas and  nays were      
called for1 and are as follows3--       
,yeas4--,messrs4 ,ames1 ,benson1        
,boudinot1 ,brown1 ,cadwallader1        
,clymer1  ,fitzsimons1 ,floyd1 ,foster1 
,gale1 ,gerry1 ,gilman1 ,goodhue1       
,griffin1  ,grout1 ,hartley1 ,hathorne1 
,heister1 ,huntington1 ,lawrance1 ,lee1 
,leonard1  ,livermore1 ,madison1 ,moore1
 ,muhlenberg1 ,page1 ,parker1           
,partridge1  ,renssellaer1 ,schureman1  
,scott1 ,sedgwick1 ,seney1 ,sherman1    
,sinnickson1  ,smith of ,maryland1      
,sturges1 ,thatcher1 ,trumbull1         
,wadsworth1 ,white1 and  ,wynkoop--#ic4 
,noes4--,messrs4 ,baldwin1 ,bland1      
,bourke1 ,coles1 ,huger1 ,jackson1      
,mathews1  ,sylvester1 ,smith of ,s4,c41
 ,stone1 and ,tucker--#aa4    ,whereupon
 it was determined in the affirmative2  
and on motion1 the  petition of the     

,society of ,friends1 at ,new ,york1 and
 the memorial from  the ,pennsylvania   
,society1 for the abolition of slavery1 
were also  referred to a committee4     
,debate on ,committee's ,report1 ,march 
#agij4    ,,eliot',s ,,debates4    ,mr4 
,,tucker moved to modify the first      
paragraph by striking out all the  words
 after the word opinion1 and to insert  
the following3 that the  several        
memorials proposed to the consideration 
of this house1 a  subject on which its  
interference would be unconstitutional1 
and even  its deliberations highly      
injurious to some of the ,states in the 
,union4    ,mr4 ,,jackson rose and      
observed1 that he had been silent on the
 subject  of the reports coming before  
the committee1 because he wished the    
principles of the resolutions to be     
examined fairly1 and to be decided  on  
their true grounds4 ,he was against the 
propositions generally1 and  would      
examine the policy1 the justice and the 
use of them1 and he  hoped1 if he could 

make them appear in the same light to   
others as  they did to him by fair      
argument1 that the gentlemen in         
opposition  were not so determined in   
their opinions as not to give up their  
present sentiments4    ,with respect to 
the policy of the measure1 the situation
 of the slaves  here1 their situation in
 their native ,states1 and the disposal 
of them  in case of emancipation1 should
 be considered4 ,that slavery was an    
evil habit1 he did not mean to          
controvert2 but that habit was already  
established1 and there were peculiar    
situations in countries which  rendered 
that habit necessary4 ,such situations  
the ,states of ,south  ,carolina and    
,georgia were in--large tracts of the   
most fertile lands  on the continent    
remained uncultivated for the want of   
population4 ,it  was frequently advanced
 on the floor of ,congress1 how         
unhealthy those  climates were1 and how 
impossible it was for northern          
constitutions to  exist there4 ,what1 he

 asked1 is to be done with this         
uncultivated  territory8 ,is it to      
remain a waste8 ,is the rice trade to be
 banished  from our coasts8 ,are        
,congress willing to deprive themselves 
of the  revenue arising from that trade1
 and which is daily increasing1 and to  
throw this great advantage into the     
hands of other countries8    ,let us    
examine the use or the benefit of the   
resolutions contained in  the report4 ,i
 call upon gentlemen to give me one     
single instance in  which they can be of
 service4 ,they are of no use to        
,congress4 ,the  powers of that body are
 already defined1 and those powers      
cannot be  amended1 confirmed or        
diminished by ten thousand resolutions4 
,is not  the first proposition of the   
report fully contained in the           
,constitution8 ,is not that the guide   
and rule of this legislature4 ,a        
multiplicity of laws is reprobated in   
any society1 and tend but to  confound  
and perplex4 ,how strange would a law   

appear which was to  confirm a law2 and 
how much more strange must it appear for
 this body  to pass resolutions to      
confirm the ,constitution under which   
they sit6  ,this is the case with others
 of the resolutions4    ,a gentleman    
from ,maryland 7,mr4 ,,stone17 very     
properly observed1 that  the ,union had 
received the different ,states with all 
their ill habits  about them4 ,this was 
one of these habits established long    
before the  ,constitution1 and could not
 now be remedied4 ,he begged ,congress  
to  reflect on the number on the        
continent who were opposed to this      
,constitution1 and on the number which  
yet remained in the ,southern  ,states4 
,the violation of this compact they     
would seize on with  avidity2 they would
 make a handle of it to cover their     
designs against  the government1 and    
many good federalists1 who would be     
injured by the  measure1 would be       
induced to join them3 his heart was     
truly federal1  and it always had been  

so1 and he wished those designs         
frustrated4 ,he  begged ,congress to    
beware before they went too far3 he     
called on them  to attend to the        
interests of two whole ,states1 as well 
as to the  memorials of a society of    
,quakers1 who came forward to blow the  
trumpet of sedition1 and to destroy that
 ,constitution which they had  not in   
the least contributed by personal       
service or supply to  establish4    ,he 
seconded ,mr4 ,,tucker',s motion4       
,mr4 ,,smith 7of ,s4,c47 said1 the      
gentlemen from ,massachusetts1 7,mr4    
,,gerry17 had declared that it was the  
opinion of the select committee1  of    
which he was a member1 that the memorial
 of the ,pennsylvania  society1 required
 ,congress to violate the ,constitution4
 ,it was not  less astonishing to see   
,dr4 ,,franklin taking the lead in a    
business  which looks so much like a    
persecution of the ,southern            
inhabitants1  when he recollected the   
parable he had written some time ago1   

with a  view of showing the impropriety 
of one set of men persecuting others    
for a difference of opinion4 ,the       
parable was to this effect3 an old      
traveller1 hungry and weary1 applied to 
the patriarch ,abraham for a  night's   
lodging4 ,in conversation1 ,abraham     
discovered that the stranger  differed  
with him on religious points1 and turned
 him out of doors4 ,in  the night ,god  
appeared unto ,abraham1 and said1 where 
is the stranger8  ,abraham answered1 ,i 
found that he did not worship the true  
,god1 and so  ,i turned him out of      
doors4 ,the ,almighty thus rebuked the  
patriarch3  ,have ,i borne with him     
three-score and ten years1 and couldst  
thou not  bear with him one night8 ,has 
the ,almighty1 said ,mr4 ,,smith1 borne 
with  us for more than three-score years
 and ten3 he has even made our  country 
opulent1 and shed the blessings of      
affluence and prosperity on  our land1  
notwithstanding all its slaves1 and must
 we now be ruined on  account of the    

tender consciences of a few scrupulous  
individuals who  differ from us on this 
point8    ,mr4 ,,boudinot agreed with   
the general doctrines of ,mr4 ,s41 but  
could  not agree that the clause in the 
,constitution relating to the want of   
power in ,congress to prohibit the      
importation of such persons as any  of  
the ,states1 now existing1 shall think  
proper to admit1 prior to  the year     
#ahjh1 and authorizing a tax or duty on 
such importation not  exceeding ten     
dollars for each person1 did not extend 
to negro slaves4  ,candor required that 
he should acknowledge that this was the 
express  design of the ,constitution1   
and therefore ,congress could not       
interfere  in prohibiting the           
importation or promoting the            
emancipation of them1  prior to that    
period4 ,mr4 ,,boudinot observed1 that  
he was well informed  that the tax or   
duty of ten dollars was provided1       
instead of the five  per cent ad        
valorem1 and was so expressly understood

 by all parties in  the ,convention2    
that therefore it was the interest and  
duty of  ,congress to impose this tax1  
or it would not be doing justice to the 
,states1 or equalizing the duties       
throughout the ,union4 ,if this was not 
done1 merchants might bring their whole 
capitals into this branch of  trade1 and
 save paying any duties whatever4 ,mr4  
,,boudinot observed1  that the gentleman
 had overlooked the prophecy of ,st4    
,peter1 where he  foretells that among  
other damnable heresies1 ,through       
covetousness  shall they with feigned   
words make merchandize of you4          
,,note4--,this petition1 with others of 
a similar object1 was committed  to a   
select committee2 that committee made a 
report2 the report was  referred to a   
committee of the whole ,house1 and      
discussed on four  successive days2 it  
was then reported to the ,house with    
amendments1  and by the ,house ordered  
to be inscribed in its ,journals1 and   
then  laid on the table4    ,that       

report1 as amended in committee1 is in  
the following words3    ,the committee  
to whom were referred sundry memorials  
from the people  called ,quakers1 and   
also a memorial from the ,pennsylvania  
,society for  promoting the abolition of
 slavery1 submit the following report1  
7as  amended in committee of the whole47
    ,first3 ,that the migration or      
importation of such persons as any of   
the ,states now existing shall think    
proper to admit1 cannot be  prohibited  
by ,congress prior to the year #ahjh4   
,secondly3 ,that ,congress have no power
 to interfere in the  emancipation of   
slaves1 or in the treatment of them1    
within any of the  ,states2 it remaining
 with the several ,states alone to      
provide any  regulations therein which  
humanity and true policy may require4   
,thirdly3 ,that ,congress have authority
 to restrain the citizens of the        
,united ,states from carrying on the    
,african ,slave trade1 for the  purpose 
of supplying foreigners with slaves1 and

 of providing by  proper regulations for
 the humane treatment1 during their     
passage1 of  slaves imported by the said
 citizens into the ,states admitting    
such  importations4    ,fourthly3 ,that 
,congress have also authority to        
prohibit foreigners  from fitting out   
vessels in any part of the ,united      
,states for  transporting persons from  
,africa to any foreign port4            
,,address    ,,of ,,the    ,,executive  
,,committee    ,,of    ,,the ,,american 
,,anti-,,slavery ,,society    ,,to ,,the
    ,friends of ,freedom and            
,emancipation in the ,u4 ,states4       
,at the ,tenth ,anniversary of the      
,american ,anti-,slavery ,society1 held 
in  the city of ,new-,york1 ,may #gth1  
#ahdd1--;after grave deliberation1 and a
  long and earnest discussion1--it was  
decided1 by a vote of nearly  three to  
one of the members present1 that        
fidelity to the cause of  human freedom1
 hatred of oppression1 sympathy for     
those who are held  in chains and       

slavery in this republic1 and allegiance
 to ,god1 require  that the existing    
national compact should be instantly    
dissolved2 that  secession from the     
government is a religious and political 
duty2 that  the motto inscribed on the  
banner of ,freedom should be1 ,,no      
,,union ,,with  ,,slaveholders2 that it 
is impracticable for tyrants and the    
enemies of  tyranny to coalesce and     
legislate together for the preservation 
of  human rights1 or the promotion of   
the interests of ,liberty2 and that     
revolutionary ground should be occupied 
by all those who abhor the  thought of  
doing evil that good may come1 and who  
do not mean to  compromise the          
principles of ,justice and ,humanity4   
,a decision involving such momentous    
consequences1 so well calculated  to    
startle the public mind1 so hostile to  
the established order of  things1       
demands of us1 as the official          
representatives of the ,american        
,society1 a statement of the reasons    

which led to it4 ,this is due not  only 
to the ,society1 but also to the country
 and the world4    ,it is declared by   
the ,american people to be a            
self-evident truth1  that all men are   
created equal2 that they are endowed    
,,by ,,their  ,,creator with certain    
inalienable rights2 that among these are
 life1  ,,liberty1 and the pursuit of   
happiness4 ,it is further maintained by 
them1 that all governments derive their 
just powers from the consent  of the    
governed2 that whenever any form of     
government becomes  destructive of human
 rights1 it is the right of the people  
to alter or  to abolish it1 and         
institute a new government1 laying its  
foundation  on such principles1 and     
organizing its powers in such form1 as  
to them  shall seem most likely to      
effect their safety and happiness4      
,these  doctrines the patriots of #aggf 
sealed with their blood4 ,they would not
  brook even the menace of oppression4  
,they held that there should be no      

delay in resisting1 at whatever cost or 
peril1 the first encroachments  of power
 on their liberties4 ,appealing to the  
great ,ruler of the  universe for the   
rectitude of their course1 they pledged 
to each other  their lives1 their       
fortunes and their sacred honor1 to     
conquer or  perish in their struggle to 
be free4    ,for the example which they 
set to all people subjected to a        
despotic  sway1 and the sacrifices which
 they made1 their descendants cherish   
their memories with gratitude1 reverence
 their virtues1 honor their  deeds1 and 
glory in their triumphs4    ,it is not  
necessary1 therefore1 for us to prove   
that a state of  slavery is incompatible
 with the dictates of reason and        
humanity2 or  that it is lawful to throw
 off a government which is at war with  
the  sacred rights of mankind4    ,we   
regard this as indeed a solemn crisis1  
which requires of every man  sobriety of
 thought1 prophetic forecast1           
independent judgment1  invincible       

determination1 and a sound heart4 ,a    
revolutionary step is  one that should  
not be taken hastily1 nor followed under
 the influence  of impulsive imitation4 
,to know what spirit they are           
of--whether they  have counted the cost 
of the warfare--what are the principles 
they  advocate--and how they are to     
achieve their object--is the first duty 
of revolutionists4    ,but1 while       
circumspection and prudence are         
excellent qualities in  every great     
emergency1 they become the allies of    
tyranny whenever they  restrain prompt1 
bold and decisive action against it4    
,we charge upon the present national    
compact1 that it was formed at the      
expense of human liberty1 by a          
profligate surrender of principle1 and  
to this hour is cemented with human     
blood4    ,we charge upon the ,american 
,constitution1 that it contains         
provisions1  and enjoins duties1 which  
make it unlawful for freemen to take the
  oath of allegiance to it1 because they

 are expressly designed to favor  a     
slaveholding oligarchy1 and1            
consequently1 to make one portion of    
the people a prey to another4    ,we    
charge upon the existing national       
government1 that it is an  insupportable
 despotism1 wielded by a power which is 
superior to all  legal and              
constitutional restraints--equally      
indisposed and unable to  protect the   
lives or liberties of the people--the   
prop and safeguard  of ,american        
slavery4    ,these charges we proceed   
briefly to establish3    #a4 ,it is     
admitted by all men of intelligence1--or
 if it be denied in  any quarter1 the   
records of our national history settle  
the question  beyond doubt1--that the   
,american ,union was effected by a      
guilty  compromise between the free and 
slaveholding ,states2 in other words1   
by immolating the colored population on 
the altar of slavery1 by  depriving the 
,north of equal rights and privileges1  
and by  incorporating the slave system  

into the government4 ,in the expressive 
and pertinent language of scripture1 it 
was a covenant with death1  and an      
agreement with hell--null and void      
before ,god1 from the first  hour of its
 inception--the framers of which were   
recreant to duty1 and  the supporters of
 which are equally guilty4    ,it was   
pleaded at the time of the adoption1 it 
is pleaded now1 that1  without such a   
compromise there could have been no     
union2 that1  without union1 the        
colonies would have become an easy prey 
to the  mother country2 and1 hence1 that
 it was an act of necessity1  deplorable
 indeed when viewed alone1 but          
absolutely indispensable to  the safety 
of the republic4    ,to this we reply3  
,the plea is as profligate as the act   
was tyrannical4  ,it is the jesuitical  
doctrine1 that the end sanctifies the   
means4 ,it  is a confession of sin1 but 
the denial of any guilt in its          
perpetration4 ,it is at war with the    
government of ,god1 and subversive  of  

the foundations of morality4 ,it is to  
make lies our refuge1 and  under        
falsehood to hide ourselves1 so that we 
may escape the  overflowing scourge4    
,therefore1 thus saith the ,lord ,god1  
,judgment  will ,i lay to the line1 and 
righteousness to the plummet2 and the   
hail  shall sweep away the refuge of    
lies1 and the waters shall overflow the 
hiding place4 ,moreover1 because ye     
trust in oppression and  perverseness1  
and stay thereon2 therefore this        
iniquity shall be to  you as a breach   
ready to fall1 swelling out in a high   
wall1 whose  breaking cometh suddenly at
 an instant4 ,and he shall break it as  
the  breaking of the potter's vessel    
that is broken in pieces2 he shall not  
spare4    ,this plea is sufficiently    
broad to cover all the oppression and   
villainy that the sun has witnessed in  
his circuit1 since ,god said1  ,let     
there be light4 ,it assumes that to be  
practicable1 which is  impossible1      
namely1 that there can be freedom with  

slavery1 union with  injustice1 and     
safety with bloodguiltiness4 ,a union of
 virtue with  pollution is the triumph  
of licentiousness4 ,a partnership       
between  right and wrong1 is wholly     
wrong4 ,a compromise of the principles  
of  ,justice1 is the deification of     
crime4    ,better that the ,american    
,union had never been formed1 than that 
it  should have been obtained at such a 
frightful cost6 ,if they were  guilty   
who fashioned it1 but who could not     
foresee all its frightful  consequences1
 how much more guilty are they1 who1 in 
full view of all  that has resulted from
 it1 clamor for its perpetuity6 ,if it  
was sinful  at the commencement1 to     
adopt it on the ground of escaping a    
greater  evil1 is it not equally sinful 
to swear to support it for the same     
reason1 or until1 in process of time1 it
 be purged from its  corruption8    ,the
 fact is1 the compromise alluded to1    
instead of effecting a union1  rendered 
it impracticable2 unless by the term    

union we are to  understand the absolute
 reign of the slaveholding power over   
the whole  country1 to the prostration  
of ,northern rights4 ,in the just use of
  words1 the ,american ,union is and    
always has been a sham--an imposture4   
,it is an instrument of oppression      
unsurpassed in the criminal history  of 
the world4 ,how then can it be          
innocently sustained8 ,it is not        
certain1 it is not even probable1 that  
if it had not been adopted1 the  mother 
country would have reconquered the      
colonies4 ,the spirit that  would have  
chosen danger in preference to          
crime1--to perish with  justice rather  
than live with dishonor1--to dare and   
suffer whatever  might betide1 rather   
than sacrifice the rights of one human  
being1--could never have been subjugated
 by any mortal power4 ,surely  it is    
paying a poor tribute to the valor and  
devotion of our  revolutionary fathers  
in the cause of liberty1 to say that1 if
 they  had sternly refused to sacrifice 

their principles1 they would have       
fallen an easy prey to the despotic     
power of ,england4    ,,ii4 ,the        
,american ,constitution is the exponent 
of the national compact4  ,we affirm    
that it is an instrument which no man   
can innocently bind  himself to support1
 because its anti-republican and        
anti-,christian  requirements are       
explicit and peremptory2 at least1 so   
explicit that1  in regard to all the    
clauses pertaining to slavery1 they have
 been  uniformly understood and enforced
 in the same way1 by all the courts  and
 by all the people2 and so peremptory1  
that no individual  interpretation or   
authority can set them aside with       
impunity4 ,it is  not a ball of clay1 to
 be moulded into any shape that party   
contrivance or caprice may choose it to 
assume4 ,it is not a form of  words1 to 
be interpreted in any manner1 or to any 
extent1 or for the  accomplishment of   
any purpose1 that individuals in office 
under it may  determine4 ,it means      

precisely what those who framed and     
adopted it  meant--,,nothing ,,more1    
,,nothing ,,less1 as a matter of bargain
 and  compromise4 ,even if it can be    
construed to mean something else1       
without violence to its language1 such  
construction is not to be  tolerated    
against the wishes of either party4 ,no 
just or honest use  of it can be made1  
in opposition to the plain intention of 
its  framers1 except to declare the     
contract at an end1 and to refuse to    
serve under it4    ,to the argument1    
that the words slaves and slavery are   
not to be  found in the ,constitution1  
and therefore that it was never intended
 to  give any protection or countenance 
to the slave system1 it is  sufficient  
to reply1 that though no such words are 
contained in that  instrument1 other    
words were used intelligently and       
specifically1 ,,to  ,,meet ,,the        
,,necessities ,,of ,,slavery2 and that  
these were adopted in good  faith1 to be
 observed until a constitutional change 

could be  effected4 ,on this point1 as  
to the design of certain provisions1 no 
intelligent man can honestly entertain a
 doubt4 ,if it be objected1  that though
 these provisions were meant to cover   
slavery1 yet1 as they  can fairly be    
interpreted to mean something exactly   
the reverse1 it is  allowable to give to
 them such an interpretation1 especially
 as the  cause of freedom will thereby  
be promoted--we reply1 that this is to  
advocate fraud and violence toward one  
of the contracting parties1  whose      
co-operation was secured only by an     
express agreement and  understanding    
between them both1 in regard to the     
clauses alluded to2  and that such a    
construction1 if enforced by pains and  
penalties1  would unquestionably lead to
 a civil war1 in which the aggrieved    
party  would justly claim to have been  
betrayed1 and robbed of their           
constitutional rights4    ,again1 if it 
be said1 that those clauses1 being      
immoral1 are null and  void--we reply1  

it is true they are not to be observed2 
but it is also  true that they are      
portions of an instrument1 the support  
of which1 ,,as  ,a ,,whole1 is required 
by oath or affirmation2 and1 therefore1 
because  they are immoral1 and ,,because
 ,,of ,,this ,,obligation ,,to ,,enforce
  ,,immorality1 no one can innocently   
swear to support the ,constitution4     
,again1 if it be objected1 that the     
,constitution was formed by the  people 
of the ,united ,states1 in order to     
establish justice1 to promote  the      
general welfare1 and secure the         
blessings of liberty to themselves  and 
their posterity2 and therefore1 it is to
 be so construed as to  harmonize with  
these objects2 we reply1 again1 that its
 language is  not to be interpreted in a
 sense which neither of the contracting 
parties understood1 and which would     
frustrate every design of their         
alliance--to wit1 union at the expense  
of the colored population of  the       
country4 ,moreover1 nothing is more     

certain than that the preamble  alluded 
to never included1 in the minds of those
 who framed it1 those  who were then    
pining in bondage--for1 in that case1 a 
general  emancipation of the slaves     
would have instantly been proclaimed    
throughout the ,united ,states4 ,the    
words1 secure the blessings of  liberty 
to ourselves and our posterity1         
assuredly meant only the  white         
population4 ,to promote the general     
welfare1 referred to their  own welfare 
exclusively4 ,to establish justice1 was 
understood to be  for their sole benefit
 as slaveholders1 and the guilty        
abettors of  slavery4 ,this is          
demonstrated by other parts of the same 
instrument1  and by their own practice  
under it4    ,we would not detract aught
 from what is justly their due2 but it  
is as  reprehensible to give them credit
 for what they did not possess1 as  it  
is to rob them of what is theirs4 ,it is
 absurd1 it is false1 it is  an insult  
to the common sense of mankind1 to      

pretend that the  ,constitution was     
intended to embrace the entire          
population of the  country under its    
sheltering wings2 or that the parties to
 it were  actuated by a sense of justice
 and the spirit of impartial liberty2 or
  that it needs no alteration1 but only 
a new interpretation1 to make it        
harmonize with the object aimed at by   
its adoption4 ,as truly might it  be    
argued1 that because it is asserted in  
the ,declaration of  ,independence1 that
 all men are created equal1 and endowed 
with an  inalienable right to liberty1  
therefore none of its signers were      
slaveholders1 and since its adoption1   
slavery has been banished from  the     
,american soil6 ,the truth is1 our      
fathers were intent on securing  liberty
 to themselves1 without being very      
scrupulous as to the means  they used to
 accomplish their purpose4 ,they were   
not actuated by the  spirit of universal
 philanthropy2 and though in words they 
recognized  occasionally the brotherhood

 of the human race1 in practice they    
continually denied it4 ,they did not    
blush to enslave a portion of  their    
fellow-men1 and to buy and sell them as 
cattle in the market1  while they were  
fighting against the oppression of the  
mother country1  and boasting of their  
regard for the rights of man4 ,why1     
then1 concede  to them virtues which    
they did not possess8 ,why cling to the 
falsehood1 that they were no respecters 
of persons in the formation of  the     
government8    ,alas6 that they had no  
more fear of ,god1 no more regard for   
man1 in  their hearts6  ,the iniquity of
 the house of ,israel and ,judah the    
,north and ,south is exceeding great1   
and the land is full of blood1  and the 
city full of perverseness2 for they say1
 the ,lord hath  forsaken the earth1 and
 the ,lord seeth not4    ,we proceed to 
a critical examination of the ,american 
,constitution1 in  its relations to     
slavery4    ,in ,,article #a1 ,section  
#i1 it is declared--,the migration or   

importation  of such persons as any of  
the ,states now existing shall think    
proper  to admit1 shall not be          
prohibited by the ,congress1 prior to   
the year  one thousand eight hundred and
 eight2 but a tax or duty may be imposed
  on such importation1 not exceeding ten
 dollars for each person4    ,in this   
,section1 it will be perceived1 the     
phraseology is so guarded  as not to    
imply1 ex necessitate1 any criminal     
intent or inhuman  arrangement2 and yet 
no one has ever had the hardihood or    
folly to  deny1 that it was clearly     
understood by the contracting parties1  
to  mean that there should be no        
interference with the ,african slave    
trade1 on the part of the general       
government1 until the year #ahjh4  ,for 
twenty years after the adoption of the  
,constitution1 the citizens  of the     
,united ,states were to be encouraged   
and protected in the  prosecution of    
that infernal traffic--in sacking and   
burning the  hamlets of ,africa--in     

slaughtering multitudes of the          
inoffensive  natives on the soil1       
kidnapping and enslaving a still greater
  proportion1 crowding them to          
suffocation in the holds of the slave   
ships1 populating the ,atlantic with    
their dead bodies1 and subjecting  the  
wretched survivors to all the horrors of
 unmitigated bondage6  ,this awful      
covenant was strictly fulfilled2 and    
though1 since its  termination1         
,congress has declared the foreign slave
 traffic to be  piracy1 yet all         
,christendom knows that the ,american   
flag1 instead of  being the terror of   
the ,african slavers1 has given them the
 most ample  protection4    ,the manner 
in which the #ith ,section was agreed   
to1 by the national  convention that    
formed the ,constitution1 is thus       
frankly avowed by the  ,hon4 ,,luther   
,,martin#i who was a prominent member of
 that body3    ,footnote #i3 ,speech    
before the ,legislature of ,maryland in 
#aghg4      ,the ,eastern ,states1      

notwithstanding their aversion to       
slavery1 767  were very willing to      
indulge the ,southern ,states at least  
with a  temporary liberty to prosecute  
the slave trade1 provided the ,southern 
,states would1 in their turn1 gratify   
them by laying no restriction  on       
navigation acts2 and1 after a very      
little time1 the committee1 by a  great 
majority1 agreed on a report1 by which  
the general government  was to be       
prohibited from preventing the          
importation of slaves for a  limited    
time2 and the restrictive clause        
relative to navigation acts  was to be  
omitted4    ,behold the iniquity of this
 agreement6 how sordid were the motives 
which led to it6 what a profligate      
disregard of justice and humanity1  on  
the part of those who had solemnly      
declared the inalienable right  of all  
men to be free and equal1 to be a       
self-evident truth6    ,it is due to the
 national convention to say1 that this  
,section was not  adopted without       

considerable opposition4  ,alluding to  
it1 ,mr4 ,,martin  observes--    ,it was
 said that we had just assumed a place  
among independent  nations in           
consequence of our opposition to the    
attempts of ,great  ,britain to enslave 
us3 that this opposition was grounded   
upon the  preservation of those rights  
to which ,god and nature has entitled   
us1  not in particular1 but in common   
with all the rest of mankind2  that we  
had appealed to the ,supreme ,being for 
his assistance1 as the  ,god of freedom1
 who could not but approve our efforts  
to preserve the  rights which he had    
thus imparted to his creatures2 that    
now1 when we  scarcely had risen from   
our knees1 from supplicating his aid and
  protection in forming our government  
over a free people1 a government  formed
 pretendedly on the principles of       
liberty1 and for its  preservation1--in 
that government to have a provision1 not
 only  putting it out of its power to   
restrain and prevent the slave trade1   

even encouraging that most infamous     
traffic1 by giving the ,states  power   
and influence in the ,union in          
proportion as they cruelly and  wantonly
 sport with the rights of their         
fellow-creatures1 ought to be           
considered as a solemn mockery of1 and  
insult to1 that ,god whose  protection  
we had then implored1 and could not fail
 to hold us up in  detestation1 and     
render us contemptible to every true    
friend of  liberty in the world4 ,it was
 said it ought to be considered that    
national crimes can only be and         
frequently are1 punished in this world  
by national punishments1 and that the   
continuance of the slave  trade1 and    
thus giving it a national sanction1 and 
encouragement1  ought to be considered  
as justly exposing us to the displeasure
 and  vengeance of ,him who is equally  
,lord of all1 and who views with equal  
eye the poor ,african slave and his     
,american master6#aj    ,footnote #aj3  
,how terribly and justly has this guilty

 nation been  scourged1 since these     
words were spoken1 on account of slavery
 and the  slave trade6      ,it was     
urged that1 by this system1 we were     
giving the general  government full and 
absolute power to regulate commerce1    
under which  general power it would have
 a right to restrain1 or totally        
prohibit1  the slave trade3 it must1    
therefore1 appear to the world absurd   
and  disgraceful to the last degree that
 we should except from the exercise  of 
that power the only branch of commerce  
which is unjustifiable in  its nature1  
and contrary to the rights of mankind4  
,that1 on the  contrary1 we ought rather
 to prohibit expressly1 in our          
,constitution1  the further importation 
of slaves1 and to authorize the general 
government1 from time to time1 to make  
such regulations as should be  thought  
most advantageous for the gradual       
abolition of slavery1 and  the          
emancipation of the slaves which are    
already in the ,states4 ,that  slavery  

is inconsistent with the genius of      
republicanism1 and has a  tendency to   
destroy those principles on which it is 
supported1 as it  lessens the sense of  
the equal rights of mankind1 and        
habituates us to  tyranny and           
oppression4 ,it was further urged that1 
by this system of  government1 every    
,state is to be protected both from     
foreign invasion  and from domestic     
insurrections2 that1 from this          
consideration1 it was  of the utmost    
importance it should have a power to    
restrain the  importation of slaves1    
since in proportion as the number of    
slaves  were increased in any ,state1 in
 the same proportion the ,state is      
weakened and exposed to foreign invasion
 or domestic insurrection2 and  by so   
much less will it be able to protect    
itself against either1 and  therefore   
will by so much the more1 want aid from1
 and be a burden to1  the ,union4    ,it
 was further said1 that1 as in this     
system1 we were giving the  general     

government a power1 under the idea of   
national character1 or  national        
interest1 to regulate even our weights  
and measures1 and have  prohibited all  
possibility of emitting paper money1 and
 passing  insolvent laws1 c41 it must   
appear still more extraordinary that we 
should prohibit the government from     
interfering with the slave trade1  than 
which nothing could so materially affect
 both our national honor  and interest4 
,these reasons influenced me1 both on   
the committee and in convention1  most  
decidedly to oppose and vote against the
 clause1 as it now makes  a part of the 
system4#aa    ,footnote #aa3 ,secret    
,proceedings1 p4 #fd4      ,happy had it
 been for this nation1 had these solemn 
considerations  been heeded by the      
framers of the ,constitution6 ,but for  
the sake of  securing some local        
advantages1 they chose to do evil that  
good might  come1 and to make the end   
sanctify the means4 ,they were willing  
to  enslave others1 that they might     

secure their own freedom4 ,they did     
this deed deliberately1 with their eyes 
open1 with all the facts and            
consequences arising therefrom before   
them1 in violation of all their         
heaven-attested declarations1 and in    
atheistical distrust of the  overruling 
power of ,god4 ,the ,eastern ,states    
were very willing to  indulge the       
,southern ,states in the unrestricted   
prosecution of  their piratical traffic1
 provided in return they could be       
gratified  by no restriction being laid 
on navigation acts66--,had there been no
  other provision of the ,constitution  
justly liable to objection1 this  one   
alone rendered the support of that      
instrument incompatible with  the duties
 which men owe to their ,creator1 and to
 each other4 ,it was  the poisonous     
infusion in the cup1 which1 though      
constituting but a  very slight portion 
of its contents1 perilled the life of   
every one  who partook of it4    ,if it 
be asked to what purpose are these      

animadversions1 since the  clause       
alluded to has long since expired by its
 own limitation--we  answer1 that1 if at
 any time the foreign slave trade could 
be  constitutionally prosecuted1 it may 
yet be renewed1 under the               
,constitution1 at the pleasure of       
,congress1 whose prohibitory statute  is
 liable to be reversed at any moment1 in
 the frenzy of ,southern  opposition to 
emancipation4 ,it is ignorantly supposed
 that the bargain  was1 that the traffic
 should cease in #ahjh2 but the only    
thing  secured by it was1 the right of  
,congress 7not any obligation7 to       
prohibit it at that period4 ,if1        
therefore1 ,congress had not chosen to  
exercise that right1 the traffic might  
have been prolonged  indefinitely under 
the ,constitution4 ,the right to destroy
 any  particular branch of commerce1    
implies the right to re-establish it4   
,true1 there is no probability that the 
,african slave trade will ever  again be
 legalized by the national government2  

but no credit is due  the framers of the
 ,constitution on this ground2 for1     
while they threw  around it all the     
sanction and protection of the national 
character  and power for twenty years1  
they set no bounds to its continuance by
  any positive constitutional           
prohibition4    ,again1 the adoption of 
such a clause1 and the faithful         
execution  of it1 prove what was meant  
by the words of the preamble--to form  a
 more perfect union1 establish justice1 
insure domestic tranquillity1  provide  
for the common defence1 promote the     
general welfare1  and secure the        
blessings of liberty to ourselves and   
our  posterity--namely1 that the parties
 to the ,constitution regarded only     
their own rights and interests1 and     
never intended that its language  should
 be so interpreted as to interfere with 
slavery1 or to make it  unlawful for one
 portion of the people to enslave       
another1 without an  express alteration 
in that instrument1 in the manner       

therein set  forth4 ,while1 therefore1  
the ,constitution remains as it was     
originally adopted1 they who swear to   
support it are bound to comply  with all
 its provisions1 as a matter of         
allegiance4 ,for it avails  nothing to  
say1 that some of those provisions are  
at war with the law  of ,god and the    
rights of man1 and therefore are not    
obligatory4  ,whatever may be their     
character1 they are constitutionally    
obligatory2 and whoever feels that he   
cannot execute them1 or swear to        
execute them1 without committing sin1   
has no other choice left than to        
withdraw from the government1 or to     
violate his conscience by taking  on his
 lips an impious promise4 ,the object of
 the ,constitution is not  to define    
what is the law of ,god1 but ,,what ,,is
 ,,the ,,will ,,of ,,the                
,,people--which will is not to be       
frustrated by an ingenious moral        
interpretation1 by those whom they have 
elected to serve them4    ,,article #a1 

,sect4 #b1 provides--,representatives   
and direct taxes shall  be apportioned  
among the several ,states1 which may be 
included within  this ,union1 according 
to their respective numbers1 which shall
 be  determined by adding to the whole  
number of free persons1 including  those
 bound to service for a term of years1  
and excluding ,indians not  taxed1      
three-fifths of all other persons4      
,here1 as in the clause we have already 
examined1 veiled beneath a form  of     
words as deceitful as it is unmeaning in
 a truly democratic  government1 is a   
provision for the safety1 perpetuity and
 augmentation  of the slaveholding      
power--a provision scarcely less        
atrocious than  that which related to   
the ,african slave trade1 and almost as 
afflictive in its operation--a provision
 still in force1 with no  possibility of
 its alteration1 so long as a majority  
of the slave  ,states choose to maintain
 their slave system--a provision which1 
at  the present time1 enables the ,south

 to have twenty-five additional         
representatives in ,congress on the     
score of property1 while the ,north  is 
not allowed to have one--a provision    
which concedes to the  oppressed        
three-fifths of the political power     
which is granted to all  others1 and    
then puts this power into the hands of  
their oppressors1  to be wielded by them
 for the more perfect security of their 
tyrannous  authority1 and the complete  
subjugation of the non-slaveholding     
,states4    ,referring to this atrocious
 bargain1 ,,alexander ,,hamilton        
remarked in  the ,new ,york             
,convention--    ,the first thing       
objected to1 is that clause which allows
 a  representation for three-fifths of  
the negroes4 ,much has been said of  the
 impropriety of representing men who    
have no will of their own3  whether this
 be reasoning or declamation1 7667 ,i   
will not presume  to say4 ,it is the    
unfortunate situation of the ,southern  
,states to  have a great part of their  

population as well as property1 in      
blacks4 ,the regulation complained of   
was one result of the spirit of         
accommodation which governed the        
,convention2 and without this           
indulgence1 ,,no ,,union ,,could        
,,possibly ,,have ,,been ,,formed4 ,but1
 sir1  considering some peculiar        
advantages which we derive from them1 it
  is entirely ,,just that they should be
 gratified4--,the ,southern ,states     
possess certain staples1 tobacco1 rice1 
indigo1 c4--which must be  capital      
objects in treaties of commerce with    
foreign nations2 and  the advantage     
which they necessarily procure in these 
treaties will be  felt throughout all   
the ,states4    ,if such was the        
patriotism1 such the love of liberty1   
such the  morality of ,,alexander       
,,hamilton1 what can be said of the     
character of  those who were far less   
conspicuous than himself in securing    
,american  independence1 and in framing 
the ,american ,constitution8    ,listen1

 now1 to the opinions of ,,john ,,quincy
 ,,adams1 respecting the  constitutional
 clause now under consideration3--      
',in outward show1 it is a              
representation of persons in bondage2 in
  fact1 it is a representation of their 
masters1--the oppressor  representing   
the oppressed4'--',is it in the compass 
of human  imagination to devise a more  
perfect exemplification of the art of   
committing the lamb to the tender       
custody of the wolf8'--',the            
representative is thus constituted1 not 
the friend1 agent and trustee  of the   
person whom he represents1 but the most 
inveterate of his  foes4'--',it was one 
of the curses from that ,pandora's box1 
adjusted  at the time1 as usual1 by a   
compromise1 the whole advantage of which
  inured to the benefit of the ,south1  
and to aggravate the burthens of  the   
,north4'--',if there be a parallel to it
 in human history1 it can  only be that 
of the ,roman ,emperors1 who1 from the  
days when ,julius  ,caesar substituted a

 military despotism in the place of a   
republic1  among the offices which they 
always concentrated upon themselves1 was
  that of tribune of the people4 ,a     
,roman ,emperor tribune of the people1  
is an exact parallel to that feature in 
the ,constitution of the ,united        
,states which makes the master the      
representative of his slave4'--',the    
,constitution of the ,united ,states    
expressly prescribes that no title  of  
nobility shall be granted by the ,united
 ,states4 ,the spirit of this  interdict
 is not a rooted antipathy to the grant 
of mere powerless  empty titles1 but to 
titles of nobility2 to the institution  
of  privileged orders of men4 ,but what 
order of men under the most  absolute of
 monarchies1 or the most aristocratic of
 republics1 was  ever invested with such
 an odious and unjust privilege as that 
of the  separate and exclusive          
representation of less than half a      
million  owners of slaves1 in the ,hall 
of this ,house1 in the chair of the     

,senate1 and in the ,presidential       
mansion8'--',this investment of power   
in the owners of one species of property
 concentrated in the highest            
authorities of the nation1 and          
disseminated through thirteen of the    
twenty-six ,states of the ,union1       
constitutes a privileged order of men   
in the community1 more adverse to the   
rights of all1 and more  pernicious to  
the interests of the whole1 than any    
order of nobility  ever known4 ,to call 
government thus constituted a           
,democracy1 is to  insult the           
understanding of mankind4 ,to call it an
 ,aristocracy1 is to  do injustice to   
that form of government4 ,aristocracy is
 the government  of the best4 ,its      
standard qualification for accession to 
power is  merit1 ascertained by popular 
election1 recurring at short intervals  
of time4 ,if even that government is    
prone to degenerate into tyranny1  what 
must be the character of that form of   
polity in which the  standard           

qualification for access to power is    
wealth in the possession  of slaves8 ,it
 is doubly tainted with the infection of
 riches and of  slavery4 ,there is no   
name in the language of national        
jurisprudence  that can define it--no   
model in the records of ancient history1
 or in  the political theories of       
,aristotle1 with which it can be        
likened4 ,it  was introduced into the   
,constitution of the ,united ,states by 
an  equivocation--a representation of   
property under the name of persons4     
,little did the members of the          
,convention from the free ,states       
imagine  or foresee what a sacrifice to 
,moloch was hidden under the mask of    
this concession4'--',the ,house of      
,representatives of the ,u4 ,states     
consists of #bbc members--all1 by the   
letter of the ,constitution1            
representatives only of persons1 as #ace
 of them really are2 but the  other #hh1
 equally representing the persons of    
their constituents1 by  whom they are   

elected1 also represent1 under the name 
of other  persons1 upwards of two and a 
half millions of slaves1 held as the    
property of less than half a million of 
the white constituents1 and  valued at  
twelve hundred millions of dollars4     
,each of these #hh members  represents  
in fact the whole of that mass of       
associated wealth1 and  the persons and 
exclusive interests of its owners2 all  
thus knit  together1 like the members of
 a moneyed corporation1 with a capital  
not of thirty-five or forty or fifty1   
but of twelve hundred millions  of      
dollars1 exhibiting the most            
extraordinary exemplification of the    
anti-republican tendencies of associated
 wealth that the world ever             
saw4'--',here is one class of men1      
consisting of not more than             
one-fortieth part of the whole people1  
not more than one-thirtieth  part of the
 free population1 exclusively devoted to
 their personal  interests identified   
with their own as slaveholders of the   

same  associated wealth1 and wielding by
 their votes1 upon every question of    
government or of public policy1         
two-fifths of the whole power of the    
,house4 ,in the ,senate of the ,union1  
the proportion of the slaveholding      
power is yet greater4 ,by the influence 
of slavery1 in the ,states where  the   
institution is tolerated1 over their    
elections1 no other than a  slaveholder 
can rise to the distinction of obtaining
 a seat in the  ,senate2 and thus1 of   
the #eb members of the ,federal ,senate1
 #bf are  owners of slaves1 and as      
effectively representatives of that     
interest  as the #hh member elected by  
them to the ,house4'--',by this process 
it  is that all political power in the  
,states is absorbed and engrossed by    
the owners of slaves1 and the overruling
 policy of the ,states is  shaped to    
strengthen and consolidate their        
domination4 ,the  legislative1          
executive1 and judicial authorities are 
all in their  hands--the preservation1  

propagation1 and perpetuation of the    
black  code of slavery--every law of the
 legislature becomes a link in the      
chain of the slave2 every executive act 
a rivet to his hapless fate2  every     
judicial decision a perversion of the   
human intellect to the  justification of
 wrong4'--',its reciprocal operation    
upon the  government of the nation is1  
to establish an artificial majority in  
the slave representation over that of   
the free people1 in the ,american       
,congress1 and thereby to make the      
,,preservation1 ,,propagation1 ,,and    
,,perpetuation ,,of ,,slavery ,,the     
,,vital ,,and ,,animating ,,spirit ,,of 
,,the ,,national  ,,government4'--',the 
result is seen in the fact that1 at this
 day1 the  ,president of the ,united    
,states1 the ,president of the ,senate1 
the  ,speaker of the ,house of          
,representatives1 and five out of nine  
of the  ,judges of the ,supreme         
,judicial ,courts of the ,united        
,states1 are not  only citizens of      

slaveholding ,states1 but individual    
slaveholders  themselves4 ,so are1 and  
constantly have been1 with scarcely an  
exception1 all the members of both      
,houses of ,congress from the           
slaveholding ,states2 and so are1 in    
immensely disproportionate  numbers1 the
 commanding officers of the army and    
navy2 the officers of  the customs2 the 
registers and receivers of the land     
offices1 and the  post-masters          
throughout the slaveholding             
,states4--,the ,biennial  ,register     
indicates the birth-place of all the    
officers employed in the  government of 
the ,union4 ,if it were required to     
designate the owners  of this species of
 property among them1 it would be little
 more than a  catalogue of              
slaveholders4'    ,it is confessed by   
,mr4 ,,adams1 alluding to the national  
convention  that framed the             
,constitution1 that the delegation from 
the free  ,states1 in their extreme     
anxiety to conciliate the ascendancy of 

the  ,southern slaveholder1 did listen  
to a compromise between right and       
wrong--between freedom and slavery2 of  
the ultimate fruits of which  they had  
no conception1 but which already even   
now is urging the ,union  to its        
inevitable ruin and dissolution1 by a   
civil1 servile1 foreign  and ,indian    
war1 all combined in one2 a war1 the    
essential issue of  which will be       
between freedom and slavery1 and in     
which the unhallowed  standard of       
slavery will be the desecrated banner of
 the ,north  ,american ,union--that     
banner1 first unfurled to the breeze1   
inscribed  with the self-evident truths 
of the ,declaration of ,independence4   
,hence1 to swear to support the         
,constitution of the ,united ,states1 as
  it is1 is to make a compromise between
 right and wrong1 and to wage  war      
against human liberty4 ,it is to        
recognize and honor as republican       
legislators incorrigible men-stealers1  
,,merciless ,,tyrants1 ,,blood          

,,thirsty ,,assassins1 who legislate    
with deadly weapons about their         
persons1 such as pistols1 daggers1 and  
bowie-knives1 with which they  threaten 
to murder any ,northern senator or      
representative who shall  dare to stain 
their honor1 or interfere with their    
rights6 ,they  constitute a banditti    
more fierce and cruel than any whose    
atrocities  are recorded on the pages of
 history or romance4 ,to mix with them  
on  terms of social or religious        
fellowship1 is to indicate a low state  
of  virtue2 but to think of             
administering a free government by their
  co-operation1 is nothing short of     
insanity4    ,article #d1 ,section #b1  
declares1--,no person held to service or
 labor  in one ,state1 under the laws   
thereof1 escaping into another1 shall1  
in consequence of any law or regulation 
therein1 be discharged from  such       
service or labor2 but shall be delivered
 up on claim of the party  to whom such 
service or labor may be due4    ,here is

 a third clause1 which1 like the other  
two1 makes no mention of  slavery or    
slaves1 in express terms2 and yet1 like 
them1 was  intelligently framed and     
mutually understood by the parties to   
the  ratification1 and intended both to 
protect the slave system and to  restore
 runaway slaves4 ,it alone makes slavery
 a national institution1  a national    
crime1 and all the people who are not   
enslaved1 the  body-guard over those    
whose liberties have been cloven down4  
,this  agreement1 too1 has been         
fulfilled to the letter by the ,north4  
,under the ,mosaic dispensation it was  
imperatively commanded1--,thou  shalt   
not deliver unto his master the servant 
which is escaped from  his master unto  
thee3 he shall dwell with thee1 even    
among you1 in  that place which he shall
 choose in one of thy gates1 where it   
liketh  him best3 thou shalt not oppress
 him4 ,the warning which the prophet    
,isaiah gave to oppressing ,moab was of 
a similar kind3 ,take counsel1  execute 

judgment2 make thy shadow as the night  
in the midst of the  noon-day2 hide the 
outcasts2 bewray not him that wandereth4
 ,let mine  outcasts dwell with thee1   
,moab2 be thou a covert to them from the
 face  of the spoiler4 ,the prophet     
,obadiah brings the following charge    
against treacherous ,edom1 which is     
precisely applicable to this guilty     
nation3--,for thy violence against thy  
brother ,jacob1 shame shall come  over  
thee1 and thou shalt be cut off for     
ever4 ,in the day that thou  stoodst on 
the other side1 in the day that the     
strangers carried away  captive his     
forces1 and foreigners entered into his 
gates1 and cast  lots upon ,jerusalem1  
even thou wast as one of them4 ,but thou
  shouldst not have looked on the day of
 thy brother1 in the day that he  became
 a stranger2 neither shouldst thou have 
rejoiced over the  children of ,judah1  
in the day of their destruction2 neither
 shouldst  thou have spoken proudly in  
the day of distress2 neither shouldst   

thou  have stood in the cross-way1 to   
cut off those of his that did  escape2  
neither shouldst thou have delivered up 
those of his that  did remain1 in the   
day of distress4    ,how exactly        
descriptive of this boasted republic is 
the impeachment of  ,edom by the same   
prophet6 ,the pride of thy heart hath   
deceived thee1  thou whose habitation is
 high2 that saith in thy heart1 ,who    
shall  bring me down to the ground8     
,though thou exalt thyself as the eagle1
  and though thou set thy nest among the
 stars1 thence will ,i bring thee  down1
 saith the ,lord4 ,the emblem of        
,american pride and power is the  eagle1
 and on her banner she has mingled stars
 with its stripes4  ,her vanity1 her    
treachery1 her oppression1 her          
self-exaltation1 and  her defiance of   
the ,almighty1 far surpass the madness  
and wickedness  of ,edom4 ,what shall be
 her punishment8 ,truly1 it may be      
affirmed of  the ,american people1 7who 
live not under the ,levitical but       

,christian  code1 and whose guilt1      
therefore1 is the more awful1 and their 
condemnation the greater17 in the       
language of another prophet--,they  all 
lie in wait for blood2 they hunt every  
man his brother with a net4  ,that they 
may do evil with both hands earnestly1  
the prince asketh1  and the judge asketh
 for a reward2 and the great man1 he    
uttereth his  mischievous desire3 so    
they wrap it up4 ,likewise of the       
colored  inhabitants of this land it may
 be said1--,this is a people robbed and 
spoiled2 they are all of them snared in 
holes1 and they are hid in              
prison-houses2 they are for a prey1 and 
none delivereth2 for a spoil1  and none 
saith1 ,restore4    ,by this            
stipulation1 the ,northern ,states are  
made the hunting ground  of             
slave-catchers1 who may pursue their    
victims with blood-hounds1 and  capture 
them with impunity wherever they can lay
 their robber hands  upon them4 ,at     
least twelve or fifteen thousand runaway

 slaves are now  in ,canada1 exiled from
 their native land1 because they could  
not find1  throughout its vast extent1 a
 single road on which they could dwell  
in  safety1 in consequence of this      
provision of the ,constitution8 ,how is 
it possible1 then1 for the advocates of 
liberty to support a  government which  
gives over to destruction one-sixth part
 of the whole  population8    ,it is    
denied by some at the present day1 that 
the clause which has  been cited1 was   
intended to apply to runaway slaves4    
,this indicates1  either ignorance1 or  
folly1 or something worse4 ,,james      
,,madison1 as one  of the framers of the
 ,constitution1 is of some authority on 
this  point4 ,alluding to that          
instrument1 in the ,virginia convention1
 he  said3--    ,another clause secures 
us that property which we now possess4  
,at  present1 if any slave elopes to any
 of those ,states where slaves are      
free1 he becomes emancipated by their   
laws2 for the laws of the  ,states are  

uncharitable 767 to one another in this 
respect2 but in  this constitution1 ',no
 person held to service or labor in one 
,state1  under the laws thereof1        
escaping into another1 shall1 in        
consequence  of any law or regulation   
therein1 be discharged from such service
 or  labor1 but shall be delivered up on
 claim of the party to whom such        
service or labor may be due4' ,,this    
,,clause ,,was ,,expressly ,,inserted   
,,to  ,,enable ,,owners ,,of ,,slaves   
,,to ,,reclaim ,,them4 ,this is a better
 security  than any that now exists4 ,no
 power is given to the general          
government  to interpose with respect to
 the property in slaves now held by the 
,states4    ,in the same convention1    
alluding to the same clause1 ,gov4      
,,randolph  said3--    ,every one knows 
that slaves are held to service or      
labor4 ,and1 when  authority is given to
 owners of slaves to vindicate their    
property1  can it be supposed they can  
be deprived of it8 ,if a citizen of this

  ,state1 in consequence of this clause1
 can take his runaway slave in          
,maryland1 can it be seriously thought  
that1 after taking him and  bringing him
 home1 he could be made free8    ,it is 
objected1 that slaves are held as       
property1 and therefore1 as  the clause 
refers to persons1 it cannot mean       
slaves4 ,but this is  criticism against 
fact4 ,slaves are recognized not merely 
as property1  but also as persons--as   
having a mixed character--as combining  
the  human with the brutal4 ,this is    
paradoxical1 we admit2 but slavery is a 
paradox--the ,american ,constitution is 
a paradox--the ,american ,union is  a   
paradox--the ,american ,government is a 
paradox2 and if any one of  these is to 
be repudiated on that ground1 they all  
are4 ,that it is the  duty of the       
friends of freedom to deny the binding  
authority of them  all1 and to secede   
from them all1 we distinctly affirm4    
,after the  independence of this country
 had been achieved1 the voice of ,god   

exhorted the people1 saying1 ,execute   
true judgment1 and show mercy  and      
compassion1 every man to his brother3   
and oppress not the widow1  nor the     
fatherless1 the stranger1 nor the poor2 
and let none of you  imagine evil       
against his brother in your heart4 ,but 
they refused to  hearken1 and pulled    
away the shoulder1 and stopped their    
ears1 that  they should not hear2 yea1  
they made their hearts as an adamant    
stone4 ,shall ,i not visit for these    
things8 saith the ,lord4 ,shall not  my 
soul be avenged on such a nation as     
this8    ,whatever doubt may have rested
 on any honest mind1 respecting the     
meaning of the clause in relation to    
persons held to service or labor1  must 
have been removed by the unanimous      
decision of the ,supreme ,court  of the 
,united ,states1 in the case of ,prigg  
versus the ,state of  ,pennsylvania4 ,by
 that decision1 any ,southern           
slave-catcher is  empowered to seize and
 convey to the ,south1 without hindrance

 or  molestation on the part of the     
,state1 and without any legal process   
duly obtained and served1 any person or 
persons1 irrespective of caste  or      
complexion1 whom he may choose to claim 
as runaway slaves2 and if1  when thus   
surprised and attacked1 or on their     
arrival ,south1 they  cannot prove by   
legal witnesses1 that they are freemen1 
their doom is  sealed6 ,hence the free  
colored population of the ,north are    
specially  liable to become the victims 
of this terrible power1 and all the     
other  inhabitants are at the mercy of  
prowling kidnappers1 because there are  
multitudes of white as well as black    
slaves on ,southern plantations1  and   
slavery is no longer fastidious with    
regard to the color of its  prey4    ,as
 soon as that appalling decision of the 
,supreme ,court was  enunciated1 in the 
name of the ,constitution1 the people of
 the ,north  should have risen en masse1
 if for no other cause1 and declared the
  ,union at an end2 and they would have 

done so1 if they had not lost  their    
manhood1 and their reverence for justice
 and liberty4    ,in the #dth ,sect4 of 
,art4 ,,iv41 the ,united ,states        
guarantee to protect  every ,state in   
the ,union against domestic violence4   
,by the #hth  ,section of ,article ,i41 
,congress is empowered to provide for   
calling  forth the militia to execute   
the laws of the ,union1 suppress        
insurrections1 and repel invasions4     
,these provisions1 however  strictly    
they may apply to cases of disturbance  
among the white  population1 were       
adopted with special reference to the   
slave  population1 for the purpose of   
keeping them in their chains by the     
combined military force of the country2 
and were these repealed1 and  the ,south
 left to manage her slaves as best she  
could1 a servile  insurrection would ere
 long be the consequence1 as general as 
it would  unquestionably be successful4 
,says ,mr4 ,madison1 respecting these   
clauses3--    ,on application of the    

legislature or executive1 as the case   
may be1  the militia of the other       
,states are to be called to suppress    
domestic  insurrections4 ,does this bar 
the ,states from calling forth their own
  militia8 ,no2 but it gives them a     
supplementary security to suppress      
insurrections and domestic violence4    
,the answer to ,patrick ,henry's        
objection1 as urged against the         
,constitution in the ,virginia          
convention1 that there was no power left
  to the ,states to quell an            
insurrection of slaves1 as it was wholly
  vested in ,congress1 ,george ,nicholas
 asked3--    ,have they it now8 ,if they
 have1 does the constitution take it    
away8  ,if it does1 it must be in one of
 the three clauses which have been      
mentioned by the worthy member4 ,the    
first clause gives the general          
government power to call them out when  
necessary4 ,does this take it  away from
 the ,states8 ,no6 but it gives an      
additional security2 for1  beside the   

power in the ,state governments to use  
their own militia1 it  will be the duty 
of the general government to aid them   
,,with ,,the  ,,strength ,,of ,,the     
,,union1 when called for4    ,this      
solemn guaranty of security to the slave
 system1 caps the climax  of national   
barbarity1 and stains with human blood  
the garments of all  the people4 ,in    
consequence of it1 that system has      
multiplied its  victims from seven      
hundred thousand to nearly three        
millions--a vast  amount of territory   
has been purchased1 in order to give it 
extension  and perpetuity--several new  
slave ,states have been admitted into   
the  ,union--the slave trade has been   
made one of the great branches of       
,american commerce--the slave           
population1 though over-worked1 starved1
  lacerated1 branded1 maimed1 and       
subjected to every form of deprivation  
and every species of torture1 have been 
overawed and crushed1--or1  whenever    
they have attempted to gain their       

liberty by revolt1 they  have been shot 
down and quelled by the strong arm of   
the national  government2 as1 for       
example1 in the case of ,nat ,turner's  
insurrection  in ,virginia1 when the    
naval and military forces of the        
government were  called into active     
service4 ,cuban bloodhounds have been   
purchased with  the money of the people1
 and imported and used to hunt slave    
fugitives  among the everglades of      
,florida4 ,a merciless warfare has been 
waged  for the extermination or         
expulsion of the ,florida ,indians1     
because  they gave succor to these poor 
hunted fugitives--a warfare which has   
cost the nation several thousand lives1 
and forty millions of dollars4  ,but the
 catalogue of enormities is too long to 
be recapitulated in the  present        
address4    ,we have thus demonstrated  
that the compact between the ,north and 
the  ,south embraces every variety of   
wrong and outrage1--is at war with ,god 
and man1 cannot be innocently supported1

 and deserves to be  immediately        
annulled4 ,in behalf of the ,society    
which we represent1 we  call upon all   
our fellow-citizens1 who believe it is  
right to obey ,god  rather than man1 to 
declare themselves peaceful             
revolutionists1 and to  unite with us   
under the stainless banner of ,liberty1 
having for its  motto--,,equal ,,rights 
,,for ,,all--,,no ,,union ,,with        
,,slaveholders6    ,it is pleaded that  
the ,constitution provides for its own  
amendment2  and we ought to use the     
elective franchise to effect this       
object4  ,true1 there is such a proviso2
 but1 until the amendment be made1 that 
instrument is binding as it stands4 ,is 
it not to violate every moral  instinct1
 and to sacrifice principle to          
expediency1 to argue that we  may swear 
to steal1 oppress and murder by         
wholesale1 because it may be  necessary 
to do so only for the time being1 and   
because there is some  remote           
probability that the instrument which   

requires that we should  be robbers1    
oppressors and murderers1 may at some   
future day be  amended in these         
particulars8 ,let us not palter with our
 consciences  in this manner--let us not
 deny that the compact was conceived in 
sin  and brought forth in iniquity--let 
us not be so dishonest1 even to  promote
 a good object1 as to interpret the     
,constitution in a manner  utterly at   
variance with the intentions and        
arrangements of the  contracting        
parties2 but1 confessing the guilt of   
the nation1  acknowledging the dreadful 
specifications in the bond1 washing our 
hands in the waters of repentance from  
all further participation in  this      
criminal alliance1 and resolving that we
 will sustain none other  than a free   
and righteous government1 let us glory  
in the name of  revolutionists1 unfurl  
the banner of disunion1 and consecrate  
our  talents and means to the overthrow 
of all that is tyrannical in the        
land1--to the establishment of all that 

is free1 just1 true and  holy1--to the  
triumph of universal love and peace4    
,if1 in utter  disregard of the         
historical facts which have been cited1 
it is still  asserted1 that the         
,constitution needs no amendment to make
 it a free  instrument1 adapted to all  
the exigencies of a free people1 and was
  never intended to give any strength or
 countenance to the slave  system--the  
indignant spirit of insulted ,liberty   
replies2--,what  though the assertion be
 true8 ,of what avail is a mere piece of
  parchment8 ,in itself1 though it be   
written all over with words of  truth   
and freedom--,though its provisions be  
as impartial and just as  words can     
express1 or the imagination             
paint--though it be as pure as  the     
,gospel1 and breathe only the spirit of 
,heaven--it is powerless2 it  has no    
executive vitality3 it is a lifeless    
corpse1 even though  beautiful in death4
 ,i am famishing for lack of bread6 ,how
 is my  appetite relieved by holding up 

to my gaze a painted loaf8 ,i am        
manacled1 wounded1 bleeding1 dying6     
,what consolation is it to know1  that  
they who are seeking to destroy my life1
 profess in words to be  my friends8 ,if
 the liberties of the people have been  
betrayed--if  judgment is turned away   
backward1 and justice standeth afar off1
 and  truth has fallen in the streets1  
and equity cannot enter--if the  princes
 of the land are roaring lions1 the     
judges evening wolves1 the  people light
 and treacherous persons1 the priests   
covered with  pollution--if we are      
living under a frightful despotism1     
which scoffs  at all constitutional     
restraints1 and wields the resources of 
the  nation to promote its own bloody   
purposes--tell us not that the forms  of
 freedom are still left to us6 ,would   
such tameness and submission  have      
freighted the ,may-,flower for ,plymouth
 ,rock8 ,would it have  resisted the    
,stamp ,act1 the ,tea ,tax1 or any of   
those entering wedges  of tyranny with  

which the ,british government sought to 
rive the  liberties of ,america8 ,the   
wheel of the ,revolution would have     
rusted on  its axle1 if a spirit so weak
 had been the only power to give it     
motion4 ,did our fathers say1 when their
 rights and liberties were              
infringed--,why1 what is done cannot be 
undone4 ,that is the first  thought4    
,no1 it was the last thing they thought 
of3 or1 rather1 it  never entered their 
minds at all4 ,they sprang to the       
conclusion at  once--,what is done      
,,shall be undone4 ,that is our ,,first 
and ,,only  thought4      ,is water     
running in our veins8 ,do we remember   
still ,old ,plymouth    ,rock1 and      
,lexington1 and famous ,bunker ,hill8   
,the debt we owe our    fathers' graves8
 and to the yet unborn1 ,whose heritage 
ourselves must    make a thing of pride 
or scorn8      ,gray ,plymouth ,rock    
hath yet a tongue1 and ,concord is not  
dumb2 ,and    voices from our fathers'  
graves and from the future come3 ,they  

call on    us to stand our ground--they 
charge us still to be ,not only free    
from    chains ourselves1 but foremost  
to make free6    ,it is of little       
consequence who is on the throne1 if    
there be behind  it a power mightier    
than the throne4 ,it matters not what is
 the theory  of the government1 if the  
practice of the government be unjust and
  tyrannical4 ,we rise in rebellion     
against a despotism incomparably more   
dreadful than that which induced the    
colonists to take up arms against  the  
mother country2 not on account of a     
three-penny tax on tea1 but  because    
fetters of living iron are fastened on  
the limbs of millions  of our           
countrymen1 and our most sacred rights  
are trampled in the  dust4 ,as citizens 
of the ,state1 we appeal to the ,state  
in vain for  protection and redress4 ,as
 citizens of the ,united ,states1 we are
  treated as outlaws in one half of the 
country1 and the national  government   
consents to our destruction4 ,we are    

denied the right of  locomotion1 freedom
 of speech1 the right of petition1 the  
liberty of  the press1 the right        
peaceably to assemble together to       
protest against  oppression and plead   
for liberty--at least in thirteen       
,states of the  ,union4 ,if we venture1 
as avowed and unflinching abolitionists1
 to  travel ,south of ,mason and        
,dixon's line1 we do so at the peril of 
our  lives4 ,if we would escape torture 
and death1 on visiting any of the  slave
 ,states1 we must stifle our            
conscientious convictions1 bear no      
testimony against cruelty and tyranny1  
suppress the struggling  emotions of    
humanity1 divest ourselves of all       
letters and papers  of an anti-slavery  
character1 and do homage to the         
slaveholding  power--or run the risk of 
a cruel martyrdom6 ,these are appalling 
and undeniable facts4 ,three millions of
 the ,american people are  crushed under
 the ,american ,union6 ,they are held as
 slaves--trafficked  as                 

merchandise--registered as goods and    
chattels6 ,the government gives  them no
 protection--the government is their    
enemy--the government  keeps them in    
chains6 ,there they lie bleeding--we are
 prostrate by  their side--in their     
sorrows and sufferings we               
participate--their  stripes are         
inflicted on our bodies1 their shackles 
are fastened on  our limbs1 their cause 
is ours6 ,the ,union which grinds them  
to the  dust rests upon us1 and with    
them we will struggle to overthrow it6  
,the ,constitution1 which subjects them 
to hopeless bondage1 is one that  we    
cannot swear to support6 ,our motto is1 
,,no ,,union ,,with  ,,slaveholders1    
either religious or political4 ,they are
 the fiercest  enemies of mankind1 and  
the bitterest foes of ,god6 ,we separate
 from  them not in anger1 not in malice1
 not for a selfish purpose1 not to do   
them an injury1 not to cease warning1   
exhorting1 reproving them for  their    
crimes1 not to leave the perishing      

bondman to his fate--,o no6  ,but to    
clear our skirts of innocent blood--to  
give the oppressor no  countenance--to  
signify our abhorrence of injustice and 
cruelty--to  testify against an ungodly 
compact--to cease striking hands with   
thieves and consenting with             
adulterers--to make no compromise with  
tyranny--to walk worthily of our high   
profession--to increase our  moral power
 over the nation--to obey ,god and      
vindicate the ,gospel of  his ,son--to  
hasten the downfall of slavery in       
,america1 and throughout  the world6    
,we are not acting under a blind        
impulse4 ,we have carefully counted the 
cost of this warfare1 and are prepared  
to meet its consequences4 ,it  will     
subject us to reproach1 persecution1    
infamy--it will prove a  fiery ordeal to
 all who shall pass through it--it may  
cost us our  lives4 ,we shall be        
ridiculed as fools1 scorned as          
visionaries1 branded  as disorganizers1 
reviled as madmen1 threatened and       

perhaps punished  as traitors4 ,but we  
shall bide our time4 ,whether safety or 
peril1  whether victory or defeat1      
whether life or death be ours1 believing
  that our feet are planted on an       
eternal foundation1 that our position   
is sublime and glorious1 that our faith 
in ,god is rational and  steadfast1 that
 we have exceeding great and precious   
promises on which  to rely1 ,,that ,,we 
,,are ,,in ,,the ,,right1 we shall not  
falter nor be  dismayed1 though the     
earth be removed1 and though the        
mountains be  carried into the midst of 
the sea1--though our ranks be thinned to
  the number of three hundred men4      
,freemen6 are you ready for the         
conflict8 ,come what may1 will you sever
 the chain that binds you to a          
slaveholding government1 and declare    
your independence8 ,up1 then1 with  the 
banner of revolution6 ,not to shed      
blood--not to injure the person  or     
estate of any oppressor--not by force   
and arms to resist any  law--not to     

countenance a servile insurrection--not 
to wield any  carnal weapons6 ,no--ours 
must be a bloodless strife1 excepting   
our  blood be shed--for we aim1 as did  
,christ our leader1 not to destroy      
men's lives1 but to save them--to       
overcome evil with good--to conquer     
through suffering for righteousness'    
sake--to set the captive free by  the   
potency of truth6    ,secede1 then1 from
 the government4 ,submit to its         
exactions1 but pay  it no allegiance1   
and give it no voluntary aid4 ,fill no  
offices under  it4 ,send no senators or 
representatives to the ,national or     
,state  legislature2 for what you cannot
 conscientiously perform yourself1 you  
cannot ask another to perform as your   
agent4 ,circulate a declaration  of     
,,disunion ,,from ,,slaveholders1       
throughout the country4 ,hold mass      
meetings--assemble in conventions--nail 
your banners to the mast6    ,do you ask
 what can be done1 if you abandon the   
ballot box8 ,what did  the crucified    

,nazarene do without the elective       
franchise8 ,what did  the apostles do8  
,what did the glorious army of martyrs  
and confessors  do8 ,what did ,luther   
and his intrepid associates do8 ,what   
can women  and children do8 ,what has   
,father ,matthew done for teetotalism8  
,what  has ,daniel ,o',connell done for 
,irish repeal8 ,stand1 having your loins
  girt about with truth1 and having on  
the breast-plate of  righteousness1 and 
arrayed in the whole armor of ,god6     
,the form of government that shall      
succeed the present government of  the  
,united ,states1 let time determine4 ,it
 would he a waste of time to  argue that
 question1 until the people are         
regenerated and turned from  their      
iniquity4 ,ours is no anarchical        
movement1 but one of order and          
obedience4 ,in ceasing from oppression1 
we establish liberty4 ,what is  now     
fragmentary1 shall in due time be       
crystallized1 and shine like a  gem set 
in the heavens1 for a light to all      

coming ages4    ,finally--we believe    
that the effect of this movement will   
be1--,first1  to create discussion and  
agitation throughout the ,north2 and    
these  will lead to a general perception
 of its grandeur and importance4        
,secondly1 to convulse the slumbering   
,south like an earthquake1 and  convince
 her that her only alternative is1 to   
abolish slavery1 or be  abandoned by    
that power on which she now relies for  
safety4    ,thirdly1 to attack the slave
 power in its most vulnerable point1 and
  to carry the battle to the gate4      
,fourthly1 to exalt the moral sense1    
increase the moral power1 and           
invigorate the moral constitution of all
 who heartily espouse it4    ,we        
reverently believe that1 in withdrawing 
from the ,american ,union1 we  have the 
,god of justice with us4 ,we know that  
we have our enslaved  countrymen with   
us4 ,we are confident that all free     
hearts will be  with us4 ,we are certain
 that tyrants and their abettors will be

  against us4    ,in behalf of the      
,executive ,committee of the ,american  
,anti-,slavery  ,society1    ,,wm4      
,,lloyd ,,garrison1 ,president4         
,,wendell ,,phillips1     ,secretaries4 
,,maria ,,weston ,,chapman1     ,boston1
 ,may #bj1 #ahdd4        ,,letter ,,from
 ,,francis ,,jackson4    ,,boston1 #dth 
,july1 #ahdd4    ,to ,his ,excellency   
,george ,n4 ,briggs3    ,,sir--,many    
years since1 ,i received from the       
,executive of the  ,commonwealth a      
commission as ,justice of the ,peace4 ,i
 have held the  office that it conferred
 upon me till the present time1 and have
 found  it a convenience to myself1 and 
others4 ,it might continue to be so1    
could ,i consent longer to hold it4 ,but
 paramount considerations  forbid1 and  
,i herewith transmit to you my          
commission1 respectfully  asking you to 
accept my resignation4    ,while ,i deem
 it a duty to myself to take this step1 
,i feel called on  to state the reasons 
that influence me4    ,in entering upon 

the duties of the office in question1 ,i
 complied with  the requirements of the 
law1 by taking an oath to support the   
,constitution of the ,united ,states4 ,i
 regret that ,i ever took that  oath4   
,had ,i then as maturely considered its 
full import1 and the  obligations under 
which it is understood1 and meant to lay
 those who  take it1 as ,i have done    
since1 ,i certainly never would have    
taken it1  seeing1 as ,i now do1 that   
the ,constitution of the ,united ,states
  contains provisions calculated and    
intended to foster1 cherish1 uphold  and
 perpetuate slavery4 ,it pledges the    
country to guard and protect  the slave 
system so long as the slaveholding      
,states choose to retain  it4 ,it       
regards the slave code as lawful in the 
,states which enact it4  ,still more1 it
 has done that1 which1 until its        
adoption1 was never  before done for    
,african slavery4 ,it took it out of its
 former category  of municipal law and  
local life2 adopted it as a national    

institution1  spread around it the broad
 and sufficient shield of national law1 
and  thus gave to slavery a national    
existence4 ,consequently1 the oath to   
support the ,constitution of the ,united
 ,states is a solemn promise to  do that
 which is morally wrong2 that which is a
 violation of the  natural rights of    
man1 and a sin in the sight of ,god4    
,i am not in this matter1 constituting  
myself a judge of others4 ,i do  not say
 that no honest man can take such an    
oath1 and abide by it4 ,i  only say1    
that ,i would not now deliberately take 
it2 and that1  having inconsiderately   
taken it2 ,i can no longer suffer it to 
lie upon  my soul4 ,i take back the     
oath1 and ask you1 sir1 to receive back 
the  commission1 which was the occasion 
of my taking it4    ,i am aware that my 
course in this matter is liable to be   
regarded as  singular1 if not           
censurable2 and ,i must1 therefore1 be  
allowed to make  a more specific        
statement of those provisions of the    

,constitution  which support the        
enormous wrong1 the heinous sin of      
slavery4    ,the very first ,article of 
the ,constitution takes slavery at once 
under  its legislative protection1 as a 
basis of representation in the  popular 
branch of the ,national ,legislature4   
,it regards slaves under  the           
description of all other persons--as of 
only three-fifths of  the value of free 
persons2 thus to appearance undervaluing
 them in  comparison with freemen4 ,but 
its dark and involved phraseology seems 
intended to blind us to the             
consideration1 that those underrated    
slaves are merely a basis1 not the      
source of representation2 that  by the  
laws of all the ,states where they live1
 they are regarded not  as persons1 but 
as things2 that they are not the        
constituency of  the representative1 but
 his property2 and that the necessary   
effect of  this provision of the        
,constitution is1 to take legislative   
power out  of the hands of men1 as such1

 and give it to the mere possessors of  
goods and chattels4 ,fixing upon thirty 
thousand persons1 as the  smallest      
number that shall send one member into  
the ,house of  ,representatives1 it     
protects slavery by distributing        
legislative power  in a free and in a   
slave ,state thus3 ,to a congressional  
district in  ,south ,carolina1          
containing fifty thousand slaves1       
claimed as the  property of five hundred
 whites1 who hold1 on an average1 one   
hundred  apiece1 it gives one           
,representative in ,congress2 to a      
district in  ,massachusetts containing a
 population of thirty thousand five     
hundred1  one ,representative is        
assigned4 ,but inasmuch as a slave is   
never  permitted to vote1 the fifty     
thousand persons in a district in       
,carolina form no part of the           
constituency2 that is found only in  the
 five hundred free persons4 ,five       
hundred freemen of ,carolina could  send
 one ,representative to ,congress1 while

 it would take thirty  thousand five    
hundred freemen of ,massachusetts1 to do
 the same thing3  that is1 one          
slaveholder in ,carolina is clothed by  
the ,constitution  with the same        
political power and influence in the    
,representatives  ,hall at ,washington1 
as sixty ,massachusetts men like you and
 me1 who  eat their bread in the sweat  
of their own brows4    ,according to the
 census of #ahcj1 and the ratio of      
representation  based upon that1 slave  
property added twenty-five members to   
the ,house  of ,representatives4 ,and as
 it has been estimated1 7as an          
approximation to the truth17 that the   
two and a half million slaves in  the   
,united ,states are held as property by 
about two hundred and fifty  thousand   
persons--giving an average of ten slaves
 to each slaveholder1  those twenty-five
 ,representatives1 each chosen1 at most 
by only ten  thousand voters1 and       
probably by less than three-fourths of  
that  number1 were the representatives  

not only of the two hundred and fifty   
thousand persons who chose them1 but of 
property which1 five years  ago1 when   
slaves were lower in market1 than at    
present1 were  estimated1 by the man who
 is now the most prominent candidate for
 the  ,presidency1 at twelve hundred    
millions of dollars--a sum1 which1 by   
the natural increase of five years1 and 
the enhanced value resulting  from a    
more prosperous state of the planting   
interest1 cannot now be  less than      
fifteen hundred millions of dollars4    
,all this vast amount of  property1 as  
it is peculiar1 is also identical in its
 character4 ,in  ,congress1 as we have  
seen1 it is animated by one spirit1     
moves in one  mass1 and is wielded with 
one aim2 and when we consider that      
tyranny  is always timid1 and despotism 
distrustful1 we see that this vast      
money power would be false to itself1   
did it not direct all its eyes  and     
hands1 and put forth all its ingenuity  
and energy1 to one  end--self-protection

 and self-perpetuation4 ,and this it has
 ever done4  ,in all the vibrations of  
the political scale1 whether in relation
 to a  ,bank or ,sub-,treasury1 ,free   
,trade or a ,tariff1 this immense power 
has  moved1 and will continue to move1  
in one mass1 for its own protection4    
,while the weight of the slave influence
 is thus felt in the ,house of          
,representatives1 in the ,senate of the 
,union1 says ,,john ,,quincy ,,adams1   
the proportion of slaveholding power is 
still greater4 ,by the  influence of    
slavery in the ,states where the        
institution is tolerated1  over their   
elections1 no other than a slaveholder  
can rise to the  distinction of         
obtaining a seat in the ,senate2 and    
thus1 of the  fifty-two members of the  
federal ,senate1 twenty-six are owners  
of  slaves1 and are as effectually      
representatives of that interest1 as    
the eighty-eight members elected by them
 to the ,house    ,the dominant power   
which the ,constitution gives to the    

slave interest1  as thus seen and       
exercised in the ,legislative ,halls of 
our nation1  is equally obvious and     
obtrusive in every other department of  
the  ,national government4    ,in the   
,electoral colleges1 the same cause     
produces the same  effect--the same     
power is wielded for the same purpose1  
as in the  ,halls of ,congress4 ,even   
the preliminary nominating conventions1 
before  they dare name a candidate for  
the highest office in the gift of the   
people1 must ask of the ,genius of      
slavery1 to what votary she will  show  
herself propitious4 ,this very year1 we 
see both the great  political parties   
doing homage to the slave power1 by     
nominating each  a slaveholder for the  
chair of ,state4 ,the candidate of one  
party  declares1 ,i should have opposed1
 and would continue to oppose1 any      
scheme whatever of emancipation1 either 
gradual or immediate2 and  adds1 ,it is 
not true1 and ,i rejoice that it is not 
true1 that either  of the two great     

parties of this country has any design  
or aim at  abolition4 ,i should deeply  
lament it1 if it were true4#ab          
,footnote #ab3 ,henry ,clay's speech in 
the ,united ,states ,senate in #ahci1   
and confirmed at ,raleigh1 ,n4,c4 #ahdd4
      ,the other party nominates a man  
who says1 ,i have no hesitation in      
declaring that ,i am in favor of the    
immediate re-annexation of ,texas  to   
the territory and government of the     
,united ,states4    ,thus both the      
political parties1 and the candidates of
 both1 vie with  each other1 in offering
 allegiance to the slave power1 as a    
condition  precedent to any hope of     
success in the struggle for the         
executive  chair2 a seat that1 for more 
than three-fourths of the existence of  
our constitutional government1 has been 
occupied by a slaveholder4    ,the same 
stern despotism overshadows even the    
sanctuaries of  justice4 ,of the nine   
,justices of the ,supreme ,court of the 
,united  ,states1 five are slaveholders1

 and of course1 must be faithless to    
their own interest1 as well as recreant 
to the power that gives them  place1 or 
must1 so far as they are concerned1 give
 both to law and  constitution such a   
construction as shall justify the       
language of ,john  ,quincy ,adams1 when 
he says--,the legislative1 executive1   
and judicial  authorities1 are all in   
their hands--for the preservation1      
propagation1 and perpetuation of the    
black code of slavery4 ,every law  of   
the legislature becomes a link in the   
chain of the slave2 every  executive act
 a rivet to his hapless fate2 every     
judicial decision a  perversion of the  
human intellect to the justification of 
wrong4    ,thus by merely adverting but 
briefly to the theory and the practical 
effect of this clause of the            
,constitution1 that ,i have sworn to    
support1 it is seen that it throws the  
political power of the nation  into the 
hands of the slaveholders2 a body of    
men1 which1 however it  may be regarded 

by the ,constitution as persons1 is in  
fact and  practical effect1 a vast      
moneyed corporation1 bound together by  
an  indissoluble unity of interest1 by a
 common sense of a common danger2       
counselling at all times for its common 
protection2 wielding the whole  power1  
and controlling the destiny of the      
nation4    ,if we look into the         
legislative halls1 slavery is seen in   
the chair of  the presiding officer of  
each2 and controlling the action of     
both4  ,slavery occupies1 by            
prescriptive right1 the ,presidential   
chair4 ,the  paramount voice that comes 
from the temple of national justice1    
issues  from the lips of slavery4 ,the  
army is in the hands of slavery1 and at 
her bidding1 must encamp in the         
everglades of ,florida1 or march from   
the ,missouri to the borders of ,mexico1
 to look after her interests in  ,texas4
    ,the navy1 even that part that is   
cruising off the coast of ,africa1 to   
suppress the foreign slave trade1 is in 

the hands of slavery4    ,freemen of the
 ,north1 who have even dared to lift up 
their voice  against slavery1 cannot    
travel through the slave ,states1 but at
 the  peril of their lives4    ,the     
representatives of freemen are          
forbidden1 on the floor of  ,congress1  
to remonstrate against the encroachments
 of slavery1 or to  pray that she would 
let her poor victims go4    ,i renounce 
my allegiance to a ,constitution that   
enthrones such a  power1 wielded for the
 purpose of depriving me of my rights1  
of  robbing my countrymen of their      
liberties1 and of securing its own      
protection1 support and perpetuation4   
,passing by that clause of the          
,constitution1 which restricted         
,congress  for twenty years1 from       
passing any law against the ,african    
slave  trade1 and which gave authority  
to raise a revenue on the stolen sons   
of ,africa1 ,i come to that part of the 
fourth article1 which guarantees        
protection against domestic violence1   

which pledges to the ,south  the        
military force of the country1 to       
protect the masters against  their      
insurgent slaves1 and binds us1 and our 
children1 to shoot down  our            
fellow-countrymen1 who may rise1 in     
emulation of our revolutionary  fathers1
 to vindicate their inalienable right to
 life1 liberty1 and  the pursuit of     
happiness1--this clause of the          
,constitution1 ,i say  distinctly1 ,i   
never will support4    ,that part of the
 ,constitution which provides for the   
surrender of  fugitive slaves1 ,i never 
have supported and never will4 ,i will  
join in  no slave-hunt4 ,my door shall  
stand open1 as it has long stood1 for   
the  panting and trembling victim of the
 slave-hunter4 ,when ,i shut it  against
 him1 may ,god shut the door of his     
mercy against me6 ,under this  clause of
 the ,constitution1 and designed to     
carry it into effect1  slavery has      
demanded that laws should be passed1 and
 of such a  character1 as have left the 

free citizen of the ,north without      
protection for his own liberty4 ,the    
question1 whether a man seized in  a    
free ,state as a slave1 is a slave or   
not1 the law of ,congress does  not     
allow a jury to determine3 but refers it
 to the decision of a  ,judge of a      
,united ,states' ,court1 or even of the 
humblest ,state  magistrate1 it may be1 
upon the testimony or affidavit of the  
party  most deeply interested to support
 the claim4 ,by virtue of this law1     
freemen have been seized and dragged    
into perpetual slavery--and  should ,i  
be seized by a slave-hunter in any part 
of the country where  ,i am not         
personally known1 neither the           
,constitution nor laws of the  ,united  
,states would shield me from the same   
destiny4    ,these1 sir1 are the        
specific parts of the ,constitution of  
the ,united  ,states1 which in my       
opinion are essentially vicious1 hostile
 at once  to the liberty and to the     
morals of the nation4 ,and these are the

  principal reasons of my refusal any   
longer to acknowledge my  allegiance to 
it1 and of my determination to revoke my
 oath to support  it4 ,i cannot1 in     
order to keep the law of man1 break the 
law of ,god1  or solemnly call him to   
witness my promise that ,i will break   
it4    ,it is true that the             
,constitution provides for its own      
amendment1 and  that by this process1   
all the guarantees of ,slavery may be   
expunged4  ,but it will be time enough  
to swear to support it when this is     
done4  ,it cannot be right to do so1    
until these amendments are made4    ,it 
is also true that the framers of the    
,constitution did studiously  keep the  
words ,slave and ,slavery from its face4
 ,but to do our  constitutional fathers 
justice1 while they forebore--from very 
shame--to give the word ,slavery a place
 in the ,constitution1 they  did not    
forbear--again to do them justice--to   
give place in it to the  thing4 ,they   
were careful to wrap up the idea1 and   

the substance of  ,slavery1 in the      
clause for the surrender of the         
fugitive1 though they  sacrificed       
justice in doing so4    ,there is       
abundant evidence that this clause      
touching persons held to  service or    
labor1 not only operates practically1   
under the ,judicial  construction1 for  
the protection of the slave interest2   
but that it  was intended so to operate 
by the farmers of the ,constitution4    
,the  highest ,judicial                 
authorities--,chief ,justice ,,shaw1 of 
the ,supreme ,court  of ,massachusetts1 
in the ,,latimer case1 and ,mr4 ,justice
 ,,story1 in the  ,supreme ,court of the
 ,united ,states1 in the case of ,prigg 
vs4 ,the  ,state of ,pennsylvania1--tell
 us1 ,i know not on what evidence1 that 
without this compromise1 this security  
for ,southern slaveholders1  the ,union 
could not have been formed4 ,and there  
is still higher  evidence1 not only that
 the framers of the ,constitution meant 
by this  clause to protect slavery1 but 

that they did this1 knowing that        
slavery was wrong4 ,mr4 ,,madison#ac    
informs us that the clause in  question1
 as it came of the hands of ,dr4        
,,johnson1 the chairman of the          
committee on style1 read thus3 ,no      
person legally held to service1  or     
labor1 in one ,state1 escaping into     
another1 shall1 c4 and that  the word   
legally was struck out1 and the words   
under the laws  thereof inserted after  
the word ,state1 in compliance with the 
wish  of some1 who thought the term     
legal equivocal1 and favoring the idea  
that slavery was legal in a moral view4 
,a conclusive proof that1  although     
future generations might apply that     
clause to other kinds of  service or    
labor1 when slavery should have died    
out1 or been killed  off by the young   
spirit of liberty1 which was then awake 
and at work  in the land2 still1 slavery
 was what they were wrapping up in      
equivocal words2 and wrapping it up for 
its protection and safe  keeping3 a     

conclusive proof that the framers of the
 ,constitution were  more careful to    
protect themselves in the judgment of   
coming  generations1 from the charge of 
ignorance1 than of sin2 a conclusive    
proof that they knew that slavery was   
not legal in a moral view1  that it was 
a violation of the moral law of ,god2   
and yet knowing and  confessing its     
immorality1 they dared to make this     
stipulation for its  support and        
defence4    ,footnote #ac3 ,madison     
,papers1 p4 #aehi4      ,this language  
may sound harsh to the ears of those who
 think it a part  of their duty1 as     
citizens1 to maintain that whatever the 
patriots of  the ,revolution did1 was   
right2 and who hold that we are bound to
 do  all the iniquity that they         
covenanted for us that we should do4    
,but  the claims of truth and right are 
paramount to all other claims4    ,with 
all our veneration for our              
constitutional fathers1 we must         
admit1--for they have left on record    

their own confession of it1--that  in   
this part of their work they intended to
 hold the shield of their  protection   
over a wrong1 knowing that it was a     
wrong4 ,they made a  compromise which   
they had no right to make--a compromise 
of moral  principle for the sake of what
 they probably regarded as political    
expediency4 ,i am sure they did not     
know--no man could know1 or can  now    
measure1 the extent1 or the consequences
 of the wrong that they  were doing4 ,in
 the strong language of ,,john ,,quincy 
,,adams1#ad in  relation to the article 
fixing the basis of representation1     
,little  did the members of the         
,convention1 from the free ,states1     
imagine or  foresee what a sacrifice to 
,moloch was hidden under the mask of    
this  concession4    ,footnote #ad3 ,see
 his ,report on the ,massachusetts      
,resolutions4      ,i verily believe    
that1 giving all due consideration to   
the benefits  conferred upon this nation
 by the ,constitution1 its national     

unity1  its swelling masses of wealth1  
its power1 and the external prosperity  
of its multiplying millions2 yet the    
moral injury that has been done1  by the
 countenance shown to slavery2 by       
holding over that tremendous  sin the   
shield of the ,constitution1 and thus   
breaking down in the eyes  of the nation
 the barrier between right and wrong2 by
 so tenderly  cherishing slavery as1 in 
less than the life of a man1 to multiply
 her  children from half a million to   
nearly three millions2 by enacting      
oaths from those who occupy prominent   
stations in society1 that they  will    
violate at once the rights of man and   
the law of ,god2 by  substituting itself
 as a rule of right1 in place of the    
moral laws of  the universe2--thus in   
effect1 dethroning the ,almighty in the 
hearts  of this people and setting up   
another sovereign in his stead--more    
than outweighs it all4 ,a melancholy and
 monitory lesson this1 to all           
time-serving and temporizing statesmen6 

,a striking illustration of the         
impolicy of sacrificing right to any    
considerations of expediency6  ,yet1    
what better than the evil effects that  
we have seen1 could the  authors of the 
,constitution have reasonably expected1 
from the  sacrifice of right1 in the    
concessions they made to slavery8 ,was  
it  reasonable in them to expect that1  
after they had introduced a vicious     
element into the very ,constitution of  
the body politic which they were        
calling into life1 it would not exert   
its vicious energies8 ,was it           
reasonable in them to expect that1 after
 slavery had been corrupting  the public
 morals for a whole generation1 their   
children would have  too much virtue to 
use for the defence of slavery1 a power 
which  they themselves had not too much 
virtue to give8 ,it is dangerous for    
the sovereign power of a ,state to      
license immorality2 to hold the  shield 
of its protection over anything that is 
not legal in a moral  view4 ,bring into 

your house a benumbed viper1 and lay it 
down upon  your warm hearth1 and soon it
 will not ask you into which room it may
  crawl4 ,let ,slavery once lean upon   
the supporting arm1 and bask in the     
fostering smile of the ,state1 and you  
will soon see1 as we now see1  both her 
minions and her victims multiply apace1 
till the politics1  the morals1 the     
liberties1 even the religion of the     
nation1 are  brought completely under   
her control4    ,to me1 it appears that 
the virus of slavery1 introduced into   
the  ,constitution of our body politic1 
by a few slight punctures1 has now  so  
pervaded and poisoned the whole system  
of our ,national ,government1  that     
literally there is no health in it4 ,the
 only remedy that ,i can  see for the   
disease1 is to be found in the          
dissolution of the  patient4    ,the    
,constitution of the ,united ,states1   
both in theory and practice1 is  so     
utterly broken down by the influence and
 effects of slavery1 so  imbecile for   

the highest good of the nation1 and so  
powerful for evil1  that ,i can give no 
voluntary assistance in holding it up   
any longer4    ,henceforth it is dead to
 me1 and ,i to it4 ,i withdraw all      
profession of  allegiance to it1 and all
 my voluntary efforts to sustain it4    
,the  burdens that it lays upon me1     
while it is held up by others1 ,i shall 
endeavor to bear patiently1 yet acting  
with reference to a higher law1  and    
distinctly declaring1 that while ,i     
retain my own liberty1 ,i will  be a    
party to no compact1 which helps to rob 
any other man of his4    ,very          
respectfully1 your friend1    ,,francis 
,,jackson      ,,from    ,,mr4          
,,webster',s ,,speech    ,,at ,,niblo',s
 ,,gardens4    ,we have slavery1        
already1 amongst us4 ,the ,constitution 
found it among  us2 it recognized it and
 gave it ,,solemn ,,guaranties4 ,to the 
full extent  of these guaranties we are 
all bound1 in honor1 in justice1 and by 
the  ,constitution4 ,all the            

stipulations1 contained in the          
,constitution1 in  favor of the         
slaveholding ,states which are already  
in the ,union1  ought to be fulfilled1  
and so far as depends on me1 shall be   
fulfilled1 in the fulness of their      
spirit1 and to the exactness of  their  
letter4 666           99     99     99  
99     99    ,,extracts ,,from    ,,john
 ,q4 ,,adams',s ,,address    ,,at       
,,north ,,bridgewater1 ,,november #f1   
#ahdd4    ,the benefits of the          
,constitution of the ,united ,states1   
were the  restoration of credit and     
reputation1 to the country--the revival 
of  commerce1 navigation1 and           
ship-building--the acquisition of the   
means  of discharging the debts of the  
,revolution1 and the protection and     
encouragement of the infant and drooping
 manufactures of the country4  ,all     
this1 however1 as is now well           
ascertained1 was insufficient to        
propitiate the rulers of the ,southern  
,states to the adoption of the          

,constitution4 ,what they specially     
wanted was protection4--,protection     
from the powerful and savage tribes of  
,indians within their borders1  and who 
were harassing them with the most       
terrible of wars--and  protection from  
their own negroes--protection from their
  insurrections--protection from their  
escape--protection even to the  trade by
 which they were brought into the       
country--protection1 shall ,i  not blush
 to say1 protection to the very bondage 
by which they were  held4 ,yes6 it      
cannot be denied--the slaveholding lords
 of the ,south  prescribed1 as a        
condition of their assent to the        
,constitution1 three  special provisions
 to secure the perpetuity of their      
dominion over  their slaves4 ,the first 
was the immunity for twenty years of    
preserving the ,african slave-trade2 the
 second was the stipulation to          
surrender fugitive slaves--an engagement
 positively prohibited by the  laws of  
,god1 delivered from ,sinai2 and        

thirdly1 the exaction fatal to  the     
principles of popular representation1 of
 a representation for  slaves--for      
articles of merchandise1 under the name 
of persons4    ,the reluctance with     
which the freemen of the ,north         
submitted to the  dictation of these    
conditions1 is attested by the awkward  
and  ambiguous language in which they   
are expressed4 ,the word slave is most  
cautiously and fastidiously excluded    
from the whole instrument4 ,a  stranger1
 who should come from a foreign land1   
and read the  ,constitution of the      
,united ,states1 would not believe that 
slavery or a  slave existed within the  
borders of our country4 ,there is not a 
word  in the ,constitution apparently   
bearing upon the condition of  slavery1 
nor is there a provision but would be   
susceptible of  practical execution1 if 
there were not a slave in the land4     
,the delegates from ,south ,carolina and
 ,georgia distinctly avowed that1       
without this guarantee of protection to 

their property in slaves1 they  would   
not yield their assent to the           
,constitution2 and the freemen of  the  
,north1 reduced to the alternative of   
departing from the vital  principle of  
their liberty1 or of forfeiting the     
,union itself1 averted  their faces1 and
 with trembling hand subscribed the     
bond4    ,twenty years passed away--the 
slave markets of the ,south were        
saturated with the blood of ,african    
bondage1 and from midnight of the  #cast
 of ,december1 #ahjg1 not a slave from  
,africa was suffered ever more  to be   
introduced upon our soil4 ,but the      
internal traffic was still  lawful1 and 
the breeding ,states soon reconciled    
themselves to a  prohibition which gave 
them the monopoly of the interdicted    
trade1 and  they joined the full chorus 
of reprobation1 to punish with death the
  slave-trader from ,africa1 while they 
cherished and shielded and  enjoyed the 
precious profits of the ,american       
slave-trade exclusively  to themselves4 

,perhaps this unhappy result of their   
concession had not altogether  escaped  
the foresight of the freemen of the     
,north2 but their intense  anxiety for  
the preservation of the whole ,union1   
and the habit already  formed of        
yielding to the somewhat peremptory and 
overbearing tone  which the relation of 
master and slave welds into the nature  
of the  lord1 prevailed with them to    
overlook this consideration1 the        
internal  slave-trade having scarcely   
existed1 while that with ,africa had    
been  allowed4 ,but of one consequence  
which has followed from the slave       
representation1 pervading the whole     
organic structure of the  ,constitution1
 they certainly were not prescient2 for 
if they had been1  never--no1 never     
would they have consented to it4    ,the
 representation1 ostensibly of slaves1  
under the name of persons1  was in its  
operation an exclusive grant of power to
 one class of  proprietors1 owners of   
one species of property1 to the         

detriment of  all the rest of the       
community4 ,this species of property was
 odious in  its nature1 held in direct  
violation of the natural and inalienable
  rights of man1 and of the vital       
principles of ,christianity2 it was all 
accumulated in one geographical section 
of the country1 and was all  held by    
wealthy men1 comparatively small in     
numbers1 not amounting to  a tenth part 
of the free white population of the     
,states in which it  was concentrated4  
,in some of the ancient1 and in some    
modern republics1 extraordinary         
political power and privileges have been
 invested in the owners of  horses but  
then these privileges and these powers  
have been granted  for the equivalent of
 extraordinary duties and services to   
the  community1 required of the favored 
class4 ,the ,roman knights  constituted 
the cavalry of their armies1 and the    
bushels of rings  gathered by ,hannibal 
from their dead bodies1 after the battle
 of  ,cannae1 amply prove that the      

special powers conferred upon them were 
no gratuitous grants4 ,but in the       
,constitution of the ,united ,states1   
the political power invested in the     
owners of slaves is entirely            
gratuitous4 ,no extraordinary service is
 required of them2 they are1 on  the    
contrary1 themselves grievous burdens   
upon the community1 always  threatened  
with the danger of insurrections1 to be 
smothered in the  blood of both parties1
 master and slave1 and always depressing
 the  condition of the poor free        
laborer1 by competition with the labor  
of  the slave4 ,the property in horses  
was the gift of ,god to man1 at the     
creation of the world2 the property in  
slaves is property acquired and  held by
 crimes1 differing in no moral aspect   
from the pillage of a  freebooter1 and  
to which no lapse of time can give a    
prescriptive  right4 ,you are told that 
this is no concern of yours1 and that   
the  question of freedom and slavery is 
exclusively reserved to the             

consideration of the separate ,states4  
,but if it be so1 as to the mere        
question of right between master and    
slave1 it is of tremendous  concern to  
you that this little cluster of         
slave-owners should  possess1 besides   
their own share in the representative   
hall of the  nation1 the exclusive      
privilege of appointing two-fifths of   
the whole  number of the representatives
 of the people4 ,this is now your       
condition1 under that delusive ambiguity
 of language and of principle1  which   
begins by declaring the representation  
in the popular branch of  the           
legislature a representation of persons1
 and then provides that  one class of   
persons shall have neither part nor lot 
in the choice of  their representatives2
 but their elective franchise shall be  
transferred to their masters1 and the   
oppressors shall represent the          
oppressed4 ,the same perversion of the  
representative principle  pollutes the  
composition of the colleges of electors 

of ,president and  ,vice ,president of  
the ,united ,states1 and every          
department of the  government of the    
,union is thus tainted at its source by 
the gangrene  of slavery4               
,fellow-citizens1--with a body of men   
thus composed1 for legislators  and     
executors of the laws1 what will1 what  
must be1 what has been your             
legislation8 ,the numbers of freemen    
constituting your nation are much       
greater than those of the slaveholding  
,states1 bond and free4 ,you have  at   
least three-fifths of the whole         
population of the ,union4 ,your         
influence on the legislation and the    
administration of the government  ought 
to be in the proportion of three to     
two--,but how stands the  fact8 ,besides
 the legitimate portion of influence    
exercised by the  slaveholding ,states  
by the measure of their numbers1 here is
 an  intrusive influence in every       
department1 by a representation         
nominally  of persons1 but really of    

property1 ostensibly of slaves1 but     
effectively of their masters1           
overbalancing your superiority of       
numbers1 adding two-fifths of           
supplementary power to the two-fifths   
fairly secured to them by the compact1  
,,controlling ,,and ,,overruling ,,the  
,,whole ,,action ,,of ,,your            
,,government ,,at ,,home ,,and ,,abroad1
 and warping it to  the sordid private  
interest and oppressive policy of       
#cjj1jjj owners of  slaves4    ,from the
 time of the adoption of the            
,constitution of the ,united  ,states1  
the institution of domestic slavery has 
been becoming more and  more the        
abhorrence of the civilized world4 ,but 
in proportion as it  has been growing   
odious to all the rest of mankind1 it   
has been  sinking deeper and deeper into
 the affections of the holders of slaves
  themselves4 ,the cultivation of cotton
 and of sugar1 unknown in the  ,union at
 the establishment of the ,constitution1
 has added largely to  the pecuniary    

value of the slave4 ,aud the suppression
 of the ,african  slave-trade as piracy 
upon pain of death1 by securing the     
benefit of a  monopoly to the virtuous  
slaveholders of the ancient dominion1   
has  turned her heroic tyrannicides into
 a community of slave-breeders for      
sale1 and converted the land of ,,george
 ,,washington1 ,,patrick ,,henry1       
,,richard ,,henry ,,lee1 and ,,thomas   
,,jefferson1 into a great barracoon--a  
cattle-show of human beings1 an         
emporium1 of which the staple articles  
of merchandise are the flesh and blood1 
the bones and sinews of  immortal man4  
,of the increasing abomination of       
slavery in the unbought hearts of men   
at the time when the ,constitution of   
the ,united ,states was formed1  what   
clearer proof could be desired1 than    
that the very same year in  which that  
charter of the land was issued1 the     
,congress of the  ,confederation1 with  
not a tithe of the powers given by the  
people to  the ,congress of the new     

compact1 actually abolished slavery for 
ever  throughout the whole ,northwestern
 territory1 without a remonstrance or  a
 murmur4 ,but in the articles of        
confederation1 there was no guaranty    
for the property of the slaveholder--no 
double representation of him  in the    
,federal councils--no power of          
taxation--no stipulation for the        
recovery of fugitive slaves4 ,but when  
the powers of government came  to be    
delegated to the ,union1 the            
,south--that is1 ,south ,carolina and   
,georgia--refused their subscription to 
the parchment1 till it should  be       
saturated with the infection of slavery1
 which no fumigation could  purify1 no  
quarantine could extinguish4 ,the       
freemen of the ,north gave  way1 and the
 deadly venom of slavery was infused    
into the ,constitution  of freedom4 ,its
 first consequence has been to invert   
the first  principle of ,democracy1 that
 the will of the majority of numbers    
shall  rule the land4 ,by means of the  

double representation1 the minority     
command the whole1 and a ,,knot ,,of    
,,slaveholders ,,give ,,the ,,law ,,and 
,,prescribe ,,the ,,policy ,,of ,,the   
,,country4 ,to acquire this superiority 
of a  large majority of freemen1 a      
persevering system of engrossing nearly 
all the seats of power and place1 is    
constantly for a long series of  years  
pursued1 and you have seen1 in a period 
of fifty-six years1 the                 
,chief-magistracy of the ,union held1   
during forty-four of them1 by the       
owners of slaves4 ,the ,executive       
department1 the ,army and ,navy1 the    
,supreme ,judicial ,court and diplomatic
 missions abroad1 all present the  same 
spectacle2--an immense majority of power
 in the hands of a very  small minority 
of the people--millions made for a      
fraction of a few  thousands4           
99     99     99     99     99    ,from 
that day 7#ahcj17 ,,slavery1            
,,slaveholding1 ,,slave-,,breeding ,,and
  ,,slave-,,trading1 ,,have ,,formed    

,,the ,,whole ,,foundation ,,of ,,the   
,,policy ,,of ,,the  ,,federal          
,,government1 and of the slaveholding   
,states1 at home and  abroad2 and at the
 very time when a new census has        
exhibited a large  increase upon the    
superior numbers of the free ,states1 it
 has  presented the portentous evidence 
of increased influence and  ascendancy  
of the slave-holding power4    ,of the  
prevalence of that power1 you have had  
continual and conclusive  evidence in   
the suppression for the space of ten    
years of the right of  petition1        
guarantied1 if there could be a         
guarantee against slavery1  by the first
 article amendatory of the              
,constitution4                      ,no4
 #ab4    ,,anti-,,slavery ,,examiner4   
,,chattel ,,principle    ,,the          
,,abhorrence ,,of ,,jesus ,,christ ,,and
 ,,the ,,apostles2 ,,or1  ,,no ,,refuge 
,,for ,,american ,,slavery ,,in ,,the   
,,new ,,testament4    ,,by ,,beriah     
,,green4    ,,new ,,york    ,,published 

,,by ,,the ,,american ,,anti-,,slavery  
,,society1  ,,no4 #adc ,,nassau ,,street
    #ahci    ,this ,no4 contains #d-a_/b
 sheet--,postage under #ajj miles1 #g   
cts4 over  #ajj1 #aj cts4    ,please    
,read and circulate4        ,,the ,,new 
,,testament ,,against ,,slavery4        
,,the ,,son ,,of ,,man ,,is ,,come ,,to 
,,seek ,,and ,,to ,,save ,,that ,,which 
,,was ,,lost4    ,is ,jesus ,christ in  
favor of ,american slavery8 ,in #aggf   
,,thomas  ,,jefferson1 supported by a   
noble band of patriots and surrounded by
  the ,american people1 opened his lips 
in the authoritative declaration3  ,we  
hold these truths to be                 
,,self-,,evident1 that all men are      
created equal2 that they are endowed by 
their ,creator with certain  inalienable
 rights2 that among these are life1     
,,liberty1 and the  pursuit of          
happiness4 ,and from the inmost heart of
 the multitudes  around1 and in a strong
 and clear voice1 broke forth the       
unanimous  and decisive answer3         

,amen--such truths we do indeed hold to 
be  self-evident4 ,and animated and     
sustained by a declaration1 so          
inspiring and sublime1 they rushed to   
arms1 and as the result of  agonizing   
efforts and dreadful sufferings1        
achieved under ,god the  independence of
 their country4 ,the great truth1 whence
 they derived  light and strength to    
assert and defend their rights1 they    
made the  foundation of their republic4 
,and in the midst of this republic1     
must we prove1 that ,he1 who was the    
,truth1 did not contradict  the truths  
which ,he ,himself2 as their ,creator1  
had made  self-evident to mankind8      
,is ,jesus ,christ in favor of ,american
 slavery8 ,what1 according to  those    
laws which make it what it is1 is       
,american slavery8 ,in the              
,statute-book of ,south ,carolina thus  
it is written3#a ,slaves shall  be      
deemed1 held1 taken1 reputed and        
adjudged in law to be chattels  personal
 in the hands of their owners and       

possessors1 and their  executors1       
administrators and assigns1 to all      
intents1 construction  and purposes     
whatever4 ,the very root of ,american   
slavery consists  in the assumption1    
that law has reduced men to chattels4   
,but this  assumption is1 and must be1 a
 gross falsehood4 ,men and cattle are   
separated from each other by the        
,creator1 immutably1 eternally1 and  by 
an impassable gulf4 ,to confound or     
identify men and cattle must  be to lie 
most wantonly1 impudently1 and          
maliciously4 ,and must we  prove1 that  
,jesus ,christ is not in favor of       
palpable1 monstrous  falsehood8         
,footnote #a3 ,stroud's ,slave ,laws1 p4
 #bc4      ,is ,jesus ,christ in favor  
of ,american slavery8 ,how can a system1
  built upon a stout and impudent denial
 of self-evident truth--a  system of    
treating men like cattle--operate8      
,thomas ,jefferson shall  answer4 ,hear 
him4 ,the whole commerce between master 
and slave is a  perpetual exercise of   

the most boisterous passions2 the most  
unremitting despotism on the one part1  
and degrading submission on  the other4 
,the parent storms1 the child looks on1 
catches the  lineaments of wrath1 puts  
on the same airs in the circle of       
smaller  slaves1 gives loose to his     
worst passions1 and thus nursed1        
educated1  and daily exercised in       
tyranny1 cannot but be stamped by it    
with  odious peculiarities4 ,the man    
must be a prodigy1 who can retain his   
manners and morals undepraved by such   
circumstances4#b ,such is the  practical
 operation of a system1 which puts men  
and cattle into the  same family and    
treats them alike4 ,and must we prove1  
that ,jesus  ,christ is not in favor of 
a school where the worst vices in their 
most hateful forms are systematically   
and efficiently taught and  practiced8  
,is ,jesus ,christ in favor of ,american
 slavery8 ,what1 in  #ahah1 did the     
,general ,assembly of the ,presbyterian 
church affirm  respecting its nature and

 operation8 ,slavery creates a paradox  
in  the moral system--it exhibits       
rational1 accountable1 and immortal     
beings1 in such circumstances as        
scarcely to leave them the power of     
moral action4 ,it exhibits them as      
dependent on the will of others1        
whether they shall receive religious    
instruction2 whether they shall  know   
and worship the true ,god2 whether they 
shall enjoy the  ordinances of the      
gospel2 whether they shall perform the  
duties and  cherish the endearments of  
husbands and wives1 parents and         
children1  neighbors and friends2       
whether they shall preserve their       
chastity  and purity1 or regard the     
dictates of justice and humanity4 ,such 
are  some of the consequences of        
slavery2 consequences not imaginary1 but
  which connect themselves with its very
 existence4 ,the evils to which  the    
slave is always exposed1 often take     
place in their very  worst degree and   
form2 and where all of them do not take 

place1  still the slave is deprived of  
his natural rights1 degraded as a  human
 being1 and exposed to the danger of    
passing into the hands of  a master who 
may inflict upon him all the hardship   
and injuries  which inhumanity and      
avarice may suggest4#c ,must we prove1  
that  ,jesus ,christ is not in favor of 
such things8    ,footnote #b3 ,notes on 
,virginia1 ,boston ,ed4 #ahcb1 pp4 #afi1
 #agj4    ,footnote #c3 ,minutes of the 
,general assembly for #ahah1 p4 #bi4    
,is ,jesus ,christ in favor of ,american
 slavery8 ,it is already widely  felt   
and openly acknowledged at the ,south1  
that they cannot support  slavery       
without sustaining the opposition of    
universal ,christendom4  ,and ,thomas   
,jefferson declared1 ,i tremble for my  
country when ,i  reflect that ,god is   
just2 that his justice can not sleep    
forever2  that considering numbers1     
nature1 and natural means only1 a       
revolution of the wheel of fortune1 an  
exchange of situation1 is  among        

possible events2 that it may become     
practicable by  supernatural influences6
 ,the ,almighty has no attribute which  
can  take sides with us in such a       
contest4#d ,and must we prove1 that     
,jesus ,christ is not in favor of what  
universal ,christendom is  impelled to  
abhor1 denounce1 and oppose2 is not in  
favor of what  every attribute of       
,almighty ,god is armed against8        
,footnote #d3 ,notes on ,virginia1      
,boston ,ed4 #ahcb1 pp4 #agj1 #aga4     
,,ye ,,have ,,despised ,,the ,,poor4    
,it is no man of straw1 with whom1 in   
making out such proof1 we are  called to
 contend4 ,would to ,god we had no other
 antagonist6 ,would to  ,god that our   
labor of love could be regarded as a    
work of  supererogation6 ,but we may    
well be ashamed and grieved to find it  
necessary to stop the mouths of grave   
and learned ecclesiastics1  who from the
 heights of ,zion have undertaken to    
defend the  institution of slavery4 ,we 
speak not now of those1 who amidst the  

monuments of oppression are engaged in  
the sacred vocation2 who1 as  ministers 
of the ,gospel1 can prophesy smooth     
things to such as  pollute the altar of 
,jehovah with human sacrifices2 nay1 who
  themselves bind the victim and kindle 
the sacrifice4 ,that they  should put   
their ,savior to the torture1 to wring  
from his lips  something in favor of    
slavery1 is not to be wondered at4 ,they
  consent to the murder of the children2
 can they respect the rights  of the    
,father8 ,but what shall we say of      
distinguished theologians of  the       
north--professors of sacred literature  
at our oldest divinity  schools--who    
stand up to defend1 both by argument and
 authority1  southern slavery6 ,and from
 the ,bible6 ,who1 ,balaam-like1 try a  
thousand expedients to force from the   
mouth of ,jehovah a sentence  which they
 know the heart of ,jehovah abhors6     
,surely we have here  something more    
mischievous and formidable than a man of
 straw4 ,more  than two years ago1 and  

just before the meeting of the ,general 
,assembly of the ,presbyterian church1  
appeared an article in the  ,biblical   
,repertory1#e understood to be from the 
pen of the  ,professor of ,sacred       
,literature at ,princeton1 in which an  
effort is  made to show1 that slavery1  
whatever may be said of any abuses of   
it1 is not a violation of the precepts  
of the ,gospel4 ,this article1  we are  
informed1 was industriously and         
extensively distributed among  the      
members of the ,general ,assembly--a    
body of men1 who by a  frightful        
majority seemed already too much        
disposed to wink at the  horrors of     
slavery4 ,the effect of the ,princeton  
,apology on the  southern mind1 we have 
high authority for saying1 has been most
  decisive and injurious4 ,it has       
contributed greatly to turn the  public 
eye off from the sin--from the inherent 
and necessary evils  of slavery to      
incidental evils1 which the abuse of it 
might be  expected to occasion4 ,and how

 few can be brought to admit1 that      
whatever abuses may prevail nobody knows
 where or how1 any such  thing is       
chargeable upon them6 ,thus our         
,princeton prophet has done  what he    
could to lay the southern conscience    
asleep upon ingenious  perversions of   
the sacred volume6    ,footnote #e3 ,for
 ,april1 #ahcf4 ,the ,general ,assembly 
of the  ,presbyterian ,church met in the
 following ,may1 at ,pittsburgh1 where1 
in pamphlet form1 this article was      
distributed4 ,the following  appeared   
upon the title page3                    
,,pittsburgh3           #ahcf4          
,for gratuitous distribution4           
,about a year after this1 an effort in  
the same direction was jointly  made by 
,dr4 ,fisk and ,professor ,stuart4 ,in a
 letter to a ,methodist  clergyman1 ,mr4
 ,merrit1 published in ,zion's ,herald1 
,dr4 ,fisk gives  utterance to such     
things as the following3--    ,but that 
you and the public may see and feel1    
that you have the  ablest and those who 

are among the honestest men of this age1
  arrayed against you1 be pleased to    
notice the following letter from  ,prof4
 ,stuart4 ,i wrote to him1 knowing as ,i
 did his integrity of  purpose1 his     
unflinching regard for truth1 as well as
 his deserved  reputation as a scholar  
and biblical critic1 proposing the      
following  questions3--    #a4 ,does the
 ,new ,testament directly or indirectly 
teach1 that slavery  existed in the     
primitive church8    #b4 ,in #a ,tim4   
vi4 #b1 ,and they that have believing   
masters1 c41 what  is the relation      
expressed or implied between they       
7servants7 and  believing masters8 ,and 
what are your reasons for the           
construction  of the passage8    #c4    
,what was the character of ancient and  
eastern slavery8--  ,especially what    
7legal7 power did this relation give the
 master over  the slave8                
,,professor ,,stuart',s ,,reply4        
,,andover1 #ajth ,apr41 #ahcg           
,,rev4 ,,and ,,dear ,,sir1--,yours is   

before me4 ,a sickness of three         
month's standing 7typhus fever7 in which
 ,i have just escaped death1    and     
which still confines me to my house1    
renders it impossible for me    to      
answer your letter at large4      #a4   
,the precepts of the ,new ,testament    
respecting the demeanor of    slaves and
 of their masters1 beyond all question1 
recognize the    existence of slavery4  
,the masters are in part believing      
masters1 so    that a precept to them1  
how they are to behave as masters1      
recognizes that the relation may still  
exist1 salva fide et salva    ecclesia1 
7without violating the ,christian faith 
or the church47    ,otherwise1 ,paul had
 nothing to do but to cut the band      
asunder at once4    ,he could not       
lawfully and properly temporize with a  
malum in se1    7that which is in itself
 sin47      ,if any one doubts1 let him 
take the case of ,paul's sending        
,onesimus    back to ,philemon1 with an 
apology for his running away1 and       

sending    him back to be his servant   
for life4 ,the relation did exist1 may  
exist4 ,the abuse of it is the essential
 and fundamental wrong4    ,not that the
 theory of slavery is in itself right4  
,no2 ,love thy    neighbor as thyself1  
,do unto others that which ye would that
 others    should do unto you1 decide   
against this4 ,but the relation once    
constituted and continued1 is not such a
 malum in se as calls    for immediate  
and violent disruption at all hazards4  
,so ,paul did not    counsel4      #b4  
#a ,tim4 vi4 #b1 expresses the          
sentiment1 that slaves1 who are         
,christians and have ,christian masters1
 are not1 on that account1 and          
because as ,christians they are         
brethren1 to forego the reverence    due
 to them as masters4 ,that is1 the      
relation of master and slave is    not1 
as a matter of course1 abrogated between
 all ,christians4 ,nay1    servants     
should in such a case1 a fortiori1 do   
their duty    cheerfully4 ,this         

sentiment lies on the very face of the  
case4 ,what    the master's duty in such
 a case may be in respect to liberation1
    is another question1 and one which  
the apostle does not here treat of4     
#c4 ,every one knows1 who is acquainted 
with ,greek or ,latin antiquities1      
that slavery among heathen nations has  
ever been more unqualified    and at    
looser ends than among ,christian       
nations4 ,slaves were    property in    
,greece and ,rome4 ,that decides all    
questions about    their relation4      
,their treatment depended1 as it does   
now1 on the    temper of their masters4 
,the power of the master over the slave 
was1    for a long time1 that of life   
and death4 ,horrible cruelties at       
length mitigated it4 ,in the apostle's  
day1 it was at least as great    as     
among us4      ,after all the spouting  
and vehemence on this subject1 which    
have been    exhibited1 the good old    
,book remains the same4 ,paul's conduct 
and advice are still safe guides4 ,paul 

knew well that ,christianity    would   
ultimately destroy slavery1 as it       
certainly will4 ,he knew1    too1 that  
it would destroy monarchy and           
aristocracy from the earth3    for it is
 fundamentally a doctrine of true       
liberty and equality4    ,yet ,paul did 
not expect slavery or anarchy to be     
ousted in a day2 and    gave precepts to
 ,christians respecting their demeanor  
ad interim4      ,with sincere and      
paternal regard1      ,your friend and  
brother1      ,m4 ,,stuart4             
--,this1 sir1 is doctrine that will     
stand1 because it is ,bible    doctrine4
 ,the abolitionists1 then1 are on a     
wrong course4 ,they have    traveled out
 of the record2 and if they would       
succeed1 they must    take a different  
position1 and approach the subject in a 
different    manner4      ,respectfully 
yours1      ,w4 ,,fisk                  
,,so ,,they ,,wrap ,,snarl ,,it ,,up4   
,what are we taught here8 ,that in the  
ecclesiastical organizations  which grew

 up under the hands of the apostles1    
slavery was admitted  as a relation that
 did not violate the ,christian faith2  
that the  relation may now in like      
manner exist2 that the abuse of it is   
the  essential and fundamental wrong2   
and of course1 that ,american           
,christians may hold their own brethren 
in slavery without incurring  guilt or  
inflicting injury4 ,thus1 according to  
,prof4 ,stuart1 ,jesus  ,christ has not 
a word to say against the peculiar      
institutions of  the ,south4 ,if our    
brethren there do not abuse the         
privilege of  enacting unpaid labor1    
they may multiply their slaves to their 
hearts' content1 without exposing       
themselves to the frown of the  ,savior 
or laying their ,christian character    
open to the least  suspicion4 ,could any
 trafficker in human flesh ask for      
greater  latitude6 ,and to such         
doctrines1 ,dr4 ,fisk eagerly and       
earnestly  subscribes4 ,he goes further4
 ,he urges it on the attention of his   

brethren1 as containing important truth1
 which they ought to embrace4           
,according to him1 it is ,bible         
doctrine1 showing1 that the             
abolitionists are on a wrong course1 and
 must1 if they would  succeed1 take a   
different position4    ,we now refer to 
such distinguished names1 to show1 that 
in attempting  to prove that ,jesus     
,christ is not in favor of ,american    
slavery1 we  contend with something else
 than a man of straw4 ,the ungrateful   
task1  which a particular examination of
 ,professor ,stuart's letter lays  upon 
us1 we hope fairly to dispose of in due 
season4 ,enough has now  been said to   
make it clear and certain1 that         
,american slavery has its  apologists   
and advocates in the northern pulpit2   
advocates and  apologists1 who fall     
behind few if any of their brethren in  
the  reputation they have acquired1 the 
stations they occupy1 and the  general  
influence they are supposed to exert4   
,is it so8 ,did slavery exist in ,judea1

 and among the ,jews1 in its  worst     
form1 during the ,savior's incarnation8 
,if the ,jews held slaves1  they must   
have done in open and flagrant violation
 of the letter and  the spirit of the   
,mosaic ,dispensation4 ,whoever has any 
doubts of  this may well resolve his    
doubts in the light of the ,argument    
entitled ,the ,bible against ,slavery4  
,if1 after a careful and  thorough      
examination of that article1 he can     
believe that  slaveholding prevailed    
during the ministry of ,jesus ,christ   
among the  ,jews and in accordance with 
the authority of ,moses1 he would do the
  reading public an important service to
 record the grounds of his              
belief--especially in a fair and full   
refutation of that ,argument4  ,till    
that is done1 we hold ourselves excused 
from attempting to  prove what we now   
repeat1 that if the ,jews during our    
,savior's  incarnation held slaves1 they
 must have done so in open and flagrant 
violation of the letter and spirit of   

the ,mosaic ,dispensation4 ,could       
,christ and the ,apostles every where   
among their countrymen come in  contact 
with slaveholding1 being as it was a    
gross violation of that  law which their
 office and their profession required   
them to honor  and enforce1 without     
exposing and condemning it8    ,in its  
worst forms1 we are told1 slavery       
prevailed over the whole  world1 not    
excepting ,judea4 ,as1 according to such
 ecclesiastics as  ,stuart1 ,hodge and  
,fisk1 slavery in itself is not bad at  
all1 the term  worst could be applied   
only to abuses of this innocent         
relation4 ,slavery accordingly existed  
among the ,jews1 disfigured and         
disgraced by the worst abuses to which  
it is liable4 ,these abuses  in the     
ancient world1 ,professor ,stuart       
describes as horrible  cruelties4 ,and  
in our own country1 such abuses have    
grown so rank1  as to lead a            
distinguished eye-witness--no less a    
philosopher and  statesman than ,thomas 

,jefferson--to say1 that they had armed 
against  us every attribute of the      
,almighty4 ,with these things the       
,savior  every where came in contact1   
among the people to whose improvement   
and salvation he devoted his living     
powers1 and yet not a word1 not  a      
syllable1 in exposure and condemnation  
of such horrible cruelties  escaped his 
lips6 ,he saw--among the covenant people
 of ,jehovah he  saw1 the babe plucked  
from the bosom of its mother2 the wife  
torn  from the embrace of her husband2  
the daughter driven to the market  by   
the scourge of her own father2--he saw  
the word of ,god sealed up  from those  
who1 of all men1 were especially        
entitled to its  enlightening1          
quickening influence2--nay1 he saw men  
beaten for  kneeling before the throne  
of heavenly mercy2--such things he saw  
without a word of admonition or reproof6
 ,no sympathy with them who  suffered   
wrong--no indignation at them who       
inflicted wrong1 moved  his heart6      

,from the alleged silence of the        
,savior1 when in contact with slavery   
among the ,jews1 our divines infer1 that
 it is quite consistent with            
,christianity4 ,and they affirm1 that he
 saw it in its worst forms2  that is1 he
 witnessed what ,professor ,stuart      
ventures to call  horrible cruelties4   
,but what right have these interpreters 
of the  sacred volume to regard any form
 of slavery which the ,savior found1  as
 worst1 or even bad8 ,according to their
 inference--which they  would thrust    
gag-wise into the mouths of             
abolitionists--his silence  should seal 
up their lips4 ,they ought to hold their
 tongues4 ,they  have no right to call  
any form of slavery bad--an abuse2 much 
less1  horribly cruel6 ,their inference 
is broad enough to protect the most     
brutal driver amidst his deadliest      
inflictions6          ,,think ,,not     
,,that ,i ,,am ,,come ,,to ,,destroy    
,,the ,,law ,,or ,,the ,,prophets2      
,i ,,am ,,not ,,come ,,to ,,destroy1    

,,but ,,to ,,fulfil4    ,and did the    
,head of the new dispensation1 then1    
fall so far behind  the prophets of the 
old in a hearty and effective regard for
  suffering humanity8 ,the forms of     
oppression which they witnessed1        
excited their compassion and aroused    
their indignation4 ,in terms the  most  
pointed and powerful1 they exposed1     
denounced1 threatened4 ,they  could not 
endure the creatures1 who used their    
neighbors' service  without wages1 and  
gave him not for his work2#f who imposed
  heavy burdens#g upon their fellows1   
and loaded them with  the bands of      
wickedness2 who1 hiding themselves from 
their own  flesh1 disowned their own    
mothers' children4 ,professions of piety
  joined with the oppression of the     
poor1 they held up to universal  scorn  
and execration1 as the dregs of         
hypocrisy4 ,they warned the  creature of
 such professions1 that he could escape 
the wrath of  ,jehovah only by          
heart-felt repentance4 ,and yet1        

according to the  ecclesiastics with    
whom we have to do1 the ,lord of these  
prophets  passed by in silence just such
 enormities as he commanded them to     
expose and denounce6 ,every where1 he   
came in contact with slavery in  its    
worst forms--horrible cruelties forced  
themselves upon his  notice2 but not a  
word of rebuke or warning did he utter4 
,he saw  a boy given for a harlot1 and a
 girl sold for wine1 that they might    
drink1#h without the slightest feeling  
of displeasure1 or any mark  of         
disapprobation6 ,to such disgusting and 
horrible conclusions1 do  the arguings  
which1 from the haunts of sacred        
literature1 are  inflicted on our       
churches1 lead us6 ,according to them1  
,jesus ,christ1  instead of shining as  
the light of the world1 extinguished the
  torches which his own prophets had    
kindled1 and plunged mankind into  the  
palpable darkness of a starless         
midnight6 ,o savior1 in pity to  thy    
suffering people1 let thy temple be no  

longer used as a  den of thieves6       
,footnote #f3 ,jeremiah1 xxii4 #ac4     
,footnote #g3 ,isaiah1 lviii4 #f1 #g4   
,footnote #h3 ,joel1 iii4 #c4           
,,thou ,,thoughtest ,,that ,i ,,was     
,,altogether ,,such ,,an ,,one ,,as     
,,thyself4    ,in passing by the worst  
forms of slavery1 with which he every   
where  came in contact among the ,jews1 
the ,savior must have been  inconsistent
 with himself4 ,he was commissioned to  
preach glad  tidings to the poor2 to    
heal the broken-hearted2 to preach      
deliverance to the captives2 to set at  
liberty them that are bruised2  to      
preach the year of ,jubilee4 ,in        
accordance with this commission1  he    
bound himself1 from the earliest date of
 his incarnation1 to the  poor1 by the  
strongest ties2 himself had not where to
 lay his head2  he exposed himself to   
misrepresentation and abuse for his     
affectionate intercourse with the       
outcasts of society2 he stood up  as the
 advocate of the widow1 denouncing and  

dooming the heartless  ecclesiastics1   
who had made her bereavement a source of
 gain2 and in  describing the scenes of 
the final judgment1 he selected the very
  personification of poverty1 disease   
and oppression1 as the test by  which   
our regard for him should be determined4
 ,to the poor and  wretched2 to the     
degraded and despised1 his arms were    
ever open4  ,they had his tenderest     
sympathies4 ,they had his warmest love4 
,his  heart's blood he poured out upon  
the ground for the human family1        
reduced to the deepest degradation1 and 
exposed to the heaviest  inflictions1 as
 the slaves of the grand usurper4 ,and  
yet1 according  to our ecclesiastics1   
that class of sufferers who had been    
reduced  immeasurably below every other 
shape and form of degradation and       
distress2 who had been most rudely      
thrust out of the family of ,adam1  and 
forced to herd with swine2 who1 without 
the slightest offence1  had been made   
the footstool of the worst criminals2   

whose tears  were their meat night and  
day1 while1 under nameless insults and  
killing injuries they were continually  
crying1 ,o ,lord1 ,o ,lord3--this  class
 of sufferers1 and this alone1 our      
biblical expositors1  occupying the high
 places of sacred literature1 would make
 us  believe the compassionate ,savior  
coldly overlooked4 ,not an emotion  of  
pity2 not a look of sympathy2 not a word
 of consolation1 did his  gracious heart
 prompt him to bestow upon them6 ,he    
denounces  damnation upon the devourer  
of the widow's house4 ,but the monster1 
whose trade it is to make widows and    
devour them and their babes1 he  can    
calmly endure6 ,o ,savior1 when wilt    
thou stop the mouths of such            
blasphemers6        ,,it ,,is ,,the     
,,spirit ,,that ,,quickeneth4    ,it    
seems that though1 according to our     
,princeton professor1  the subject of   
slavery is hardly alluded to by ,christ 
in any  of his personal instructions1#i 
he had a way of treating it4  ,what was 

that8  ,why1 he taught the true nature1 
,,dignity1 ,,equality1  and destiny of  
men1 and inculcated the principles of   
justice and  love4#aj ,and according to 
,professor ,stuart1 the maxims which our
  ,savior furnished1 decide against the 
theory of slavery4 ,all1 then1  that    
these ecclesiastical apologists for     
slavery can make of the  ,savior's      
alleged silence is1 that he did not1 in 
his personal  instructions1 apply his   
own principles to this particular form  
of  wickedness4 ,for wicked that must   
be1 which the maxims of the  ,savior    
decide against1 and which our ,princeton
 professor assures  us the principles of
 the gospel1 duly acted on1 would       
speedily  extinguish4#aa ,how remarkable
 it is1 that a teacher should  hardly   
allude to a subject in any of his       
personal instructions1  and yet         
inculcate principles which have a direct
 and vital bearing  upon it6--should so 
conduct1 as to justify the inference1   
that  slaveholding is not a crime1#ab   

and at the same time lend its  authority
 for its speedy extinction6    ,footnote
 #i3 ,pittsburg pamphlet1 7already      
alluded to17 p4#i4    ,footnote #aj3    
,pittsburg pamphlet1 p4 #i4    ,footnote
 #aa3 ,the same1 p4 #cd4    ,footnote   
#ab3 ,the same1 p4 #ac4      ,higher    
authority than sustains self-evident    
truths there cannot  be4 ,as forms of   
reason1 they are rays from the face of  
,jehovah4  ,not only are their presence 
and power self-manifested1 but they     
also shed a strong and clear light      
around them4 ,in their light1  other    
truths are visible4 ,luminaries         
themselves1 it is their  office to      
enlighten4 ,to their authority1 in every
 department of  thought1 the same mind  
bows promptly1 gratefully1 fully4 ,and  
by their  authority1 he explains1       
proves1 and disposes of whatever engages
 his  attention and engrosses his powers
 as a reasonable and reasoning          
creature4  ,for what1 when thus employed
 and when most successful1 is  the      

utmost he can accomplish8  ,why1 to make
 the conclusions which he  would        
establish and commend1 clear in the     
light of reason2--in  other words1 to   
evince that they are reasonable4 ,he    
expects that  those with whom he has to 
do will acknowledge the authority of    
principle--will see whatever is         
exhibited in the light of reason4 ,if   
they require him to go further1 and1 in 
order to convince them1 to  do something
 more than show that the doctrines he   
maintains1 and the  methods he proposes1
 are accordant with reason--are         
illustrated and  supported with         
self-evident truths--they are plainly   
beside  themselves4 ,they have lost the 
use of reason4 ,they are not to be      
argued with4 ,they belong to the        
mad-house4              ,,come ,,now1   
,,let ,,us ,,reason ,,together1 ,,saith 
,,the ,,lord4    ,are we to honor the   
,bible1 which ,professor ,stuart        
quaintly calls  the good old book1 by   
turning away from self-evident truths to

  receive its instructions8 ,can these  
truths be contradicted or denied  there8
 ,do we search for something there to   
obscure their clearness1  or break their
 force1 or reduce their authority8 ,do  
we long to find  something there1 in the
 form of premises or conclusions1 of    
arguing  or of inference1 in broad      
statement or blind hints1 creed-wise or 
fact-wise1 which may set us free from   
the light and power of first            
principles8 ,and what if we were to     
discover what we were thus in  search   
of8--something directly or indirectly1  
expressly or impliedly  prejudicial to  
the principles1 which reason1 placing us
 under the  authority of1 makes         
self-evident8 ,in what estimation1 in   
that case1  should we be constrained to 
hold the ,bible8 ,could we longer honor 
it as the book of ,god8 ,the book of    
,god opposed to the authority of        
,,reason6 ,why1 before what tribunal do 
we dispose of the claims of the  sacred 
volume to divine authority8 ,the        

tribunal of reason4 ,this  every one    
acknowledges the moment he begins to    
reason on the subject4  ,and what must  
reason do with a book1 which reduces the
 authority of  its own                  
principles--breaks the force of         
self-evident truths8 ,is he  not1 by way
 of eminence1 the apostle of infidelity1
 who1 as a  minister of the gospel or a 
professor of sacred literature1 exerts  
himself1 with whatever arts of ingenuity
 or show of piety1 to exalt  the ,bible 
at the expense of reason8 ,let such arts
 succeed and such  piety prevail1 and   
,jesus ,christ is crucified afresh and  
put to an  open shame4    ,what saith   
the ,princeton professor8 ,why1 in spite
 of general  principles1 and clear as we
 may think the arguments against        
,,despotism1 there have been thousands  
of ,,enlightened and good men1  who     
honestly believe it to be of all forms  
of government the best  and most        
acceptable to ,god4#ac ,now these good  
men must have been  thus warmly in favor

 of despotism1 in consequence of1 or in 
opposition to1 their being enlightened4 
,in other words1 the light1  which in   
such abundance they enjoyed1 conducted  
them to the position  in favor of       
despotism1 where the ,princeton         
professor so heartily  shook hands with 
them1 or they must have forced their way
 there in  despite of its hallowed      
influence4 ,either in accordance with1  
or in  resistance to the light1 they    
became what he found them--the          
advocates of despotism4 ,if in          
resistance to the light--and he says    
they were enlightened men--what1 so far 
as the subject with which  alone he and 
we are now concerned1 becomes of their  
honesty and  goodness8 ,good and honest 
resisters of the light1 which was freely
  poured around them6 ,of such1 what    
says ,professor ,stuart's good old      
,book8 ,their authority1 where general  
principles command the least  respect1  
must be small indeed4 ,but if in        
accordance with the light1  they have   

become the advocates of despotism1 then 
is despotism  the best form of          
government and most acceptable to ,god4 
,it is  sustained by the authority of   
reason1 by the word of ,jehovah1 by the 
will of ,heaven6 ,if this be the        
doctrine which prevails at certain      
theological seminaries1 it must be easy 
to account for the spirit  which they   
breathe1 and the general influence which
 they exert4 ,why  did not the          
,princeton professor place this general 
principle as a  shield1 heaven-wrought  
and reason approved1 over that cherished
 form  of despotism which prevails among
 the churches of the ,south1 and  leave 
the peculiar institutions he is so      
forward to defend1 under  its           
protection8    ,footnote #ac3 ,pittsburg
 pamphlet1 p4 #ab4      ,what is the    
general principle to which1 whatever may
 become of  despotism1 with its honest  
admirers and enlightened supporters1    
human governments should be universally 
and carefully adjusted8  ,clearly       

this--that as capable of1 man is        
entitled to1 self  government4 ,and this
 is a specific form of a still more     
general principle1 which may well be    
pronounced self-evident--that  every    
thing should be treated according to its
 nature4 ,the mind  that can doubt this1
 must be incapable of rational          
conviction4  ,man1 then1--it is the     
dictate of reason1 it is the voice of   
,jehovah--must be treated as a man4     
,what is he8 ,what are his  distinctive 
attributes8 ,the ,creator impressed his 
own image on him4  ,in this were found  
the grand peculiarities of his          
character4 ,here  shone his glory4 ,here
 ,,reason manifests its laws4 ,here the 
,,will puts  forth its volitions4 ,here 
is the crown of ,,immortality4 ,why such
  endowments8 ,thus furnished--the image
 of ,jehovah--is he not capable  of     
self-government8 ,and is he not to be so
 treated8 ,within the  sphere where the 
laws of reason place him1 may he not act
 according  to his choice--carry out his

 own volitions8--may he not enjoy life1 
exult in freedom1 and pursue as he will 
the path of blessedness8 ,if  not1 why  
was he so created and endowed8 ,why the 
mysterious1 awful  attribute of will8   
,to be a source1 profound as the depths 
of hell1  of exquisite misery1 of keen  
anguish1 of insufferable torment6 ,was  
man1  formed according to the image of  
,jehovah1 to be crossed1 thwarted1      
counteracted2 to be forced in upon      
himself2 to be the sport of  endless    
contradictions2 to be driven back and   
forth forever between  mutually         
repellant forces2 and all1 all at the   
discretion of  another6#ad ,how can man 
be treated according to his nature1 as  
endowed with reason or will1 if excluded
 from the powers and  privileges of     
self-government8--if despotism be let   
loose upon  him1 to deprive him of      
personal liberty1 oblige him to serve at
 the  discretion of another and with the
 power of transferring such  authority  
over him and such claim upon him1 to    

another master8  ,if thousands of       
enlightened and good men can so easily  
be found1  who are forward to support   
despotism as of all governments the     
best and most acceptable to ,god1 we    
need not wonder at the  testimony of    
universal history1 that the whole       
creation groaneth  and travaileth in    
pain together until now4 ,groans and    
travail pangs  must continue to be the  
order of the day throughout the whole   
creation1 till the rod of despotism be  
broken1 and man be treated  as man--as  
capable of1 and entitled to1            
self-government4    ,footnote #ad3      
,pittsburg pamphlet1 p4 #ab4      ,but  
what is the despotism whose horrid      
features our smooth professor  tries to 
hide beneath an array of cunningly      
selected words and  nicely-adjusted     
sentences8 ,it is the despotism of      
,american  slavery--which crushes the   
very life of humanity out of its        
victims1  and transforms them to cattle6
 ,at its touch1 they sink from men to   

things6 ,slaves1 saith ,professor       
,stuart1 were property in ,greece  and  
,rome4 ,that decides all questions about
 their relation4 ,yes1  truly4 ,and     
slaves in republican ,america are       
property2 and as that  easily1 clearly1 
and definitely settles all questions    
about their  relation1 why should the   
,princeton professor have put himself   
to the trouble of weaving a definition  
equally ingenious and  inadequate--at   
once subtle and deceitful4 ,ah1 why8    
,was he willing thus  to conceal the    
wrongs of his mother's children even    
from himself8 ,if  among the figments of
 his brain1 he could fashion slaves1 and
 make  them something else than         
property1 he knew full well that a very 
different pattern was in use among the  
southern patriarchs4 ,why did  he not1  
in plain words and sober earnest1 and   
good faith1 describe  the thing as it   
was1 instead of employing honied words  
and courtly  phrases1 to set forth with 
all becoming vagueness and ambiguity1   

what might possibly be supposed to exist
 in the regions of fancy4         ,,for 
,,rulers ,,are ,,not ,a ,,terror ,,to   
,,good ,,works1 ,,but ,,to ,,the ,,evil4
    ,but are we1 in maintaining the     
principle of self-government1 to        
overlook the unripe1 or neglected1 or   
broken powers of any of our  fellow-men 
with whom we may be connected8--or the  
strong passions1  vicious propensities1 
or criminal pursuits of others8         
,certainly not4  ,but in providing for  
their welfare1 we are to exert          
influences and  impose restraints suited
 to their character4 ,in wielding those 
prerogatives which the social of our    
nature authorizes us to employ  for     
their benefit1 we are to regard them as 
they are in truth1 not  things1 not     
cattle1 not articles of merchandize1 but
 men1 our  fellow-men--reflecting1 from 
however battered and broken a surface1  
reflecting with us the image of a common
 ,father4 ,and the great  principle of  
self-government is to be the basis1 to  

which the whole  structure of discipline
 under which they may be placed1 should 
be  adapted4 ,from the nursery and      
village school on to the work-house  and
 state-prison1 this principle is ever   
and in all things to be  before the     
eyes1 present in the thoughts1 warm on  
the heart4  ,otherwise1 ,god is         
insulted1 while his image is despised   
and abused4  ,yes1 indeed2 we remember1 
that in carrying out the principle of   
self-government1 multiplied             
embarrassments and obstructions grow out
  of wickedness on the one hand and     
passion on the other4 ,such             
difficulties and obstacles we are far   
enough from overlooking4 ,but  where are
 they to be found8 ,are imbecility and  
wickedness1 bad  hearts and bad heads1  
confined to the bottom of society8      
,alas1 the  weakest of the weak1 and the
 desperately wicked1 often occupy the   
high places of the earth1 reducing every
 thing within their reach to            
subserviency to the foulest purposes4   

,nay1 the very power they have  usurped1
 has often been the chief instrument of 
turning their heads1  inflaming their   
passions1 corrupting their hearts4 ,all 
the world  knows1 that the possession of
 arbitrary power has a strong tendency  
to make men shamelessly wicked and      
insufferably mischievous4 ,and  this1   
whether the vassals over whom they      
domineer1 be few or many4  ,if you      
cannot trust man with himself1 will you 
put his fellows  under his control8--and
 flee from the inconveniences incident  
to  self-government1 to the horrors of  
despotism8      ,,thou ,,that           
,,preachest ,a ,,man ,,should ,,not     
,,steal1 ,,dost ,,thou ,,steal4    ,is  
the slaveholder1 the most absolute and  
shameless of all despots1  to be        
entrusted with the discipline of the    
injured men who he  himself has reduced 
to cattle8--with the discipline with    
which they  are to be prepared to wield 
the powers and enjoy the privileges of  
freemen8 ,alas1 of such discipline as he

 can furnish1 in the  relation of owner 
to property1 they have had enough4 ,from
 this  sprang the very ignorance and    
vice1 which in the view of many1 lie  in
 the way of their immediate             
enfranchisement4 ,he it is1 who has     
darkened their eyes and crippled their  
powers4 ,and are they to look  to him   
for illumination and renewed vigor6--and
 expect grapes from  thorns and figs    
from thistles6 ,heaven forbid6 ,when1   
according to  arrangements which had    
usurped the sacred name of law1 he      
consented  to receive and use them as   
property1 he forfeited all claims to the
  esteem and confidence1 not only of the
 helpless sufferers themselves1  but    
also of every philanthropist4 ,in       
becoming a slaveholder1 he  became the  
enemy of mankind4 ,the very act was a   
declaration of war  upon human nature4  
,what less can be made of the process of
 turning  men to cattle8 ,it is rank    
absurdity--it is the height of madness1 
to  propose to employ him to train1 for 

the places of freemen1 those  whom he   
has wantonly robbed of every right--whom
 he has stolen from  themselves4 ,sooner
 place ,burke1 who used to murder for   
the sake of  selling bodies to the      
dissector1 at the head of a hospital4   
,why1  what have our slaveholders been  
about these two hundred years8 ,have    
they not been constantly and earnestly  
engaged in the work of                  
education8--training up their human     
cattle8 ,and how8 ,thomas  ,jefferson   
shall answer4 ,the whole commerce       
between master and slave1  is a         
perpetual exercise of the most          
boisterous passions2 the most           
unremitting despotism on the one part1  
and degrading submission on  the other4 
,is this the way to fit the unprepared  
for the duties and  privileges of       
,american citizens8 ,will the evils of  
the dreadful  process be diminished by  
adding to its length8 ,what1 in #ahah1  
was  the unanimous testimony of the     
,general ,assembly of the ,presbyterian 

,church8 ,why1 after describing a       
variety of influences growing out of    
slavery1 most fatal to mental and moral 
improvement1 the ,general  ,assembly    
assure us1 that such consequences are   
not imaginary1 but  connect themselves  
,,with ,,the ,,very ,,existence#ae of   
slavery4 ,the evils to  which the slave 
is always exposed1 often take place in  
fact1 and  ,,in ,,their ,,very ,,worst  
,,degree ,,and ,,form2 and where all of 
them do not  take place1 still the slave
 is deprived of his natural right1      
degraded as a human being1 and exposed  
to the danger of passing into  the hands
 of a master who may inflict upon him   
all the hardships and  injuries which   
inhumanity and avarice may suggest4 ,is 
this the  condition in which our        
ecclesiastics would keep the slave1 at  
least  a little longer1 to fit him to be
 restored to himself8    ,footnote #ae3 
,the words here marked as emphatic1 were
 so distinguished  by ourselves4        
,,and ,,they ,,stopped ,,their ,,ears4  

,the methods of discipline under which1 
as slaveholders2 the ,southrons  now    
place their human cattle1 they with one 
consent and in great  wrath1 forbid us  
to examine4 ,the statesman and the      
priest unite in  the assurance1 that    
these methods are none of our business4 
,nay1 they  give us distinctly to       
understand1 that if we come among them  
to take  observations1 and make         
inquiries1 and discuss questions1 they  
will  dispose of us as outlaws4 ,nothing
 will avail to protect us from  speedy  
and deadly violence6 ,what inference    
does all this warrant8  ,surely1 not    
that the methods which they employ are  
happy and worthy  of universal          
application4 ,if so1 why do they not    
take the praise1  and give us the       
benefit of their wisdom1 enterprise1 and
 success8 ,who1  that has nothing to    
hide1 practices concealment8 ,he that   
doeth  truth cometh to the light1 that  
his deeds may be manifest1 that they    
are wrought in ,god4 ,is this the way of

 slaveholders8 ,darkness they           
court--they will have darkness4         
,doubtless because their deeds are      
evil4 ,can we confide in methods for the
 benefit of our enslaved  brethren1     
which it is death for us to examine8    
,what good ever came1  what good can we 
expect1 from deeds of darkness8    ,did 
the influence of the masters contribute 
any thing in the ,west  ,indies to      
prepare the apprentices for             
enfranchisement8 ,nay1 verily4  ,all the
 world knows better4 ,they did what in  
them lay1 to turn back  the tide of     
blessings1 which1 through emancipation1 
was pouring in  upon the famishing      
around them4 ,are not the best minds and
 hearts in  ,england now thoroughly     
convinced1 that slavery1 under no       
modification1  can be a school for      
freedom8    ,we say such things to the  
many who allege1 that slaves cannot at  
once be entrusted with the powers and   
privileges of self-government4  ,however
 this may be1 they cannot be better     

qualified under the  influence of       
slavery4 ,that must be broken up from   
which their  ignorance1 and viciousness1
 and wretchedness proceeded4 ,that which
  can only do what it has always done1  
pollute and degrade1 must not  be       
employed to purify and elevate4 ,the    
lower their character and  condition1   
the louder1 clearer1 sterner1 the just  
demand for  immediate emancipation4 ,the
 plague-smitten sufferer can derive no  
benefit from breathing a little longer  
an infected atmosphere4    ,in thus     
referring to elemental principles--in   
thus availing ourselves  of the light of
 self-evident truths--we bow to the     
authority and tread  in the foot-prints 
of the great ,teacher4 ,he chid those   
around him for  refusing to make the    
same use of their reason in promoting   
their  spiritual1 as they made in       
promoting their temporal welfare4 ,he   
gives  them distinctly to understand1   
that they need not go out of themselves 
to form a just estimation of their      

position1 duties1 and prospects1  as    
standing in the presence of the         
,messiah4 ,why1 ,,even ,,of             
,,yourselves1  he demands of them1 judge
 ye not what is right8#af ,how could    
they1 unless they had a clear light1 and
 an infallible standard within  them1   
whereby1 amidst the relations they      
sustained and the interests  they had to
 provide for1 they might discriminate   
between truth and  falsehood1 right and 
wrong1 what they ought to attempt and   
what they  ought to eschew8 ,from this  
pointed1 significant appeal of the      
,savior1  it is clear and certain1 that 
in human consciousness may be found     
self-evident truths1 self-manifested    
principles2 that every man1  studying   
his own consciousness1 is bound to      
recognize their presence  and authority1
 and in sober earnest and good faith to 
apply them to  the highest practical    
concerns of life and godliness4 ,it is  
in  obedience to the ,bible1 that we    
apply self-evident truths1 and walk  in 

the light of general principles4 ,when  
our fathers proclaimed  these truths1   
and at the hazard of their property1    
reputation1 and  life1 stood up in their
 defence1 they did homage to the sacred 
,scriptures--they honored the ,bible4   
,in that volume1 not a syllable  can be 
found to justify that form of           
infidelity1 which in the abused  name of
 piety1 reproaches us for practising the
 lessons which nature  teacheth4 ,these 
lessons1 the ,bible requires us#ag      
reverently to listen  to1 earnestly to  
appropriate1 and most diligently and    
faithfully to  act upon in every        
direction1 and on all occasions4        
,footnote #af3 ,luke1 xii4 #eg4         
,footnote #ag3 ,cor4 xi4 #ad4    ,why1  
our ,savior goes so far in doing honor  
to reason1 as to encourage  men         
universally to dispose of the           
characteristic peculiarities and        
distinctive features of the ,gospel in  
the light of its principles4  ,if any   
man will do his will1 he shall know of  

the doctrine1 whether  it be of ,god1 or
 whether ,i speak of myself4#ah ,natural
 religion--the  principles which nature 
reveals1 and the lessons which nature   
teaches--he  thus makes a test of the   
truth and authority of revealed         
religion4 ,so  far was he1 as a teacher1
 from shrinking from the clearest and   
most  piercing rays of reason--from     
calling off the attention of those      
around  him from the import1 bearings1  
and practical application of general    
principles4 ,and those who would have us
 escape from the pressure of            
self-evident truths1 by betaking        
ourselves to the doctrines and precepts 
of ,christianity1 whatever airs of piety
 they may put on1 do foul dishonor  to  
the ,savior of mankind4    ,footnote    
#ah3 ,john1 vii4 #ag4    ,and what shall
 we say of the ,golden ,rule1 which1    
according to the  ,savior1 comprehends  
all the precepts of the ,bible8         
,whatsoever ye  would that men should do
 to you1 do ye even so to them2 for this

 is  the law and the prophets4          
,according to this maxim1 in human      
consciousness1 universally1 may be      
found1      #a4 ,the standard whereby1  
in all the relations and circumstances  
of    life1 we may determine what       
,heaven demands and expects of us4      
#b4 ,the just application of this       
standard1 is practicable for1 and       
obligatory upon1 every child of ,adam4  
#c4 ,the qualification requisite to a   
just application of this rule to    all 
the cases in which we can be concerned1 
is simply this--to    regard all the    
members of the human family as our      
brethren1 our    equals4    ,in other   
words1 the ,savior here teaches us1 that
 in the principles  and laws of reason1 
we have an infallible guide in all the  
relations  and circumstances of life2   
that nothing can hinder our following   
this guide1 but the bias of selfishness2
 and that the moment1 in  deciding any  
moral question1 we place ourselves in   
the room of our  brother1 before the bar

 of reason1 we shall see what decision  
ought  to be pronounced4 ,does this1 in 
the ,savior1 look like fleeing          
self-evident truths6--like decrying the 
authority of general  principles6--like 
exalting himself at the expense of      
reason6--like  opening a refuge in the  
,gospel for those whose practice is at  
variance with the dictates of humanity6 
,what then is the just application of   
the ,golden ,rule--that  fundamental    
maxim of the ,gospel1 giving character  
to1 and shedding  light upon1 all its   
precepts and arrangements--to the       
subject of  slavery8--that we must do to
 slaves as we would be done by1 ,,as    
,,slaves1 the ,,relation itself being   
justified and continued8 ,surely  not4  
,a little reflection will enable us to  
see1 that the ,golden ,rule  reaches    
farther in its demands1 and strikes     
deeper in its influences  and           
operations4 ,the natural equality of    
mankind lies at the very  basis of this 
great precept4 ,it obviously requires   

every man to  acknowledge another self  
in every other man4 ,with my powers and 
resources1 and in my appropriate        
circumstances1 ,i am to recognize in    
any child of ,adam who may address me1  
another self in his  appropriate        
circumstances and with his powers and   
resources4 ,this is  the natural        
equality of mankind2 and this the       
,golden ,rule requires  us to admit1    
defend1 and maintain4                   
,,why ,,do ,,ye ,,not ,,understand ,,my 
,,speech2                  ,,even       
,,because ,,ye ,,cannot ,,hear ,,my     
,,word4    ,they strangely misunderstand
 and grossly misrepresent this doctrine1
  who charge upon it the absurdities and
 mischiefs which any  levelling system  
cannot but produce4 ,in all its         
bearings1  tendencies1 and effects1 it  
is directly contrary and powerfully     
hostile to any such system4 ,,equality  
,,of ,,rights1 the doctrine asserts2    
and this necessarily opens the way for  
variety of condition4 ,in  other words1 

every child of ,adam has1 from the      
,creator1 the  inalienable right of     
wielding1 within reasonable limits1 his 
own  powers1 and employing his own      
resources1 according to his own         
choice2--the right1 while he respects   
his social relations1 to promote  as he 
will his own welfare4 ,but mark--,,his  
,,own powers and resources1  and ,,not  
,,another',s1 are thus inalienably put  
under his control4 ,the  ,creator makes 
every man free1 in whatever he may do1  
to exert ,,himself1  and not another4   
,here no man may lawfully cripple or    
embarrass  another4 ,the feeble may not 
hinder the strong1 nor may the strong   
crush the feeble4 ,every man may make   
the most of himself1 in his own  proper 
sphere4 ,now1 as in the constitutional  
endowments2 and natural  opportunities1 
and lawful acquisitions of mankind1     
infinite variety  prevails1 so in       
exerting each ,,himself1 in his own     
sphere1 according  to his own choice1   
the variety of human condition can be   

little less  than infinite4 ,thus       
equality of rights opens the way for    
variety of  condition4    ,but with all 
this variety of make1 means1 and        
condition1 considered  individually1 the
 children of ,adam are bound together by
 strong ties  which can never be        
dissolved4 ,they are mutually united by 
the social  of their nature4 ,hence     
mutual dependence and mutual claims4    
,while  each is inalienably entitled to 
assert and enjoy his own personality  as
 a man1 each sustains to all and all to 
each1 various relations4  ,while each   
owns and honors the individual1 all are 
to own and honor  the social of their   
nature4 ,now1 the ,golden ,rule         
distinctly  recognizes1 lays its        
requisitions upon1 and extends its      
obligations  to1 the whole nature of    
man1 in his individual capacities and   
social  relations4 ,what higher honor   
could it do to man1 as an individual1   
than to constitute him the judge1 by    
whose decision1 when fairly  rendered1  

all the claims of his fellows should be 
authoritatively  and definitely disposed
 of8 ,whatsoever ,,ye ,,would have done 
to you1  so do ye to others4 ,every     
member of the family of ,adam1 placing  
himself in the position here pointed    
out1 is competent and  authorized to    
pass judgment on all the cases in social
 life in which  he may be concerned4    
,could higher responsibilities or       
greater  confidence be reposed in men   
individually8 ,and then1 how are their  
claims upon each other herein magnified6
 ,what inherent worth and  solid dignity
 are ascribed to the social of their    
nature6 ,in every  man with whom ,i may 
have to do1 ,i am to recognize the      
presence of  another self1 whose case ,i
 am to make my own4 ,and thus ,i am to  
dispose of whatever claims he may urge  
upon me4    ,thus1 in accordance with   
the ,golden ,rule1 mankind are naturally
  brought1 in the voluntary use of their
 powers and resources1 to  promote each 
other's welfare4 ,as his contribution to

 this great  object1 it is the          
inalienable birthright of every child of
 ,adam1  to consecrate whatever he may  
possess4 ,with exalted powers and large 
resources1 he has a natural claim to a  
correspondent field of effort4  ,if his 
abilities are small1 his task must be   
easy and his burden  light4 ,thus the   
,golden ,rule requires mankind mutually 
to serve each  other4 ,in this service1 
each is to exert himself--employ his own
  powers1 lay out his own resources1    
improve his own opportunities4 ,a       
division of labor is the natural result4
 ,one is remarkable for his             
intellectual endowments and             
acquisitions2 another1 for his wealth2  
and a third1 for power and skill in     
using his muscles4 ,such  attributes1   
endlessly varied and diversified1       
proceed from the basis  of a common     
character1 by virtue of which all men   
and each--one as  truly as another--are 
entitled1 as a birthright1 to life1     
liberty1  and the pursuit of happiness4 

,each and all1 one as well as another1  
may choose his own modes of contributing
 his share to the general  welfare1 in  
which his own is involved and           
identified4 ,under one  great law of    
mutual dependence and mutual            
responsibility1 all are  placed--the    
strong as well as the weak1 the rich as 
much as the poor1  the learned no less  
than the unlearned4 ,all bring their    
wares1 the  products of their           
enterprise1 skill and industry1 to the  
same market1  where mutual exchanges are
 freely effected4 ,the fruits of        
muscular  exertion procure the fruits of
 mental effort4 ,john serves ,thomas    
with his hands1 and ,thomas serves ,john
 with his money4 ,peter wields  the axe 
for ,james1 and ,james wields the pen   
for ,peter4 ,moses1 ,joshua1  and       
,caleb1 employ their wisdom1 courage1   
and experience1 in the  service of the  
community1 and the community serve      
,moses1 ,joshua1 and  ,caleb1 in        
furnishing them with food and raiment1  

and making them  partakers of the       
general prosperity4 ,and all this by    
mutual  understanding and voluntary     
arrangement4 ,and all this according to 
the ,golden ,rule4    ,what then becomes
 of slavery--a system of arrangements in
 which  one man treats his fellow1 not  
as another self1 but as a thing--a      
chattel--an article of merchandize1     
which is not to be consulted in  any    
disposition which may be made of it2--a 
system which is built on  the           
annihilation of the attributes of our   
common nature--in which  man doth to    
others what he would sooner die than    
have done to himself8  ,the ,golden     
,rule and slavery are mutually          
subversive of each other4 ,if  one      
stands1 the other must fall4 ,the one   
strikes at the very root of  the other4 
,the ,golden ,rule aims at the abolition
 of ,,the ,,relation  ,,itself1 in which
 slavery consists4 ,it lays its demands 
upon every  thing within the scope of   
human action4 ,to whatever ,,men ,,do4  

it  extends its authority4 ,and the     
relation itself1 in which slavery       
consists1 is the work of human hands4   
,it is what men have done to  each      
other--contrary to nature and most      
injurious to the general  welfare4 ,this
 ,,relation1 therefore1 the ,golden     
,rule condemns4  ,wherever its authority
 prevails1 this relation must be        
annihilated4  ,mutual service and       
slavery--like light and darkness1 life  
and  death--are directly opposed to1 and
 subversive of1 each other4 ,the  one   
the ,golden ,rule cannot endure2 the    
other it requires1 honors1  and blesses4
            ,,love ,,worketh ,,no ,,ill 
,,to ,,his ,,neighbor4    ,like unto the
 ,golden ,rule is the second great      
commandment--,thou  shalt love thy      
neighbor as thyself4 ,a certain lawyer1 
who seems  to have been fond of applying
 the doctrine of limitation of human    
obligations1 once demanded of the       
,savior1 within what limits the  meaning
 of the word neighbor ought to be       

confined4 ,and who is my  neighbor8 ,the
 parable of the good ,samaritan set that
 matter in the  clearest light1 and made
 it manifest and certain1 that every man
  whom we could reach with our sympathy 
and assistance1 was our  neighbor1      
entitled to the same regard which we    
cherished for  ourselves4 ,consistently 
with such obligations1 can slavery1  as 
a ,,relation1 be maintained8 ,is it then
 a labor of love--such  love as we      
cherish for ourselves--to strip a child 
of ,adam of all the  prerogatives and   
privileges which are his inalienable    
birthright8 ,to  obscure his reason1    
crush his will1 and trample on his      
immortality8--,to strike home to the    
inmost of his being1 and break the      
heart of his heart8--,to thrust him out 
of the human family1 and  dispose of him
 as a chattel--as a thing in the hands  
of an owner1 a  beast under the lash of 
a driver8 ,all this1 apart from every   
thing  incidental and extraordinary1    
belongs to the ,,relation1 in which     

slavery1 as such1 consists4 ,all        
this--well fed or ill fed1  underwrought
 or overwrought1 clothed or naked1      
caressed or kicked1  whether idle songs 
break from his thoughtless tongue or    
tears be his  meat night and day1 fondly
 cherished or cruelly murdered2--all    
this  ,,enters ,,vitally ,,into ,,the   
,,relation ,,itself1 by which every     
slave1 ,,as ,a  ,,slave1 is set apart   
from the rest of the human family4 ,is  
it an  exercise of love1 to place our   
neighbor under the crushing  weight1 the
 killing power1 of such a relation8--to 
apply the  murderous steel to the very  
vitals of his humanity8      ,,ye       
,,therefore ,,applaud ,,and ,,delight   
,,in ,,the ,,deeds ,,of ,,your          
,,fathers2    ,,for ,,they ,,killed     
,,them1 ,,and ,,ye ,,build ,,their      
,,sepulchres4#ai    ,the slaveholder may
 eagerly and loudly deny1 that any such 
thing is  chargeable upon him4 ,he may  
confidently and earnestly allege1 that  
he is not responsible for the state of  

society in which he is placed4  ,slavery
 was established before he began to     
breathe4 ,it was his  inheritance4 ,his 
slaves are his property by birth or     
testament4 ,but  why will he thus       
deceive himself8 ,why will he permit the
 cunning and  rapacious spiders1 which  
in the very sanctuary of ethics and     
religion are laboriously weaving webs   
from their own bowels1 to  catch him    
with their wretched sophistries8--and   
devour him1 body1  soul1 and substance8 
,let him know1 as he must one day with  
shame and  terror own1 that whoever     
holds slaves is himself responsible for 
the relation1 into which1 whether       
reluctantly or willingly1 he  thus      
enters4 ,the relation cannot be forced  
upon him4 ,what though  ,elizabeth      
countenanced ,john ,hawkins in stealing 
the natives of  ,africa8--what though   
,james1 and ,charles1 and ,george1      
opened a market  for them in the        
,english colonies8--what though modern  
,dracos have  framed mischief by law1 in

 legalizing man-stealing and            
slaveholding8--what though your         
ancestors1 in preparing to go  to their 
own place1 constituted you the owner of 
the neighbors  whom they had used as    
cattle8--what of all this1 and as much  
more like  this1 as can be drawn from   
the history of that dreadful process by 
which men are deemed1 held1 taken1      
reputed1 and adjudged in law to be      
chattels personal8 ,can all this force  
you to put the cap upon the  climax--to 
clinch the nail by doing that1 without  
which nothing in  the work of           
slave-making would be attempted8 ,the   
slaveholder is the  soul of the whole   
system4 ,without him1 the chattel       
principle is a  lifeless abstraction4   
,without him1 charters1 and markets1 and
 laws1  and testaments1 are empty names4
 ,and does he think to escape           
responsibility8 ,why1 kidnappers1 and   
soul-drivers1 and law-makers1  are      
nothing but his agents4 ,he is the      
guilty principal4 ,let him  look to it4 

,footnote #ai3 ,you join with them in   
their bloody work4 ,they murder1  and   
you bury the victims4      ,but what can
 he do8 ,do8 ,keep his hands off his    
neighbor's throat4  ,let him refuse to  
finish and ratify the process by which  
the chattel  principle is carried into  
effect4 ,let him refuse1 in the face of 
derision1 and reproach1 and opposition4 
,though poverty should fasten  its bony 
hand upon him1 and persecution shoot    
forth its forked tongue2  whatever may  
betide him--scorn1 flight1 flames--let  
him promptly and  steadfastly refuse4   
,better the spite and hate of men than  
the wrath  of ,heaven6 ,if thy right eye
 offend thee1 pluck it out and cast it  
from thee2 for it is profitable for     
thee1 that one of thy members  should   
perish1 and not that thy whole body     
should be cast into hell4    ,professor 
,stewart admits1 that the ,golden ,rule 
and the second great  commandment decide
 against the theory of slavery1 as being
 in  itself right4 ,what1 then1 is their

 relation to the particular  precepts1  
institutions1 and usages1 which are     
authorized and  enjoined in the ,new    
,testament8 ,of all these1 they are the 
summary  expression--the comprehensive  
description4 ,no precept in the ,bible1 
enforcing our mutual obligations1 can be
 more or less than the  application of  
these injunctions to specific relations 
or particular  occasions and conditions4
 ,neither in the ,old ,testament nor the
 ,new1  do prophets teach or laws       
enjoin1 any thing which the ,golden     
,rule  and the second great command do  
not contain4  ,whatever they forbid1  no
 other precept can require2 and whatever
 they require1 no other  precept can    
forbid4 ,what1 then1 does he attempt1   
who turns over the  sacred pages to find
 something in the way of permission or  
command1  which may set him free from   
the obligations of the ,golden ,rule8   
,what  must his objects1 methods1 spirit
 be1 to force him to enter upon  such   
inquiries8--to compel him to search the 

,bible for such a purpose8  ,can he have
 good intentions1 or be well employed8  
,is his frame of  mind adapted to the   
study of the ,bible8--to make its       
meaning plain  and welcome8 ,what must  
he think of ,god1 to search his word in 
quest  of gross inconsistencies1 and    
grave contradictions6 ,inconsistent     
legislation in ,jehovah6 ,contradictory 
commands6 ,permissions at war  with     
prohibitions6 ,general requirements at  
variance with particular  arrangements6 
,what must be the moral character of any
 institution which the ,golden  ,rule   
decides against8--which the second great
 command condemns8  ,it cannot but be   
wicked1 whether newly established or    
long  maintained4 ,however it may be    
shaped1 turned1 colored--under every    
modification and at all                 
times--wickedness must be its proper    
character4 ,it must be1 ,,in ,,itself1  
apart from its circumstances1  ,,in     
,,its ,,essence1 apart from its         
incidents1 ,,sinful4                    

,,think ,,not ,,to ,,say ,,within       
,,yourselves1                ,,we ,,have
 ,,abraham ,,for ,,our ,,father4    ,in 
disposing of those precepts and         
exhortations which have a  specific     
bearing upon the subject of slavery1 it 
is greatly important1  nay1 absolutely  
essential1 that we look forth upon the  
objects  around us from the right post  
of observation4 ,our stand we must take 
at some central point1 amidst the       
general maxims and fundamental          
precepts1 the known circumstances and   
characteristic arrangements1  of        
primitive ,christianity4 ,otherwise1    
wrong views and false  conclusions will 
be the result of our studies4 ,we       
cannot1 therefore1  be too earnest in   
trying to catch the general features and
 prevalent  spirit of the ,new          
,testament institutions and             
arrangements4 ,for to  what conclusions 
must we come1 if we unwittingly pursue  
our  inquiries under the bias of the    
prejudice1 that the general maxims  of  

social life which now prevail in this   
country1 were current1 on  the authority
 of the ,savior1 among the primitive    
,christians6 ,that1  for instance1      
wealth1 station1 talents1 are the       
standard by which our  claims upon1 and 
our regard for1 others1 should be       
modified8--,that  those who are pinched 
by poverty1 worn by disease1 tasked in  
menial labors1 or marked by features    
offensive to the taste of the           
artificial and capricious1 are to be    
excluded from those refreshing  and     
elevating influences which intelligence 
and refinement may be  expected to      
exert2 that thus they are to constitute 
a class by  themselves1 and to be made  
to know and keep their place at the very
  bottom of society8 ,or1 what if we    
should think and speak of the  primitive
 ,christians1 as if they had the same   
pecuniary resources as  ,heaven has     
lavished upon the ,american             
churches8--as if they were as           
remarkable for affluence1 elegance1 and 

splendor8 ,or1 as if they had  as high a
 position and as extensive an influence 
in politics and  literature8--having    
directly or indirectly1 the control over
 the  high places of learning and of    
power8    ,if we should pursue our      
studies and arrange our arguments--if we
  should explain words and interpret    
language--under such a bias1 what  must 
inevitably be the results8 ,what would  
be the worth of our  conclusions8 ,what 
confidence could be reposed in any      
instruction we  might undertake to      
furnish8 ,and is not this the way in    
which the  advocates and apologists of  
slavery dispose of the bearing which    
primitive ,christianity has upon it8    
,they first ascribe1 unwittingly1       
perhaps1 to the primitive churches2 the 
character1 relations1 and  condition of 
,american ,christianity1 and amidst the 
deep darkness and  strange confusion    
thus produced1 set about interpreting   
the language  and explaining the usages 
of the ,new ,testament6                 

,,so ,,that ,,ye ,,are ,,without        
,,excuse4    ,among the lessons of      
instruction which our ,savior imparted1 
having a  general bearing on the subject
 of slavery1 that in which he sets up   
the true standard of greatness1 deserves
 particular attention4 ,in  repressing  
the ambition of his disciples1 he held  
up before them the  methods by which    
alone healthful aspirations for eminence
 could be  gratified1 and thus set the  
elements of true greatness in the       
clearest light4 ,ye know1 that they     
which are accounted to rule over  the   
,gentiles1 exercise lordship over them2 
and their great ones  exercise authority
 upon them4 ,but so shall it not be     
among you2 but  whosoever will be great 
among you1 shall be your minister2 and  
whosoever of you will be the chiefest1  
shall be servant of all4 ,in  other     
words1 through the selfishness and pride
 of mankind1 the maxim  widely prevails 
in the world1 that it is the privilege1 
prerogative1  and mark of greatness1    

,,to ,,exact ,,service2 that our        
superiority to  others1 while it        
authorizes us to relax the exertion of  
our own  powers1 gives us a fair title  
to the use of theirs2 that might1  while
 it exempts us from serving1 gives the  
right to be served4  ,the instructions  
of the ,savior open the way to greatness
 for us in  the opposite direction4     
,superiority to others1 in whatever it  
may  consist1 gives us a claim to a     
wider field of exertion1 and demands  of
 us a larger amount of service4 ,we can 
be great only as we are  useful4 ,and   
might gives right to bless our fellow   
men1 by  improving every opportunity and
 employing every faculty1               
affectionately1 earnestly1 and          
unweariedly1 in their service4 ,thus    
the greater the man1 the more active1   
faithful1 and useful the  servant4      
,the ,savior has himself taught us how  
this doctrine must be applied4  ,he bids
 us improve every opportunity and employ
 every power1 even  through the most    

menial services1 in blessing the human  
family4 ,and  to make this lesson shine 
upon our understandings and move our    
hearts1  he embodied in it a most       
instructive and attractive example4 ,on 
a  memorable occasion1 and just before  
his crucifixion1 he discharged  for his 
disciples the most menial of all        
offices--taking1 in  washing their feet1
 the place of the lowest servant4 ,he   
took great  pains to make them          
understand1 that only by imitating this 
example  could they honor their         
relations to him as their ,master2 that 
thus  only would they find themselves   
blessed4 ,by what possibility could     
slavery exist under the influence of    
such a lesson1 set home by such  an     
example8 ,was it while washing the      
disciples' feet1 that our  ,savior      
authorized one man to make a chattel of 
another8    ,to refuse to provide for   
ourselves by useful labor1 the apostle  
,paul  teaches us to regard as a grave  
offence4 ,after reminding the           

,thessalonian ,christians1 that in      
addition to all his official  exertions 
he had with his own muscles earned his  
own bread1 he calls  their attention to 
an arrangement which was supported by   
apostolical  authority1 that if any     
would not work1 neither should he eat4  
,in  the most earnest and solemn manner1
 and as a minister of the ,lord  ,jesus 
,christ1 he commanded and exhorted those
 who neglected useful  labor1 with      
quietness to work and eat their own     
bread4 ,what must  be the bearing of all
 this upon slavery8 ,could slavery be   
maintained  where every man eat the     
bread which himself had earned8--where  
idleness was esteemed so great a crime1 
as to be reckoned worthy of  starvation 
as a punishment8 ,how could unrequited  
labor be exacted1  or used1 or needed8  
,must not every one in such a community 
contribute his share to the general     
welfare8--and mutual service and  mutual
 support be the natural result8    ,the 
same apostle1 in writing to another     

church1 describes the true  source      
whence the means of liberality ought to 
be derived4 ,let him  that stole steal  
no more2 but rather let him labor1      
working with his  hands the thing which 
is good1 that he may have to give to him
 that  needeth4 ,let this lesson1 as    
from the lips of ,jehovah1 be proclaimed
  throughout the length and breadth of  
,south ,carolina4 ,let it be            
universally welcomed and reduced to     
practice4 ,let thieves give up  what    
they had stolen to the lawful           
proprietors1 cease stealing1 and  begin 
at once to labor1 working with their    
hands1 for necessary  and charitable    
purposes4 ,could slavery1 in such a     
case1 continue to  exist8 ,surely not6  
,instead of exacting unpaid services    
from others1  every man would be busy1  
exerting himself not only to provide for
  his own wants1 but also to accumulate 
funds1 that he might have to  give to   
the needy4 ,slavery must disappear1 root
 and branch1 at once  and forever4      

,in describing the source whence his    
ministers should expect their  support1 
the ,savior furnished a general         
principle1 which has an  obvious and    
powerful bearing on the subject of      
slavery4 ,he would  have them remember1 
while exerting themselves for the       
benefit of  their fellow men1 that the  
laborer is worthy of his hire4 ,he has  
thus united wages with work4 ,whoever   
renders the one is entitled to  the     
other4 ,and this manifestly according to
 a mutual understanding  and a voluntary
 arrangement4 ,for the doctrine that ,i 
may force you  to work for me for       
whatever consideration ,i may please to 
fix upon1  fairly opens the way for the 
doctrine1 that you1 in turn1 may force  
me to render you whatever wages you may 
choose to exact for any  services you   
may see fit to render4 ,thus slavery1   
even as  involuntary servitude1 is cut  
up by the root4 ,even the ,princeton    
professor seems to regard it as a       
violation of the principle which  unites

 work with wages4    ,the apostle ,james
 applies this principle to the claims of
 manual  laborers--of those who hold the
 plough and thrust in the sickle4 ,he   
calls the rich lordlings who exacted    
sweat and withheld wages1 to  weeping   
and howling1 assuring them that the     
complaints of  the injured laborer had  
entered into the ear of the ,lord of    
,hosts1  and that1 as a result of their 
oppression1 their riches were           
corrupted1 and their garments           
moth-eaten2 their gold and silver were  
cankered2 that the rust of them should  
be a witness against them1  and should  
eat their flesh as it were fire2 that1  
in one word1 they  had heaped treasures 
together for the last days1 when        
miseries were  coming upon them1 the    
prospect of which might well drench them
 in  tears and fill them with terror4   
,if these admonitions and warnings  were
 heeded there1 would not the ,south     
break forth into weeping  and wailing1  
and gnashing of teeth8 ,what else are   

its rich men about1  but withholding by 
a system of fraud1 his wages from the   
laborer1  who is wearing himself out    
under the impulse of fear1 in           
cultivating  their fields and producing 
their luxuries6 ,encouragement and      
support  do they derive from ,james1 in 
maintaining the peculiar institution    
which they call patriarchal1 and boast  
of as the corner-stone of  the republic8
    ,in the ,new ,testament1 we have1   
moreover1 the general injunction1       
,honor all men4 ,under this broad       
precept1 every form of humanity  may    
justly claim protection and respect4    
,the invasion of any human  right must  
do dishonor to humanity1 and be a       
transgression of this  command4 ,how    
then1 in the light of such obligations1 
must slavery be  regarded8 ,are those   
men honored1 who are rudely excluded    
from a  place in the human family1 and  
shut up to the deep degradation and     
nameless horrors of chattelship8 ,can   
they be held as slaves1 and at  the same

 time be honored as men8    ,how far1 in
 obeying this command1 we are to go1 we 
may infer from  the admonitions and     
instructions which ,james applies to the
  arrangements and usages of religious  
assemblies4 ,into these he can  not     
allow respect of persons to enter4 ,my  
brethren1 he exclaims1  have not the    
faith of our ,lord ,jesus ,christ1 the  
,lord of glory1  with respect of        
persons4 ,for if there come unto your   
assembly a  man with a gold ring1 in    
goodly apparel2 and there come in also  
a poor man in vile raiment2 and ye have 
respect to him that weareth  the gay    
clothing1 and say unto him1 sit thou    
here in a good place2  and say to the   
poor1 stand thou there1 or sit here     
under my footstool2  are ye not then    
partial in yourselves1 and are become   
judges of evil  thoughts8 ,if ye have   
respect to persons1 ye commit sin1 and  
are  convinced of the law as            
transgressors4 ,on this general         
principle1  then1 religious assemblies  

ought to be regulated--that every man is
  to be estimated1 not according to his 
circumstances--not according  to        
anything incidental to his condition2   
but according to his moral              
worth--according to the essential       
features and vital elements of his      
character4 ,gold rings and gay clothing1
 as they qualify no man for1  can       
entitle no man to1 a good place in the  
church4 ,nor can the  vile raiment of   
the poor man1 fairly exclude him from   
any sphere1  however exalted1 which his 
heart and head may fit him to fill4 ,to 
deny this1 in theory or practice1 is to 
degrade a man below a thing2  for what  
are gold rings1 or gay clothing1 or vile
 raiment1 but things1  which perish with
 the using8 ,and this must be to commit 
sin1 and  be convinced of the law as    
transgressor4    ,in slavery1 we have   
respect of persons1 strongly marked1 and
  reduced to system4 ,here men are      
despised not merely for the vile        
raiment1 which may cover their scarred  

bodies4 ,this is bad enough4  ,but the  
deepest contempt of humanity here grows 
out of birth or  complexion4 ,vile      
raiment may be1 often is1 the result of 
indolence1  or improvidence1 or         
extravagance4 ,it may be1 often is1 an  
index of  character4 ,but how can ,i be 
responsible for the incidents of my     
birth8--how for my complexion8 ,to      
despise or honor me for these1 is to  be
 guilty of respect of persons in its    
grossest form1 and with its  worst      
effects4 ,it is to reward or punish me  
for what ,i had nothing  to do with2 for
 which1 therefore1 ,i cannot1 without   
the greatest  injustice1 be held        
responsible4 ,it is to poison the very  
fountains  of justice1 by confounding   
all moral distinctions4 ,what1 then1 so 
far as the authority of the ,new        
,testament is concerned1 becomes of     
slavery1 which cannot be maintained     
under any form nor for a single  moment1
 without respect of persons the most    
aggravated and  unendurable8 ,and what  

would become of that most pitiful1      
silly1 and  wicked arrangement in so    
many of our churches1 in which          
worshippers  of a dark complexion are to
 be sent up to the negro pew8#bj        
,footnote #bj3 ,in ,carlyle's ,review of
 the ,memoirs of ,mirabeau1 we  have the
 following anecdote illustrative of the 
character of a  grandmother of the      
,count4 ,fancy the dame ,mirabeau       
sailing stately  towards the church     
font2 another dame striking in to take  
precedence  of her2 the dame ,mirabeau  
despatching this latter with a box on   
the  ear1 and these words1 ',here1 as in
 the army1 ,,the ,,baggage goes  last6' 
,let those who justify the negro-pew    
arrangement1 throw  a stone at this     
proud woman--if they dare4    ,nor are  
we permitted to confine this principle  
to religious  assemblies4 ,it is to     
pervade social life everywhere4 ,even   
where  plenty1 intelligence and         
refinement1 diffuse their brightest     
rays1  the poor are to be welcomed with 

especial favor4 ,then said he to  him   
that bade him1 when thou makest a dinner
 or a supper1 call not  thy friends1 nor
 thy brethren1 neither thy kinsmen1 nor 
thy rich  neighbors1 lest they also bid 
thee again1 and a recompense be made    
thee4 ,but when thou makest a feast1    
call the poor and the maimed1  the lame 
and the blind1 and thou shalt be        
blessed2 for they cannot  recompense    
thee1 but thou shalt be recompensed at  
the resurrection  of the just4    ,in   
the high places of social life then--in 
the parlor1 the  drawing-room1 the      
saloon--special reference should be had1
 in every  arrangement1 to the comfort  
and improvement of those who are least  
able to provide for the cheapest rites  
of hospitality4 ,for these1  ample      
accommodations must be made1 whatever   
may become of our  kinsmen and rich     
neighbors4 ,and for this good reason1   
that while  such occasions signify      
little to the latter1 to the former they
 are  pregnant with good--raising their 

drooping spirits1 cheering their        
desponding hearts1 inspiring them with  
life1 and hope1 and joy4 ,the  rich and 
the poor thus meeting joyfully together1
 cannot but  mutually contribute to each
 other's benefit2 the rich will be led  
to  moderation1 sobriety1 and           
circumspection1 and the poor to         
industry1  providence1 and contentment4 
,the recompense must be great and sure4 
,a most beautiful and instructive       
commentary on the text in which  these  
things are taught1 the ,savior furnished
 in his own conduct4 ,he  freely mingled
 with those who were reduced to the very
 bottom of  society4 ,at the tables of  
the outcasts of society he did not      
hesitate to be a cheerful guest1        
surrounded by publicans and sinners4    
,and when flouted and reproached by     
smooth and lofty ecclesiastics1  as an  
ultraist and leveler1 he explained and  
justified himself by  observing1 that he
 had only done what his office demanded4
 ,it was  his to seek the lost1 to heal 

the sick1 to pity the wretched2--in a   
word1 to bestow just such benefits as   
the various necessities of  mankind made
 appropriate and welcome4 ,in his great 
heart1 there was  room enough for those 
who had been excluded from the sympathy 
of  little souls4 ,in its spirit and    
design1 the gospel overlooked           
none--least of all1 the outcasts of a   
selfish world4    ,can slavery1 however 
modified1 be consistent with such a     
gospel8--a  gospel which requires us1   
even amidst the highest forms of social 
life1 to exert ourselves to raise the   
depressed by giving our  warmest        
sympathies to those who have the        
smallest share in the favor  of the     
world8    ,those who are in bonds are   
set before us as deserving an especial  
remembrance4 ,their claims upon us are  
described as a modification of  the     
,golden ,rule--as one of the many forms 
to which its obligations  are reducible4
 ,to them we are to extend the same     
affectionate regard  as we would covet  

for ourselves1 if the chains upon their 
limbs were  fastened upon ours4 ,to the 
benefits of this precept1 the enslaved  
have a natural claim of the greatest    
strength4 ,the wrongs they  suffer      
spring from a persecution which can     
hardly be surpassed in  malignancy4     
,their birth and complexion are the     
occasion of the  insults and injuries   
which they can neither endure nor       
escape4 ,it is  for the work of ,god1   
and not their own deserts1 that they are
  loaded with chains4 ,this is          
persecution4    ,can ,i regard the slave
 as another self--can ,i put myself in  
his  place--and be indifferent to his   
wrongs8 ,especially1 can ,i1 thus       
affected1 take sides with the oppressor8
 ,could ,i1 in such a state of  mind as 
the gospel requires me to cherish1      
reduce him to slavery or  keep him in   
bonds8 ,is not the precept under hand   
naturally  subversive of every system   
and every form of slavery8    ,the      
general descriptions of the church1     

which are found here and  there in the  
,new ,testament1 are highly instructive 
in their bearing  on the subject of     
slavery4 ,in one connection1 the        
following words  meet the eye3 ,there is
 neither ,jew nor ,greek1 there is      
neither bond  nor free1 there is neither
 male nor female2 for ye are all one in 
,christ ,jesus4#ba ,here we have--      
#a4 ,a clear and strong description of  
the doctrine of human    equality4 ,ye  
are all ,,one2--so much alike1 so truly 
placed on    common ground1 all wielding
 each his own powers with such freedom1 
that one is the same as another4        
#b4 ,this doctrine1 self-evident in the 
light of reason1 is affirmed on         
divine authority4 ,,in ,,christ ,,jesus1
 ye are all one4 ,the natural           
equality of the human family is a part  
of the gospel4 ,for--      #c4 ,all the 
human family are included in this       
description4 ,whether    men or women1  
whether bond or free1 whether ,jews or  
,gentiles1 all    are alike entitled to 

the benefit of this doctrine4 ,whether  
,christianity prevails1 the artificial  
distinctions which grow out    of birth1
 condition1 sex1 are done away4 ,natural
 distinctions are    not destroyed4     
,they are recognized1 hallowed1         
confirmed4 ,the    gospel does not      
abolish the sexes1 forbid a division of 
labor1 or    extinguish patriotism4 ,it 
takes woman from beneath the feet1 and  
places her by the side of man2 delivers 
the manual laborer from    the yoke1 and
 gives him wages for his work2 and      
brings the ,jew and    the ,gentile to  
embrace each other with fraternal love  
and confidence4    ,thus it raises all  
to a common level1 gives to each the    
free use of    his own powers and       
resources1 binds all together in one    
dear and    loving brotherhood4 ,such1  
according to the description of the     
apostle1    was the influence1 and such 
the effect of primitive ,christianity4  
,behold the picture6 ,is it like        
,american slavery1 which1 in all its    

tendencies and effects1 is destructive  
of all oneness among brethren8          
,footnote #ba3 ,gal4 iii4 #bh4          
,where the spirit of the ,lord is1      
exclaims the same apostle1 with  his eye
 upon the condition and relations of the
 church1 where the  spirit of the ,lord 
is1 ,,there ,,is ,,liberty4 ,where1     
then1 may we  reverently recognize the  
presence1 and bow before the manifested 
power1 of this spirit8 ,there1 where the
 laborer may not choose how  he shall be
 employed6--in what way his wants shall 
be supplied6--with  whom he shall       
associate6--who shall have the fruit of 
his exertions6  ,there1 where he is not 
free to enjoy his wife and children6    
,there1 where his body and his soul1 his
 very destiny1#bb  are placed altogether
 beyond his control6 ,there1 where every
  power is crippled1 every energy       
blasted1 every hope crushed6 ,there1    
where in all the relations and concerns 
of life1 he is legally  treated as if he
 had nothing to do with the laws of     

reason1 the  light of immortality1 or   
the exercise of will6 ,is the spirit of 
the  ,lord there1 where liberty is      
decried and denounced1 mocked at and    
spit upon1 betrayed and crucified6 ,in  
the midst of a church which  justified  
slavery1 which derived its support from 
slavery1 which  carried on its          
enterprises by means of slavery1 would  
the apostle  have found the fruits of   
the ,spirit of the ,lord6 ,let that     
,spirit  exert his influences1 and      
assert his authority1 and wield his     
power1  and slavery must vanish at once 
and for ever4    ,footnote #bb3 ,the    
legislature 7of ,south ,carolina7 from  
time to time1  has passed many          
restricted and penal acts1 with a view  
to bring  under direct control and      
subjection the ,,destiny of the black   
population4 ,see the ,remonstrance of   
,james ,s4 ,pope and #ceb others        
against home missionary efforts for the 
benefit of the enslaved--a  most        
instructive paper4      ,in more than   

one connection1 the apostle ,james      
describes ,christianity  as the law of  
liberty4 ,it is1 in other words1 the law
 under  which liberty cannot but live   
and flourish--the law in which liberty  
is clearly defined1 strongly asserted1  
and well protected4 ,as the law  of     
liberty1 how can it be consistent with  
the law of slavery8 ,the  presence and  
the power of this law are felt wherever 
the light of  reason shines4 ,they are  
felt in the uneasiness and conscious    
degradation of the slave1 and in the    
shame and remorse which the  master     
betrays in his reluctant and desperate  
efforts to defend  himself4 ,this law it
 is which has armed human nature against
 the  oppressor4 ,wherever it is obeyed1
 every yoke is broken4    ,in these     
references to the ,new ,testament we    
have a general  description of the      
primitive church1 and the principles on 
which  it was founded and fashioned4    
,these principles bear the same         
relation to ,christian history as to    

,christian character1 since  the former 
is occupied with the development of the 
latter4 ,what then  is ,christian       
character but ,christian principle      
realized1 acted out1  bodied forth1 and 
animated8 ,christian principle is the   
soul1 of  which ,christian character is 
the expression--the manifestation4 ,it  
comprehends in itself1 as a living seed1
 such ,christian character1  under every
 form1 modification1 and complexion4    
,the former is1  therefore1 the test and
 interpreter of the latter4 ,in the     
light of  ,christian principle1 and in  
that light only we can judge of and     
explain ,christian character4 ,christian
 history is occupied with the  forms1   
modifications1 and various aspects of   
,christian character4  ,the facts which 
are there recorded serve to show1 how   
,christian  principle has fared in this 
world--how it has appeared1 what it has 
done1 how it has been treated4 ,in these
 facts we have the various              
institutions1 usages1 designs1 doings1  

and sufferings of the church  of        
,christ4 ,and all these have of         
necessity1 the closest relation to      
,christian principle4 ,they are the     
production of its power4 ,through  them1
 it is revealed and manifested4 ,in its 
light1 they are to be  studied1         
explained1 and understood4 ,without it  
they must be as  unintelligible and     
insignificant as the letters of a book  
scattered  on the wind4    ,in the      
principles of ,christianity1 then1 we   
have a comprehensive and  faithful      
account of its objects1 institutions1   
and usages--of how it  must behave1 and 
act1 and suffer1 in a world of sin and  
misery4 ,for  between the principles    
which ,god reveals1 on the one hand1 and
 the  precepts he enjoins1 the          
institutions he establishes1 and the    
usages  he approves1 on the other1 there
 must be consistency and harmony4       
,otherwise we impute to ,god what we    
must abhor in man--practice at war  with
 principle4 ,does the ,savior1 then1 lay

 down the principle that  our standing  
in the church must depend upon the      
habits formed within  us1 of readily and
 heartily subserving the welfare of     
others2 and  permit us in practice to   
invade the rights and trample on the    
happiness of our fellows1 by reducing   
them to slavery4 ,does he1  in principle
 and by example1 require us to go all   
lengths in  rendering mutual service1 or
 comprehending offices that most menial1
  as well as the most honorable2 and    
permit us in practice to ,,exact        
service of our brethren1 as if they were
 nothing better than  articles of       
merchandize6 ,does he require us in     
principle  to work with quietness and   
eat our own bread2 and permit us  in    
practice to wrest from our brethren the 
fruits of their  unrequited toil8 ,does 
he in principle require us1 abstaining  
from  every form of theft1 to employ our
 powers in useful labor1 not only  to   
provide for ourselves but also to       
relieve the indigence of others2  and   

permit us in practice1 abstaining from  
every form of labor1 to  enrich and     
aggrandize ourselves with the fruits of 
man-stealing8  ,does he require us in   
principle to regard the laborer as      
worthy  of his hire2 and permit us in   
practice to defraud him of his wages8   
,does he require us in principle to     
honor ,,all men2 and permit us  in      
practice to treat multitudes like       
cattle8 ,does he in  principle prohibit 
respect of persons2 and permit us in    
practice  to place the feet of the rich 
upon the necks of the poor8 ,does he  in
 principle require us to sympathize with
 the bondman as  another self2 and      
permit us in practice to leave him      
unpitied and  unhelped in the hands of  
the oppressor8 ,in principle1 where the 
,spirit of the ,lord is1 there is       
liberty2 in practice1 is slavery  the   
fruit of the ,spirit8 ,in principle1    
,christianity is the law of  liberty2 in
 practice1 it is the law of slavery8    
,bring practice in  these various       

respects into harmony with principle1   
and what becomes  of slavery8 ,and if1  
where the divine government is          
concerned1  practice is the expression  
of principle1 and principle the standard
  and interpreter of practice1 such     
harmony cannot but be maintained  and   
must be asserted4 ,in studying1         
therefore1 fragments of history  and    
sketches of biography--in disposing of  
references to institutions1  usages1 and
 facts in the ,new ,testament1 this     
necessary harmony  between principle and
 practice in the government of ,god1    
should be  continually present to the   
thoughts of the interpreter4 ,principles
  assert what practice must be4         
,whatever principle condemns1 ,god      
condemns4 ,it belongs to those weeds of 
the dung-hill which1 planted  by an     
enemy1 his hand will assuredly root up4 
,it is most certain  then1 that if      
slavery prevailed in the first ages of  
,christianity1  it could nowhere have   
prevailed under its influence and with  

its  sanction4           99       99    
99       99       99    ,the condition  
in which in its efforts to bless        
mankind1 the  primitive church was      
placed1 must have greatly assisted the  
early  ,christians in understanding and 
applying the principles of the gospel4  
,their ,master was born in great        
obscurity1 lived in the deepest         
poverty1 and died the most ignominious  
death4 ,the place of his  residence1 his
 familiarity with the outcasts of       
society1 his  welcoming assistance and  
support from female hands1 his casting  
his  beloved mother1 when he hung upon  
the cross1 upon the charity of a        
disciple--such things evince the depth  
of his poverty1 and show to  what       
derision and contempt he must have been 
exposed4 ,could such an  one1 despised  
and rejected of men--a man of sorrows   
and acquainted  with grief1 play the    
oppressor1 or smile on those who made   
merchandize of the poor6    ,and what   
was the history of the apostles1 but an 

illustration of  the doctrine1 that it  
is enough for the disciple1 that he be  
as his  ,master8 ,were they lordly      
ecclesiastics1 abounding with wealth1   
shining with splendor1 bloated with     
luxury6 ,were they ambitious of         
distinction1 fleecing1 and trampling1   
and devouring the flocks1  that they    
themselves might have the pre-eminence6 
,were they  slaveholding bishops6 ,or   
did they derive their support from the  
wages of iniquity and the price of      
blood6 ,can such inferences be  drawn   
from the account of their condition1    
which the most gifted and  enterprising 
of their number has put upon record8    
,even unto this  present hour1 we both  
hunger1 and thirst1 and are naked1 and  
are  buffetted1 and have no certain     
dwelling place1 and labor working  with 
our own hands4 ,being reviled1 we bless2
 being persecuted1 we  suffer it2 being 
defamed1 we entreat2 we are made as the 
filth of  the world1 and are ,,the      
,,offscouring ,,of ,,all ,,things unto  

this day4#bc  ,are these the men who    
practised or countenanced slavery8 ,with
  such a temper1 they ,,would ,,not2 in 
such circumstances1 they ,,could  ,,not4
 ,exposed to tribulation1 distress1 and 
persecution2 subject to  famine and     
nakedness1 to peril and the sword2      
killed all the day  long2 accounted as  
sheep for the slaughter1#bd they would  
have made  but a sorry figure at the    
great-house or slave-market4            
,footnote #bc3 #a ,cor4 iv4 #aa-ac4     
,footnote #bd3 ,rom4 viii4 #ce1 #cf4    
,nor was the condition of the brethren1 
generally1 better than that of  the     
apostles4 ,the position of the apostles 
doubtless entitled them to  the         
strongest opposition1 the heaviest      
reproaches1 the fiercest  persecution4  
,but derision and contempt must have    
been the lot of  ,christians generally4 
,surely we cannot think so ill of       
primitive  ,christianity as to suppose  
that believers1 generally1 refused to   
share in the trials and sufferings of   

their leaders2 as to suppose  that while
 the leaders submitted to manual labor1 
to buffeting1 to be  reckoned the filth 
of the world1 to be accounted as sheep  
for the  slaughter1 his brethren lived  
in affluence1 ease1 and honor6          
despising manual labor and living upon  
the sweat of unrequited toil6  ,but on  
this point we are not left to mere      
inference and conjecture4  ,the apostle 
,paul in the plainest language explains 
the ordination of  ,heaven4 ,but ,god   
hath ,,chosen the foolish things of the 
world to  confound the wise2 and ,god   
hath ,,chosen the weak things of the    
world  to confound the things which are 
mighty2 and base things of the world1   
and things which are despised hath ,god 
,,chosen1 yea1 and ,,things ,,which     
,,are ,,not1 to bring to nought things  
that are4#be ,here we may well  notice1 
#a4 ,that it was not by accident1 that  
the primitive churches were    made up  
of such elements1 but the result of the 
,,divine ,,choice--an    arrangement of 

,his wise and gracious ,providence4 ,the
 inference is    natural1 that this     
ordination was co-extensive with the    
triumphs of    ,christianity4 ,it was   
nothing new or strange1 that ,jehovah   
had    concealed his glory from the wise
 and prudent1 and had revealed it       
unto babes1 or that the common people   
heard him gladly1 while    not many wise
 men after the flesh1 not many mighty1  
not many noble1    had been called4     
#b4 ,the description of character1 which
 the apostle records1 could be          
adapted only to what are reckoned the   
very dregs of humanity4 ,the    foolish 
and the weak1 the base and the          
contemptible1 in the    estimation of   
worldly pride and wisdom--these were    
they whose broken    hearts were        
reached1 and moulded1 and refreshed by  
the gospel2 these    were they whom the 
apostle took to his bosom as his own    
brethren4    ,footnote #be3 #a ,cor4 i4 
#bg1 #bh4      ,that slaves abounded at 
,corinth1 may easily be admitted4 ,they 

have a place in the enumeration of      
elements of which1 according to  the    
apostle1 the church there was composed4 
,the most remarkable  class found there1
 consisted of ,,things ,,which ,,are    
,,not--mere nobodies1  not admitted to  
the privileges of men1 but degraded to a
 level with  goods and chattels2 of whom
 no account was made in such            
arrangements of society as subserved the
 improvement1 and dignity1  and         
happiness of ,,mankind4 ,how accurately 
the description applies to  those who   
are crushed under the chattel principle6
    ,the reference which the apostle    
makes to the deep poverty of the        
churches of ,macedonia1#bf and this to  
stir up the sluggish  liberality of his 
,corinthian brethren1 naturally leaves  
the  impression1 that the latter were by
 no means inferior to the former  in the
 gifts of ,providence4 ,but1 pressed    
with want and pinched by  poverty as    
were the believers in ,macedonia and    
,achaia1 it pleased  them to make a     

certain contribution for the poor saints
 which were  at ,jerusalem4#bg ,thus it 
appears1 that ,christians everywhere    
were  familiar with contempt and        
indigence1 so much so1 that the apostle 
would dissuade such as had no families  
from assuming the  responsibilities of  
the conjugal relation6#bh    ,footnote  
#bf3 #b ,cor4 viii4 #b4    ,footnote    
#bg3 ,rom4 xviii4 #ah-be4    ,footnote  
#bh3 ,cor4 vii4 #bf1 #bg4    ,now1 how  
did these good people treat each other8 
,did the few among  them1 who were      
esteemed wise1 mighty1 or noble1 exert  
their  influence and employ their power 
in oppressing the weak1 in disposing  of
 the things that are not1 as marketable 
commodities6--kneeling  with them in    
prayer in the evening1 and putting them 
up at auction  the next morning6 ,did   
the church sell any of the members to   
swell  the certain contribution for the 
poor saints at ,jerusalem6 ,far  other  
wise--as far as possible6 ,in those     
,christian communities where  the       

influence of the apostles was most      
powerful1 and where the  arrangements   
drew forth their highest commendations1 
believers  treated each other as        
brethren1 in the strongest sense of that
  sweet word4 ,so warm was their mutual 
love1 so strong the public  spirit1 so  
open-handed and abundant the general    
liberality1 that  they are set forth as 
having all things common4#bi ,slaves and
  their holders here8 ,neither the one  
nor the other could1 in that  relation  
to each other1 have breathed such an    
atmosphere4 ,the appeal  of the kneeling
 bondman1 ,am ,i not a man and a        
brother1 must here  have met with a     
prompt and powerful response4           
,footnote #bi3 ,acts1 iv4 #cb4      ,the
 tests by which our ,savior tries the   
character of his professed  disciples1  
shed a strong light upon the genius of  
the gospel4 ,in one  connection1#cj an  
inquirer demands of the ,savior1 ,what  
good thing  shall ,i do that ,i may have
 eternal life8 ,after being reminded of 

the  obligations which his social nature
 imposed upon him1 he ventured1  while  
claiming to be free from guilt in his   
relations to mankind1 to  demand1 what  
lack ,i yet8 ,the radical deficiency    
under which his  character labored1 the 
,savior was not long or obscure in      
pointing out4  ,if thou wilt be perfect1
 go and sell that thou hast and give to 
the  poor1 and thou shall have treasure 
in heaven2 and come and follow me4  ,on 
this passage it is natural to suggest-- 
#a4 ,that we have here a test of        
universal application4 ,the    rectitude
 and benevolence of our ,savior's       
character forbid us to    suppose1 that 
he would subject this inquirer1         
especially as he was    highly amiable1 
to a trial1 where eternal life was at   
stake1    peculiarly severe4 ,indeed1   
the test seems to have been only a fair 
exposition of the second great command1 
and of course it must be    applicable  
to all who are placed under the         
obligations of that    precept4 ,those  

who cannot stand this test1 as their    
character is    radically imperfect and 
unsound1 must1 with the inquirer to whom
    our ,lord applied it1 be pronounced 
unfit for the kingdom of heaven4        
#b4 ,the least that our ,savior can in  
that passage be understood to    demand 
is1 that we disinterestedly and heartily
 devote ourselves to    the welfare of  
mankind1 the poor especially4 ,we are to
 put    ourselves on a level with them1 
as we must do in selling that we    have
 for their benefit--in other words1 in  
employing our powers and    resources to
 elevate their character1 condition1 and
 prospects4 ,this    our ,savior did2   
and if we refuse to enter into sympathy 
and    co-operation with him1 how can we
 be his followers8 ,apply this    test  
to the slaveholder4 ,instead of selling 
that he hath for the    benefit of the  
poor1 he ,,buys ,,the ,,poor1 and exacts
 their sweat with    stripes1 to enable 
him to clothe himself in purple and fine
 linen1    and fare sumptuously every   

day2 or1 ,,he ,,sells ,,the ,,poor to   
support    the gospel and convert the   
heathen6    ,footnote #cj3 ,luke1 xviii4
 #ah-be4      ,what1 in describing the  
scenes of the final judgment1 does our  
,savior  teach us8 ,by what standard    
must our character be estimated1 and the
  retributions of eternity be awarded8  
,a standard1 which both the  righteous  
and the wicked will be surprised to see 
erected4 ,from the  offscouring of all  
things1 the meanest specimen of humanity
 will  be selected--a stranger in the   
hands of the oppressor1 naked1  hungry1 
sickly2 and this stranger1 placed in the
 midst of the  assembled universe1 by   
the side of the sovereign ,judge1 will  
be  openly acknowledged as his          
representative4 ,glory1 honor1 and      
immortality1 will be the reward of those
 who had recognized and  cheered their  
,lord through his outraged poor4 ,and   
tribulation1  anguish1 and despair1 will
 seize on every soul of man who had     
neglected or despised them4 ,but whom1  

within the limits of our  country1 are  
we to regard especially as the          
representatives of our  final ,judge8   
,every feature of the ,savior's picture 
finds its  appropriate original in our  
enslaved countrymen4        #a4 ,they   
are the ,,least of his brethren4        
#b4 ,they are subject to thirst and     
hunger1 unable to command a cup       of
 water or a crumb of bread4      #c4    
,they are exposed to wasting sickness1  
without the ability to       procure a  
nurse or employ a physician4      #d4   
,they are emphatically in prison1       
restrained by chains1 goaded       with 
whips1 tasked1 and under keepers4 ,not a
 wretch groans in any       cell of the 
prisons of our country1 who is exposed  
to a confinement       so vigorous and  
heartbreaking as the law allows theirs  
to be       continually and permanently4
      #e4 ,and then they are            
emphatically1 and peculiarly1 and       
exclusively1                            
,,strangers--strangers in the land which

 gave them birth4 ,whom       else do we
 constrain to remain aliens in the midst
 of our free       institutions8 ,the   
,welch1 the ,swiss1 the ,irish8 ,the    
,jews even8       ,alas1 it is the negro
 only1 who may not strike his roots into
       our soil4 ,every where we have   
conspired to treat him as a             
stranger--every where he is forced to   
feel himself a stranger4 ,in       the  
stage and steamboat1 in the parlor and  
at our tables1 in the       scenes of   
business and in the scenes of           
amusement--even in the       church of  
,god and at the communion table1 he is  
regarded as a       stranger4 ,the      
intelligent and religious are generally 
disgusted       and horror-struck at the
 thought of his becoming identified with
       the citizens of our republic--so 
much so1 that thousands of them         
have entered into a conspiracy to send  
him off out of sight1 to       find a   
home on a foreign shore6--and justify   
themselves by openly       alleging1    

that a single drop of his blood1 in the 
veins of any       human creature1 must 
make him hateful to his fellow          
citizens6--,that nothing but banishment 
from our coasts1 can       redeem him   
from the scorn and contempt to which his
 stranger       blood has reduced him   
among his own mother's children6        
,who1 then1 in this land of milk and    
honey1 is hungry and athirst1  but the  
man from whom the law takes away the    
last crumb of bread and  the smallest   
drop of water8    ,who naked1 but the   
man whom the law strips of the last rag 
of  clothing8    ,who sick1 but the man 
whom the law deprives of the power of   
procuring medicine or sending for a     
physician8    ,who in prison1 but the   
man who1 all his life1 is under the     
control  of merciless masters and cruel 
keepers6    ,who a stranger1 but the man
 who is scornfully denied the cheapest  
courtesies of life--who is treated as an
 alien in his native country8    ,there 
is one point in this awful description  

which deserves  particular attention4   
,those who are doomed to the left hand  
of the  ,judge1 are not charged with    
inflicting positive injuries on their   
helpless1 needy1 and oppressed brother4 
,theirs was what is often  called       
negative character4 ,what they had done 
is not described  in the indictment4    
,their neglect of duty1 what they had   
,,not  done1 was the ground of their    
everlasting punishment4 ,the            
representative of their ,judge1 they had
 seen a hungered and they  gave him no  
meat1 thirsty and they gave him no      
drink1 a stranger and  they took him not
 in1 naked and they clothed him not1    
sick and in  prison and they visited him
 not4 ,in as much as they did ,,not     
yield to  the claims of suffering       
humanity--did ,,not exert themselves to 
bless  the meanest of the human family1 
they were driven away in their          
wickedness4 ,but what if the indictment 
had run thus3 ,i was a  hungered and ye 
snatched away the crust which might have

 saved me  from starvation2 ,i was      
thirsty and ye dashed to the ground the 
cup of cold water1 which might have     
moistened my parched lips2 ,i  was a    
stranger and ye drove me from the hovel 
which might have  sheltered me from the 
piercing wind2 ,i was sick and ye       
scourged me  to my task2 in prison and  
you sold me for my jail-fees--to what   
depths of hell must not those who were  
convicted under such charges  be        
consigned6 ,and what is the history of  
,american slavery but one  long         
indictment1 describing under            
ever-varying forms and hues just  such  
injuries6    ,nor should it be          
forgotten1 that those who incurred the  
displeasure  of their ,judge1 took far  
other views than he1 of their own past  
history4 ,the charges which he brought  
against them1 they heard with  great    
surprise4 ,they were sure that they had 
never thus turned away  from his        
necessities4 ,indeed1 when had they seen
 him thus subject to  poverty1 insult1  

and oppression8 ,never4 ,and as to that 
poor  friendless creature1 whom they    
left unpitied and unhelped in the  hands
 of the oppressor1 and whom their ,judge
 now presented as his  own              
representative1 they never once         
supposed1 that he had any  claims on    
their compassion and assistance4 ,had   
they known1 that he  was destined to so 
prominent a place at the final judgment1
 they  would have treated him as a human
 being1 in despite of any social1       
pecuniary1 or political considerations4 
,but neither their negative  virtue nor 
their voluntary ignorance could shield  
them from the  penal fire which their   
selfishness had kindled4    ,now amidst 
the general maxims1 the leading         
principles1 the great  commandments of  
the gospel2 amidst its comprehensive    
descriptions  and authorized tests of   
,christian character1 we should take our
  position in disposing of any          
particular allusions to such forms and  
usages of the primitive churches as are 

supported by divine authority4  ,the    
latter must be interpreted and          
understood in the light of the  former4 
,but how do the apologists and defenders
 of slavery proceed8  ,placing          
themselves amidst the arrangements and  
usages which grew out  of the           
corruptions of ,christianity1 they make 
these the standard  by which the gospel 
is to be explained and understood6 ,some
 ,recorder  or ,justice4 without the    
light of inquiry or the aid of a jury1  
consigns the negro whom the kidnapper   
has dragged into his presence  to the   
horrors of slavery4 ,as the poor wretch 
shrieks and faints1  ,humanity shudders 
and demands why such atrocities are     
endured4 ,some  priest or ,levite1      
passing by on the other side1 quite     
self-possessed and all complacent1 reads
 in reply from his broad  phylactery1   
,paul sent back ,onesimus to ,philemon6 
,yes1 echoes the  negro-hating mob1 made
 up of gentlemen of property and        
standing  together with equally         

gentle-men reeking from the gutter2     
,yes--,paul  sent back ,onesimus to     
,philemon6 ,and ,humanity1 brow-beaten1 
stunned  with noise and tumult1 is      
pushed aside by the crowd6 ,a fair      
specimen  this of the manner in which   
modern usages are made to interpret the 
sacred ,scriptures8    ,of the          
particular passages in the ,new         
,testament on which the  apologists for 
slavery especially rely1 the epistle to 
,philemon  first demands our attention4 
#a4 ,this letter was written by the     
apostle ,paul while a prisoner of       
,jesus ,christ at ,rome4      #b4       
,philemon was a benevolent and          
trustworthy member of the church at     
,colosse1 at whose house the disciples  
of ,christ held their assemblies1    and
 who owed his conversion1 under ,god1   
directly or indirectly to    the        
ministry of ,paul4      #c4 ,onesimus   
was the servant of ,philemon2 under a   
relation which it    is difficult with  
accuracy and certainty to define4 ,his  

condition1    though servile1 could not 
have been like that of an ,american     
slave2    as1 in that case1 however he  
might have wronged ,philemon1 he could  
not also have owed him ought4#ca ,the   
,american slave is1 according    to law1
 as much the property of his master as  
any other chattel2 and    can no more   
owe his master than can a sheep or a    
horse4 ,the basis    of all pecuniary   
obligations lies in some value received4
 ,how can    an article of merchandise  
stand on this basis and sustain         
commercial relations to its owner8      
,there is no person to offer or         
promise4 ,personality is swallowed up in
 ,american slavery6      #d4 ,how       
,onesimus found his way to ,rome it is  
not easy to determine4    ,he and       
,philemon appear to have parted from    
each other on ill terms4    ,the general
 character of ,onesimus1 certainly1 in  
his relation to    ,philemon1 had been  
far from attractive1 and he seems to    
have left    him without repairing the  

wrongs he had done him or paying the    
debts    which he owed him4 ,at ,rome1  
by the blessing of ,god upon the        
exertions of the apostle1 he was brought
 to reflection and repentance4      #e4 
,in reviewing his history in the light  
of ,christian truth1 he    became       
painfully aware of the injuries he had  
inflicted on ,philemon4    ,he longed   
for an opportunity for frank confession 
and full    restitution4 ,having1       
however1 parted with ,philemon on ill   
terms1 he    knew not how to appear in  
his presence4 ,under such               
embarrassments1    he naturally sought  
sympathy and advice of ,paul4 ,his      
influence    upon ,philemon1 ,onesimus  
knew must be powerful1 especially as an 
apostle4      #f4 ,a letter in behalf of
 ,onesimus was therefore written by the 
apostle to ,philemon4 ,after such       
salutations1 benedictions1 and          
thanksgiving as the good character and  
useful life of ,philemon    naturally   
drew from the heart of ,paul1 he        

proceeds to the object of    the letter4
 ,he admits that ,onesimus had behaved  
ill in the service    of ,philemon2 not 
in running away1 for how they had parted
 with each    other is not explained2   
but in being unprofitable and in        
refusing to    pay the debts#cb which he
 had contracted4 ,but his character had 
undergone a radical change4             
,thenceforward fidelity and usefulness  
would be his aim and mark his course4   
,and as to any pecuniary    obligations 
which he had violated1 the apostle      
authorized ,philemon    to put them on  
his account4#cc ,thus a way was fairly  
opened to the    heart of ,philemon4    
,and now what does the apostles ask8    
#g4 ,he asks that ,philemon would       
receive ,onesimus1 ,how8 ,not as a      
servant1 but above a servant4#cd ,how   
much above8 ,philemon was    to receive 
him as a son of the apostle--as a       
brother    beloved--nay1 if he counted  
,paul a partner1 an equal1 he was to    
receive ,onesimus as he would receive   

the apostle himself4#ce ,so    much     
above a servant was he to receive him6  
#h4 ,but was not this request to be so  
interpreted and complied with    as to  
put ,onesimus in the hands of ,philemon 
as an article of    merchandise1        
,,carnally1 while it raised him to the  
dignity of a    brother beloved1        
,,spiritually8 ,in other words1 might   
not ,philemon    consistently with the  
request of ,paul have reduced ,onesimus 
to a    chattel1 as ,a ,,man1 while he  
admitted him fraternally to his bosom1  
as a ,,christian8 ,such gibberish in an 
apostolic epistle6 ,never4 ,as if1      
however to guard against such folly1 the
 natural product of mist and            
moonshine1 the apostle would have       
,onesimus raised above a servant to     
the dignity of a brother beloved1 ,,both
 ,,in ,,the ,,flesh ,,and ,,in ,,the    
,,lord2#cf as a man and ,christian1 in  
all the relations1    circumstances1 and
 responsibilities of life4    ,footnote 
#ca3 ,philemon1 #ah4    ,footnote #cb3  

,verse #aa1 #ah4    ,footnote #cc3      
,verse #ah4    ,footnote #cd3 ,verse    
#af4    ,footnote #ce3 ,verse #aj1 #af1 
#ag4    ,footnote #cf3 ,verse #af4      
,it is easy now with definiteness and   
certainty to determine in what  sense   
the apostle in such connections uses the
 word brother4 ,it  describes a relation
 inconsistent with and opposite to the  
servile4  ,it is ,,not the relation of a
 ,,servant4 ,it elevates its subject    
above the servile condition4 ,it raises 
him to full equality with  the master1  
to the same equality1 on which ,paul and
 ,philemon stood  side by side as       
brothers2 and this1 not in some vague1  
undefined1  spiritual sense1 affecting  
the soul and leaving the body in bonds1 
but in every way1 both in the ,,flesh   
and in the ,lord4 ,this matter  deserves
 particular and earnest attention4 ,it  
sheds a strong light  on other lessons  
of apostolic instruction4      #i4 ,it  
is greatly to our purpose1 moreover1 to 
observe that the    apostle clearly     

defines the moral character of his      
request4 ,it was    fit1 proper1 right1 
suited to the nature and relation of    
things--a    thing which ought to be    
done4#cg ,on this account1 he might have
    urged it upon ,philemon in the form 
of an injunction1 on apostolic          
authority and with great boldness4#ch   
,the very nature of the    request made 
it obligatory on ,philemon4 ,he was     
sacredly bound1 out    of regard to the 
fitness of things1 to admit ,onesimus to
 full    equality with himself--to treat
 him as a brother both in the ,lord     
and as having flesh--as a fellow man4   
,thus were the inalienable    rights and
 birthright privileges of ,onesimus1 as 
a member of the    human family1 defined
 and protected by apostolic authority4  
#aj4 ,the apostle preferred a request   
instead of imposing a command1    on the
 ground of ,,charity4#ci ,he would give 
,philemon an opportunity    of          
discharging his obligations under the   
impulse of love4 ,to this    impulse1 he

 was confident ,philemon would promptly 
and fully yield4    ,how could he do    
otherwise8 ,the thing itself was right4 
,the request    respecting it came from 
a benefactor1 to whom1 under ,god1 he   
was    under the highest obligations4#dj
 ,that benefactor1 now an old man1      
and in the hands of persecutors1        
manifested a deep and tender    interest
 in the matter and had the strongest    
persuasion that    ,philemon was more   
ready to grant than himself to entreat4 
,the result1    as he was soon to visit 
,collosse1 and had commissioned         
,philemon to    prepare a lodging for   
him1 must come under the eye of the     
apostle4    ,the request was so         
manifestly reasonable and obligatory1   
that the    apostle1 after all1         
described a compliance with it1 by the  
strong    word obedience4#da            
,footnote #cg3 ,verse #h4 ,to ,greek3   
anaekon4 ,see ,robinson's ,new          
,testament ,lexicon2 it is fit1 proper1 
becoming1 it ought4 ,in  what sense     

,king ,james' translators used the word 
convenient any  one may see who will    
read ,rom4 i4 #bh and ,eph4 v4 #c1 #d4  
,footnote #ch3 ,verse #h4    ,footnote  
#ci3 ,verse #i--;,greek3 dia taen       
agapaen    ,footnote #dj3 ,verse #ai4   
,footnote #da3 ,verse #ba4      ,now1   
how must all this have been understood  
by the church at ,colosse8  --a church1 
doubtless1 made up of such materials as 
the church at  ,corinth1 that is1 of    
members chiefly from the humblest walks 
of life4  ,many of them had probably    
felt the degradation and tasted the     
bitterness of the servile condition4    
,would they have been likely to         
interpret the apostle's letter under the
 bias of feelings friendly to           
slavery6--,and put the slaveholder's    
construction on its contents6  ,would   
their past experience or present        
sufferings--for doubtless  some of them 
were still under the yoke--have         
suggested to their  thoughts such       
glosses as some of our theological      

professors venture  to put upon the     
words of the apostle6 ,far otherwise4   
,the ,spirit of  the ,lord was there1   
and the epistle was read in the light of
  liberty4 ,it contained the principles 
of holy freedom1 faithfully  and        
affectionately applied4 ,this must have 
made it precious in the  eyes of such   
men of low degree as were most of the   
believers1 and  welcome to a place in   
the sacred canon4 ,there let it remain  
as a  luminous and powerful defence of  
the cause of emancipation6    ,but what 
saith ,professor ,stuart8 ,if any one   
doubts1 let him take  the case of       
,paul's sending ,onesimus back to       
,philemon1 with an apology  for his     
running away1 and sending him back to be
 his servant for  life4#db    ,footnote 
#db3 ,see his letter to ,dr4 ,fisk1     
supra pp4 #g1 #h      ,paul sent back   
,onesimus to ,philemon4 ,by what        
process8 ,did the  apostle1 a prisoner  
at ,rome1 seize upon the fugitive1 and  
drag him  before some heartless and     

perfidious ,judge1 for authority to send
  him back to ,colosse8 ,did he hurry   
his victim away from the presence  of   
the fat and supple magistrate1 to be    
driven under chains and the  lash to the
 field of unrequited toil1 whence he had
 escaped8 ,had the  apostle been like   
some teachers in the ,american churches1
 he might1  as a professor of sacred    
literature in one of our seminaries1 or 
a  preacher of the gospel to the rich in
 some of our cities1 have consented     
thus to subserve the peculiar interests 
of a dear slaveholding brother4  ,but   
the venerable champion of truth and     
freedom was himself under  bonds in the 
imperial city1 waiting for the crown of 
martyrdom4 ,he  wrote a letter to the   
church a ,colosse1 which was accustomed 
to meet  at the house of ,philemon1 and 
another letter to that magnanimous      
disciple1 and sent them by the hand of  
,onesimus4 ,so much for the way  in     
which ,onesimus was sent back to his    
master4      ,a slave escapes from a    

patriarch in ,georgia1 and seeks a      
refuge in  the parish of the            
,connecticut doctor of ,divinity1 who   
once gave  public notice that he saw no 
reason for caring for the servitude of  
his fellow men4#dc ,under his influence1
 ,caesar becomes a ,christian  convert4 
,burning with love for the son whom he  
hath begotten in the  gospel1 our doctor
 resolves to send him back to his       
master4  ,accordingly1 he writes a      
letter1 gives it to ,caesar1 and bids   
him  return1 staff in hand1 to the      
corner-stone of our republican          
institutions4 ,now1 what would my       
,caesar do1 who had ever felt a  link of
 slavery's chain8 ,as he left his       
spiritual father1 should  we be         
surprised to hear him say to himself1   
,what1 return of my own  accord to the  
man who1 with the hand of a robber1     
plucked me from my  mother's bosom6--for
 whom ,i have been so often drenched in 
the sweat  of unrequited toil6--whose   
violence so often cut my flesh and      

scarred my limbs6--who shut out every   
ray of light from my mind6--who  laid   
claim to those honors to which my       
,creator and ,redeemer only  are        
entitled6 ,and for what am ,i to return8
 ,to be cursed1 and  smitten1 and sold6 
,to be tempted1 and torn1 and destroyed6
 ,i cannot  thus throw myself away--thus
 rush upon my own destruction4          
,footnote #dc3 ,why should ,i care8     
,who ever heard of the voluntary return 
of a fugitive from ,american            
oppression8 ,do you think that the      
doctor and his friends could  persuade  
one to carry a letter to the patriarch  
from whom he had  escaped8 ,and must we 
believe this of ,onesimus8    ,paul sent
 back ,onesimus to ,philemon4 ,on what  
occasion8--,if1  writes the apostle1 he 
hath wronged thee1 or oweth the aught1  
put  that on my account4 ,alive to the  
claims of duty1 ,onesimus would  restore
 whatever he had taken away4 ,he would  
honestly pay his  debts4 ,this          
resolution the apostle warmly approved4 

,he was ready1 at  whatever expense1 to 
help his young disciple in carrying it  
into  full effect4 ,of this he assured  
,philemon1 in language the most         
explicit and emphatic4 ,here we find one
 reason for the conduct of  ,paul in    
sending ,onesimus to ,philemon4    ,if a
 fugitive slave of the ,rev4 ,dr4       
,smylie1 of ,mississippi1 should  return
 to him with a letter from a doctor of  
divinity in ,new ,york1  containing such
 an assurance1 how would the reverend   
slaveholder  dispose of it8 ,what1 he   
exclaims1 have we here8 ,if ,cato has   
not  been upright in his pecuniary      
intercourse with you--if he owes you    
any thing--put that on my account4 ,what
 ignorance of southern  institutions6   
,what mockery1 to talk of pecuniary     
intercourse between  a slave and his    
master6 ,the slave himself1 with all he 
is and has1  is an article of           
merchandise4 ,what can he owe his       
master8 ,a  rustic may lay a wager with 
his mule1 and give the creature the peck

  of oats which he has permitted it to  
win4 ,but who1 in sober earnest1  would 
call this a pecuniary transaction8      
,,to ,,be ,,his ,,servant ,,for ,,life6 
,from what part of the epistle could    
the expositor have evolved a thought so 
soothing to tyrants--so  revolting to   
every man who loves his own nature8     
,from this8  ,for perhaps he therefore  
departed for a season1 that thou        
shouldst  receive him for ever4 ,receive
 him how8 ,as a servant1 exclaims our   
commentator4 ,but what wrote the        
apostle8 ,,not now as a servant1 but    
above a servant1 a brother beloved1     
especially to me1 but how much  more    
unto thee1 both in the flesh and in the 
,lord4 ,who authorized  the professor to
 bereave the word not of its negative   
influence8  ,according to ,paul1        
,philemon was to receive ,onesimus not  
as a  servant2--according to ,stuart1 he
 was to receive him as a  servant6 ,if  
the professor will apply the same rules 
of exposition  to the writings of the   

abolitionists1 all difference between   
him and  them must in his view presently
 vanish away4 ,the harmonizing process  
would be equally simple and effectual4  
,he has only to understand  them as     
affirming what they deny1 and as denying
 what they affirm4    ,suppose that     
,professor ,stuart had a son residing1  
at the ,south4 ,his  slave1 having      
stolen money of his master1 effected his
 escape4 ,he  fled to ,andover1 to find 
a refuge among the sons of the prophets4
  ,there he finds his way to ,professor 
,stuart's house1 and offers to  render  
any service which the professor1        
dangerously ill of a typhus  fever1     
might require4 ,he is soon found to be a
 most active1 skilful1  faithful nurse4 
,he spares no pains1 night and day1 to  
make himself  useful to the venerable   
sufferer4 ,he anticipates every want4   
,in the  most delicate and tender       
manner1 he tries to sooth every pain4   
,he  fastens himself strongly on the    
heart of the reverend object of his     

care4 ,touched with the heavenly spirit1
 the meek demeanor1 the  submissive     
frame1 which the sick bed exhibits1     
,archy becomes a  ,christian4 ,a new    
bond now ties him and his convalescent  
teacher  together4 ,as soon as he is    
able to write1 the professor sends      
,archy  with the following letter to the
 ,south1 to ,isaac ,stuart1 ,esq43--    
,,my ,,dear ,,son1--,with a hand        
enfeebled by a distressing and dangerous
  illness1 from which ,i am slowly      
recovering1 ,i address you on a  subject
 which lies very near my heart4 ,i have 
a request to urge1  which our mutual    
relation to each other1 and your strong 
obligations  to me1 will1 ,i cannot     
doubt1 make you eager fully to grant4 ,i
 say a  request1 though the thing ,i ask
 is1 in its very nature and on the      
principles of the gospel1 obligatory    
upon you4 ,i might1 therefore1  boldly  
demand1 what ,i earnestly entreat4 ,but 
,i know how generous1  magnanimous1 and 
,christ-like you are1 and how readily   

you will 'do  even more than ,i         
say'--,i1 your own father1 an old man1  
almost  exhausted with multiplied       
exertions for the benefit of my family  
and  my country and now just rising1    
emaciated and broken1 from the brink  of
 the grave4 ,i write in behalf of       
,archy1 whom ,i regard with the         
affection of a father1 and whom1 indeed1
 ',i have forgotten in my  sickness4'   
,gladly would ,i have retained him1 to  
be an ,isaac to me2  for how often did  
not his soothing voice1 and skilful     
hand1 and  unwearied attention to my    
wants remind me of you6 ,but ,i chose to
  give you an opportunity of            
manifesting1 voluntarily1 the goodness  
of  your heart2 as1 if ,i had retained  
him with me1 you might seem to  have    
been forced to grant what you will      
gratefully bestow4 ,his  temporary      
absence from you may have opened the way
 for his permanent  continuance with    
you4 ,not now as a slave4 ,heaven       
forbid6 ,but  superior to a slave4      

,superior1 did ,i say8 ,take him to your
 bosom1 as  a beloved brother2 for ,i   
own him as a son1 and regard him as     
such1  in all the relations of life1    
both as a man and a ,christian4         
',receive him as myself4' ,and that     
nothing may hinder you from  complying  
with my request at once1 ,i hereby      
promise1 without  adverting to your many
 and great obligations to me1 to pay you
 every  cent which he took from your    
drawer4 ,any preparation which my       
comfort with you may require1 you will  
make without much delay1 when  you      
learn1 that ,i intend1 as soon as ,i    
shall be able 'to perform the  journey1'
 to make you a visit4    ,and what if   
,dr4 ,baxter1 in giving an account of   
this letter should  publicly declare    
that ,professor ,stuart1 of ,andover    
regarded  slaveholding as lawful2 for   
that he had sent ,archy back to his son 
,isaac1 with an apology for his running 
away to be held in perpetual  slavery8  
,with what propriety might not the      

professor exclaim3 ,false1  every       
syllable false4 ,i sent him back1 ,,not 
,,to ,,be ,,held ,,as ,a ,,slave1  but  
recognized as a dear brother1 in all    
respects1 under every  relation1 civil  
and ecclesiastical4 ,i bade my son      
receive ,archy as  myself4 ,if this was 
not equivalent to a requisition to set  
him  fully and most honorably free1 and 
that1 too1 on the ground of  natural    
obligation and ,christian principle1    
then ,i know not how to  frame such a   
requisition4    ,i am well aware that my
 supposition is by no means strong      
enough  fully to illustrate the case to 
which it is applied4 ,professor ,stuart 
lacks apostolical authority4 ,isaac     
,stuart is not a leading member of  a   
church consisting1 as the early churches
 chiefly consisted1 of  what the world  
regard as the dregs of society--the     
offscouring of  all things4 ,nor was    
slavery at ,colosse1 it seems1 supported
 by such  barbarous usages1 such horrid 
laws as disgrace the ,south4    ,but it 

is time to turn to another passage      
which1 in its bearing on  the subject in
 hand1 is1 in our view1 as well as in   
the view of  ,dr4 ,fisk4 and ,prof4     
,stuart1 in the highest degree          
authoritative and  instructive4 ,let as 
many servants as are under the yoke     
count their  own masters worthy of all  
honor1 that the name of ,god and his    
doctrines be not blasphemed4 ,and they  
that have believing masters1  let them  
not despise them because they are       
brethren2 but rather do  them service1  
because they are faithful and beloved1  
partakers of  the benefit4 #dd          
,footnote #dd3 #a ,tim4 vi4 #a4 #b4 ,the
 following exposition of this  passage  
is from the pen of ,,elizur ,,wright1   
,,jr43--      ,this word ,greek3        
antilambanesthai in our humble opinion1 
has been    so unfairly used by the     
commentators1 that we feel constrained  
to    take its part4 ,our excellent     
translators1 in rendering the clause    
'partakers of the benefit1' evidently   

lost sight of the component             
preposition1 which expresses the        
opposition of reciprocity1 rather       
than the connection of participation4   
,they have given it exactly    the sense
 of ,greek3 metalambanein1 7#b ,tim4 ii4
 #f47 ,had the apostle    intended such 
a sense1 he would have used the latter  
verb1 or one of    the more common      
words1 ,greek3 metochoi1 koinonomtes1 c4
 7,see ,heb4    iii4 #a1 and #a ,tim4 v4
 #bb1 where the latter word is used in  
the clause1    'neither be partaker of  
other men's sins4' ,had the verb in our 
text    been used1 it might have been   
rendered1 'neither be the part-taker    
of other men's sins4'7 ,the primary     
sense of ,greek3 antilambans is    to   
take in return--to take instead of1 c4  
,hence1 in the middle    with the       
genitive1 it signifies assist1 or do    
one's part towards    the person or     
thing expressed by that genitive4 ,in   
this sense only    is the word used in  
the ,new ,testament1--7,see ,luke i4    

#ed1 and ,acts1 xx4    #ce47 ,if this be
 true1 the word ,greek3 emsgesai cannot 
signify the    benefit conferred by the 
gospel1 as our common version would make
 it1    but the well doing of the       
servants1 who should continue to serve  
their believing masters1 while they were
 no longer under the yoke    of         
compulsion4 ,this word is used elsewhere
 in the ,new ,testament but    once     
7,acts4 iv4 #c47 in relation to the     
'good deed' done to the    impotent man4
 ,the plain import of the clause1       
unmystified by the    commentators1 is1 
that believing masters would not fail to
 do    their part towards1 or encourage 
by suitable returns1 the free    service
 of those who had once been under the   
yoke4        #a4 ,the apostle addresses 
himself here to two classes of servants1
    with instructions to each           
respectively appropriate4 ,both the one 
class and the other1 in ,professor      
,stuart's eye1 were slaves4 ,this    he 
assumes1 and thus begs the very question

 in dispute4 ,the term    servant is    
generic1 as used by the sacred writers4 
,it comprehends    all the various      
offices which men discharge for the     
benefit of each    other1 however       
honorable1 or however menial2 from that 
of an    apostle#de opening the path to 
heaven1 to that of washing one          
another's feet4#df ,a general term it   
is1 comprehending every    office which 
belongs to human relations and          
,christian character4#dg      ,footnote 
#de3 ,cor4 iv4 #e4      ,footnote #df3  
,john1 xiii1 #ad4      ,footnote #dg3   
,mat1 xx1 #bf-bh4        ,a leading     
signification gives us the manual       
laborer1 to whom1 in    the division of 
labor1 muscular exertion was allotted4  
,as in his    exertions the bodily      
powers are especially employed--such    
powers as    belong to man in common    
with mere animals--his sphere has       
generally    been considered low and    
humble4 ,and as intellectual power is   
superior to bodily1 the manual laborer  

has always been exposed in    very      
numerous ways and in various degrees to 
oppression4 ,cunning1    intrigue1 the  
oily tongue1 have1 through extended and 
powerful    conspiracies1 brought the   
resources of society under the control  
of    the few1 who stood aloof from his 
homely toil4 ,hence his dependence      
upon them4 ,hence the multiplied        
injuries which have fallen so    heavily
 upon him4 ,hence the reduction of his  
wages from one degree    to another1    
till at length1 in the case of millions1
 fraud and    violence strip him of his 
all1 blot his name from the record of   
mankind1 and1 putting a yoke upon his   
neck1 drive him away    to toil among   
the cattle4 ,here you find the slave4   
,to reduce    the servant to his        
condition1 requires abuses altogether   
monstrous--injuries reaching the very   
vitals of man--stabs upon the    very   
heart of humanity4 ,now1 what right has 
,professor ,stuart to make    the word  
servants1 comprehending1 even as manual 

laborers1 so    many and such various   
meanings1 signify slaves1 especially    
where    different classes are          
concerned8 ,such a right he could never 
have    derived from humanity1 or       
philosophy1 or hermeneutics4 ,it is his 
by    sympathy with the oppressor8      
,yes1 different classes4 ,this is       
implied in the term as many1#dh    which
 sets apart the class now to be         
addressed4 ,from these he    proceeds to
 others1 who are introduced by a        
particle1#di whose    natural meaning   
indicates the presence of another and a 
different    subject4      ,footnote    
#dh3 ,greek3 ,ochli ,see ,passow's      
,schneider4      ,footnote #di3 ,greek3 
,dd4 ,see ,passow4      #b4 ,the first  
class are described as under the yoke--a
 yoke from    which they were1 according
 to the apostle1 to make their escape if
    possible4#ej ,if not1 they must in  
every way regard the master with        
respect--bowing to his authority1       
working his will1 subserving his        

interests so far as might be consistent 
with ,christian    character4#ea ,and   
this1 to prevent blasphemy--to prevent  
the pagan    master from heaping profane
 reproaches upon the name of ,god and   
the    doctrines of the gospel4 ,they   
should beware of rousing his passions1  
which1 as his helpless victims1 they    
might be unable to allay or             
withstand4      ,footnote #ej3 ,see #a  
,cor4 vii1 #ba--;,greek3 ,all' ei kai   
dunasai     eleuphoros genesthai4       
,footnote #ea3 ,see #a ,cor4 vii1       
#bc--;,greek3 ,mae ginesthe doulos      
anthroton4        ,but all the servants 
whom the apostle addressed were not     
under the    yoke#eb--;an instrument    
appropriate to cattle and to slaves4    
,these    he distinguishes from another 
class1 who instead of a yoke--the       
badge of a slave--had believing masters4
 ,to have a believing    master1 then1  
was equivalent to freedom from the yoke4
 ,these    servants were exhorted not to
 despise their masters4 ,what need of   

such an exhortation1 if their masters   
had been slaveholders1 holding    them  
as property1 wielding them as mere      
instruments1 disposing of    them as    
articles of merchandise4 ,but this was  
not consistent with    believing4       
,faith1 breaking every yoke1 united     
master and servants    in the bonds of  
brotherhood4 ,brethren they were1 joined
 in a    relation which1 excluding the  
yoke1#ec placed them side by side on    
the ground of equality1 where1 each in  
his appropriate sphere1 they    might   
exert themselves freely and usefully1 to
 the mutual benefit of    each other4   
,here1 servants might need to be        
cautioned against getting    above their
 appropriate business1 putting on airs1 
despising their    masters1 and thus    
declining or neglecting their service4  
#ed    ,instead of this1 they should be1
 as emancipated slaves often    have    
been1 #ee models of enterprise1         
fidelity1 activity1 and                 
usefulness--especially as their masters 

were worthy of their    confidence and  
love1 their helpers in this well-doing4 
,footnote #eb3 ,see ,lev4 xxvi4 #ac2    
,isa lviii4 #f1 #i4    ,footnote #ec3   
,supra p4 #dd4    ,footnote #ed3 ,see   
,mat4 vi4 #bd4    ,footnote #ee3 ,those1
 for instance1 set free by that         
believing master  ,james ,g4 ,birney4   
,such1 then1 is the relation between    
those who1 in the view of  ,professor   
,stuart1 were ,christian masters and    
,christian slaves  #ef--the relation of 
brethren1 which1 excluding the yoke1 and
 of  course conferring freedom1 placed  
them side by side on the common  ground 
of mutual service1 both retaining1 for  
convenience sake1 the  one while giving 
and the other while receiving           
employment1 the  correlative name1 as is
 usual in such cases1 under which they  
had  been known4 ,such was the          
instruction which ,timothy was required1
 as  a ,christian minister1 to give4    
,was it friendly to slaveholding8       
,footnote #ef3 ,letter to ,dr4 ,fisk1   

supra1 p4 #g4      ,and on what ground1 
according to the ,princeton professor1  
did these  masters and these servants   
stand in their relation to each other8  
,on  that of a perfect religious        
equality4#eg ,in all the relations1     
duties1 and privileges--in all the      
objects1 interests1 and prospects1      
which belong to the province of         
,christianity1 servants were as free  as
 their master4 ,the powers of the one1  
were allowed as wide a range  and as    
free an exercise1 with as warm          
encouragements1 as active aids1  and as 
high results1 as the other4 ,here1 the  
relation of a servant  to his master    
imposed no restrictions1 involved no    
embarrassments1  occasioned no injury4  
,all this1 clearly and certainly1 is    
implied in  perfect religious equality1 
which the ,princeton professor  accords 
to servants in relation to their master4
 ,might the master1  then1 in order more
 fully to attain the great ends for     
which he was  created and redeemed1     

freely exert himself to increase his    
acquaintance with his own powers1 and   
relations1 and resources--with  his     
prospects1 opportunities1 and           
advantages8 ,so might his servants4     
,was he at liberty to study to approve  
himself to ,god1 to submit  to his will 
and bow to his authority1 as the sole   
standard of  affection and exertion8 ,so
 were they4 ,was he at liberty to       
sanctify the ,sabbath1 and frequent the 
solemn assembly8 ,so were  they4 ,was he
 at liberty so to honor the filial1     
conjugal1 and  paternal relations1 as to
 find in them that spring of activity   
and  that source of enjoyment1 which    
they are capable of yielding8 ,so  were 
they4 ,in every department of interest  
and exertion1 they  might use their     
capacities1 and wield their powers1 and 
improve  their opportunities1 and employ
 their resources1 as freely as he1 in   
glorifying ,god1 in blessing mankind1   
and in laying up imperishable  treasures
 for themselves6 ,give perfect religious

 equality to the  ,american slave1 and  
the most eager abolitionist must be     
satisfied4  ,such equality would1 like  
the breath of the ,almighty1 dissolve   
the  last link of the chain of          
servitude4 ,dare those who1 for the     
benefit  of slavery1 have given so wide 
and active a circulation to the         
,pittsburg pamphlet1 make the           
experiment8    ,footnote #eg3 ,pittsburg
 ,pamphlet1 p4 #i4      ,in the epistle 
to the ,colossians1 the following       
passage deserves  earnest               
attention3--,servants1 obey in all      
things your masters  according to the   
flesh2 not with eye-service1 as         
men-pleasers2 but  in singleness of     
heart1 fearing ,god3 and whatsoever ye  
do1 do it  heartily1 as to the ,lord1   
and not unto men2 knowing1 that of the  
,lord ye shall receive the reward of the
 inheritance2 for ye serve  the ,lord   
,christ4 ,but he that doeth wrong shall 
receive for the wrong  which he hath    
done3 and there is no respect of        

persons4--,masters1  give unto your     
servants that which is just and equal2  
knowing that  ye have a ,master in      
heaven4#eh    ,footnote #eh3 ,col4 iii4 
#bb to iv4 #a4      ,here it is natural 
to remark--      #a4 ,that in           
maintaining the relation1 which mutually
 united them1    both masters and       
servants were to act in conformity with 
the    principles of the divine         
government4 ,whatever they did1 servants
    were to do in hearty obedience to   
the ,lord1 by whose authority they      
were to be controlled and by whose hand 
they were to be rewarded4 ,to    the    
same ,lord1 and according to the same   
law1 was the master to    hold himself  
responsible4 ,both the one and the other
 were of course    equally at liberty   
and alike required to study and apply   
the standard1    by which they were to  
be governed and judged4      #b4 ,the   
basis of the government under which they
 thus were placed1    was               
righteousness--strict1 stern1 impartial4

 ,nothing here of bias    or antipathy4 
,birth1 wealth1 station1--the dust of   
the balance not    so light6 ,both      
master and servants were hastening to a 
tribunal1    where nothing of respect of
 persons could be feared or hoped for4  
,there the wrong-doer1 whoever he might 
be1 and whether from the top    or      
bottom of society1 must be dealt with   
according to his deservings4      #c4   
,under this government1 servants were to
 be universally and    heartily         
obedient2 and both in the presence and  
absence of the master1    faithfully to 
discharge their obligations4 ,the master
 on his part1    in his relations to the
 servants1 was to make ,,justice ,,and  
,,equality    the standard of his       
conduct4 ,under the authority of such   
instructions1 slavery falls             
discountenanced1 condemned1 abhorred4   
,it    is flagrantly at war with the    
government of ,god1 consists in         
respect of persons the most shameless   
and outrageous1 treads    justice and   

equality under foot1 and in its natural 
tendency and    practical effects is    
nothing else than a system of           
wrong-doing4 ,what    have they to do   
with the just and the equal who in their
 respect    of persons proceed to such a
 pitch as to treat one brother as a     
thing because he is a servant1 and place
 him1 without the least    regard to his
 welfare here1 or his prospects         
hereafter1 absolutely    at the disposal
 of another brother1 under the name of  
master1 in    the relation of owner to  
property8 ,justice and equality on the  
one    hand1 and the chattel principle  
on the other1 are naturally             
subversive of each other--proof clear   
and decisive that the    correlates1    
masters and servants1 cannot here be    
rendered slaves    and owners1 without  
the grossest absurdity and the greatest 
violence4        ,servants1 be obedient 
to them that are your masters according 
to the flesh1 with fear and trembling1  
in singleness of your heart1    as unto 

,christ2 not with eye-service1 as       
men-pleasers2 but as the    servants of 
,christ1 doing the will of ,god from the
 heart2 with good    will doing service1
 as to the ,lord1 and not to men3       
knowing that    whatsoever good thing   
any man doeth1 the same shall he receive
 of the    ,lord1 whether he be bond or 
free4 ,and1 ye masters1 do the same     
things unto them1 forbearing            
threatening3 knowing that your ,master  
also is in heaven2 neither is there     
respect of persons with    him4#ei      
,footnote #ei3 ,ephesians1 vi4 #e-i4    
,without repeating here what has already
 been offered in exposition  of kindred 
passages1 it may be sufficient to say3--
      #a4 ,that the relation of the     
servants here addressed1 to their       
master1    was adapted to make him the  
object of their heart-felt attachment4  
,otherwise they could not have been     
required to render him an               
affectionate service4      #b4 ,this    
relation demanded a perfect reciprocity 

of benefits4 ,it had    its soul in     
good-will1 mutually cherished and       
properly expressed4    ,hence ,,the     
,,same ,,things1 the same in principle1 
the same in    substance1 the same in   
their mutual bearing upon the welfare of
    the master and the servants1 was to 
be rendered back and forth    by the one
 and the other4 ,it was clearly the     
relation of mutual    service4 ,do we   
here find the chattel principle8        
#c4 ,of course1 the servants might not  
be slack1 time-serving1    unfaithful4  
,of course1 the master must ,,forbear   
,,threatening4    ,slavery without      
threatening6 ,impossible4 ,wherever     
maintained1 it is    of necessity a     
system of threatening1 injecting into   
the bosom of    the slave such terrors1 
as never cease for a moment to haunt and
    torment him4 ,take from the chattel 
principle the support1 which it         
derives from threatening1 and you       
annihilate it at once and    forever4   
#d4 ,this relation was to be maintained 

in accordance with the    principles of 
the divine government1 where ,,respect  
,,of ,,persons    could not be admitted4
 ,it was1 therefore1 totally            
inconsistent with1    and submissive of1
 the chattel principle1 which in        
,american slavery    is developed in a  
system of respect of persons1 equally   
gross and    hurtful4 ,no ,abolitionist1
 however eager and determined in his    
opposition to slavery1 could ask for    
more than these precepts1 once          
obeyed1 would be sure to confer4    ,the
 relation of slavery1 according to      
,professor ,stuart1 is  recognized in   
the precepts of the ,new ,testament1 as 
one which may  still exist without      
violating the ,christian faith or the   
church4#fj  ,slavery and the chattel    
principle6 ,so our professor thinks2    
otherwise his reference has nothing to  
do with the subject--with the  slavery  
which the abolitionist1 whom he derides1
 stands opposed to4  ,how gross and     
hurtful is the mistake into which he    

allows himself to  fall4 ,the relation  
recognized in the precepts of the ,new  
,testament  had its basis and support in
 justice and equality2 the very         
opposite of the chattel principle2 a    
relation which may exist as  long as    
justice and equality remain1 and thus   
escape the destruction  to which1 in the
 view of ,professor ,stuart1 slavery is 
doomed4 ,the  description of ,paul      
obliterates every feature of ,american  
slavery1  raising the servant to        
equality with his master1 and placing   
his  rights under the protection of     
justice2 yet the eye of ,professor      
,stuart can see nothing in his master   
and servant but a slave and his  owner4 
,with this relation he is so thoroughly 
possessed1 that1 like  an evil angel1 it
 haunts him even when he enters the     
temple of  justice6    ,footnote #fj3   
,letter to ,dr4 ,fisk1 supra p4 #g4     
,it is remarkable1 saith the ,princeton 
professor1 that there is  not even an   
exhortation in the writings of the      

apostles to masters  to liberate their  
slaves1 much less is it urged as an     
imperative and  immediate duty4#fa ,it  
would be remarkable1 indeed1 if they    
were  chargeable with a defect so great 
and glaring4 ,and so they have  nothing 
to say upon the subject8 ,that not even 
the ,princeton  professor has the       
assurance to affirm4 ,he admits that    
,,kindness1 ,,mercy1  ,,and ,,justice1  
were enjoined with a distinct reference 
to the  government of ,god4#fb ,without 
respect of persons1 they were to be     
,god-like in doing justice4 ,they were  
to act the part of kind and  merciful   
brethren4 ,and whither would this lead  
them8 ,could they  stop short of        
restoring to every man his natural1     
inalienable  rights8--of doing what they
 could to redress the wrongs1 sooth the 
sorrows1 improve the character1 and     
raise the condition of the  degraded and
 oppressed8 ,especially1 if oppressed   
and degraded by any  agency of theirs4  
,could it be kind1 merciful1 or just to 

keep the  chains of slavery on their    
helpless1 unoffending brother8 ,would   
this  be to honor the ,golden ,rule1 or 
obey the second great command of  their 
,master in ,heaven8 ,could the apostles 
have subserved the cause  of freedom    
more directly1 intelligibly1 and        
effectually1 than to  enjoin the        
principles1 and sentiments1 and habits1 
in which  freedom consists--constituting
 its living root and fruitful germ6     
,footnote #fa3 ,pittsburg pamphlet1 p4  
#i4    ,footnote #fb3 ,the same1 p4 #aj4
      ,the ,princeton professor himself1
 in the very paper which the ,south  has
 so warmly welcomed and so loudly       
applauded as a scriptural  defence of   
the peculiar institution1 maintains1    
that the ,,general  ,,principles ,,of   
,,the ,,gospel have ,,destroyed         
,,slavery throughout the  greater part  
of ,christendom#fc--,,that              
,,christianity ,,has ,,abolished  ,,both
 ,,political ,,and ,,domestic ,,bondage 
,,wherever ,,it ,,has ,,had ,,free      

,,scope--that it ,,enjoins a fair       
compensation for labor2 insists on  the 
mental and intellectual improvement of  
,,all classes of men2  condemns ,,all   
infractions of marital or parental      
rights2 requires1 in  short1 not only   
that ,,free ,,scope should be allowed to
 human  improvement1 but that ,,all     
,,suitable ,,means should be employed   
for the  attainment of that end4#fd ,it 
is indeed remarkable1 that while        
neither ,christ nor his apostles ever   
gave an exhortation to masters  to      
liberate their slaves1 they enjoined    
such general principles as  have        
destroyed domestic slavery throughout   
the greater part of  ,christendom2 that 
while ,christianity forbears to urge    
emancipation as an imperative and       
immediate duty1 it throws a  barrier1   
heaven high1 around every domestic      
circle2 protects all the  rights of the 
husband and the father2 gives every     
laborer a fair  compensation2 and makes 
the moral and intellectual improvement  

of  all classes1 with free scope and all
 suitable means1 the object  of its     
tender solicitude and high authority4   
,this is not only  remarkable1 but      
inexplicable4 ,yes and no--hot and cold1
 in one and  the same breath6 ,and yet  
these things stand prominent in what is 
reckoned an acute1 ingenious1 effective 
defence of slavery6    ,footnote #fc3   
,pittsburg pamphlet1 p4 #ah1 #ai4       
,footnote #fd3 ,the same1 p4 #ca4       
,in his letter to the ,corinthian       
church1 the apostle ,paul furnishes     
another lesson of instruction1          
expressive of his views and feelings  on
 the subject of slavery4 ,let every man 
abide in the same calling  wherein he   
was called4 ,art thou called being a    
servant8 care not for  it2 but if thou  
mayest be made free1 use it rather4 ,for
 he that is  called in the ,lord1 being 
a servant1 is the ,lord's freeman3      
likewise  also he that is called1 being 
free1 is ,christ's servant4 ,ye are     
bought with a price2 be not ye the      

servants of men4 #fe    ,footnote #fe3  
#a ,cor4 vii4 #bj-bc4      ,in          
explaining and applying this passage1 it
 is proper to suggest3      #a4 ,that it
 could not have been the object of the  
apostle to bind    the ,corinthian      
converts to the stations and employments
 in which the    gospel found them4 ,for
 he exhorts some of them to escape1 if  
possible1    from their present         
condition4 ,in the servile state1 under 
the yoke1    they ought not to remain   
unless impelled by stern necessity4     
,if thou canst be free1 use it rather4  
,if they ought to prefer    freedom to  
bondage and to exert themselves to      
escape from the latter    for the sake  
of the former1 could their master       
consistently with the    claims and     
spirit of the gospel have hindered or   
discouraged them in    so doing8 ,their 
brother could he be1 who kept the yoke  
upon    their neck1 which the apostle   
would have them shake off if possible8  
,and had such masters been members of   

the ,corinthian church1 what            
inferences must they have drawn from    
this exhortation to their    servants8  
,that the apostle regarded slavery as a 
,christian    institution8--or could    
look complacently on any efforts to     
introduce    or maintain it in the      
church8 ,could they have expected less  
from him    than a stern rebuke1 if they
 refused to exert themselves in the     
cause of freedom8      #b4 ,but while   
they were to use their freedom1 if they 
could obtain it1    they should not1    
even on such a subject1 give themselves 
up to    ceaseless anxiety4 ,the ,lord  
was no respecter of persons4 ,they need 
not fear1 that the low estate1 to which 
they had been wickedly    reduced1 would
 prevent them from enjoying the gifts of
 his hand or    the light of his        
countenance4 ,he would respect their    
rights1 sooth    their sorrows1 and pour
 upon their hearts1 and cherish there1  
the    spirit of liberty4 ,for he that  
is called in the ,lord1 being a         

servant1 is the ,lord's freeman4 ,in    
him1 therefore1 should they             
cheerfully confide4      #c4 ,the       
apostle1 however1 forbids them so to    
acquiesce in the servile    relation1 as
 to act inconsistently with their       
,christian obligations4    ,to their    
,savior they belonged4 ,by his blood    
they had been purchased4    ,it should  
be their great object1 therefore1 to    
render ,him a hearty    and effective   
service4 ,they should permit no man1    
whoever he might be1    to thrust in    
himself between them and their          
,redeemer4 ,ye are    bought with a     
price2 ,,be ,,not ,,ye ,,the ,,servants 
,,of ,,men4    ,with his eye upon the   
passage just quoted and explained1 the  
,princeton professor asserts that ,paul 
represents this relation--the  relation 
of slavery--as of comparatively little  
account4#ff  ,and this he               
applies--otherwise it is nothing to his 
purpose--to  ,american slavery4 ,does he
 then regard it as a small matter1 a    

mere trifle1 to be thrown under the     
slave-laws of this republic1  grimly and
 fiercely excluding their victim from   
almost every means  of improvement1 and 
field of usefulness1 and source of      
comfort2 and  making him1 body and      
substance1 with his wife and babes1 the 
servant of men8 ,could such a relation  
be acquiesced in consistently  with the 
instructions of the apostle8            
,footnote #ff3 ,pittsburg pamphlet1     
p4#aj4    ,to the ,princeton professor  
we commend a practical trial of the     
bearing of the passage in hand upon     
,american slavery4 ,his regard for  the 
unity and prosperity of the             
ecclesiastical organizations1 which  in 
various forms and under different names1
 unite the southern with  the northern  
churches1 will make the experiment      
grateful to his  feelings4 ,let him1    
then1 as soon as his convenience will   
permit1  proceed to ,georgia4 ,no       
religious teacher #fg from any free     
,state1 can  be likely to receive so    

general and so warm a welcome there4 ,to
  allay the heat1 which the doctrines   
and movements of the  abolitionists have
 occasioned in the southern mind1 let   
him with as  much despatch as possible1 
collect1 as he goes from place to place1
  masters and their slaves4 ,now let all
 men1 whom it may concern1 see  and own 
that slavery is a ,christian            
institution6 ,with his ,bible in his    
hand and his eye upon the passage in    
question1 he addresses himself  to the  
task of instructing the slaves around   
him4 ,let not your hearts1  my brethren1
 be overcharged with sorrow1 or eaten up
 with anxiety4 ,your  servile condition 
cannot deprive you of the fatherly      
regards of ,him  who is no respecter of 
persons4 ,freedom you ought1 indeed1 to 
prefer4 ,if you can escape from the     
yoke1 throw it off4 ,in the mean  time  
rejoice that where the ,spirit of the   
,lord is1 there is liberty2  that the   
gospel places slaves on a perfect       
religious equality with  their master2  

so that every ,christian is the ,lord's 
freeman4 ,and1  for your encouragement1 
remember that ,christianity has         
abolished  both political and domestic  
servitude wherever it has had free      
scope4  ,it enjoins a fair compensation 
for labor2 it insists on the moral and  
intellectual improvement of all classes 
of men2 it condemns all  infractions of 
marital or parental rights2 in short it 
requires not  only that free scope be   
allowed to human improvement1 but that  
all  suitable means should be employed  
for the attainment of that end4  #fh    
,let your lives1 then1 be honorable to  
your relations to your  ,savior4 ,he    
bought you with his own blood2 and is   
entitled to your  warmest love and most 
effective service4 ,be not ye the       
servants of  men4 ,let no human         
arrangements prevent you1 as citizens of
 the  kingdom of heaven1 from making the
 most of your powers and  opportunities4
 ,would such an effort1 generally and   
heartily made1  allay excitement at the 

,south1 and quench the flames of        
discord1  every day rising higher and   
waxing hotter1 in almost every part of  
the republic1 and cement the ,union8    
,footnote #fg3 ,rev4 ,mr4 ,savage1 of   
,utica1 ,new ,york1 had1 not very  long 
ago1 a free conversation with a         
gentleman of high standing in  the      
literary and religious world from a     
slaveholding ,state1 where  the peculiar
 institution is cherished with great    
warmth and  maintained with iron rigor4 
,by him1 ,mr4 ,savage was assured1 that 
the  ,princeton professor had1 through  
the ,pittsburg pamphlet1 contributed    
most powerfully and effectually to bring
 the whole ,south under the  persuasion1
 that slaveholding is in itself right--a
 system to  which the ,bible gives      
countenance and support4    ,in an      
extract from an article in the ,southern
 ,christian ,sentinel1 a  new           
,presbyterian paper established in      
,charleston1 ,south ,carolina1  and     
inserted in the ,christian ,journal for 

,march #ba1 #ahci1 we find  the         
following paragraphs from the pen of    
,rev4 ,c4,w4 ,howard1 and1  according to
 ,mr4 ,chester1 ably and freely endorsed
 by the editor4  ,there is scarcely any 
diversity of sentiment at the ,north    
upon this  subject4 ,the great mass of  
the people1 believing slavery to be     
sinful1  are clearly of the opinion     
that1 as a system1 it should be         
abolished  throughout this land and     
throughout the world4 ,they differ as to
 the  time and mode of abolition4 ,the  
abolitionists consistently argue1  that 
whatever is sinful should be instantly  
abandoned4 ,the others1  by a strange   
sort of reasoning for ,christian men1   
contend that  though slavery is sinful1 
yet it may be allowed to exist until it 
shall he expedient to abolish it2 or1   
if1 in many cases1 this  reasoning might
 be translated into plain ,english1 the 
sense would be1  both in ,church and    
,state1 slavery1 though sinful1 may be  
allowed to  exist until our interest    

will suffer us to say that it must be   
abolished4 ,this is not slander2 it is  
simply a plain way of stating  a plain  
truth4 ,it does seem the evident duty of
 every man to become  an abolitionist1  
who believes slavery to be sinful1 for  
the ,bible  allows no tampering with    
sin4    ,to these remarks1 there are    
some noble exceptions1 to be found in   
both parties in the church4 ,the ,south 
owes a debt of gratitude to  the        
,biblical ,repertory1 for the fearless  
argument in behalf of the  position1    
that slavery is not forbidden by the    
,bible4 ,the writer of  that article is 
said1 without contradiction1 to be      
,professor ,hodge1  of ,princeton--,,his
 ,,name ,,ought ,,to ,,be ,,known ,,and 
,,revered ,,among ,,you1  my brethren1  
for in a land of anti-slavery men1 he is
 the ,,only  ,,one who has dared to     
vindicate your character from the       
serious  charge of living in the        
habitual transgression of ,god's holy   
law4    ,footnote #fh3 ,pittsburg       

pamphlet1 p4 #ca4      ,it is1 affirms  
the ,princeton professor1 on all hands  
acknowledged1  that1 at the time of the 
advent of ,jesus ,christ1 slavery in its
  worst forms prevailed over the whole  
world4 ,the ,savior found it  around him
 ,,in ,,judea4#fi ,to say that he found 
it in ,judea1 is to  speak ambiguously4 
,many things were to be found in ,judea1
 which  neither belonged to1 nor were   
characteristic of the ,jews4 ,it is  not
 denied that the ,gentiles1 who resided 
among them1 might have  had slaves2 but 
of the ,jews this is denied4 ,how could 
the  professor take that as granted1 the
 proof of which entered vitally  into   
the argument and was essential to the   
soundness of the  conclusions to which  
he would conduct us8 ,how could he take 
advantage of an ambiguous expression to 
conduct his confiding  readers on to a  
position which1 if his own eyes were    
open1 he must  have known they could not
 hold in the light of open day6         
,footnote #fi3 ,the same1 p4 #i      ,we

 do not charge the ,savior with any want
 of wisdom1 goodness1 or  courage1#gj   
for refusing to break down the wall of  
partition between  ,jews and ,gentiles  
before the time appointed4 ,while this  
barrier  stood1 he could not1           
consistently with the plan of           
redemption1  impart instruction freely  
to the ,gentiles4 ,to some extent1 and  
on  extraordinary occasions1 he might   
have done so4 ,but his business  then   
was with the lost sheep of the house of 
,israel4 #ga ,the  propriety of this    
arrangement is not the matter of dispute
 between  the ,princeton professor and  
ourselves4    ,footnote #gj3 ,pittsburg 
pamphlet1 p4 #aj4    ,footnote #ga3     
,matt4 xv4 #bd4      ,in disposing of   
the question whether the ,jews held     
slaves during our  ,savior's incarnation
 among them1 the following points       
deserve earnest  attention3--      #a4  
,slaveholding is inconsistent with the  
,mosaic economy4 ,for the    proof of   
this1 we would refer our readers1 among 

other arguments more    or less         
appropriate and powerful1 to the tract  
already alluded    to4#gb ,in all the   
external relations and visible          
arrangements of    life1 the ,jews1     
during our ,savior's ministry among     
them1 seem to    have been scrupulously 
observant of the institutions and usages
 of    the ,old ,dispensation4 ,they    
stood far aloof from whatever was       
characteristic of ,samaritans and       
,gentiles4 ,from idolatry and           
slaveholding--those twin-vices which had
 always so greatly prevailed    among   
the heathen--they seem at length1 as the
 result of a most    painful discipline1
 to have been effectually divorced4     
,footnote #gb3 ,the ,bible against      
,slavery4        #b4 ,while1 therefore1 
,john the ,baptist2 with marked fidelity
 and    great power1 acted among the    
,jews the part of a reprover1 he found  
no occasion to repeat and apply the     
language of his    predecessors1#gc in  
exposing and rebuking idolatry and      

slaveholding4 ,could he1 the greatest of
 the prophets1 have been    less        
effectually aroused by the presence of  
the yoke1 than was    ,isaiah8--or less 
intrepid and decisive in exposing and   
denouncing    the sin of oppression     
under its most hateful and injurious    
forms8      ,footnote #gc3 ,psalm       
lxxxii2 ,isa4 lviii4 #a-ab ,jer4 xxii4  
#ac-af4        #c4 ,the ,savior was not 
backward in applying his own principles 
plainly    and pointedly to such forms  
of oppression as appeared among the     
,jews4    ,these principles1 whenever   
they have been freely acted on1 the     
,princeton professor admits1 have       
abolished domestic bondage4 ,had    this
 prevailed within the sphere of our     
,savior's ministry1 he could    not1    
consistently with his general character1
 have failed to expose    and condemn   
it4 ,the oppression of the people by    
lordly ecclesiastics1    of parents by  
their selfish children1 of widows by    
their ghostly    counsellors1 drew from 

his lips scorching rebukes and terrible 
denunciations4#gd ,how1 then1 must he   
have felt and spoke in the    presence  
of such tyranny1 if such tyranny had    
been within his    official sphere1 as  
should have made widows1 by driving     
their    husbands to some flesh-market1 
and their children not orphans1    but  
cattle8      ,footnote #gd3 ,matt4      
xxiii2 ,mark1 vii4 #a-ac4        #d4    
,domestic slavery was manifestly        
inconsistent with the industry1         
which1 in the form of manual labor1 so  
generally prevailed among    the ,jews4 
,in one connection1 in the ,acts of the 
,apostles1 we are    informed1 that1    
coming from ,athens to ,corinth1 ,paul  
found a certain    ,jew1 named ,aquila1 
born in ,pontus1 lately come from       
,italy1 with his    wife ,priscilla2    
7because that ,claudius had commanded   
all ,jews to    depart from ,rome27 and 
came unto them4 ,and because he was of  
the    same craft1 he abode with them   
and wrought3 7for by their occupation   

they were tent-makers47#ge ,this passage
 has opened the way for    different    
commentators to refer us to the public  
sentiment and    general practice of the
 ,jews respecting useful industry and   
manual    labor4 ,according to          
,lightfoot1 it was their custom to bring
 up    their children to some trade1    
yea1 though they gave them learning or  
estates4 ,according to ,rabbi ,judah1   
,he that teaches not his son a    trade1
 is as if he taught him to be a         
thief4#gf ,it was1 ,kuinoel    affirms1 
customary even for ,jewish teachers to  
unite labor    7opificium7 with the     
study of the law4 ,this he confirms by  
the    highest ,rabbinical authority4#gg
 ,heinrichs quotes a ,rabbi as          
teaching1 that no man should by any     
means neglect to train his son    to    
honest industry4#gh ,accordingly1 the   
apostle ,paul1 though    brought up at  
the feet of ,gamaliel1 the distinguished
 disciple of    a most illustrious      
teacher1 practised the art of           

tent-making4 ,his    own hands          
ministered to his necessities2 and his  
example is so    doing1 he commends to  
his ,gentile brethren for their         
imitation4#gi    ,that ,zebedee1 the    
father of ,john the ,evangelist1 had    
wealth1 various    hints in the ,new    
,testament render probable4#hj ,yet how 
do we find    him and his sons1 while   
prosecuting their appropriate business8 
,in    the midst of the hired servants1 
in the ship mending their    nets4#ha   
,footnote #ge3 ,acts1 xviii4 #a-c4      
,footnote #gf3 ,henry on ,acts1 xviii4  
#a-c4      ,footnote #gg3 ,kuinoel on   
,acts4      ,footnote #gh3 ,heinrichs on
 ,acts4      ,footnote #gi3 ,acts1 xx4  
#cd1 #ce2 #a ,thess4 iv4 #aa4           
,footnote #hj3 ,see ,kuinoel's          
,prolegom4 to the ,gospel of ,john4     
,footnote #ha3 ,mark1 i4 #ai1 #bj4      
,slavery among a people who1 from the   
highest to the lowest1 were    used to  
manual labor6 ,what occasion for slavery
 there8 ,and how could    it be         

maintained8 ,no place can be found for  
slavery among a people    generally     
inured to useful industry4 ,with such1  
especially if    men of learning1       
wealth1 and station1 labor1 working with
 their    hands1 such labor must be     
honorable4 ,on this subject1 let ,jewish
    maxims and ,jewish habits be adopted
 at the ,south1 and the peculiar        
institution would vanish like a ghost at
 daybreak4      #e4 ,another hint1 here 
deserving particular attention1 is      
furnished    in the allusions of the    
,new ,testament to the lowest casts and 
most    servile employments among the   
,jews4 ,with profligates1 publicans     
were joined as depraved and             
contemptible4 ,the outcasts of society  
were described1 not as fit to herd with 
slaves1 but as deserving a    place     
among ,samaritans and publicans4 ,they  
were hired servants1    whom ,zebedee   
employed4 ,in the parable of the        
prodigal son we have a    wealthy       
,jewish family4 ,here servants seem to  

have abounded4 ,the    prodigal1        
bitterly bewailing his wretchedness and 
folly1 described    their condition as  
greatly superior to his own4 ,how happy 
the change    which should place him by 
their side8 ,his remorse1 and shame1 and
    penitence made him willing to       
embrace the lot of the lowest of them   
all4 ,but these--what was their         
condition8 ,they were ,,hired           
,,servants4    ,make me as one of thy   
hired servants4 ,such he refers to as   
the    lowest menials known in ,jewish  
life4    ,lay such hints as have now    
been suggested together2 let it be      
remembered1 that slavery was            
inconsistent with the ,mosaic economy2  
that ,john the ,baptist in preparing the
 way for the ,messiah makes no          
reference to the yoke which1 had it been
 before him1 he would1 like  ,isaiah1   
have condemned2 that the ,savior1 while 
he took the part of  the poor and       
sympathized with the oppressed1 was     
evidently spared the  pain of witnessing

 within the sphere of his ministry1 the 
presence1  of the chattel principle1    
that it was the habit of the ,jews1     
whoever  they might be1 high or low1    
rich or poor1 learned or rude1 to labor1
  working with their hands2 and that    
where reference was had to the  most    
menial employments1 in families1 they   
were described as carried  on by hired  
servants2 and the question of slavery in
 ,judea1 so far  as the seed of ,abraham
 were concerned1 is very easily disposed
 of4  ,with every phase and form of     
society among them slavery was          
inconsistent4    ,the position which1 in
 the article so often referred to in    
this paper1  the ,princeton professor   
takes1 is sufficiently remarkable4      
,northern  abolitionists he saw in an   
earnest struggle with southern          
slaveholders4 ,the present welfare and  
future happiness of myriads of  the     
human family were at stake in this      
contest4 ,in the heat of the  battle1 he
 throws himself between the belligerent 

powers4 ,he gives  the abolitionists to 
understand1 that they are quite mistaken
 in the  character of the objections    
they have set themselves so openly and  
sternly against4 ,slaveholding is not1  
as they suppose1 contrary to  the law of
 ,god4 ,it was witnessed by the ,savior 
in its worst  forms#hb without extorting
 from his laps a syllable of rebuke4    
,the  sacred writers did not condemn it4
 #hc ,and why should they8 ,by a        
definition#hd sufficiently ambiguous and
 slippery1 he undertakes to  set forth a
 form of slavery which he looks upon as 
consistent with the  law of             
,righteousness4 ,from this definition he
 infers that the  abolitionists are     
greatly to blame for maintaining that   
,american  slavery is inherently and    
essentially sinful1 and for insisting   
that  it ought at once to be abolished4 
,for this labor of love the             
slaveholding ,south is warmly grateful  
and applauds its reverend ally1  as if a
 very ,daniel had come as their advocate

 to judgment4#he    ,footnote #hb3      
,pittsburg pamphlet1 p4 #i4    ,footnote
 #hc3 ,the same1 p4 #ac4    ,footnote   
#hd3 ,the same1 p4 #ab4    ,footnote    
#he3 ,supra1 p4 #eh4      ,a few        
questions1 briefly put1 may not here be 
inappropriate4      #a4 ,was the form of
 slavery which our professor pronounces 
innocent    the form witnessed by our   
,savior in ,judea8 ,that1 he will by    
no means admit4 ,the slavery there was1 
he affirms1 of the worst    kind4 ,how  
then does he account for the alleged    
silence of the    ,savior8--a silence   
covering the essence and the form--the  
institution and its worst abuses8       
#b4 ,is the slaveholding1 which1        
according to the ,princeton professor1  
,christianity justifies1 the same as    
that which the abolitionists so         
earnestly wish to see abolished8 ,let us
 see4        ,christianity in supporting
 ,slavery1      ,the ,american system   
for     according to ,professor ,hodge1 
supporting ,slavery1      ,enjoins a    

fair compensation for          ,makes   
compensation    labor                   
impossible by reducing the              
laborer to a chattel4      ,it insists  
on the moral and              ,it       
sternly forbids its    intellectual     
improvement of all           victim to  
learn to read    classes of men         
even the name of his                    
,creator and ,redeemer4      ,it        
condemns all infractions of             
,it outlaws the conjugal    marital or  
parental rights4              and       
parental relations4      ,it requires   
that free scope              ,it forbids
 any effort1 on    should be allowed to 
human                the part of myriads
 of the    improvement4                 
human family1 to improve                
their character1                        
condition1 and prospects4      ,it      
requires that all suitable              
,it inflicts heavy    means should be   
employed to improve       penalties for 
teaching    mankind                     

letters to the poorest of               
the poor4      ,wherever it has had free
 scope1          ,wherever it has free  
it has abolished domestic bondage4      
scope1 it perpetuates                   
domestic bondage4        ,now it is     
slavery according to the ,american      
system that the    abolitionists are set
 against4 ,of the existence of any such 
form    of slavery as is consistent with
 ,professor ,hodge's account of the     
requisitions of ,christianity1 they know
 nothing4 ,it has never met    their    
notice1 and of course1 has never roused 
their feelings or    called forth their 
exertions4 ,what1 then1 have they to do 
with the    censures and reproaches     
which the ,princeton professor deals    
around8    ,let those who have leisure  
and good nature protect the man of      
straw he is so hot against4 ,the        
abolitionists have other business4      
,it is not the figment of some sickly   
brain2 but that system of    oppression 
which in theory is corrupting1 and in   

practice destroying    both ,church and 
,state2--it is this that they feel      
pledged to do    battle upon1 till by   
the just judgment of ,almighty ,god it  
is thrown1    dead and damned1 into the 
bottomless abyss4      #c4 ,how can the 
,south feel itself protected by any     
shield which may    be thrown over      
,,such ,,slavery1 as may be consistent  
with what the    ,princeton professor   
describes as the requisitions of        
,christianity8    ,is this ,,the slavery
 which their laws describe1 and their   
hands    maintain8 ,fair compensation   
for labor--marital and parental         
rights--free scope and all suitable     
means for the improvement1    moral and 
intellectual1 of all classes of         
men2--are these1    according to the    
statutes of the ,south1 among the       
objects of    slaveholding legislation8 
,every body knows that any such         
requisitions and ,american slavery are  
flatly opposed to and directly          
subversive of each other4 ,what service1

 then1 has the ,princeton    professor1 
with all his ingenuity and all his zeal1
 rendered the    peculiar institution8  
,their gratitude must be of a stamp and 
complexion quite peculiar1 if they can  
thank him for throwing their    domestic
 system under the weight of such        
,christian requisitions as    must at   
once crush its snaky head and grind it  
to powder4    ,and what1 moreover1 is   
the bearing of the ,christian           
requisitions1  which ,professor ,hodge  
quotes1 upon the definition of slavery  
which  he has elaborated8 ,all the ideas
 which necessarily enter into the       
definition of slavery are1 deprivation  
of personal liberty1  obligation of     
service at the discretion of another1   
and the  transferable character of the  
authority and claim of service of the   
master4#hf    ,footnote #hf3 ,pittsburg 
pamphlet p4 #ab4      ,according to     
,professor ,hodge's      ,according to  
,professor ,hodge's  account of the     
definition of ,slavery1  requisitions of

 ,christianity1    ,the spring of effort
 in the          ,the laborer must serve
 at the  laborer is a fair compensation4
      discretion of another4    ,free   
scope must be given for         ,he is  
deprived of personal  his moral and     
intellectual           liberty--the     
necessary condition1  improvement4      
and living soul of improvement1         
without which he has no control         
of either intellect or morals4          
,his rights as a husband and            
,the authority and claims of the  a     
father are to be protected4             
master may throw an ocean between       
him and his family1 and separate        
them from each other's presence         
at any moment and forever4              
,christianity1 then1 requires such      
slavery as ,professor ,hodge so         
cunningly defines1 to be abolished4 ,it 
was well provided for the  peace of the 
respective parties1 that he placed his  
definition so  far from the requisitions
 of ,christianity4 ,had he brought them 

into each other's presence1 their       
natural and invincible antipathy  to    
each other would have broken out into   
open and exterminating  warfare4 ,but   
why should we delay longer upon an      
argument which is  based on gross and   
monstrous sophistry8 ,it can mislead    
only such as  wish to be misled4 ,the   
lovers of sunlight are in little danger 
of rushing into the professor's dungeon4
 ,those who1 having something  to       
conceal1 covet darkness1 can find it    
there1 to their heart's  content4 ,the  
hour cannot be far away1 when upright   
and reflective  minds at the ,south will
 be astonished at the blindness which   
could  welcome such protection as the   
,princeton argument offers to the       
slaveholder4    ,but ,professor ,stuart 
must not be forgotten4 ,in his          
celebrated  letter to ,dr4 ,fisk1 he    
affirms that ,paul did not expect       
slavery to  be ousted in a day4#hg ,did 
not ,,expect6 ,what then6 ,are the      
requisitions of ,christianity adapted to

 any ,,expectations which  in any       
quarter and on any ground might have    
risen to human  consciousness8 ,and are 
we to interpret the precepts of the     
gospel  by the expectations of ,paul8   
,the ,savior commanded all men every    
where to repent1 and this1 though ,paul 
did not expect that human  wickedness1  
in its ten thousand forms would in any  
community  be ousted in a day4          
,expectations are one thing2            
requisitions quite  another4            
,footnote #hg3 ,supra1 p4 #g4      ,in  
the mean time1 while expectation waited1
 ,paul1 the professor adds1  gave       
precepts to ,christians respecting their
 demeanor4 ,that he  did4 ,of what      
character were these precepts8 ,must    
they not have been  in harmony with the 
,golden ,rule8 ,but this1 according to  
,professor  ,stuart1 decides against the
 righteousness of slavery even as a     
theory4 ,accordingly1 ,christians were  
required1 without respect of  persons1  
to do each other justice--to maintain   

equality as common  ground for all to   
stand upon--to cherish and express in   
all their  intercourse that tender love 
and disinterested charity which one     
brother naturally feels for another4    
,these were the ad interim  precepts4#hh
 which cannot fail1 if obeyed1 to cut up
 slavery1  root and branch1 at once and 
forever4    ,footnote #hh3 ,letter to   
,dr4 ,fisk1 p4 #g4      ,professor      
,stuart comforts us with the assurance  
that ,christianity  will ultimately     
certainly destroy slavery4 ,of this we  
have not  the feeblest doubt4 ,but how  
could he admit a persuasion and utter  a
 prediction so much at war with the     
doctrine he maintains1 that  slavery may
 exist without ,,violating ,,the        
,,christian ,,faith ,,or ,,the          
,,church8#hi ,what1 ,christianity bent  
on the destruction of an ancient  and   
cherished institution which hurts       
neither her character nor  condition8#ij
 ,why not correct its abuses and purify 
its spirit2 and  shedding upon it her   

own beauty1 preserve it1 as a living    
trophy of  her reformatory power8       
,whence the discovery that1 in her      
onward  progress1 she would trample down
 and destroy what was no way hurtful  to
 her8 ,this is to be aggressive with a  
witness4 ,far be it from  the ,judge of 
all the earth to whelm the innocent and 
guilty in the  same destruction6 ,in aid
 of ,professor ,stuart1 in the rude and 
scarcely covert attack which he makes   
upon himself1 we maintain that          
,christianity will certainly destroy    
slavery on account of its  inherent     
wickedness--its malignant temper--its   
deadly effects--its  constitutional1    
insolent1 and unmitigable opposition to 
the  authority of ,god and the welfare  
of man4    ,footnote #hi3 ,letter to    
,dr4 ,fisk1 p4 #g4    ,footnote #ij3    
,professor ,stuart applies here the     
words1 salva fide et  salva ecclesia4   
,christianity will ultimately destroy   
slavery4 ,,ultimately6 ,what  meaneth   
that portentous word8 ,to what limit of 

remotest time1  concealed in the        
darkness of futurity1 may it look8 ,tell
 us1 ,o  watchman1 on the hill of       
,andover4 ,almost nineteen centuries    
have  rolled over this world of wrong   
and outrage--and yet we tremble in  the 
presence of a form of slavery whose     
breath is poison1 whose fang  is death6 
,if any one of the incidents of slavery 
should fall1 but  for a single day1 upon
 the head of the prophet1 who dipped his
 pen  in such cold blood1 to write that 
word ultimately1 how1 under the         
sufferings of the first tedious hour1   
would he break out in the  lamentable   
cry1 ,how long1 ,o ,lord1 ,,how ,,long6 
,in the agony of  beholding a wife or   
daughter upon the table of the          
auctioneer1 while  every bid fell upon  
his heart like the groan of despair1    
small  comfort would he find in the dull
 assurance of some heartless prophet1   
quite at ease in ,zion1 that            
,,ultimately ,christianity would        
destroy slavery4 ,as the hammer falls1  

and the beloved of his soul1  all       
helpless and most wretched1 is borne    
away to the haunts of  legalized        
debauchery1 his hearts turns to stone1  
while the cry  dies upon his lips1 ,how 
,,long1 ,o ,lord1 ,,how ,,long6         
,ultimately6 ,in what circumstances does
 ,professor ,stuart  assure himself that
 ,christianity will destroy slavery8    
,are we1 as  ,american citizens1 under  
the sceptre of a ,nero8 ,when1 as       
integral parts  of this republic--as    
living members of this community1 did we
 forfeit  the prerogatives of freemen8  
,have we not the right to speak and  act
 as wielding the powers which the       
privileges of self-government  has put  
in our possession8 ,and without asking  
leave of priest or  statesman of the    
,north or the ,south1 may we not make   
the most of the  freedom which we enjoy 
under the guaranty of the ordinances of 
,heaven  and the ,constitution of our   
country6 ,can we expect to see          
,christianity  on higher vantage-ground 

than in this country she stands upon8   
,in  the midst of a republic based on   
the principle of the equality of        
mankind1 where every ,christian1 as     
vitally connected with the state1       
freely wields the highest political     
rights and enjoys the richest  political
 privileges2 where the unanimous demand 
of one-half of the  members of the      
churches would be promptly met in the   
abolition of  slavery1 what ultimately  
must ,christianity here wait for before 
she crushes the chattel principle       
beneath her heel8 ,her triumph over     
slavery is retarded by nothing but the  
corruption and defection so  widely     
spread through the sacramental host     
beneath her banners6  ,let her voice be 
heard and her energies exerted1 and the 
ultimately  of the dark spirit of       
slavery would at once give place to the 
immediately of the ,avenger of the      
,poor4        ,no4 #ab4    ,,the        
,,anti-,,slavery ,,examiner4            
99       99       99       99       99  

,,disunion4      ,,address ,,of ,,the   
,,american ,,anti-,,slavery ,,society   
,,and    ,f4 ,,jackson',s ,,letter ,,on 
,,the ,,pro-,,slavery ,,character  ,,of 
,,the ,,constitution          ,,new     
,,york3    ,,american ,,anti-,,slavery  
,,society4    #adb ,,nassau ,,street4   
#ahde4        ,,boston3  ,,printed ,,by 
,,david ,h4 ,,ela1  ,,no4 #cg1          
,,cornhill4            ,,address ,,of   
,,the ,,executive ,,committee  ,,of     
,,the ,,american ,,anti-,,slavery       
,,society  ,,to ,friends of ,freedom and
 ,emancipation in the ,u4 ,states4      
,at the ,tenth ,anniversary of the      
,american ,anti-,slavery ,society1 held 
in the city of ,new-,york1 ,may #gth1   
#ahdd1--;after grave deliberation1  and 
a long and earnest discussion1--it was  
decided1 by a vote of  nearly three to  
one of the members present1 that        
fidelity to the  cause of human freedom1
 hatred of oppression1 sympathy for     
those who  are held in chains and       
slavery in this republic1 and allegiance

 to  ,god1 require that the existing    
national compact should be instantly    
dissolved2 that secession from the      
government is a religious and  political
 duty2 that the motto inscribed on the  
banner of ,freedom  should be1 ,,no     
,,union ,,with ,,slaveholders2 that it  
is impracticable for  tyrants and the   
enemies of tyranny to coalesce and      
legislate together  for the preservation
 of human rights1 or the promotion of   
the  interests of ,liberty2 and that    
revolutionary ground should be  occupied
 by all those who abhor the thought of  
doing evil that good  may come1 and who 
do not mean to compromise the principles
 of  ,justice and ,humanity4    ,a      
decision involving such momentous       
consequences1 so well calculated  to    
startle the public mind1 so hostile to  
the established order of  things1       
demands of us1 as the official          
representatives of the  ,american       
,society1 a statement of the reasons    
which led to it4 ,this  is due not only 

to the ,society1 but also to the country
 and the world4    ,it is declared by   
the ,american people to be a            
self-evident truth1  that all men are   
created equal2 that they are endowed    
,,by ,,their  ,,creator with certain    
inalienable rights2 that among these are
  life1 ,,liberty1 and the pursuit of   
happiness4 ,it is further  maintained by
 them1 that all governments derive their
 just powers  from the consent of the   
governed2 that whenever any form of     
government becomes destructive of human 
rights1 it is the right of  the people  
to alter or to abolish it1 and institute
 a new government1  laying its          
foundation on such principles1 and      
organizing its powers  in such form1 as 
to them shall seem most likely to effect
 their  safety and happiness4 ,these    
doctrines the patriots of #aggf sealed  
with their blood4 ,they would not brook 
even the menace of oppression4  ,they   
held that there should be no delay in   
resisting1 at whatever  cost or peril1  

the first encroachments of power on     
their liberties4  ,appealing to the     
great ,ruler of the universe for the    
rectitude of  their course1 they pledged
 to each other their lives1 their       
fortunes and their sacred honor1 to     
conquer or perish in their  struggle to 
be free4    ,for the example which they 
set to all people subjected to a        
despotic  sway1 and the sacrifices which
 they made1 their descendants cherish   
their memories with gratitude1 reverence
 their virtues1 honor their  deeds1 and 
glory in their triumphs4    ,it is not  
necessary1 therefore1 for us to prove   
that a state of  slavery is incompatible
 with the dictates of reason and        
humanity2 or  that it is lawful to throw
 off a government which is at war with  
the  sacred rights of mankind4    ,we   
regard this as indeed a solemn crisis1  
which requires of every  man sobriety of
 thought1 prophetic forecast1           
independent judgment1  invincible       
determination1 and a sound heart4 ,a    

revolutionary step is  one that should  
not be taken hastily1 nor followed under
 the  influence of impulsive imitation4 
,to know what spirit they are           
of--whether they have counted the cost  
of the warfare--what are the  principles
 they advocate--and how they are to     
achieve their object--is  the first duty
 of revolutionists4    ,but1 while      
circumspection and prudence are         
excellent qualities in  every great     
emergency1 they become the allies of    
tyranny whenever  they restrain prompt1 
bold and decisive action against it4    
,we charge upon the present national    
compact1 that it was formed at  the     
expense of human liberty1 by a          
profligate surrender of principle1  and 
to this hour is cemented with human     
blood4    ,we charge upon the ,american 
,constitution1 that it contains         
provisions1  and enjoins duties1 which  
make it unlawful for freemen to take the
  oath of allegiance to it1 because they
 are expressly designed to  favor a     

slaveholding oligarchy1 and1            
consequently1 to make one  portion of   
the people a prey to another4    ,we    
charge upon the existing national       
government1 that it is an  insupportable
 despotism1 wielded by a power which is 
superior to all  legal and              
constitutional restraints--equally      
indisposed and unable to  protect the   
lives or liberties of the people--the   
prop and safeguard  of ,american        
slavery4    ,these charges we proceed   
briefly to establish3    ,i4 ,it is     
admitted by all men of intelligence1--or
 if it be denied in  any quarter1 the   
records of our national history settle  
the question  beyond doubt1--that the   
,american ,union was effected by a      
guilty  compromise between the free and 
slaveholding ,states2 in other words1   
by immolating the colored population on 
the altar of slavery1 by  depriving the 
,north of equal rights and privileges1  
and by  incorporating the slave system  
into the government4 ,in the expressive 

and pertinent language of scripture1 it 
was a covenant with death1  and an      
agreement with hell--null and void      
before ,god1 from the first  hour of its
 inception--the framers of which were   
recreant to duty1  and the supporters of
 which are equally guilty4    ,it was   
pleaded at the time of the adoption1 it 
is pleaded now1 that1  without such a   
compromise there could have been no     
union2 that1  without union1 the        
colonies would have become an easy prey 
to the  mother country2 and1 hence1 that
 it was an act of necessity1  deplorable
 indeed when viewed alone1 but          
absolutely indispensable to  the safety 
of the republic4    ,to this we reply3  
,the plea is as profligate as the act   
was tyrannical4  ,it is the jesuitical  
doctrine1 that the end sanctifies the   
means4 ,it  is a confession of sin1 but 
the denial of any guilt in its          
perpetration4 ,it is at war with the    
government of ,god1 and  subversive of  
the foundations of morality4 ,it is to  

make lies our  refuge1 and under        
falsehood to hide ourselves1 so that we 
may escape  the overflowing scourge4    
,therefore1 thus saith the ,lord ,god1  
,judgment will ,i lay to the line1 and  
righteousness to the plummet2  and the  
bail shall sweep away the refuge of     
lies1 and the waters  shall overflow the
 hiding place4 ,moreover1 because ye    
trust in  oppression and perverseness1  
and stay thereon2 therefore this        
iniquity shall be to you as a breach    
ready to fall1 swelling out in  a high  
wall1 whose breaking cometh suddenly at 
an instant4 ,and he  shall break it as  
the breaking of the potter's vessel that
 is broken  in pieces2 he shall not     
spare4    ,this plea is sufficiently    
broad to cover all the oppression and   
villany that the sun has witnessed in   
his circuit1 since ,god said1  ,let     
there by light4 ,it assumes that to be  
practicable1 which is  impossible1      
namely1 that there can be freedom with  
slavery1 union  with injustice1 and     

safety with blood guiltiness4 ,a union  
of virtue  with pollution is the triumph
 of licentiousness4 ,a partnership      
between right and wrong1 is wholly      
wrong4 ,a compromise of the  principles 
of ,justice1 is the deification of      
crime4    ,better that the ,american    
,union had never been formed1 than that 
it  should have been obtained at such a 
frightful cost6 ,if they were  guilty   
who fashioned it1 but who could not     
foresee all its frightful  consequences1
 how much more guilty are they1 who1 in 
full view of  all that has resulted from
 it1 clamor for its perpetuity6 ,if it  
was  sinful at the commencement1 to     
adopt it on the ground of escaping a    
greater evil1 is it not equally sinful  
to swear to support it for the  same    
reason1 or until1 in process of time1 it
 be purged from its  corruption8    ,the
 fact is1 the compromise alluded to1    
instead of effecting a union1  rendered 
it impracticable2 unless by the term    
union we are to  understand the absolute

 reign of the slaveholding power over   
the  whole country1 to the prostration  
of ,northern rights4 ,in the just  use  
of words1 the ,american ,union is and   
always has been a sham--an  imposture4  
,it is an instrument of oppression      
unsurpassed in the  criminal history of 
the world4 ,how then can it be          
innocently  sustained8 ,it is not       
certain1 it is not even probable1 that  
if it had  not been adopted1 the mother 
country would have reconquered the      
colonies4 ,the spirit that would have   
chosen danger in preference to          
crime1--to perish with justice rather   
than live with dishonor1--to  dare and  
suffer whatever might betide1 rather    
than sacrifice the  rights of one human 
being1--could never have been subjugated
 by any  mortal power4 ,surely it is    
paying a poor tribute to the valor and  
devotion of our revolutionary fathers in
 the cause of liberty1 to say  that1 if 
they had sternly refused to sacrifice   
their principles1 they  would have      

fallen an easy prey to the despotic     
power of ,england4    ,,ii4 ,the        
,american ,constitution is the exponent 
of the national compact4  ,we affirm    
that it is an instrument which no man   
can innocently bind  himself to support1
 because its anti-republican and        
anti-,christian  requirements are       
explicit and peremptory2 at least1 so   
explicit that1  in regard to all the    
clauses pertaining to slavery1 they have
 been  uniformly understood and enforced
 in the same way1 by all the courts  and
 by all the people2 and so peremptory1  
that no individual  interpretation or   
authority can set them aside with       
impunity4 ,it is  not a ball of clay1 to
 be moulded into any shape that party   
contrivance or caprice may choose it to 
assume4 ,it is not a form of  words1 to 
be interpreted in any manner1 or to any 
extent1 or for the  accomplishment of   
any purpose1 that individuals in office 
under it  may determine4 ,it means      
precisely what those who framed and     

adopted  it meant--,,nothing ,,more1    
,,nothing ,,less1 as a matter of bargain
 and  compromise4 ,even if it can be    
construed to mean something else1       
without violence to its language1 such  
construction is not to be  tolerated    
against the wishes of either party4 ,no 
just or honest  use of it can be made1  
in opposition to the plain intention of 
its  framers1 except to declare the     
contract at an end1 and to refuse to    
serve under it4    ,to the argument1    
that the words slaves and slavery are   
not to be  found in the ,constitution1  
and therefore that it was never intended
  to give any protection or countenance 
to the slave system1 it is  sufficient  
to reply1 that though no such words are 
contained in that  instrument1 other    
words were used1 intelligently and      
specifically1  ,,to ,,meet ,,the        
,,necessities ,,of ,,slavery2 and that  
these were adopted in  good faith1 to be
 observed until a constitutional change 
could be  effected4 ,on this point1 as  

to the design of certain provisions1 no 
intelligent man can honestly entertain a
 doubt4 ,if it be objected1  that though
 these provisions were meant to cover   
slavery1 yet1 as  they can fairly be    
interpreted to mean something exactly   
the reverse1  it is allowable to give to
 them such an interpretation1 especially
  as the cause of freedom will thereby  
be promoted--we reply1 that  this is to 
advocate fraud and violence toward one  
of the contracting  parties1 whose      
co-operation was secured only by an     
express  agreement and understanding    
between them both1 in regard to the     
clauses alluded to2 and that such a     
construction1 if enforced by  pains and 
penalties1 would unquestionably lead to 
a civil war1 in  which the aggrieved    
party would justly claim to have been   
betrayed1  and robbed of their          
constitutional rights4    ,again1 if it 
be said1 that those clauses1 being      
immoral1 are null and  void--we reply1  
it is true they are not to be observed2 

but it is  also true that they are      
portions of an instrument1 the support  
of  which1 ,,as ,a ,,whole1 is required 
by oath or affirmation2 and1 therefore1 
because they are immoral1 and ,,because 
,,of ,,this ,,obligation  ,,to ,,enforce
 ,,immorality1 no one can innocently    
swear to support the  ,constitution4    
,again1 if it be objected1 that the     
,constitution was formed by the  people 
of the ,united ,states1 in order to     
establish justice1 to  promote the      
general welfare1 and secure the         
blessings of liberty to  themselves and 
their posterity3 and therefore1 it is to
 be so  construed as to harmonize with  
these objects2 we reply1 again1 that    
its language is not to be interpreted in
 a sense which neither of  the          
contracting parties understood1 and     
which would frustrate every  design of  
their alliance--to wit1 union at the    
expense of the  colored population of   
the country4 ,moreover1 nothing is more 
certain than that the preamble alluded  

to never included1 in the  minds of     
those who framed it1 those who were then
 pining in  bondage--for1 in that case1 
a general emancipation of the slaves    
would have instantly been proclaimed    
throughout the ,united ,states4 ,the    
words1 secure the blessings of liberty  
to ourselves and our  posterity1        
assuredly meant only the white          
population4 ,to promote the  general    
welfare1 referred to their own welfare  
exclusively4 ,to  establish justice1 was
 understood to be for their sole benefit
 as  slaveholders1 and the guilty       
abettors of slavery4 ,this is           
demonstrated by other parts of the same 
instrument1 and by their own  practice  
under it4    ,we would not detract aught
 from what is justly their due2 but it  
is  as reprehensible to give them credit
 for what they did not possess1  as it  
is to rob them of what is theirs4 ,it is
 absurd1 it is false1  it is an insult  
to the common sense of mankind1 to      
pretend that the  ,constitution was     

intended to embrace the entire          
population of the  country under its    
sheltering wings2 or that the parties to
 it were  actuated by a sense of justice
 and the spirit of impartial liberty2   
or that it needs no alteration1 but only
 a new interpretation1 to  make it      
harmonize with the object aimed at by   
its adoption4 ,as truly  might it be    
argued1 that because it is asserted in  
the ,declaration  of ,independence1 that
 all men are created equal1 and endowed 
with an  inalienable right to liberty1  
therefore none of its signers were      
slaveholders1 and since its adoption1   
slavery has been banished from  the     
,american soil6 ,the truth is1 our      
fathers were intent on securing  liberty
 to themselves1 without being very      
scrupulous as to the  means they used to
 accomplish their purpose4 ,they were   
not actuated  by the spirit of universal
 philanthropy2 and though in words they 
recognized occasionally the brotherhood 
of the human race1 in  practice they    

continually denied it4 ,they did not    
blush to enslave  a portion of their    
fellow-men1 and to buy and sell them as 
cattle in  the market1 while they were  
fighting against the oppression of the  
mother country1 and boasting of their   
regard for the rights of man4  ,why1    
then1 concede to them virtues which they
 did not posses4  ,why cling to the     
falsehood1 that they were not respecters
 of  persons in the formation of the    
government8    ,alas6 that they had no  
more fear of ,god1 no more regard for   
man1 in  their hearts6 ,the iniquity of 
the house of ,israel and ,judah the     
,north and ,south is exceeding great1   
and the land is full of blood1  and the 
city full of perverseness2 for they say1
 the ,lord hath  forsaken the earth1 and
 the ,lord seeth not4    ,we proceed to 
a critical examination of the ,american 
,constitution1  in its relations to     
slavery4    ,in ,,article #a1 ,section  
#i1 it is declared--the migration or    
importation of such persons as any of   

the ,states now existing shall  think   
proper to admit1 shall not be prohibited
 by the ,congress1 prior  to the year   
one thousand eight hundred and eight2   
but a tax or duty  may be imposed on    
such importation1 not exceeding ten     
dollars for  each person4    ,in this   
,section1 it will be perceived1 the     
phraseology is so guarded  as not to    
imply1 ex necessitate1 any criminal     
intent or inhuman  arrangement2 and yet 
no one has ever had the hardihood or    
folly to  deny1 that it was clearly     
understood by the contracting parties1  
to  mean that there should be no        
interference with the ,african slave    
trade1 on the part of the general       
government1 until the year #ahjh4  ,for 
twenty years after the adoption of the  
,constitution1 the  citizens of the     
,united ,states were to be encouraged   
and protected in  the prosecution of    
that infernal traffic--in sacking and   
burning the  hamlets of ,africa--in     
slaughtering multitudes of the          

inoffensive  natives on the soil1       
kidnapping and enslaving a still greater
  proportion1 crowding them to          
suffocation in the holds of the slave   
ships1 populating the ,atlantic with    
their dead bodies1 and  subjecting the  
wretched survivors to all the horrors of
 unmitigated  bondage6 ,this awful      
covenant was strictly fulfilled2 and    
though1  since its termination1         
,congress has declared the foreign slave
  traffic to be piracy1 yet all         
,christendom knows that the ,american   
flag1 instead of being the terror of the
 ,african slavers1 has given  them the  
most ample protection4    ,the manner in
 which the #ith ,section was agreed to1 
by the national  convention that formed 
the constitution1 is thus frankly avowed
 by  the ,hon4 ,luther ,martin1#ia who  
was a prominent member of that body3    
,the ,eastern ,states1 notwithstanding  
their aversion of slavery1 767    were  
very willing to indulge the ,southern   
,states at least with    a temporary    

liberty to prosecute the slave trade1   
provided the    ,southern ,states would1
 in the return1 gratify them by laying  
no    restriction on navigation acts2   
and1 after a very little time1 the      
committee1 by a great majority1 agreed  
on a report1 by which the    general    
government was to be prohibited from    
preventing the    importation of slaves 
for a limited time2 and the restrictive 
clause relative to navigation acts was  
to be omitted4      ,behold the iniquity
 of this agreement6 ,how sordid were the
 motives  which led to it6 what a       
profligate disregard of justice and     
humanity1  on the part of those who had 
solemnly declared the inalienable right 
of all men to be free and equal1 to be a
 self-evident truth6    ,it is due to   
the national convention to say1 that    
this section was  not adopted without   
considerable opposition4 ,alluding to   
it1  ,mr4 ,martin observes--            
,footnote #ia3 ,speech before the       
,legislature of ,maryland in #aghg4     

,it was said we had just assumed a place
 among the independent  nations in      
consequence of our opposition to the    
attempts of ,great  ,britain to enslave 
us2 that this opposition was grounded   
upon the  preservation of those rights  
to which ,god and nature has entitled   
us1  not in particular1 but in common   
with all the rest of mankind2  that we  
had appealed to the ,supreme ,being for 
his assistance1 as the  ,god of freedom1
 who could not but approve our efforts  
to preserve  the rights which he had    
thus imparted to his creatures2 that    
now1  when we had scarcely risen from   
our knees1 from supplicating his  mercy 
and protection in forming our government
 over a free people1 a  government      
formed pretendedly on the principles of 
liberty1 and for  its preservation1--in 
that government to have a provision1 not
 only  of putting out of its power to   
restrain and prevent the slave trade1   
even encouraging that most infamous     
traffic1 by giving the ,states  the     

power and influence in the ,union in    
proportion as they cruelly  and wantonly
 sported with the rights of their       
fellow-creatures1  ought to be          
considered as a solemn mockery of1 and  
insult to1 that  ,god whose protection  
we had thus implored1 and could not fail
 to  hold us up in detestation1 and     
render us contemptible to every true    
friend of liberty in the world4 ,it was 
said that national crimes can  only be1 
and frequently are1 punished in this    
world by national  punishments1 and that
 the continuance of the slave trade1 and
 thus  giving it a national character1  
sanction1 and encouragement1 ought  to  
be considered as justly exposing us to  
the displeasure and  vengeance of him   
who is equally the ,lord of all1 and who
 views  with equal eye the poor ,african
 slave and his ,american master6#ib     
,footnote #ib3 ,how terribly and justly 
has this guilty nation been  scourged1  
since these words were spoken1 on       
account of slavery and  the slave trade6

 ,secret ,proceedings1 p4 #fd4      ,it 
was urged that1 by this system1 we were 
giving the general  government full and 
absolute power to regulate commerce1    
under which  general power it would have
 a right to restrain1 or totally        
prohibit1  the slave trade3 it must1    
therefore1 appear to the world absurd   
and  disgraceful to the last degree that
 we should except from the  exercise of 
that power the only branch of commerce  
which is  unjustifiable in its nature1  
and contrary to the rights of mankind4  
,that1 on the contrary1 we ought to     
prohibit expressly1 in our              
,constitution1 the further importation  
of slaves1 and to authorize  the general
 government1 from time to time1 to make 
such regulations  as should be thought  
most advantageous for the gradual       
abolition of  slavery1 and the          
emancipation of the slaves already in   
the ,states4  ,that slavery is          
inconsistent with the genius of         
republicanism1 and  has a tendency to   

destroy those principles on which it is 
supported1  as it lessens the sense of  
the equal rights of mankind1 and        
habituates to tyranny and oppression4   
,it was further urged that1 by  this    
system of government1 every ,state is to
 be protected both from  foreign        
invasion and from domestic              
insurrections2 and1 from this           
consideration1 it was of the utmost     
importance it should have the  power to 
restrain the importation of slaves1     
since in proportion as  the number of   
slaves increased in any ,state1 in the  
same proportion  is the ,state weakened 
and exposed to foreign invasion and     
domestic  insurrection3 and by so much  
less will it be able to protect itself  
against either1 and therefore by so     
much1 want aid from1 and be a  burden   
to1 the ,union4    ,it was further said1
 that1 in this system1 as we were giving
 the  general government power1 under   
the idea of national character1 or      
national interest1 to regulate even our 

weights and measures1 and  have         
prohibited all possibility of emitting  
paper money1 and passing  insolvent     
laws1 c41 it must appear still more     
extraordinary that we  prohibited the   
government from interfering with the    
slave trade1  than which nothing could  
more effect our national honor and      
interest4    ,these reasons influenced  
me1 both in the committee and in the    
convention1 most decidedly to oppose and
 vote against the clause1 as  it now    
makes part of the system4#ic            
,footnote #ic3 ,secret ,proceedings1 p4 
#fd4      ,happy had it been for this   
nation1 had these solemn considerations 
been heeded by the framers of the       
,constitution6 ,but for the sake of     
securing some local advantages1 they    
choose to do evil that good may  come1  
and to make the end sanctify the means4 
,they were willing to  enslave others1  
that they might secure their own        
freedom4 ,they did  this deed           
deliberately1 with their eyes open1 with

 all the facts and  consequences arising
 therefrom before them1 in violation of 
all  their heaven-attested declarations1
 and in atheistical distrust of  the    
overruling power of ,god4 ,the ,eastern 
,states were very willing  to indulge   
the ,southern ,states in the            
unrestricted prosecution of  their      
piratical traffic1 provided in return   
they could be gratified  by no          
restriction being laid on navigation    
acts66--,had there been no  other       
provision of the ,constitution justly   
liable to objection1 this  one alone    
rendered the support of that instrument 
incompatible with  the duties which men 
owe to their ,creator1 and to each      
other4 ,it was  the poisonous infusion  
in the cup1 which1 though constituting  
but a  very slight portion of its       
contents1 perilled the life of every one
  who partook of it4    ,if it be asked 
to what purpose are these               
animadversions1 since the  clause       
alluded to has long since expired by its

 own limitation--we  answer1 that1 if at
 any time the foreign slave trade could 
be  constitutionally prosecuted1 it may 
yet be renewed1 under the               
,constitution1 at the pleasure of       
,congress1 whose prohibitory statute  is
 liable to be reversed at any moment1 in
 the frenzy of ,southern  opposition to 
emancipation4 ,it is ignorantly supposed
 that the  bargain was1 that the traffic
 should cease in #ahjh2 but the only    
thing secured by it was1 the right of   
,congress 7not any obligation7  to      
prohibit it at that period4 ,if1        
therefore1 ,congress had not  chosen to 
exercise that right1 the traffic might  
have been  prolonged indefinitely1 under
 the ,constitution4 ,the right to       
destroy any particular branch of        
commerce1 implies the right to          
re-establish it4 ,true1 there is no     
probability that the ,african slave     
trade will ever again be legalized by   
the national government2 but  no credit 
is due the framers of the ,constitution 

on this ground2 for1  while they threw  
around it all the sanction and          
protection of the  national character   
and power for twenty years1 they set no 
bounds to  its continuance by any       
positive constitutional prohibition4    
,again1 the adoption of such a clause1  
and the faithful execution of  it1 prove
 what was meant by the words of the     
preamble--to form a  more perfect union1
 establish justice1 insure domestic     
tranquillity1  provide for the common   
defence1 promote the general welfare1   
and  secure the blessings of liberty to 
ourselves and our  posterity--namely1   
that the parties to the ,constitution   
regarded  only their own rights and     
interests1 and never intended that its  
language should be so interpreted as to 
interfere with slavery1 or to  make it  
unlawful for one portion of the people  
to enslave another1  without an express 
alteration in that instrument1 in the   
manner  therein set forth4 ,while1      
therefore1 the ,constitution remains as 

it  was originally adopted1 they who    
swear to support it are bound to  comply
 with all its provisions1 as a matter of
 allegiance4 ,for it  avails nothing to 
say1 that some of those provisions are  
at war with  the law of ,god and the    
rights of man1 and therefore are not    
obligatory4  ,whatever may be their     
character1 they are  constitutionally   
obligatory2 and whoever feels that he   
cannot  execute them1 or swear to       
execute them1 without committing sin1   
has no  other choice left than to       
withdraw from the government1 or to     
violate  his conscience by taking on his
 lips an impious promise4 ,the object of
  the ,constitution is not to define    
what is the law of ,god1 but ,,what ,,is
  ,,the ,,will ,,of ,,the               
,,people--which will is not to be       
frustrated by an  ingenious moral       
interpretation1 by those whom they have 
elected to  serve them4    ,,article #a1
 ,sect4 #b1 provides--,representatives  
and direct taxes  shall be apportioned  

among the several ,states1 which may be 
included  within this ,union1 according 
to their respective numbers1 which      
shall be determined by adding to the    
whole number of free persons1  including
 those bound to service for a term of   
years1 and excluding  ,indians not      
taxed1 three-fifths of all other        
persons4    ,here1 as in the clause we  
have already examined1 veiled beneath a 
form of words as deceitful as it is     
unmeaning in a truly democratic         
government1 is a provision for the      
safety1 perpetuity and  augmentation of 
the slaveholding power--a provision     
scarcely less  atrocious than that which
 related to the ,african slave trade1   
and  almost as afflictive in its        
operation--a provision still in force1  
with no possibility of its alteration1  
so long as a majority of the  slave     
,states choose to maintain their slave  
system--a provision which1  at the      
present time1 enables the ,south to have
 twenty-five additional  representatives

 in ,congress on the score of property1 
while the  ,north is not allowed to have
 one--a provision which concedes to the 
oppressed three-fifths of the political 
power which is granted to  all others1  
aid then puts this power into the hands 
of their  oppressors1 to be wielded by  
them for the more perfect security of   
their tyrannous authority1 and the      
complete subjugation of the             
non-slaveholding ,states4    ,referring 
to this atrocious bargain1 ,,alexander  
,,hamilton remarked in  the ,new ,york  
,convention--    ,the first thing       
objected to1 is that clause which allows
 a  representation for three-fifths of  
the negroes4 ,much has been said  of the
 impropriety of representing men who    
have no will of their own3  whether this
 is reasoning or declamation1 7667 ,i   
will not  presume to say4 ,it is the    
unfortunate situation of the ,southern  
,states to have a great part of their   
population1 as well as property1  in    
blacks4 ,the regulation complained of   

was one result of the  spirit of        
accommodation which governed the        
,convention2 and  without this          
indulgence1 ,,no ,,union ,,could        
,,possibly ,,have ,,been ,,formed4      
,but1 sir1 considering some peculiar    
advantages which we derive  from them it
 is entirely ,,just that they should be 
gratified--,the  ,southern ,states      
possess certain staples1--tobacco1 rice1
 indigo1  c4--which must be capital     
objects in treaties of commerce with    
foreign nations2 and the advantage which
 they necessarily procure in  these     
treaties will be felt throughout the    
,united ,states4    ,if such was the    
patriotism1 such the love of liberty1   
such the  morality of ,,alexander       
,,hamilton1 what can be said of the     
character of  those who were far less   
conspicuous than himself in securing    
,american independence1 and in framing  
the ,american ,constitution8    ,listen1
 now1 to the opinions of ,,john ,,quincy
 ,,adams1 respecting the  constitutional

 clause now under consideration3--      
',in outward show1 it is a              
representation of persons in bondage2 in
  fact1 it is a representation of their 
masters1--the oppressor  representing   
the oppressed4'--',is it in the compass 
of human  imagination to devise a more  
perfect exemplification of the art of   
committing the lamb to the tender       
custody of the wolf8'--',the            
representative is thus constituted1 not 
the friend1 agent and  trustee of the   
person whom he represents1 but the most 
inveterate of  his foes4'--',it was one 
of the curses from that ,pandora's box1 
adjusted at the time1 as usual1 by a    
compromise1 the whole  advantage of     
which inured to the benefit of the      
,south1 and to  aggravate the burdens of
 the ,north4'--',if there be a parallel 
to it  in human history1 it can only be 
that of the ,roman ,emperors1 who1  from
 the days when ,julius ,caesar          
substituted a military despotism in  the
 place of a republic1 among the offices 

which they always  concentrated upon    
themselves1 was that of tribune of the  
people4 ,a  ,roman ,emperor tribune of  
the people1 is an exact parallel to that
  feature in the ,constitution of the   
,united ,states which makes the  master 
the representative of his slave4'--',the
 ,constitution of the  ,united ,states  
expressly prescribes that no title of   
nobility shall  be granted by the       
,united ,states4 ,the spirit of this    
interdict is not  a rooted antipathy to 
the grant of mere powerless empty       
titles1  but to titles of nobility2 to  
the institution of privileged orders  of
 men4 ,but what order of men under the  
most absolute of monarchies1  or the    
most aristocratic of republics1 was ever
 invested with such  an odious and      
unjust privilege as that of the separate
 and exclusive  representation of less  
than half a million owners of slaves1 in
 the  ,hall of this ,house1 in the      
,chair of the ,senate1 and in the       
,presidential mansion8'--',this         

investment of power in the owners of    
one species of property concentrated in 
the highest authorities of  the nation1 
and disseminated through thirteen of the
 twenty-six  ,states of the ,union1     
constitutes a privileged order of men in
 the  community1 more adverse to the    
rights of all1 and more pernicious to   
the interests of the whole1 than any    
order of nobility ever known4  ,to call 
government thus constituted a democracy1
 is to insult the  understanding of     
mankind4 ,to call it an aristocracy1 is 
to do  injustice to that form of        
government4 ,aristocracy is the         
government  of the best4 ,its standard  
qualification for accession to power  is
 merit1 ascertained by popular election 
recurring at short  intervals of time4  
,if even that government is prone to    
degenerate  into tyranny1 what must be  
the character of that form of polity in 
which the standard qualification for    
access to power is wealth in  the       
possession of slaves8 ,it is doubly     

tainted with the infection of  riches   
and of slavery4 ,there is no name in the
 language of national  jurisprudence    
that can define it--no model in the     
records of  ancient history1 or in the  
political theories of ,aristotle1 with  
which it can be likened4 ,it was        
introduced into the ,constitution of    
the ,united ,states by an               
equivocation--a representation of       
property  under the name of persons4    
,little did the members of the          
,convention  from the free ,states      
foresee what a sacrifice to ,moloch was 
hidden  under the mask of this          
concession4'--',the ,house of           
,representatives  of the ,united ,states
 consists of #bbc members--all1 by the  
letter of  the ,constitution1           
representatives only of persons1 as #ace
 of them  really are2 but the other #hh1
 equally representing the persons of    
their constituents1 by whom they are    
elected1 also represent1 under  the name
 of other persons1 upwards of two and a 

half millions of  slaves1 held as the   
property of less than half a million of 
the white constituents1 and valued at   
twelve hundred millions of  dollars4    
,each of these #hh members represents in
 fact the whole of  that mass of        
associated wealth1 and the persons and  
exclusive  interests of its owners2 all 
thus knit together1 like the members of 
a moneyed corporation1 with a capital   
not of thirty-five or forty or  fifty1  
but of twelve hundred millions of       
dollars1 exhibiting the  most           
extraordinary exemplification of the    
anti-republican tendencies  of          
associated wealth that the world ever   
saw1'--',here is one class  of men1     
consisting of not more than one fortieth
 part of the whole  people1 not more    
than one-thirtieth part of the free     
population1  exclusively devoted to     
their personal interests identified with
  their own as slaveholders of the same 
associated wealth1 and  wielding by     
their votes1 upon every question of     

government or of  public policy1        
two-fifths of the whole power of the    
,house4  ,in the  ,senate of the ,union1
 the proportion of the slaveholding     
power is yet  greater4  ,by the         
influence of slavery1 in the ,states    
where the  institution is tolerated1    
over their elections1 no other than a   
slaveholder can rise to the distinction 
of obtaining a seat in the  ,senate2 and
 thus1 of the #eb members of the federal
 ,senate1 #bf are  owners of slaves1 and
 as effectively representatives of that 
interest as the #hh members elected by  
them to the ,house4'--',by this  process
 it is that all political power in the  
,states is absorbed and  engrossed by   
the owners of slaves1 and the overruling
 policy of  the ,states is shaped to    
strengthen and consolidate their        
domination4  ,the legislative1          
executive1 and judicial authorities are 
all in  their hands--the preservation1  
propagation1 and perpetuation of the    
black code of slavery--every law of the 

legislature becomes a link  in the chain
 of the slave2 every executive act a    
rivet to his  hapless fate2 every       
judicial decision a perversion of the   
human  intellect to the justification of
 wrong4--,its reciprocal  operation upon
 the government of the nation is1 to    
establish an  artificial majority in the
 slave representation over that of the  
free people1 in the ,american ,congress1
 and thereby to make the                
,,preservation1 ,,propagation1 ,,and    
,,perpetuation ,,of ,,slavery ,,the     
,,vital ,,and  ,,animating ,,spirit ,,of
 ,,the ,,national ,,government4--,the   
result is seen  in the fact that1 at    
this day1 the ,president of the ,united 
,states1  the ,president of the ,senate1
 the ,speaker of the ,house of          
,representatives1 and five out of nine  
of the ,judges of the ,supreme          
,judicial ,courts of the ,united        
,states1 are not only citizens of       
slaveholding ,states1 but individual    
slaveholders themselves4 ,so are1  and  

constantly have been1 with scarcely an  
exception1 all the  members of both     
,houses of ,congress from the           
slaveholding ,states2 and  so are1 in   
immensely disproportionate numbers1 the 
commanding  officers of the army and    
navy2 the officers of the customs2 the  
registers and receivers of the land     
offices1 and the post-masters           
throughout the slaveholding             
,states4--,the ,biennial ,register      
indicates  the birth-place of all the   
officers employed in the government of  
the ,union4  ,if it were required to    
designate the owners of this  species of
 property among them1 it would be little
 more than a  catalogue of              
slaveholders4'    ,it is confessed by   
,mr4 ,adams1 alluding to the national   
convention  that framed the             
,constitution1 that the delegation from 
the free  ,states1 in their extreme     
anxiety to conciliate the ascendency of 
the  ,southern slaveholder1 did listen  
to a compromise between right and       

wrong--between freedom and slavery2 of  
the ultimate fruits of which  they had  
no conception1 but which already even   
now is urging the  ,union to its        
inevitable ruin and dissolution1 by a   
civil1 servile1  foreign1 and ,indian   
war1 all combined in one2 a war1 the    
essential  issue of which will be       
between freedom and slavery1 and in     
which the  unhallowed standard of       
slavery will be the desecrated banner of
 the  ,north ,american ,union--that     
banner1 first unfurled to the breeze1   
inscribed with the self-evident truths  
of the ,declaration of  ,independence4  
,hence1 to swear to support the         
,constitution of the ,united ,states1 as
  it is1 is to make a compromise between
 right and wrong1 and to  wage war      
against human liberty4 ,it is to        
recognize and honor as  republican      
legislators1 incorrigible men-stealers1 
,,merciless  ,,tyrants1 ,,blood         
,,thirsty ,,assassins1 who legislate    
with deadly weapons  about their        

persons1 such as pistols1 daggers1 and  
bowie-knives1  with which they threaten 
to murder any ,northern senator or      
representative who shall dare to stain  
their honor1 or interfere  with their   
rights6 ,they constitute a banditti more
 fierce and cruel  than any whose       
atrocities are recorded on the pages of 
history or  romance4 ,to mix with them  
on terms of social or religious         
fellowship1  is to indicate a low state 
of virtue2 but to think of administering
  a free government by their            
co-operation1 is nothing short of       
insanity4    ,article ,,iv41 ,section   
#b1 declares1--,no person held to       
service or  labor in one ,state1 under  
the laws thereof1 escaping into another1
  shall1 in consequence of any law or   
regulation therein1 be  discharged from 
such service or labor2 but shall be     
delivered up on  claim of the party to  
whom such service or labor may be due4  
,here is a third clause1 which1 like the
 other two1 makes no mention  of slavery

 or slaves1 in express terms2 and yet1  
like them1 was  intelligently framed and
 mutually understood by the parties to  
the  ratification1 and intended both to 
protect the slave system and to  restore
 runaway slaves4 ,it alone makes slavery
 a national institution1  a national    
crime1 and all the people who are not   
enslaved1 the  body-guard over those    
whose liberties have been cloven down4  
,this  agreement1 too1 has been         
fulfilled to the letter by the ,north4  
,under the ,mosaic dispensation it was  
imperatively commanded1--,thou  shalt   
not deliver unto his master the servant 
which is escaped  from his master unto  
thee3 he shall dwell with thee1 even    
among you1  in that place which he shall
 choose in one of thy gates1 where it   
liketh him best3 thou shalt not oppress 
him4 ,the warning which the  prophet    
,isaiah gave to oppressing ,moab was of 
a similar kind3  ,take counsel1 execute 
judgment2 make thy shadow as the night  
in the  midst of the noon-day2 hide the 

outcasts2 bewray not him that           
wandereth4 ,let mine outcasts dwell with
 thee1 ,moab2 be thou a covert  to them 
from the face of the spoiler4 ,the      
prophet ,obadiah brings  the following  
charge against treacherous ,edom1 which 
is precisely  applicable to this guilty 
nation3--,for thy violence against thy  
brother ,jacob1 shame shall come over   
thee1 and thou shalt be cut off  for    
ever4 ,in the day that thou stoodest on 
the other side1 in the  day that the    
strangers carried away captive his      
forces1 and  foreigners entered into his
 gates1 and cast lots upon ,jerusalem1  
even thou wast as one of them4 ,but thou
 shouldst not have looked  on the day of
 thy brother1 in the day that he became 
a stranger2  neither shouldst thou have 
rejoiced over the children of ,judah1 in
  the day of their destruction2 neither 
shouldst thou have spoken  proudly in   
the day of distress2 neither shouldst   
thou have stood in  the cross-way1 to   
cut off those of his that did escape2   

neither  shouldst thou have delivered up
 those of his that did remain1 in  the  
day of distress4    ,how exactly        
descriptive of this boasted republic is 
the impeachment  of ,edom by the same   
prophet6 ,the pride of thy heart hath   
deceived  thee1 thou whose habitation is
 high2 that sayeth in thy heart1 ,who   
shall bring me down to the ground8      
,though thou exalt thyself as the       
eagle1 and though thou set thy nest     
among the stars1 thence will ,i  bring  
thee down1 saith the ,lord4 ,the emblem 
of ,american pride and  power is the    
eagle1 and on her banner she has mingled
 stars with  its stripes4 ,her vanity1  
her treachery1 her oppression1 her      
self-exaltation1 and her defiance of the
 ,almighty1 far surpass the  madness and
 wickedness of ,edom4 ,what shall be her
 punishment8 ,truly1  it may be affirmed
 of the ,american people1 7who live not 
under the  ,levitical but ,christian    
code1 and whose guilt1 therefore1 is the
  more awful1 and their condemnation the

 greater17 in the language of  another  
prophet--,they all lie in wait for      
blood2 they hunt every  man his brother 
with a net4 ,that they may do evil with 
both hands  earnestly1 the prince       
asketh1 and the judge asketh for a      
reward2 and  the great man1 he uttereth 
his mischievous desire3 so they wrap it 
up4 ,likewise of the colored inhabitants
 of this land it may be said1  --,this  
is a people robbed and spoiled2 they are
 all of them snared  in holes1 and they 
are hid in prison-houses2 they are for a
 prey1  and none delivereth2 for a      
spoil1 and none saith1 ,restore4    ,by 
this stipulation1 the ,northern ,states 
are made the hunting ground  of         
slave-catchers1 who may pursue their    
victims with blood-hounds1  and capture 
them with impunity wherever they can lay
 their robber  hands upon them4 ,at     
least twelve or fifteen thousand runaway
 slaves  are now in ,canada1 exiled from
 their native land1 because they could  
not find1 throughout its vast extent1 a 

single road on which they  could dwell  
in safety1 in consequence of this       
provision of the  ,constitution8 ,how is
 it possible1 then1 for the advocates of
  liberty to support a government which 
gives over to destruction  one-sixth    
part of the whole population8    ,it is 
denied by some at the present day1 that 
the clause which has  been cited1 was   
intended to apply to runaway slaves4    
,this indicates  either ignorance1 or   
folly1 or something worse4 ,,james      
,,madison as one  of the framers of the 
,constitution1 is of some authority on  
this  point4 ,alluding to that          
instrument1 in the ,virginia convention1
 he  said3--      ,another clause       
secures us that property which we now   
possess4 ,at    present1 if any slave   
elopes to those ,states where slaves are
 free1    he becomes emancipated by     
their laws2 for the laws of the ,states 
are uncharitable767 to one another in   
this respect2 but in this               
constitution1 ',no person held to       

service or labor in one ,state1    under
 the laws thereof1 shall1 in consequence
 of any law or    regulation therein1 be
 discharged from such service or labor1 
but    shall be delivered upon claim of 
the party to whom such service or       
labor away be due4 ,,this ,,clause ,,was
 ,,expressly ,,inserted ,,to ,,enable   
,,the    ,,owners ,,of ,,slaves ,,to    
,,reclaim ,,them4 ,this is a better     
security than    any that now exists4   
,no power is given to the general       
government to    interfere with respect 
to the property in slaves now held by   
the    ,states4    ,in the same         
convention1 alluding to the same clause1
 ,,gov4 ,,randolph  said3--      ,every 
one knows that slaves are held to       
service or labor4 ,and1 when            
authority is given to owners of slaves  
to vindicate their    property1 can it  
be supposed they can be deprived of it8 
,if a    citizen of this ,state1 in     
consequence of this clause1 can take his
    runaway slave in ,maryland1 can it  

be seriously thought that1 after        
taking him and bringing him home1 he    
could be made free8    ,it is objected1 
that slaves are held as property1 and   
therefore1 as  the clause refers to     
persons1 it cannot mean slaves4 ,but    
this is  criticism against fact4 ,slaves
 are recognized not merely as property1 
but also as persons--as having a mixed  
character--as combining the  human with 
the brutal4 ,this is paradoxical1 we    
admit2 but slavery is  a paradox--the   
,american ,constitution is a            
paradox--the ,american  ,union is a     
paradox--the ,american ,government is a 
paradox2 and if any  one of these is to 
be repudiated on that ground1 they all  
are4 ,that  it is the duty of the       
friends of freedom to deny the binding  
authority of them all1 and to secede    
from them all1 we distinctly  affirm4   
,after the independence of this country 
had been achieved1  the voice of ,god   
exhorted the people1 saying1 ,execute   
true judgment1  and show mercy and      

compassion every man to his brother3 and
 oppress  not the widow1 nor the        
fatherless1 the stranger1 nor the poor2 
and  let none of you imagine evil       
against his brother in your heart4 ,but 
they refused to hearken1 and pulled away
 the shoulder1 and stopped  their ears1 
that they should not hear2 yea1 they    
made their hearts  as an adamant stone4 
,shall ,i not visit for these things8   
saith the  ,lord4 ,shall not my soul be 
avenged on such a nation as this8       
,whatever doubt may have rested on any  
honest mind1 respecting the  meaning of 
the clause in relation to persons held  
to service or labor1  must have been    
removed by the unanimous decision of the
 ,supreme  ,court of the ,united        
,states1 in the case of ,prigg versus   
,the ,state of  ,pennsylvania4 ,by that 
decision1 any ,southern slave-catcher is
  empowered to seize and convey to the  
,south1 without hindrance or            
molestation on the part of the ,state1  
and without any legal process  duly     

obtained and served1 any person or      
persons1 irrespective of  caste or      
complexion1 whom he may choose to claim 
as runaway slaves2  and if1 when thus   
surprised and attacked1 or on their     
arrival ,south1  they cannot prove by   
legal witnesses1 that they are freemen1 
their  doom is sealed6 ,hence the free  
colored population of the ,north are    
specially liable to become the victims  
of this terrible power1 and  all the    
other inhabitants are at the mercy of   
prowling kidnappers1  because there are 
multitudes of white as well as black    
slaves on  ,southern plantations1 and   
slavery is no longer fastidious with    
regard to the color of its prey4    ,as 
soon as that appalling decision of the  
,supreme ,court was  enunciated1 in the 
name of the ,constitution1 the people of
 the ,north  should have risen en masse1
 if for no other cause1 and declared the
  ,union at an end2 and they would have 
done so1 if they had not lost  their    
manhood1 and their reverence for justice

 and liberty4    ,in the #dth ,sect4 of 
,art4 ,,iv41 the ,united ,states        
guarantee to protect  every ,state in   
the ,union against domestic violence4   
,by the #hth  ,section of ,article #a41 
congress is empowered to provide for    
calling  forth the militia to execute   
the laws of the ,union1 suppress        
insurrections1 and repel invasions4     
,these provisions1 however  strictly    
they may apply to cases of disturbance  
among the white  population1 were       
adopted with special reference to the   
slave  population1 for the purpose of   
keeping them in their chains by the     
combined military force of the country2 
and were these repealed1 and  the ,south
 left to manage her slaves as best she  
could1 a servile  insurrection would ere
 long be the consequence1 as general as 
it  would unquestionably be successful4 
,says ,mr4 ,madison1 respecting  these  
clauses3--      ,on application of the  
legislature or executive1 as the case   
may be1    the militia of the other     

,states are to be called to suppress    
domestic insurrections4 ,does this bar  
the ,states from calling forth    their 
own militia8 ,no2 but it gives them a   
supplementary security    to suppress   
insurrections and domestic violence4    
,the answer to ,patrick ,henry's        
objection1 as urged against the         
constitution in the ,virginia           
convention1 that there was no power left
  to the ,states to quell an            
insurrection of slaves1 as it was wholly
  vested in congress1 ,george ,nicholas 
asked3--      ,have they it now8 ,if    
they have1 does the constitution take it
 away8    ,if it does1 it must be in one
 of those clauses which have been       
mentioned by the worthy member4 ,the    
first part gives the general            
government power to call them out when  
necessary4 ,does this take it    away   
from the ,states8 ,no6 but it gives an  
additional security2    for1 beside the 
power in the ,state government to use   
their own    militia1 it will be the    

duty of the general government to aid   
them ,,with ,,the ,,strength ,,of ,,the 
,,union1 when called for4    ,this      
solemn guaranty of security to the slave
 system1 caps the  climax of national   
barbarity1 and stains with human blood  
the  garments of all the people4 ,in    
consequence of it1 that system has      
multiplied its victims from five hundred
 thousand to nearly three  millions--a  
vast amount of territory has been       
purchased1 in order to  give it         
extension and perpetuity--several new   
slave ,states have been  admitted into  
the ,union--the slave trade has been    
made one of the  great branches of      
,american commerce--the slave           
population1 though  over-worked1        
starved1 lacerated1 branded1 maimed1 and
 subjected to  every form of deprivation
 and every species of torture1 have been
  over awed and crushed1--or1 whenever  
they have attempted to gain  their      
liberty by revolt1 they have been shot  
down and quelled by the  strong arm of  

the national government2 as1 for        
example1 in the case  of ,nat ,turner's 
insurrection in ,virginia1 when the     
naval and military  forces of the       
government were called into active      
service4 ,cuban  bloodhounds have been  
purchased with the money of the people1 
and  imported and used to hunt slave    
fugitives among the everglades of       
,florida4 ,a merciless warfare has been 
waged for the extermination or          
expulsion of the ,florida ,indians1     
because they gave succor to those  poor 
hunted fugitives--a warfare which has   
cost the nation several  thousand lives1
 and forty millions of dollars4 ,but the
 catalogue  of enormities is too long to
 be recapitulated in the present        
address4    ,we have thus demonstrated  
that the compact between the ,north and 
the  ,south embraces every variety of   
wrong and outrage1--is at war with  ,god
 and man1 cannot be innocently          
supported1 and deserves to be           
immediately annulled4 ,in behalf of the 

,society which we represent1  we call   
upon all our fellow-citizens1 who       
believe it is right to  obey ,god rather
 than man1 to declare themselves        
peaceful  revolutionists1 and to unite  
with us under the stainless banner of   
,liberty1 having for its motto--,,equal 
,,rights ,,for ,,all--,,no ,,union      
,,with  ,,slaveholders6    ,it is       
pleaded that the ,constitution provides 
for its own amendment2  and we ought to 
use the elective franchise to effect    
this object4  ,true1 there is such a    
proviso2 but1 until the amendment be    
made1  that instrument is binding as it 
stands4 ,is it not to violate every     
moral instinct1 and to sacrifice        
principle to expediency1 to argue  that 
we may swear to steal1 oppress and      
murder by wholesale1 because  it may be 
necessary to do so only for the time    
being1 and because  there is some remote
 probability that the instrument which  
requires  that we should be robbers1    
oppressors and murderers1 may at some   

future day be amended in these          
particulars8 ,let us not palter with    
our consciences in this manner--let us  
not deny that the compact was  conceived
 in sin and brought forth in            
iniquity--let us not be so  dishonest1  
even to promote a good object1 as to    
interpret the  ,constitution in a manner
 utterly at variance with the intentions
 and  arrangements of the contracting   
parties2 but1 confessing the guilt  of  
the nation1 acknowledging the dreadful  
specifications in the bond1  washing our
 hands in the waters of repentance from 
all further  participation in this      
criminal alliance1 and resolving that we
 will  sustain none other than a free   
and righteous government1 let us  glory 
in the name of revolutionists1 unfurl   
the banner of disunion1  and consecrate 
our talents and means to the overthrow  
of all that is  tyrannical in the       
land1--to the establishment of all that 
is free1  just1 true and holy1--to the  
triumph of universal love and peace4    

,if1 in utter disregard of the          
historical facts which have been cited1 
it is still asserted1 that the          
,constitution needs no amendment to     
make it a free instrument1 adapted to   
all the exigencies of a free  people1   
and was never intended to give any      
strength or countenance  to the slave   
system--the indignant spirit of insulted
 ,liberty  replies3--,what though the   
assertion be true8 ,of what avail is a  
mere  piece of parchment8 ,in itself1   
though it be written all over with      
words of truth and freedom--though its  
provisions be as impartial and  just as 
words can express1 or the imagination   
paint--though it be as  pure as the     
gospel1 and breathe only the spirit of  
,heaven--it is  powerless2 it has no    
executive vitality2 it is a lifeless    
corpse1 even  though beautiful in death4
 ,i am famishing for lack of bread6 ,how
 is my  appetite relieved by holding up 
to my gaze a painted loaf8 ,i am        
manacled1 wounded1 bleeding dying6 ,what

 consolation is it to know1  that they  
who are seeking to destroy my life1     
profess in words to be  my friends8 ,if 
the liberties of the people have been   
betrayed--if  judgment is turned away   
backward1 and justice standeth afar off1
 and  truth has fallen in the streets1  
and equality cannot enter--if the       
princes of the land are roaring lions1  
the judges evening wolves1  the people  
light and treacherous persons1 the      
priests covered with  pollution--if we  
are living under a frightful despotism1 
which scoffs  at all constitutional     
restraints1 and wields the resources of 
the  nation to promote its own bloody   
purposes--tell us not that the  forms of
 freedom are still left to us6 ,would   
such tameness and  submission have      
freighted the ,may-,flower for ,plymouth
 ,rock8 ,would it  have resisted the    
,stamp ,act1 the ,tea ,tax1 or any of   
those entering  wedges of tyranny with  
which the ,british government sought to 
rive  the liberties of ,america8 ,the   

wheel of the ,revolution would have     
rusted on its axle1 if a spirit so weak 
had been the only power to  give it     
motion4 ,did our fathers say1 when their
 rights and liberties  were             
infringed--,why1 what is done cannot be 
undone4 ,that is the  first thought4    
,no1 it was the last thing they thought 
of3 or1 rather1  it never entered their 
minds at all4 ,they sprang to the       
conclusion at  once--,what is done      
,,shall be undone4 ,that is our ,,first 
and ,,only  thought4        ,is water   
running in our veins8 ,do we remember   
still    ,old ,plymouth ,rock1 and      
,lexington1 and famous ,bunker ,hill8   
,the debt we owe our fathers' graves8   
and to the yet unborn1    ,whose        
heritage ourselves must make a thing of 
pride or scorn8      ,gray ,plymouth    
,rock hath yet a tongue1 and ,concord is
 not dumb2    ,and voices from our      
fathers' graves and from the future     
come3    ,they call on us to stand our  
ground--they charge us still to be      

,not only free from chains ourselves1   
but foremost to make free6      ,it is  
of little consequence who is on the     
throne1 if there be behind  it a power  
mightier than the throne4 ,it matters   
not what is the  theory of the          
government1 if the practice of the      
government be unjust  and tyrannical4   
,we rise in rebellion against a         
despotism  incomparably more dreadful   
than that which induced the colonists to
  take up arms against the mother       
country2 not on account of a            
three-penny tax on tea1 but because     
fetters of living iron are  fastened on 
the limbs of millions of our countrymen1
 and our most  sacred rights are        
trampled in the dust4 ,as citizens of   
the ,state1  we appeal to the ,state in 
vain for protection and redress4 ,as    
citizens of the ,united ,states1 we are 
treated as outlaws in one  half of the  
country1 and the national government    
consents to our  destruction4 ,we are   
denied the right of locomotion1 freedom 

of speech1  the right of petition1 the  
liberty of the press1 the right         
peaceably  to assemble together to      
protest against oppression and plead for
  liberty--at least in thirteen ,states 
of the ,union4 ,if we venture1 as       
avowed and unflinching abolitionists1 to
 travel ,south of ,mason and  ,dixon's  
line1 we do so at the peril of our      
lives4 ,if we would escape  torture and 
death1 on visiting any of the slave     
,states1 we must  stifle our            
conscientious convictions1 bear no      
testimony against  cruelty and tyranny1 
suppress the struggling emotions of     
humanity1  divest ourselves of all      
letters and papers of an anti-slavery   
character1 and do homage to the         
slaveholding power--or run the risk  of 
a cruel martyrdom6 ,these are appalling 
and undeniable facts4    ,three millions
 of the ,american people are crushed    
under the ,american  ,union6 ,they are  
held as slaves--trafficked as           
merchandise--registered  as goods and   

chattels6 ,the government gives them no 
protection--the  government is their    
enemy--the government keeps them in     
chains6  ,there they lie bleeding--we   
are prostrate by their side--in  their  
sorrows and sufferings we               
participate--their stripes are          
inflicted on our bodies1 their shackles 
are fastened on our limbs1  their cause 
is ours6  ,the ,union which grinds them 
to the dust  rests upon us1 and with    
them we will struggle to overthrow it6  
,the ,constitution1 which subjects them 
to hopeless bondage1 is one  that we    
cannot swear to support6  ,our motto is1
 ,,no ,,union ,,with  ,,slaveholders1   
either religious or political4 ,they are
 the fiercest  enemies of mankind1 and  
the bitterest foes of ,god6  ,we        
separate from  them not in anger1 not in
 malice1 not for a selfish purpose1 not 
to  do them an injury1 not to cease     
warning1 exhorting1 reproving them  for 
their crimes1 not to leave the perishing
 bondman to his fate--,o  no6 ,but to   

clear our skirts of innocent blood--to  
give the oppressor  no countenance--to  
signify our abhorrence of injustice and 
cruelty--to testify against an ungodly  
compact--to cease striking  hands with  
thieves and consenting with             
adulterers--to make no  compromise with 
tyranny--to walk worthily of our high   
profession--to  increase our moral power
 over the nation--to obey ,god and      
vindicate  the gospel of his            
,son--hasten the downfall of slavery in 
,america1  and throughout the world6    
,we are not acting under a blind        
impulse4  ,we have carefully counted    
the cost of this warfare1 and are       
prepared to meet its consequences4  ,it 
will subject us to reproach1            
persecution1 infamy--it will prove a    
fiery ordeal to all who shall pass      
through it--it may cost us our  lives4  
,we shall be ridiculed as fools1 accused
 as visionaries1  branded as            
disorganizers1 reviled as madmen1       
threatened and perhaps  punished as     

traitors4  ,but we shall bide our time4 
,whether safety  or peril1 whether      
victory or defeat1 whether life or death
 be ours1  believing that our feet are  
planted on an eternal foundation1 that  
our position is sublime and glorious1   
that our faith in ,god is  rational and 
steadfast1 that we have exceeding great 
and precious  promises on which to rely1
 ,,that ,,we ,,are ,,in ,,the ,,right1  
we shall not  falter nor be dismayed1   
though the earth be removed1 and though 
the  mountains be carried into the midst
 of the sea1--though our ranks  be      
thinned to the number of three hundred  
men4 ,freemen6 are you  ready for the   
conflict8 ,come what may1 will you sever
 the chain that  binds you to a         
slaveholding government1 and declare    
your independence8  ,up1 then1 with the 
banner of revolution6 ,not to shed      
blood--not to  injure the person or     
estate of any oppressor--not by force   
and arms  to resist any law--not to     
countenance a servile insurrection--not 

to  wield any carnal weapons6 ,no--ours 
must be a bloodless strife1  excepting  
our blood be shed--for we aim1 as did   
,christ our leader1  not to destroy     
men's lives1 but to save them--to       
overcome evil with  good--to conquer    
through suffering for righteousness'    
sake--to set  the captive free by the   
potency of truth6    ,secede1 then1 from
 the government4 ,submit to its         
exactions1 but pay  it no allegiance1   
and give it no voluntary aid4 ,fill no  
offices  under it4 ,send no senators or 
representatives to the national or      
,state legislature2 for what you cannot 
conscientiously perform  yourself1 you  
cannot ask another to perform as your   
agent4 ,circulate  a declaration of     
,,disunion ,,from ,,slaveholders1       
throughout the country4  ,hold mass     
meetings--assemble in conventions--nail 
your banners to  the mast6    ,do you   
ask what can be done1 if you abandon the
 ballot-box8 ,what did  the crucified   
,nazarene do without the elective       

franchise8 ,what did  the apostles do8  
,what did the glorious army of martyrs  
and  confessors do8 ,what did ,luther   
and his intrepid associates do8 ,what   
can women and children do8 ,what has    
,father ,mathew done for teetotalism8   
,what has ,daniel ,o',connell done for  
,irish repeal8 ,stand1 having your      
loins girt about with truth1 and having 
on the breast-plate of  righteousness1  
and arrayed in the whole armor of ,god6 
,the form of government that shall      
succeed the present government of  the  
,united ,states1 let time determine4 ,it
 would be a waste of time  to argue that
 question1 until the people are         
regenerated and turned  from their      
iniquity4 ,ours is no anarchical        
movement1 but one of  order and         
obedience4 ,in ceasing from oppression1 
we establish liberty4  ,what is now     
fragmentary1 shall in due time be       
crystallized1 and  shine like a gem set 
in the heavens1 for a light to all      
coming ages4    ,finally--we believe    

that the effect of this movement will   
be1--,first1  to create discussion and  
agitation throughout the ,north2 and    
these  will lead to a general perception
 of its grandeur and importance4        
,secondly1 to convulse the slumbering   
,south like an earthquake1 and  convince
 her that her only alternative is1 to   
abolish slavery1 or be  abandoned by    
that power on which she now relies for  
safety4    ,thirdly1 to attack the slave
 power in its most vulnerable point1 and
  to carry the battle to the gate4      
,fourthly1 to exalt the moral sense1    
increase the moral power1 and           
invigorate the moral constitution of all
 who heartily espouse it4    ,we        
reverently believe that1 in withdrawing 
from the ,american ,union1  we have the 
,god of justice with us4 ,we know that  
we have our  enslaved countrymen with   
us4 ,we are confident that all free     
hearts  will be with us4 ,we are certain
 that tyrants and their abettors will   
be against us4    ,in behalf of the     

,executive ,committee of the ,american  
,anti-,slavery  ,society1    ,,wm4      
,,lloyd ,,garrison1 ,president4         
,,wendell ,,phillips1      ,secretaries4
    ,,maria ,,weston ,,chapman1         
,boston1 ,may #bj1 #ahdd4           99  
99       99       99       99           
,,letter ,,from ,,francis ,,jackson4    
,,boston1 #d,,th ,july1 #ahdd    ,to    
,his ,excellency ,george ,n4 ,briggs3   
,,sir--,many years since1 ,i received   
from the ,executive of the              
,commonwealth a commission as ,justice  
of the ,peace4 ,i have held the  office 
that it conferred upon me till the      
present time1 and have  found it a      
convenience to myself1 and others4 ,it  
might continue to  be so1 could ,i      
consent longer to hold it4 ,but         
paramount  considerations forbid1 and ,i
 herewith transmit to you my commission1
  respectfully asking you to accept my  
resignation4    ,while ,i deem it a duty
 to myself to take this step1 ,i feel   
called on  to state the reasons that    

influence me4    ,in entering upon the  
duties of the office in question1 ,i    
complied  with the requirements of the  
law1 by taking an oath to support the   
,constitution of the ,united ,states4 ,i
 regret that ,i ever took that  oath4   
,had ,i then as maturely considered its 
full import1 and the  obligations under 
which it is understood1 and meant to lay
 those who  take it1 as ,i have done    
since1 ,i certainly never would have    
taken it1  seeing1 as ,i now do1 that   
the ,constitution of the ,united ,states
  contains provisions calculated and    
intended to foster1 cherish1  uphold and
 perpetuate slavery4 ,it pledges the    
country to guard and  protect the slave 
system so long as the slaveholding      
,states choose  to retain it4 ,it       
regards the slave code as lawful in the 
,states  which enact it4 ,still more1 it
 has done that1 which1 until its        
adoption1 was never before done for     
,african slavery4 ,it took it out  of   
its former category of municipal law and

 local life1 adopted it  as a national  
institution1 spread around it the broad 
and sufficient  shield of national law1 
and thus gave to slavery a national     
existence4  ,consequently1 the oath to  
support the ,constitution of the ,united
  ,states is a solemn promise to do that
 which is morally wrong2 that  which is 
a violation of the natural rights of    
man1 and a sin in the  sight of ,god4   
,i am not1 in this matter1 constituting 
myself a judge of others4 ,i  do not say
 that no honest man can take such an    
oath1 and abide by it4  ,i only say1    
that ,i would not now deliberately take 
it2 and that1  having inconsiderately   
taken it1 ,i can no longer suffer it to 
lie  upon my soul4 ,i take back the     
oath1 and ask you1 sir1 to take back    
the commission1 which was the occasion  
of my taking it4    ,i am aware that my 
course in this matter is liable to be   
regarded as  singular1 if not           
censurable2 and ,i must1 therefore1 be  
allowed to  make a more specific        

statement of those provisions of the    
,constitution which support the enormous
 wrong1 the heinous sin of  slavery4    
,the very first ,article of the         
,constitution takes slavery at once     
under its legislative protection1 as a  
basis of representation in  the popular 
branch of the ,national ,legislature4   
,it regards slaves  under the           
description of all other persons--as of 
only  three-fifths of the value of free 
persons2 thus to appearance             
undervaluing them in comparison with    
freemen4 ,but its dark and  involved    
phraseology seems intended to blind us  
to the consideration1  that those       
underrated slaves are merely a basis1   
not the source  of representation2 that 
by the laws of all the ,states where    
they live1  they are regarded not as    
persons2 but as things2 that they are   
not the constituency of the             
representative1 but his property2 and   
that the necessary effect of this       
provision of the ,constitution is1  to  

take legislative power out of the hands 
of men1 as such1 and  give it to the    
mere possessors of goods and chattels4  
,fixing upon  thirty thousand persons1  
as the smallest number that shall send  
one  member into the ,house of          
,representatives1 it protects slavery by
  distributing legislative power in a   
free and in a slave ,state thus3  ,to a 
congressional district in ,south        
,carolina1 containing fifty  thousand   
slaves1 claimed as the property of five 
hundred whites1 who  hold1 on an        
average1 one hundred apiece1 it gives   
one ,representative  in ,congress2 to a 
district in ,massachusetts containing a 
population  of thirty thousand five     
hundred1 one ,representative is         
assigned4 ,but  inasmuch as a slave is  
never permitted to vote1 the fifty      
thousand  persons in a district in      
,carolina form no part of the           
constituency2  that is found only in the
 five hundred free persons4 ,five       
hundred  freemen of ,carolina could send

 one ,representative to ,congress1 while
  it would take thirty thousand five    
hundred freemen of ,massachusetts1  to  
do the same thing3 that is1 one         
slaveholder in ,carolina is  clothed by 
the ,constitution with the same         
political power and  influence in the   
,representatives ,hall at ,washington1  
as sixty  ,massachusetts men like you   
and me1 who eat their bread in the sweat
  of their own brows4    ,according to  
the census of #ahcj1 and the ratio of   
representation  based upon that1 slave  
property added twenty-five members to   
the  ,house of ,representatives4 ,and as
 it has been estimated1 7as an          
approximation to the truth17 that the   
two and a half million slaves  in the   
,united ,states are held as property by 
about two hundred and  fifty thousand   
persons--giving an average of ten slaves
 to each  slaveholder1 those twenty-five
 ,representatives1 each chosen1 at most1
  by only ten thousand voters1 and      
probably by less than three-fourths  of 

that number1 were the representatives1  
not only of the two  hundred and fifty  
thousand persons who chose them2 but of 
property  which1 five years ago1 when   
slaves were lower in market1 than at    
present1 were estimated1 by the man who 
is now the most prominent  candidate for
 the ,presidency1 at twelve hundred     
millions of dollars--a  sum1 which1 by  
the natural increase of five years1 and 
the enhanced  value resulting from a    
more prosperous state of the planting   
interest1 cannot now be less than       
fifteen hundred millions of dollars4    
,all this vast amount of property1 as it
 is peculiar1 is also  identical in its 
character4 ,in ,congress1 as we have    
seen1 it is  animated by one spirit1    
moves in one mass1 and is wielded with  
one  aim2 and when we consider that     
tyranny is always timid1 and despotism  
distrustful1 we see that this vast money
 power would be false to  itself1 did it
 not direct all its eyes and hands1 and 
put forth all  its ingenuity and energy1

 to one end--self-protection and        
self-perpetuation4 ,and this it has ever
 done4 ,in all the vibrations  of the   
political scale1 whether in relation to 
a ,bank or ,sub-,treasury1  ,free ,trade
 or a ,tariff1 this immense power has   
moved1 and will  continue to move1 in   
one mass1 for its own protection4       
,while the weight of the slave influence
 is thus felt in the ,house of          
,representatives1 in the ,senate of the 
,union1 says ,john ,quincy ,adams1  the 
proportion of slaveholding power is     
still greater4 ,by the  influence of    
slavery in the ,states where the        
institution is tolerated1  over their   
elections1 no other than a slaveholder  
can rise to the  distinction of         
obtaining a seat in the ,senate2 and    
thus1 of the  fifty-two members of the  
federal ,senate1 twenty-six are owners  
of  slaves1 and are as effectually      
representatives of that interest1 as    
the eighty-eight members elected by them
 to the ,house4    ,the dominant power  

which the ,constitution gives to the    
slave interest1  as thus seen and       
exercised in the ,legislative ,halls of 
our nation1  is equally obvious and     
obtrusive in every other department of  
the  ,national government4    ,in the   
,electoral colleges1 the same cause     
produces the same  effect--the same     
power is wielded for the same purpose1  
as in the  ,halls of ,congress4 ,even   
the preliminary nominating conventions1 
before  they dare name a candidate for  
the highest office in the gift of the   
people1 must ask of the ,genius of      
slavery1 to what votary she will  show  
herself propitious4 ,this very year1 we 
see both the great  political parties   
doing homage to the slave power1 by     
nominating  each a slaveholder for the  
chair of the ,state4 ,the candidate of  
one  party declares4 ,i should have     
opposed1 and would continue to oppose1  
any scheme whatever of emancipation1    
either gradual or immediate2  and adds1 
,it is not true1 and ,i rejoice that it 

is not true1 that  either of the two    
great parties of this country has any   
design or  aim at abolition4 ,i should  
deeply lament it1 if it were true4#id   
,footnote #id3 ,henry ,clay's speech in 
the ,united ,states ,senate in #ahci1   
and confirmed at ,raleigh1 ,n4,c4 #ahdd4
      ,the other party nominates a man  
who says1 ,i have no hesitation in      
declaring that ,i am in favor of the    
immediate re-annexation of ,texas  to   
the territory and government of the     
,united ,states4    ,thus both the      
political parties1 and the candidates of
 both1 vie  with each other1 in offering
 allegiance to the slave power1 as a    
condition precedent to any hope of      
success in the struggle for the         
executive chair2 a seat that1 for more  
than three-fourths of the  existence of 
our constitutional government1 has been 
occupied by a  slaveholder4    ,the same
 stern despotism overshadows even the   
sanctuaries of  justice4 ,of the nine   
,justices of the ,supreme ,court of the 

,united  ,states1 five are slaveholders1
 and of course1 must be faithless to    
their own interest1 as well as recreant 
to the power that gives them  place1 or 
must1 so far as they are concerned1 give
 both to law and  constitution such a   
construction as shall justify the       
language of  ,john ,quincy ,adams1 when 
he says--,the legislative1 executive1   
and  judicial authorities1 are all in   
their hands--for the preservation1      
propagation1 and perpetuation of the    
black code of slavery4 ,every  law of   
the legislature becomes a link in the   
chain of the slave2  every executive act
 a rivet to his hapless fate2 every     
judicial  decision a perversion of the  
human intellect to the justification of 
wrong4    ,thus by merely adverting but 
briefly to the theory and the practical 
effect of this clause of the            
,constitution1 that ,i have sworn to    
support1 it is seen that it throws the  
political power of the nation  into the 
hands of the slaveholders2 a body of    

men1 which1 however it  may be regarded 
by the ,constitution as persons1 is in  
fact and  practical effect1 a vast      
moneyed corporation1 bound together by  
an  indissoluble unity of interest1 by a
 common sense of a common danger2       
counselling at all times for its common 
protection2 wielding the  whole power1  
and controlling the destiny of the      
nation4    ,if we look into the         
legislative halls1 slavery is seen in   
the chair  of the presiding officer of  
each1 and controlling the action of     
both4  ,slavery occupies1 by            
prescriptive right1 the ,presidential   
chair4 ,the  paramount voice that comes 
from the temple of national justice1    
issues from the lips of slavery4 ,the   
army is in the hands of slavery1  and at
 her bidding1 must encamp in the        
everglades of ,florida1 or  march from  
the ,missouri to the borders of ,mexico1
 to look after her  interests in ,texas4
    ,the navy1 even that part that is   
cruising off the coast of ,africa1 to   

suppress the foreign slave trade1 is in 
the hands of slavery4    ,freemen of the
 ,north1 who have even dared to lift up 
their voice  against slavery1 cannot    
travel through the slave ,states1 but at
 the  peril of their lives4    ,the     
representatives of freemen are          
forbidden1 on the floor of  ,congress1  
to remonstrate against the encroachments
 of slavery1 or to  pray that she would 
let her poor victims go4    ,i renounce 
my allegiance to a ,constitution that   
enthrones such a  power1 wielded for the
 purpose of depriving me of my rights1  
of  robbing my countrymen of their      
liberties1 and of securing its own      
protection1 support and perpetuation4   
,passing by that clause of the          
,constitution1 which restricted         
,congress  for twenty years1 from       
passing any law against the ,african    
slave  trade1 and which gave authority  
to raise a revenue on the stolen  sons  
of ,africa1 ,i come to that part of the 
fourth article1 which  guarantees       

protection against domestic violence1   
and which  pledges to the ,south the    
military force of the country1 to       
protect  the masters against their      
insurgent slaves3 binds us1 and our     
children1 to shoot down our             
fellow-countrymen1 who may rise1 in     
emulation of our revolutionary fathers1 
to vindicate their inalienable  right to
 life1 liberty and the pursuit of       
happiness1--this  clause of the         
,constitution1 ,i say distinctly1 ,i    
never will  support4    ,that part of   
the ,constitution which provides for the
 surrender of  fugitive slaves1 ,i never
 have supported and never will4 ,i will 
join  in no slave-hunt4 ,my door shall  
stand open1 as it has long stood1 for   
the panting and trembling victim of the 
slave-hunter4 ,when ,i shut it  against 
him1 may ,god shut the door of his mercy
 against me6 ,under  this clause of the 
,constitution1 and designed to carry it 
into effect1  slavery has demanded that 
laws should be passed1 and of such a    

character1 as have left the free citizen
 of the ,north without  protection for  
his own liberty4 ,the question1 whether 
a man seized  in a free ,state as a     
slave1 is a slave or not1 the law of    
,congress  does not allow a jury to     
determine3 but refers it to the decision
 of  a ,judge of a ,united ,states'     
,court1 or even of the humblest ,state  
magistrate1 it may be1 upon the         
testimony or affidavit of the party     
most deeply interested to support the   
claim4 ,by virtue of this law1  freemen 
have been seized and dragged into       
perpetual slavery--and  should ,i be    
seized by a slave-hunter in any part of 
the country  where ,i am not personally 
known1 neither the ,constitution nor    
laws  of the ,united ,states would      
shield me from the same destiny4        
,these1 sir1 are the specific parts of  
the ,constitution of the ,united        
,states1 which in my opinion are        
essentially vicious1 hostile at once  to
 the liberty and to the morals of the   

nation4 ,and these are the  principal   
reasons of my refusal any longer to     
acknowledge my  allegiance to it1 and of
 my determination to revoke my oath to  
support it4 ,i cannot1 in order to keep 
the law of man1 break the law  of ,god1 
or solemnly call him to witness my      
promise that ,i will break  it4    ,it  
is true that the ,constitution provides 
for its own amendment1 and  that by this
 process1 all the guarantees of ,slavery
 may be expunged4  ,but it will be time 
enough to swear to support it when this 
is done4  ,it cannot be right to do so1 
until these amendments are made4    ,it 
is also true that the framers of the    
,constitution did studiously  keep the  
words ,slave and ,slavery from its face4
 ,but to do our  constitutional fathers 
justice1 while they forebore--from very 
shame--to give the word ,slavery a place
 in the ,constitution1 they  did not    
forbear--again to do them justice--to   
give place in it to  the thing4 ,they   
were careful to wrap up the idea1 and   

the substance  of ,slavery1 in the      
clause for the surrender of the         
fugitive1 though  they sacrificed       
justice in doing so4    ,there is       
abundant evidence that this clause      
touching persons held  to service or    
labor1 not only operates practically1   
under the  judicial construction1 for   
the protection of the slave interest2   
but  that it was intended so to operate 
by the framers of the  ,constitution4   
,the highest judicial                   
authorities--,chief ,justice ,shaw1  of 
the ,supreme ,court of ,massachusetts1  
in the ,latimer case1 and  ,mr4 ,justice
 ,story1 in the ,supreme ,court of the  
,united ,states1 in the  case of ,prigg 
vs4 ,the ,state of ,pennsylvania1--tell 
us1 ,i know  not on what evidence1 that 
without this compromise1 this security  
for ,southern slaveholders1 the ,union  
could not have been formed4  ,and there 
is still higher evidence1 not only that 
the framers of the  ,constitution meant 
by this clause to protect slavery1 but  

that they  did this1 knowing that       
slavery was wrong4 ,mr4 ,madison#ie     
informs us  that the clause in question1
 as it came out of the hands of ,dr4    
,johnson1 the chairman of the committee 
on style1 read thus3 ,no  person legally
 held to service1 or labor1 in one      
,state1 escaping into  another1 shall1  
c41 and that the word legally was struck
 out1 and  the words under the laws     
thereof inserted after the word ,state1 
in  compliance with the wish of some1   
who thought the term legal  equivocal1  
and favoring the idea that slavery was  
legal in a moral  view4 ,a conclusive   
proof that1 although future generations 
might  apply that clause to other kinds 
of service or labor1 when slavery       
should have died out1 or been killed off
 by the young spirit of  liberty1 which 
was then awake and at work in the land2 
still1  slavery was what they were      
wrapping up in equivocal words2 and     
wrapping it up for its protection and   
safe keeping3 a conclusive proof  that  

the framers of the ,constitution were   
more careful to protect  themselves in  
the judgment of coming generations1 from
 the charge  of ignorance1 than of sin2 
a conclusive proof that they knew that  
slavery was not legal in a moral view1  
that it was a violation  of the moral   
law of ,god2 and yet knowing and        
confessing its  immorality1 they dared  
to make this stipulation for its support
 and  defence4    ,footnote #ie3        
,madison ,papers1 p4 #aehi    ,this     
language may sound harsh to the ears of 
those who think it a  part of their     
duty1 as citizens1 to maintain that     
whatever the  patriots of the           
,revolution did1 was right2 and who hold
 that we are  bound to do all the       
iniquity that they covenanted for us    
that we  should do4 ,but the claims of  
truth and right are paramount to  all   
other claims4    ,with all our          
veneration for our constitutional       
fathers1 we must  admit1--for they have 
left on record their own confession of  

it1--that  in this part of their work   
they intended to hold the shield of     
their protection over a wrong1 knowing  
that it was a wrong4 ,they  made a      
compromise which they had no right to   
make--a compromise of  moral principle  
for the sake of what they probably      
regarded as  political expediency4 ,i am
 sure they did not know--no man could   
know1 or can now measure1 the extent1 or
 the consequences of the  wrong1 that   
they were doing4 ,in the strong language
 of ,john ,quincy  ,adams1#if in        
relation to the article fixing the basis
 of  representation1 ,little did the    
members of the ,convention1 from the    
free ,states1 imagine or foresee what a 
sacrifice to ,moloch was hidden  under  
the mask of this concession4            
,footnote #if3 ,see his ,report on the  
,massachusetts ,resolutions4      ,i    
verily believe that1 giving all due     
consideration to the benefits  conferred
 upon this nation by the ,constitution1 
its national unity1  its swelling masses

 of wealth1 its power1 and the external 
prosperity of its multiplying millions2 
yet the moral injury that  has been     
done1 by the countenance shown to       
slavery by holding over  that tremendous
 sin the shield of the ,constitution1   
and thus  breaking down in the eyes of  
the nation the barrier between right    
and wrong2 by so tenderly cherishing    
slavery as1 in less than the  life of   
man1 to multiply her children from half 
a million to nearly  three millions2 by 
exacting oaths from those who occupy    
prominent  stations in society1 that    
they will violate at once the rights of 
man and the law of ,god2 by substituting
 itself as a rule of right1  in place of
 the moral laws of the universe2--thus  
in effect1  dethroning the ,almighty in 
the hearts of this people and setting up
  another sovereign in his stead--more  
than outweighs it all4 ,a  melancholy   
and monitory lesson this1 to all        
timeserving and  temporising statesmen6 
,a striking illustration of the impolicy

 of  sacrificing right to any           
considerations of expediency6 ,yet1 what
  better than the evil effects that we  
have seen1 could the authors of  the    
,constitution have reasonably expected1 
from the sacrifice of  right1 in the    
concessions they made to slavery8 ,was  
it reasonable in  them to expect that   
after they had introduced a vicious     
element into  the very ,constitution of 
the body politic which they were calling
  into life1 it would not exert its     
vicious energies8 ,was it reasonable  in
 them to expect that1 after slavery had 
been corrupting the public  morals for a
 whole generation1 their children would 
have too much  virtue to use for the    
defence of slavery1 a power which they  
themselves had not too much virtue to   
give8 ,it is dangerous for  the         
sovereign power of a ,state to license  
immorality2 to hold the  shield of its  
protection over any thing that is not   
legal in a moral  view4 ,bring into your
 house a benumbed viper1 and lay it down

 upon  your warm hearth1 and soon it    
will not ask you into which room it  may
 crawl4 ,let ,slavery once lean upon the
 supporting arm1 and bask  in the       
fostering smile of the ,state1 and you  
will soon see1 as we  now see1 both her 
minions and her victims multiply apace  
till the  politics1 the morals1 the     
liberties1 even the religion of the     
nation1  are brought completely under   
her control4      ,to me1 it appears    
that the virus of slavery1 introduced   
into the  ,constitution of our body     
politic1 by a few slight punctures1 has 
now  so pervaded and poisoned the whole 
system of our ,national ,government1    
that literally there is no health in it4
 ,the only remedy that ,i can  see for  
the disease1 is to be found in the      
dissolution of the  patient4    ,the    
,constitution of the ,united ,states1   
both in theory and practice1  is so     
utterly broken down by the influence and
 effects of slavery1  so imbecile for   
the highest good of the nation1 and so  

powerful for  evil1 that ,i can give no 
voluntary assistance in holding it up   
any  longer4    ,henceforth it is dead  
to me1 and ,i to it4 ,i withdraw all    
profession  of allegiance to it1 and all
 my voluntary efforts to sustain it4    
,the  burdens that it lays upon me1     
while it is held up by others1 ,i shall 
endeavor to bear patiently1 yet acting  
with reference to a higher law1  and    
distinctly declaring1 that while ,i     
retain my own liberty1 ,i will  be a    
party to no compact1 which helps to rob 
any other man of his4    ,very          
respectfully1 your friend1    ,,francis 
,,jackson4             99       99      
99       99       99    ,,from ,,mr4    
,,webster',s ,,speech ,,at ,,niblo',s   
,,gardens4    ,we have slavery1 already1
 amongst us4 ,the ,constitution found it
  among us2 it recognized it and gave it
 ,,solemn ,,guaranties4 ,to the  full   
extent of these guaranties we are all   
bound1 in honor1 in  justice1 and by the
 ,constitution4 ,all the stipulations1  

contained in  the ,constitution1 in     
favor of the slaveholding ,states which 
are  already in the ,union1 ought to be 
fulfilled1 and so far as depends  on me1
 shall be fulfilled1 in the fullness of 
their spirit1 and to  the exactness of  
their letter4666           99       99  
99       99       99    ,,extracts      
,,from ,,john ,q4 ,,adams',s ,,address  
,,at ,,north ,,bridgewater1 ,,nov4 #f1  
#ahdd4    ,the benefits of the          
,constitution of the ,united ,states1   
were the  restoration of credit and     
reputation1 to the country--the revival 
of  commerce1 navigation1 and           
ship-building--the acquisition of the   
means of discharging the debts of the   
,revolution1 and the protection  and    
encouragement of the infant and drooping
 manufactures of the  country4 ,all     
this1 however1 as is now well           
ascertained1 was  insufficient to       
propitiate the rulers of the ,southern  
,states to  the adoption of the         
,constitution4 ,what they specially     

wanted was  protection4--,protection    
from the powerful and savage tribes of  
,indians within their borders1 and who  
were harassing them with the most       
terrible of wars--and protection from   
their own negroes--protection  from     
their insurrections--protection from    
their escape--protection  even to the   
trade by which they were brought into   
the  country--protection1 shall ,i not  
blush to say1 protection to the very    
bondage by which they were held4 ,yes6  
it cannot be denied--the  slaveholding  
lords of the ,south prescribed1 as a    
condition of their  assent to the       
,constitution1 three special provisions 
to secure the  perpetuity of their      
dominion over their slaves4 ,the first  
was the  immunity for twenty years of   
preserving the ,african slave-trade2 the
  second was the stipulation to         
surrender fugitive slaves--an           
engagement positively prohibited by the 
laws of ,god1 delivered from  ,sinai2   
and thirdly1 the exaction fatal to the  

principles of popular  representation1  
of a representation for slaves--for     
articles of  merchandise1 under the name
 of persons4    ,the reluctance with    
which the freemen of the ,north         
submitted to the  dictation of these    
conditions1 is attested by the awkward  
and  ambiguous language in which they   
are expressed4 ,the word slave is  most 
cautiously and fastidiously excluded    
from the whole instrument4  ,a stranger1
 who should come from a foreign land1   
and read the  ,constitution of the      
,united ,states1 would not believe that 
slavery or  a slave existed within the  
borders of our country4 ,there is not a 
word in the ,constitution apparently    
bearing upon the condition of  slavery1 
nor is there a provision but would be   
susceptible of  practical execution1 if 
there were not a slave in the land4     
,the delegates from ,south ,carolina and
 ,georgia distinctly avowed that1       
without this guarantee of protection to 
their property in slaves1  they would   

not yield their assent to the           
,constitution2 and the  freemen of the  
,north1 reduced to the alternative of   
departing from  the vital principle of  
their liberty1 or of forfeiting the     
,union  itself1 averted their faces1 and
 with trembling hand subscribed the     
bond4    ,twenty years passed away--the 
slave markets of the ,south were        
saturated with the blood of ,african    
bondage1 and from midnight of the  #cast
 of ,december1 #ahjg1 not a slave from  
,africa was suffered ever  more to be   
introduced upon our soil4 ,but the      
internal traffic was  still lawful1 and 
the breeding ,states soon reconciled    
themselves to  a prohibition which gave 
them the monopoly of the interdicted    
trade1  and they joined the full chorus 
of reprobation1 to punish with death    
the slave-trader from ,africa1 while    
they cherished and shielded and  enjoyed
 the precious profits of the ,american  
slave-trade exclusively  to themselves4 
,perhaps this unhappy result of their   

concession had not altogether  escaped  
the foresight of the freemen of the     
,north2 but their intense  anxiety for  
the preservation of the whole ,union1   
and the habit  already formed of        
yielding to the somewhat peremptory and 
overbearing  tone which the relation of 
master and slave welds into the nature  
of  the lord1 prevailed with them to    
overlook this consideration1 the        
internal slave-trade having scarcely    
existed while that with ,africa  had    
been allowed4 ,but of one consequence   
which has followed from the  slave      
representation1 pervading the whole     
organic structure of the  ,constitution1
 they certainly were not prescient2 for 
if they had been1  never--no1 never     
would they have consented to it4    ,the
 representation1 ostensibly of slaves1  
under the name of persons1  was in its  
operation an exclusive grant of power to
 one class of  proprietors1 owners of   
one species of property1 to the         
detriment of  all the rest of the       

community4 ,this species of property was
 odious  in its nature1 held in direct  
violation of the natural and            
inalienable rights of man1 and of the   
vital principles of  ,christianity2 it  
was all accumulated in one geographical 
section of  the country1 and was all    
held by wealthy men1 comparatively small
 in  numbers1 not amounting to a tenth  
part of the free white population  of   
the ,states in which it was             
concentrated4    ,in some of the        
ancient1 and in some modern republics1  
extraordinary  political power and      
privileges have been invested in the    
owners of  horses2 but then these       
privileges and these powers have been   
granted  for the equivalent of          
extraordinary duties and services to the
  community1 required of the favoured   
class4 ,the ,roman knights  constituted 
the cavalry of their armies1 and the    
bushels of rings  gathered by ,hannibal 
from their dead bodies1 after the battle
 of  ,cannae1 amply prove that the      

special powers conferred upon them were 
no gratuitous grants4 ,but in the       
,constitution of the ,united ,states1   
the political power invested in the     
owners of slaves is entirely            
gratuitous4 ,no extraordinary service is
 required of them2 they are1  on the    
contrary1 themselves grievous burdens   
upon the community1  always threatened  
with the danger of insurrections1 to be 
smothered  in the blood of both parties1
 master and slave1 and always           
depressing the condition of the poor    
free laborer1 by competition  with the  
labor of the slave4 ,the property in    
horses was the gift of  ,god to man1 at 
the creation of the world2 the property 
in slaves is  property acquired and held
 by crimes1 differing in no moral aspect
  from the pillage of a freebooter1 and 
to which no lapse of time can  give a   
prescriptive right4 ,you are told that  
this is no concern of  yours1 and that  
the question of freedom and slavery is  
exclusively  reserved to the            

consideration of the separate ,states4  
,but if it be so1  as to the mere       
question of right between master and    
slave1 it is of  tremendous concern to  
you that this little cluster of         
slave-owners  should possess1 besides   
their own share in the representative   
hall  of the nation1 the exclusive      
privilege of appointing two-fifths of   
the whole number of the representatives 
of the people4 ,this is now  your       
condition1 under that delusive ambiguity
 of language and of  principle1 which   
begins by declaring the representation  
in the  popular branch of the           
legislature a representation of persons1
 and  then provides that one class of   
persons shall have neither part not  lot
 in the choice of their representatives2
 but their elective  franchise shall be 
transferred to their masters1 and the   
oppressors  shall represent the         
oppressed4 ,the same perversion of the  
representative principle pollutes the   
composition of the colleges of  electors

 of ,president and ,vice ,president of  
the ,united ,states1 and  every         
department of the government of the     
,union is thus tainted at  its source by
 the gangrene of slavery4               
,fellow-citizens1--with a body of men   
thus composed1 for legislators  and     
executors of the laws1 what will1 what  
must be1 what has been  your            
legislation8  ,the numbers of freemen   
constituting your nation  are much      
greater than those of the slaveholding  
,states1 bond and free4  ,you have at   
least three-fifths of the whole         
population of the ,union4  ,your        
influence on the legislation and the    
administration of the  government ought 
to be in the proportion of three to     
two4--,but how  stands the fact8        
,besides the legitimate portion of      
influence  exercised by the slaveholding
 ,states by the measure of their        
numbers1  here is an intrusive influence
 in every department1 by a              
representation nominally of persons1 but

 really of property1  ostensibly of     
slaves1 but effectively of their        
masters1  overbalancing your superiority
 of numbers1 adding two-fifths of       
supplementary power to the two-fifths   
fairly secured to them by the  compact1 
,,controlling ,,and ,,overruling ,,the  
,,whole ,,action ,,of ,,your            
,,government ,,at ,,home ,,and ,,abroad1
 and warping it to the sordid private   
interest and oppressive policy of       
#cjj1jjj owners of slaves4    ,from the 
time of the adoption of the             
,constitution of the ,united  ,states1  
the institution of domestic slavery has 
been becoming more  and more the        
abhorrence of the civilized world4 ,but 
in proportion as  it has been growing   
odious to all the rest of mankind1 it   
has been  sinking deeper and deeper into
 the affections of the holders of       
slaves themselves4 ,the cultivation of  
cotton and of sugar1 unknown  in the    
,union at the establishment of the      
,constitution1 has added  largely to the

 pecuniary value of the slave4 ,and the 
suppression of  the ,african slave-trade
 as piracy upon pain of death1 by       
securing  the benefit of a monopoly to  
the virtuous slaveholders of the        
ancient dominion1 has turned her heroic 
tyrannicides into a  community of       
slave-breeders for sale1 and converted  
the land of  ,george ,washington1       
,patrick ,henry1 ,richard ,henry ,lee1  
and ,thomas  ,jefferson1 into a great   
barracoon--a cattle-show of human       
beings1 an  emporium1 of which the      
staple articles of merchandise are the  
flesh  and blood1 the bones and sinews  
of immortal man4    ,of the increasing  
abomination of slavery in the unbought  
hearts of  men at the time when the     
,constitution of the ,united ,states was
 formed1  what clearer proof could be   
desired1 than that the very same year in
  which that charter of the land was    
issued1 the ,congress of the            
,confederation1 with not a tithe of the 
powers given by the people to  the      

,congress of the new compact1 actually  
abolished slavery for ever  throughout  
the whole ,northwestern territory1      
without a remonstrance  or a murmur4    
,but in the articles of confederation1  
there was no  guaranty for the property 
of the slaveholder--no double           
representation  of him in the ,federal  
councils--no power of taxation--no      
stipulation  for the recovery of        
fugitive slaves4 ,but when the powers of
  government came to be delegated to the
 ,union1 the ,south--that  is1 ,south   
,carolina and ,georgia--refused their   
subscription to  the parchment1 till it 
should be saturated with the infection  
of slavery1 which no fumigation could   
purify1 no quarantine could  extinguish4
 ,the freemen of the ,north gave way1   
and the deadly  venom of slavery was    
infused into the ,constitution of       
freedom4 ,its  first consequence has    
been to invert the first principle of   
,democracy1  that the will of the       
majority of numbers shall rule the land4

 ,by  means of the double               
representation1 the minority command the
 whole1  and a ,,knot ,,of              
,,slaveholders ,,give ,,the ,,law ,,and 
,,prescribe ,,the ,,policy ,,of  ,,the  
,,country4 ,to acquire this superiority 
of a large majority of  freemen1 a      
persevering system of engrossing nearly 
all the seats  of power and place1 is   
constantly for a long series of years   
pursued1 and you have seen1 in a period 
of fifty-six years1 the                 
,chief-magistracy of the ,union held1   
during forty-four of them1 by  the      
owners of slaves4 ,the ,executive       
departments1 the ,army and ,navy1  the  
,supreme ,judicial ,court and diplomatic
 missions abroad1 all  present the same 
spectacle3--an immense majority of power
 in the  hands of a very small minority 
of the people--millions made for a      
fraction of a few thousands4    99      
99       99       99       99    ,from  
that day 7#ahcj71 ,,slavery1            
,,slaveholding1 ,,slave-,,breeding ,,and

  ,,slave-,,trading1 ,,have ,,formed    
,,the ,,whole ,,foundation ,,of ,,the   
,,policy ,,of ,,the  ,,federal          
,,government1 and of the slaveholding   
,states1 at home and  abroad2 and at the
 very time when a new census has        
exhibited a large  increase upon the    
superior numbers of the free ,states1 it
 has  presented the portentous evidence 
of increased influence and  ascendancy  
of the slaveholding power4    ,of the   
prevalence of that power1 you have had  
continual and  conclusive evidence in   
the suppression for the space of ten    
years of  the right of petition1        
guarantied1 if there could be a         
guarantee  against slavery1 by the first
 article amendatory of the              
,constitution4        ,no4 #ac4    ,,the
  ,,anti-,,slavery ,,examiner4          
99       99       99       99       99  
,,on ,,the ,,condition ,,of ,,the ,,free
 ,,people ,,of ,,color  ,,in ,,the      
,,united ,,states4           99       99
       99       99       99    ,,new    

,,york3    ,,published ,,by ,,the       
,,american ,,anti-,,slavery ,,society1  
,,no4 #adc ,,nassau ,,street4    #ahci4 
99       99       99       99       99  
,this ,no4 contains #a-a_/b             
sheet4--,postage1 under #ajj miles1     
#b-a_/b cts4 over #ajj1 #c cts4         
,please ,read and circulate4            
,,on ,,the ,,condition ,,of ,,the ,,free
 ,,people ,,of ,,color4           99    
99       99       99       99    ,it    
appears from the census of #ahcj1 that  
there were then #cai1dfg  free colored  
persons in the ,united ,states4 ,at the 
present time the  number cannot be less 
than #cfj1jjj4 ,fifteen ,states of the  
,federal  ,union have each a smaller    
population than this aggregate4 ,hence  
if  the whole mass of human beings      
inhabiting ,connecticut1 or ,new        
,jersey1  or any other of these fifteen 
,states1 were subjected to the          
ignorance1  and degradation1 and        
persecution and terror we are about to  
describe1  as the lot of this much      

injured people1 the amount of suffering 
would  still be numerically less than   
that inflicted by a professedly         
,christian and republican community upon
 the free negroes4 ,candor1  however1   
compels us to admit that1 deplorable as 
is their condition1  it is still not so 
wretched as ,colonizationists and       
slaveholders1  for obvious reasons1 are 
fond of representing it4 ,it is not true
  that free negroes are more vicious and
 miserable than slaves can  be1#ig nor  
that it would be as humane to throw     
slaves from the  decks of the middle    
passage1 as to set them free in this    
country1#ih  nor that a sudden and      
universal emancipation without          
colonization1 would be a greater ,,curse
 to the slaves themselves1  than the    
bondage in which they are held4         
,footnote #ig3 ,rev4 ,mr4 ,bacon1 of    
,new ,haven1 #g ,rep4 ,am4 ,col4 ,soc4  
p4 #ii4    ,footnote #ih3 ,african      
,repository1 ,vol4 ,,iv4 p4 #bbf4       
,it is a little singular1 that in utter 

despite of these rash  assertions       
slaveholders and colonizationists unite 
in assuring us1  that the slaves are    
rendered discontented by witnessing the 
freedom of their colored brethren2 and  
hence we are urged to assist  in        
banishing to ,africa these sable and    
dangerous mementoes of liberty4    ,we  
all know that the wife and children of  
the free negro are not  ordinarily sold 
in the market--that he himself does not 
toil under  the lash1 and that in       
certain parts of our country he is      
permitted  to acquire some intelligence1
 and to enjoy some comforts1 utterly    
and universally denied to the slave4    
,still it is most unquestionable1  that 
these people grievously suffer from a   
cruel and wicked  prejudice--cruel in   
its consequences2 wicked in its         
voluntary  adoption1 and its malignant  
character4    ,colonizationists have    
taken great pains to inculcate the      
opinion that  prejudice against color is
 implanted in our nature by the ,author 

of  our being2 and whence they infer the
 futility of every effort to  elevate   
the colored man in this country1 and    
consequently the duty  and benevolence  
of sending him to ,africa1 beyond the   
reach of our  cruelty4#ii ,the theory is
 as false in fact as it is derogatory to
  the character of that ,god whom we are
 told is ,,love4  ,with what            
astonishment and disgust should we      
behold an earthly parent exciting  feuds
 and animosities among his own children2
 yet we are assured1  and that too by   
professing ,christians1 that our        
heavenly ,father has  implanted a       
principle of hatred1 repulsion and      
alienation between  certain portions of 
his family on earth1 and then commanded 
them1 as  if in mockery1 to love one    
another4    ,footnote #ii3 ,prejudices1 
which neither refinement1 nor argument1 
nor education1 ,,nor ,,religion ,,itself
 can subdue1 mark the people of  color1 
whether bond or free1 as the subjects of
 a degradation  inevitable and          

incurable4--,address of the ,connecticut
 ,col4  ,society4 ,the managers consider
 it clear that causes exist1 and are    
now operating1 to prevent their         
improvement and elevation to any        
considerable extent as a class in this  
country1 which are fixed1 not  only     
beyond the control of the friends of    
humanity1 but of any  human power3      
,,christianity cannot do for them here1 
what it will do  for them in ,africa4   
,this is not the fault of the colored   
man1  nor of the white man1 but an      
,,ordination ,,of ,,providence1 and no  
more to be changed than the laws of     
nature4--#ae ,rep4 ,am4 ,col4 ,soc4  p4 
#dg4    ,the people of color must1 in   
this country1 remain for ages1  probably
 for ever1 a separate and distinct      
caste1 weighed down by  causes powerful1
 universal1 invincible1 which neither   
legislation  nor ,,christianity can     
remove4--,african ,repository ,vol4     
,,viii4 p4 #aif4    ,do they 7the       
abolitionists7 not perceive that in thus

 confounding  all the distinctions which
 ,,god himself has made1 they arraign   
the  wisdom and goodness of ,providence 
itself8 ,it has been ,his divine        
pleasure1 to make the black man black1  
and the white man white1 and  to        
distinguish them by other repulsive     
constitutional  differences4--,speech in
 ,senate of the ,united ,states1        
,february #g1  #ahci1 by ,,henry ,,clay1
 ,,president ,,of ,,the ,,am4 ,,col4    
,,soc4      ,in vain do we seek in      
nature1 for the origin of this          
prejudice4 ,young  children never betray
 it1 and on the continent of ,europe it 
is  unknown4 ,we are not speaking of    
matters of taste1 or of opinions of     
personal beauty1 but of a prejudice     
against complexion1 leading to  insult1 
degradation and oppression4 ,in no      
country in ,europe is any  man excluded 
from refined society1 or deprived of    
literary1 religious1  or political      
privileges on account of the tincture of
 his skin4 ,if  this prejudice is the   

fiat of the ,almighty1 most wonderful is
 it1  that of all the kindreds of the   
earth1 none have been found  submissive 
to the heavenly impulse1 excepting the  
white inhabitants  of ,north ,america2  
and of these1 it is no less strange than
 true1  that this divine principle of   
repulsion is most energetic in such     
persons as1 in other respects1 are the  
least observant of their  ,maker's will4
  ,this prejudice is sometimes          
erroneously regarded as  the cause of   
slavery2 and some zealous advocates of  
emancipation  have flattered themselves 
that1 could the prejudice be destroyed1 
negro slavery would fall with it4  ,such
 persons have very inadequate  ideas of 
the malignity of slavery4  ,they forget 
that the slaves in  ,greece and ,rome   
were of the same hue as their masters2  
and that at  the ,south1 the value of a 
slave1 especially of a female1 rises1 as
  the complexion recedes from the       
,african standard4    ,were we to       
inquire into the geography of this      

prejudice1 we should  find that the     
localities in which it attains its      
rankest luxuriance1  are not the rice   
swamps of ,georgia1 nor the sugar fields
 of ,louisiana1  but the hills and      
valleys of ,new ,england1 and the       
prairies of ,ohio6  ,it is a fact of    
acknowledged notoriety1 that however    
severe may be  the laws against colored 
people at the ,south1 the prejudice     
against  their persons is far weaker    
than among ourselves4    ,it is not     
necessary for our present purpose1 to   
enter into a  particular investigation  
of the condition of the free negroes in 
the  slave ,states4 ,we all know that   
they suffer every form of oppression    
which the laws can inflict upon persons 
not actually slaves4 ,that  unjust and  
cruel enactments should proceed from a  
people who keep  two millions of their  
fellow men in abject bondage1 and who   
believe  such enactments essential to   
the maintenance of their despotism1     
certainly affords no cause for surprise4

    ,we turn to the free ,states1 where 
slavery has not directly steeled  our   
hearts against human suffering1 and     
where no supposed danger of             
insurrection affords a pretext for      
keeping the free blacks in  ignorance   
and degradation2 and we ask1 what is the
 character of the  prejudice against    
color here8  ,let the ,rev4 ,mr4 ,bacon1
 of  ,connecticut1 answer the question4 
,this gentleman1 in a vindication  of   
the ,colonization ,society1 assures us1 
,the ,soodra is not  farther separated  
from the ,brahim in regard to all his   
privileges1  civil1 intellectual1 and   
moral1 than the negro from the white man
 by  the prejudices which result from   
the difference made between them by     
,,the ,,god ,,of ,,nature4--7,rep4 ,am4 
,col4 ,soc4 p4 #hg47    ,we may here    
notice the very opposite effect produced
 on ,abolitionists  and                 
,colonizationists1 by the consideration 
that this difference  is made by the    
,,god ,,of ,,nature2 leading the one to 

discard the  prejudice1 and the other to
 banish its victims4    ,with these     
preliminary remarks we will now proceed 
to take a view of  the condition of the 
free people of color in the             
non-slaveholding  ,states2 and will     
consider in order1 the various          
disabilities and  oppressions to which  
they are subjected1 either by law or the
  customs of society4      #a4 ,,general
 ,,exclusion ,,from ,,the ,,elective    
,,franchise4    ,were this exclusion    
founded on the want of property1 or any 
other  qualification deemed essential to
 the judicious exercise of the          
franchise1 it would afford no just cause
 of complaint2 but it is  founded solely
 on the color of the skin1 and is       
therefore irrational  and unjust4 ,that 
taxation and representation should be   
inseparable1  was one of the axioms of  
the fathers of our revolution2 and one  
of  the reasons they assigned for their 
revolt from the crown of ,britain4  ,but
 now1 it is deemed a mark of fanaticism 

to complain of the  disfranchisement of 
a whole race1 while they remain subject 
to the  burden of taxation4 ,it is      
worthy of remark1 that of the thirteen  
original ,states1 only two were so      
recreant to the principles of  the      
,revolution1 as to make a white skin a  
qualification for  suffrage4 ,but the   
prejudice has grown with our growth1 and
  strengthened with our strength2 and it
 is believed that in every  ,state      
constitution subsequently formed or     
revised1excepting  ,vermont and ,maine1 
and the ,revised constitution of        
,massachusetts1  the crime of a dark    
complexion has been punished1 by        
debarring its  possessor from all       
approach to the ballot-box4#ajj ,the    
necessary  effect of this proscription  
in aggravating the oppression and       
degradation of the colored inhabitants  
must be obvious to all who  call to mind
 the solicitude manifested by           
demagogues1 and  office-seekers1 and law
 makers1 to propitiate the good will of 

all  who have votes to bestow4          
,footnote #ajj3 ,from this remark the   
revised constitution of ,new ,york  is  
nominally an exception2 colored         
citizens1 possessing a freehold  worth  
two hundred and fifty dollars1 being    
allowed to vote2 while  suffrage is     
extended to white citizens without any  
property  qualification4      #b4       
,,denial ,,of ,,the ,,right ,,of        
,,locomotion4    ,it is in vain that the
 ,constitution of the ,united ,states   
expressly  guarantees to the citizens of
 each ,state1 all the privileges and    
immunities of citizens in the several   
,states3--,it is in vain that  the      
,supreme ,court of the ,united ,states  
has solemnly decided that this  clause  
confers on every citizen of one ,state  
the right to pass  through1 or reside in
 any other ,state for the purposes of   
trade1  agriculture1 professional       
pursuits1 or otherwise4 ,it is in vain  
that the members of the several ,state  
legislatures are required to  be bound  

by oath or affirmation to support the   
constitution  conferring this very      
guarantee4 ,constitutions1 and judicial 
decisions1  and religious obligations   
are alike outraged by our ,state        
enactments  against people of color4    
,there is scarcely a slave ,state in    
which a  citizen of ,new ,york1 with a  
dark skin1 may visit a dying child      
without subjecting himself to legal     
penalties4 ,but in the slave  ,states we
 look for cruelty2 we expect the rights 
of humanity and the  laws of the land to
 be sacrificed on the altar of slavery4 
,in the  free ,states we had reason to  
hope for a greater deference to decency 
and morality4 ,yet even in these ,states
 we behold the effects of a  miasma     
wafted from the ,south4 ,the            
,connecticut ,black ,act1 prohibiting1  
under heavy penalties1 the instruction  
of any colored person from  another     
,state1 is well known4 ,it is one of the
 encouraging signs of  the times1 that  
public opinion has recently compelled   

the repeal of  this detestable law4 ,but
 among all the free ,states1 ,,ohio     
stands  pre-eminent for the wickedness  
of her statutes against this class of   
our population4 ,these statutes are not 
merely infamous outrages on  every      
principle of justice and humanity1 but  
are gross and palpable  violations of   
the ,state constitution1 and manifest an
 absence of  moral sentiment in the     
,ohio legislature as deplorable as it is
  alarming4 ,we speak the language1 not 
of passion1 but of sober  conviction2   
and for the truth of this language we   
appeal1 first1 to  the ,statutes        
themselves1 and then to the consciences 
of our readers4  ,we shall have occasion
 to notice these laws under the several 
divisions of our subject to which they  
belong2 at present we ask  attention to 
the one intended to prevent the colored 
citizens of  other ,states from removing
 into ,ohio4 ,by the constitution of    
,new ,york1  the colored inhabitants are
 expressly recognized as citizens4 ,let 

us suppose then a ,new ,york freeholder 
and voter of this class1  confiding in  
the guarantee given by the ,federal     
constitution removes  into ,ohio4 ,no   
matter how much property he takes with  
him2 no matter  what attestations he    
produces to the purity of his character1
 he is  required by the ,act of #ahjg1  
to find1 within twenty days1 two        
freehold sureties in the sum of five    
hundred dollars for his good  behavior2 
and likewise for his maintenance1 should
 he at any  future period from any cause
 whatever be unable to maintain himself1
  and in default of procuring such      
sureties he is to be removed by the     
overseers of the poor4 ,the legislature 
well knew that it would  generally be   
utterly impossible for a stranger1 and  
especially a  black stranger1 to find   
such sureties4 ,it was the design of    
the ,act1 by imposing impracticable     
conditions1 to prevent colored          
emigrants from remaining within the     
,state2 and in order more  certainly to 

effect this object1 it imposes a        
pecuniary penalty on  every inhabitant  
who shall venture to harbor1 that is1   
receive  under his roof1 or who shall   
even employ an emigrant who has not     
given the required sureties2 and it     
moreover renders such inhabitant  so    
harboring or employing him1 legally     
liable for his future  maintenance66    
,we are frequently told that the efforts
 of the abolitionists have in  fact     
aggravated the condition of the colored 
people1 bond and free4  ,the date of    
this law1 as well as the date of most of
 the laws  composing the several slave  
codes1 show what credit is to be given  
to the assertion4 ,if a barbarous       
enactment is recent1 its odium is       
thrown upon the friends of the          
blacks--if ancient1 we are assured  it  
is obsolete4 ,the ,ohio law was enacted 
only four years after the  ,state was   
admitted into the ,union4 ,in #ahjj     
there were only three  hundred and      
thirty-seven free blacks in the         

territory1 and in #ahcj  the number in  
the ,state was nine thousand five       
hundred4 ,of course a  very large       
proportion of the present colored       
population of the ,state  must have     
entered it in ignorance of this         
iniquitous law1 or in  defiance of it4  
,that the law has not been universally  
enforced1  proves only that the people  
of ,ohio are less profligate than their 
legislators--that it has remained in the
 statute book for thirty-two  years1    
proves the depraved state of public     
opinion and the horrible  persecution to
 which the colored people are legally   
exposed4 ,but let  it not be supposed   
that this vile law is in fact obsolete1 
and its  very existence forgotten4      
,in #ahbi1 a very general effort was    
made to enforce this law1 and  about one
 thousand free blacks were in           
consequence of it driven  out of the    
,state2 and sought a refuge in the more 
free and ,christian  country of ,canada4
 ,previous to their departure1 they sent

 a  deputation to the ,governor of the  
,upper ,province1 to know if they  would
 be admitted1 and received from ,sir    
,james ,colebrook this  reply1--,tell   
the republicans on your side of the     
line1 that we  royalists do not know men
 by their color4 ,should you come to us1
 you  will be entitled to all the       
privileges of the rest of his majesty's 
subjects4 ,this was the origin of the   
,wilberforce colony in ,upper  ,canada4 
,we have now before us an ,ohio paper1  
containing a proclamation by  ,john ,s4 
,wiles1 overseer of the poor in the town
 of ,fairfield1 dated  #abth ,march1    
#ahch4 ,in this instrument notice is    
given to all  black or mulatto persons  
residing in ,fairfield1 to comply with  
the  requisitions of the ,act of #ahjg  
within twenty days1 or the law would  be
 enforced against them4 ,the            
proclamation also addresses the white   
inhabitants of ,fairfield in the        
following terms1--,whites1 look out6    
,if any person or persons employing any 

black or mulatto person1  contrary to   
the #c;d section of the above law1 you  
may look out for  the breakers4 ,the    
extreme vulgarity and malignity of this 
notice  indicates the spirit which gave 
birth to this detestable law1 and       
continues it in being4    ,now what says
 the constitution of ,ohio8 ,,all are   
born free and  independent1 and have    
certain natural1 inherent1 inalienable  
rights2  among which are the enjoying   
and defending life and liberty1         
acquiring1 possessing1 and protecting   
property1 and pursuing and  attaining   
happiness and safety4 ,yet men who had  
called their ,maker  to witness1 that   
they would obey this very constitution1 
require  impracticable conditions1 and  
then impose a pecuniary penalty and     
grievous liabilities on every man who   
shall give to an innocent  fellow       
countryman a night's lodging1 or even a 
meal of victuals in  exchange for his   
honest labor6      #c4 ,,denial ,,of    
,,the ,,right ,,of ,,petition4    ,we   

explicitly disclaim all intention to    
imply that the several  disabilities and
 cruelties we are specifying are of     
universal  application4 ,the laws of    
some ,states in relation to people of   
color  are more wicked than others2 and 
the spirit of persecution is not in     
every place equally active and          
malignant4 ,in none of the free ,states 
have these people so many grievances to 
complain of as in ,ohio1 and  for the   
honor of our country we rejoice to add1 
that in no other  ,state in the ,union1 
has their right to petition for a       
redress of  their grievances been       
denied4    ,on the #adth ,january1      
#ahci1 a petition for relief from       
certain legal  disabilities1 from       
colored inhabitants of ,ohio1 was       
presented to the  popular branch of the 
legislature1 and its rejection was moved
  by ,george ,h4 ,flood4#aja ,this      
rejection was not a denial of the       
prayer1  but an expulsion of the        
petition itself1 as an intruder into the

  house4 ,the question presented for our
 decision1 said one of the  members1 is 
simply this--,shall human beings1 who   
are bound by every  enactment upon our  
statute book1 be permitted to request   
the  legislature to modify or soften the
 laws under which they live8 ,to  the   
,grand ,sultan1 crowded with petitions  
as he traverses the streets  of         
,constantinople1 such a question would  
seem most strange2 but  ,american       
democrats can exert a tyranny over men  
who have no votes1  utterly unknown to  
,turkish despotism4 ,mr4 ,flood's motion
 was lost by  a majority of only four   
votes2 but this triumph of humanity and 
republicanism was as transient as it was
 meagre4 ,the next day1 the  ,house1 by 
a large majority1 resolved3 ,that the   
blacks and mulattoes  who may be        
residents within this ,state1 have no   
constitutional right  to present their  
petitions to the ,general ,assembly for 
any purpose  whatsoever1 and that any   
reception of such petitions on the part 

of  the ,general ,assembly is a mere act
 of privilege or policy1 and not        
imposed by any expressed or implied     
power of the ,constitution4    ,footnote
 #aja3 ,it is sometimes interesting to  
preserve the names of  individuals who  
have perpetrated bold and unusual       
enormities4      ,the phraseology of    
this resolution is as clumsy as its     
assertions are  base and sophistical4   
,the meaning intended to be expressed is
 simply1  that the ,constitution of     
,ohio1 neither in terms nor by          
implication1  confers on such residents 
as are negroes or mulattoes1 any right  
to offer a petition to the legislature  
for any object whatever2 nor  imposes on
 that body any obligation to notice such
 a petition2 and  whatever attention it 
may please to bestow upon it1 ought to  
be  regarded as an act not of duty1 but 
merely of favor or expediency4  ,hence  
it is obvious1 that the principle on    
which the resolution is  founded is1    
that the reciprocal right and duty of   

offering and  hearing petitions rest    
solely on constitutional enactment1 and 
not  on moral obligation4 ,the reception
 of negro petitions is declared  to be a
 mere act of privilege or policy4 ,now  
it is difficult to  imagine a principle 
more utterly subversive of all the      
duties of  rulers1 the rights of        
citizens1 and the charities of private  
life4  ,the victim of oppression or     
fraud has no right to appeal to the     
constituted authorities for redress2 nor
 are those authorities under  any       
obligation to consider the appeal--the  
needy and unfortunate  have no right to 
implore the assistance of their more    
fortunate  neighbors3 and all are at    
liberty to turn a deaf ear to the cry of
  distress4 ,the eternal and immutable  
principles of justice and  humanity1    
proclaimed by ,jehovah1 and impressed by
 him on the  conscience of man1 have no 
binding force on the legislature of     
,ohio1  unless expressly adopted and    
enforced by the ,state ,constitution6   

,but as the legislature has thought     
proper thus to set at defiance the      
moral sense of mankind1 and to take     
refuge behind the enactments of  the    
,constitution1 let us try the strength  
of their entrenchments4 ,the  words of  
the ,constitution1 which it is pretended
 sanction the  resolution we are        
considering are the following1          
viz4--,the people  have a right to      
assemble together in a peaceable manner 
to consult  for their common good1 to   
instruct their representatives1 and to  
apply to the legislature for a redress  
of grievances4 ,it is obvious  that this
 clause confers no rights1 but is merely
 declaratory of  existing rights4       
,still1 as the right of the people to   
apply for a  redress of grievances is   
coupled with the right of instructing   
their representatives1 and as negroes   
are not electors and  consequently are  
without representatives1 it is inferred 
that they  are not part of the people4  
,that ,ohio legislators are not         

,christians would be a more rational    
conclusion4 ,one of the members  avowed 
his opinion that none but voters had a  
right to petition4 ,if  then1 according 
to the principle of the resolution1 the 
,constitution  of ,ohio denies the right
 of petition to all but electors1 let us
  consider the practical results of such
 a denial4 ,in the first place1  every  
female in the ,state is placed under the
 same disability with  blacks and       
mulattoes4 ,no wife has a right to ask  
for a divorce--no  daughter may plead   
for a father's life4 ,next1 no man under
  twenty-one years--no citizen of any   
age1 who from want of sufficient        
residence1 or other qualification1 is   
not entitled to vote--no  individual    
among the tens of thousands of aliens in
 the  ,state--however oppressed and     
wronged by official tyranny or          
corruption1 has a right to seek redress 
from the representatives of  the people1
 and should he presume to do so1 may be 
told1 that1 like  blacks and mulattoes1 

he has no constitutional right to       
present  his petition to the ,general   
,assembly for any purpose whatever4     
,again--the ,state of ,ohio is deeply   
indebted to the citizens of other       
,states1 and also to the subjects of    
,great ,britain for money borrowed  to  
construct her canals4 ,should any of    
these creditors lose their  certificates
 of debt1 and ask for their renewal2 or 
should their  interest be withheld1 or  
paid in depreciated currency1 and were  
they  to ask for justice at the hands of
 the legislature1 they might be  told1  
that any attention paid to their request
 must be regarded as a  mere act of     
privilege or policy1 and not imposed by 
any expressed  or implied power of the  
,constitution1 for1 not being voters1   
they  stood on the same ground as blacks
 and mulattoes4 ,such is the  folly and 
wickedness in which prejudice against   
color has involved  the legislators of a
 republican and professedly ,christian  
,state in  the nineteenth century4      

#d4 ,,exclusion ,,from ,,the ,,army     
,,and ,,militia4    ,the ,federal       
,government is probably the only one in 
the world that  forbids a portion of its
 subjects to participate in the national
  defence1 not from any doubts of their 
courage1 loyalty1 or physical  strength1
 but merely on account of the tincture  
of their skin6 ,to  such an absurd      
extent is this prejudice against color  
carried1 that  some of our militia      
companies have occasionally refused to  
march to  the sound of a drum when      
beaten by a black man4 ,to declare a    
certain  class of the community unworthy
 to bear arms in defence of their       
native country1 is necessarily to       
consign that class to general  contempt4
      #e4 ,,exclusion ,,from ,,all      
,,participation ,,in ,,the              
,,administration ,,of ,,justice4    ,no 
colored man can be a judge1 juror1 or   
constable4 ,were the talents  and       
acquirements of a ,mansfield or a       
,marshall veiled in a sable skin1  they 

would be excluded from the bench of the 
humblest court in the  ,american        
republic4 ,in the slave ,states         
generally1 no black man can  enter a    
court of justice as a witness against a 
white one4 ,of course  a white man may1 
with perfect impunity1 defraud or abuse 
a negro to  any extent1 provided he is  
careful to avoid the presence of any of 
his own caste1 at the execution of his  
contract1 or the indulgence of  his     
malice4 ,we are not aware that an       
outrage so flagrant is  sanctioned by   
the laws of any free ,state1 with one   
exception4 ,that  exception the reader  
will readily believe can be none other  
than ,,ohio4  ,a statute of this ,state 
enacts1 that no black or mulatto person 
or  persons shall hereafter be permitted
 to be sworn1 or give evidence  in any  
court of ,record or elsewhere1 in this  
,state1 in any cause  depending1 or     
matter of controversy1 when either party
 to the same  is a ,,white person2 or in
 any prosecution of the ,state against  

any  ,,white person4    ,we have seen   
that on the subject of petition the     
legislature regards  itself as          
independent of all obligation except    
such as is imposed by  the              
,constitution4 ,how mindful they are of 
the requirements even of  that          
instrument1 when obedience to them would
 check the indulgence of  their         
malignity to the blacks1 appears from   
the #gth ,section of the  #hth ,article1
 viz4--,all courts shall be open1 and   
every person1 for  any injury done him  
in his lands1 goods1 person or          
reputation1 shall  have remedy by due   
course of law1 and right and justice    
administered  without denial or delay4  
,ohio legislators may deny that negroes 
and mulattoes are citizens1 or  people2 
but they are estopped by the very words 
of the statute just  quoted1 from       
denying that they are persons4 ,now1 by 
the  ,constitution every person1 black  
as well as white1 is to have  justice   
administered to him without denial or   

delay4 ,but by the law1  while any      
unknown white vagrant may be a witness  
in any case  whatever1 no black suitor  
is permitted to offer a witness of his  
own  color1 however well established may
 be his character for  intelligence and 
veracity1 to prove his rights or his    
wrongs2 and  hence in a multitude of    
cases1 justice is denied in despite of  
the  ,constitution2 and why denied8     
,solely from a foolish and wicked       
prejudice against color4      #f4       
,,impediments ,,to ,,education4    ,no  
people have ever professed so deep a    
conviction of the importance  of popular
 education as ourselves1 and no people  
have ever resorted  to such cruel       
expedients to perpetuate abject         
ignorance4 ,more than  one third of the 
whole population of the slave ,states   
are prohibited  from learning even to   
read1 and in some of them free men1 if  
with  dark complexions1 are subject to  
stripes for teaching their own          
children4 ,if we turn to the free       

,states1 we find that in all of them1   
without exception1 the prejudices and   
customs of society oppose  almost       
insuperable obstacles to the acquisition
 of a liberal  education by colored     
youth4 ,our academies and colleges are  
barred  against them4 ,we know there are
 instances of young men with dark  skins
 having been received1 under peculiar   
circumstances1 into  northern colleges2 
but we neither know nor believe1 that   
there have  been a dozen such instances 
within the last thirty years4           
,colored children are very generally    
excluded from our common schools1  in   
consequence of the prejudices of        
teachers and parents4 ,in some of  our  
cities there are schools exclusively for
 their use1 but in the  country the     
colored population is usually too sparse
 to justify such  schools2 and white and
 black children are rarely seen studying
 under  the same roof2 although such    
cases do sometimes occur1 and then they 
are confined to elementary schools4     

,some colored young men1 who  could bear
 the expense1 have obtained in ,european
 seminaries the  education denied them  
in their native land4    ,it may not be 
useless to cite an instance of the      
malignity with  which the education of  
the blacks is opposed4 ,the efforts made
 in  ,connecticut to prevent the        
establishment of schools of a higher    
order  than usual for colored pupils1   
are too well known to need a recital    
here2 and her ,,black ,,act1 prohibiting
 the instruction of colored  children   
from other ,states1 although now        
expunged from her statute  book through 
the influence of abolitionists1 will    
long be remembered  to the opprobrium of
 her citizens4 ,we ask attention to the 
following  illustration of public       
opinion in another ,new ,england ,state4
    ,in #ahcd an academy was built by   
subscription in ,,canaan1 ,new          
,hampshire1  and a charter granted by   
the legislature2 and at a meeting of the
  proprietors it was determined to      

receive all applicants having  suitable 
moral and intellectual recommendations1 
without other  distinctions2 in other   
words1 without reference to complexion4 
,when this determination was made known1
 a ,,town ,,meeting was forthwith       
convened1 and the following resolutions 
adopted1 viz4    ,,resolved1 ,that we   
view with abhorrence the attempt of the 
,abolitionists to establish in this town
 a school for the instruction  of the   
sable sons and daughters of ,africa1 in 
common with our sons  and daughters4    
,,resolved1 ,that we will not associate 
with1 nor in any way  countenance1 any  
man or woman who shall hereafter persist
 in  attempting to establish a school in
 this town for the exclusive  education 
of blacks1 or for their education in    
conjunction with  the whites4    ,the   
frankness of this last resolve is       
commendable4 ,the inhabitants  of       
,canaan1 assembled in legal town        
meeting1 determined1 it seems1  that the
 blacks among them should in future have

 no education  whatever--they should not
 be instructed in company with the      
whites1  neither should they have       
schools exclusively for themselves4     
,the proprietors of the academy         
supposing1 in the simplicity of their   
hearts1 that in a free country they     
might use their property in any  manner 
not forbidden by law1 proceeded to open 
their school1 and in  the ensuing spring
 had twenty-eight white1 and fourteen   
colored  scholars4 ,the crisis had now  
arrived when the cause of prejudice     
demanded the sacrifice of constitutional
 liberty and of private  property4      
,another town meeting was convoked1 at  
which1 without a  shadow of authority1  
and in utter contempt of law and        
decency1 it  was ordered1 that the      
academy should be forcibly removed1 and 
a  committee was appointed to execute   
the abominable mandate4 ,due            
preparations were made for the occasion1
 and on the #ajth of ,august1  three    
hundred men1 with about #bjj oxen1      

assembled at the place1 and  taking the 
edifice from off its foundation1 dragged
 it to a distance1  and left it a ruin4 
,no one of the actors in this           
high-handed outrage  was ever brought   
before a court of justice to answer for 
this  criminal and riotous destruction  
of the property of others4    ,the      
transaction we have narrated1 expresses 
in emphatic terms the  deep and settled 
hostility felt in the free ,states to   
the education  of the blacks4 ,the      
prejudices of the community render that 
hostility  generally effective without  
the aid of legal enactments4 ,indeed1   
some remaining regard to decency and the
 opinion of the world1 has  restrained  
the ,legislatures of the free ,states1  
with one exception1  from consigning    
these unhappy people to ignorance by    
decreeing  unrighteous decrees1 and     
framing mischief by a law4 ,our readers1
  no doubt1 feel that the exception must
 of course be ,,ohio4    ,we have seen  
with what deference ,ohio legislators   

profess to regard  their constitutional 
obligations2 and we are now to          
contemplate  another instance of their  
shameless violation of them4 ,the       
,constitution which these men have sworn
 to obey declares1 ,,no ,,law  ,,shall  
,,be ,,passed to prevent the poor of the
 several townships and  counties in this
 ,state from an equal participation in  
the schools1  academies1 colleges1 and  
universities in this ,state1 which are  
endowed in whole1 or in part1 from the  
revenue arising from  donations made by 
the ,united ,states1 for the support of 
colleges  and schools--and the door of  
said schools1 academies1 and            
universities shall be open for the      
reception of scholars1 students1  and   
teachers of every grade1 without ,,any  
,,distinction ,,or ,,preference         
,,whatever4    ,can language be more    
explicit or unequivocal8 ,but have any  
donations  been made by the ,united     
,states for the support of colleges and 
schools in ,ohio8 ,yes--by an act of    

,congress1 the sixteenth section of     
land in each originally surveyed        
township in the ,state1 was set  apart  
as a donation for the express purpose of
 endowing and  supporting common        
schools4 ,and now1 how have the         
scrupulous  legislators of ,ohio1 who   
refuse to acknowledge any other than    
constitutional obligations to give ear  
to the cry of distress--how  have they  
obeyed this injunction of the           
,constitution respecting the  freedom of
 their schools8 ,they enacted a law in  
#ahca1 declaring that1  when any        
appropriation shall be made by the      
directors of any school  district1 from 
the treasury thereof1 for the payment of
 a teacher1  the school in such district
 shall be open--to whom8 to scholars1   
students1 and teachers of every grade1  
without distinction or  preference      
whatever1 as commanded by the           
,constitution8 ,oh no6  ,shall be open  
to all the ,,white children residing    
therein66 ,such is  the impotency of    

written constitutions1 where a sense of 
moral  obligation is wanting to enforce 
them4    ,we have now taken a review of 
the ,ohio laws against free people of   
color4 ,some of them are of old1 and    
others of recent date4 ,the  opinion    
entertained of all these laws1 new and  
old1 by the present  legislators of     
,ohio1 may be learned by a resolution   
adopted in  ,january last1 7#ahci7 by   
both houses of the legislature4         
,,resolved1  ,that in the opinion of    
this general assembly it is unwise1     
impolitic1  and inexpedient to repeal   
any law now in force imposing           
disabilities upon black or mulatto      
persons1 thus placing them upon  an     
equality with the whites1 so far as this
 legislature can do1 and  indirectly    
inviting the black population of other  
,states to emigrate  to this1 to the    
manifest injury of the public interest4 
,the best  comment on the spirit which  
dictated this resolve is an enactment   
by the same legislature1 abrogating the 

supreme law which requires  us to ,do   
unto others as we would they should do  
unto us1 and  prohibiting every citizen 
of ,ohio from harboring or concealing a 
fugitive slave1 under the penalty of    
fine or imprisonment4 ,general          
obedience to this vile statute is alone 
wanting to fill to the brim  the cup of 
,ohio's iniquity and degradation4 ,she  
hath done what she  could to oppress and
 crush the free negroes within her      
borders4 ,she  is now seeking to rechain
 the slave who has escaped from his     
fetters4      #g4 ,,impediments ,,to    
,,religious ,,instruction4    ,it is    
unnecessary to dwell here on the laws of
 the slave ,states  prohibiting the free
 people of color from learning to read  
the ,bible1  and in many instances1 from
 assembling at discretion to worship    
their  ,creator4 ,these laws1 we are    
assured1 are indispensable to the       
perpetuity of that peculiar institution1
 which many masters in  ,israel are now 
teaching1 enjoys the sanction of ,,him  

who will have  all men to be saved1 and 
to come to the knowledge of the truth1  
and  who has left to his disciples the  
injunction1 search the ,scriptures4  ,we
 turn to the free ,states1 in which no  
institution requires1 that  the light of
 the glorious gospel of ,christ should  
be prevented from  shining on any       
portion of the population1 and inquire  
how far  prejudice here supplies the    
place of southern statutes4    ,the     
impediments to education already        
mentioned1 necessarily render  the      
acquisition of religious knowledge      
difficult1 and in many  instances       
impracticable4 ,in the northern cities1 
the blacks have  frequently churches of 
their own1 but in the country they are  
too few1  and too poor to build churches
 and maintain ministers4 ,of course they
  must remain destitute of public       
worship and religious instruction1      
unless they can enjoy these blessings in
 company with the whites4  ,now there is
 hardly a church in the ,united ,states1

 not exclusively  appropriated to the   
blacks1 in which one of their number    
owns a pew1  or has a voice in the      
choice of a minister4 ,there are        
usually1 indeed1  a few seats in a      
remote part of the church1 set apart for
 their use1  and in which no white      
person is ever seen4 ,it is surely not  
surprising1 under all the circumstances 
of the case1 that these  seats are      
rarely crowded4    ,colored ministers   
are occasionally ordained in the        
different  denominations1 but they are  
kept at a distance by their white       
brethren in the ministry1 and are very  
rarely permitted to enter  their        
pulpits2 and still more rarely1 to sit  
at their tables1  although acknowledged 
to be ambassadors of ,christ4 ,the      
distinction  of caste is not forgotten1 
even in the celebration of the ,lord's  
,supper1 and seldom are colored         
disciples permitted to eat and drink  of
 the memorials of the ,redeemer's       
passion till after every white          

communicant has been served4      #h4   
,,impediments ,,to ,,honest ,,industry4 
,in this country ignorance and poverty  
are almost inseparable  companions2 and 
it is surely not strange that those     
should be poor  whom we compel to be    
ignorant4 ,the liberal professions are  
virtually  sealed against the blacks1 if
 we except the church1 and even in that 
admission is rendered difficult by the  
obstacles placed in their way  in       
acquiring the requisite literary        
qualifications2#ajb and when once       
admitted1 their administrations are     
confined to their own color4  ,many of  
our most wealthy and influential        
citizens have commenced  life as        
ignorant and as pennyless as any negro  
who loiters in our  streets4 ,had their 
complexion been dark1 notwithstanding   
their  talents1 industry1 enterprize and
 probity1 they would have continued     
ignorant and pennyless1 because the     
paths to learning and to wealth1  would 
then have been closed against them4     

,there is a conspiracy1  embracing all  
the departments of society1 to keep the 
black man  ignorant and poor4 ,as a     
general rule1 admitting few if any      
exceptions1  the schools of literature  
and of science reject him--the counting 
house refuses to receive him as a       
bookkeeper1 much more as a  partner--no 
store admits him as a clerk--no shop as 
an apprentice4  ,here and there a black 
man may be found keeping a few trifles  
on a  shelf for sale2 and a few acquire1
 as if by stealth1 the knowledge  of    
some handicraft2 but almost universally 
these people1 both in  town and country1
 are prevented by the customs of society
 from  maintaining themselves and their 
families by any other than menial       
occupations4    ,footnote #ajb3 ,of the 
truth of this remark1 the trustees of   
the  ,episcopal ,theological ,seminary  
at ,new-,york1 lately 7,june1 #ahci7    
afforded a striking illustration4 ,a    
young man1 regularly  acknowledged by   
the ,bishop as a candidate for orders1  

and in  consequence of such             
acknowledgment entitled1 by an express  
statute  of the seminary1 to admission  
to its privileges1 presented himself  as
 a pupil4 ,but ,god had given him a dark
 complexion1 and therefore  the         
trustees1 regardless of the statute1    
barred the doors against him1  by a     
formal and deliberate vote4 ,as a       
compromise between conscience  and      
prejudice1 the professors offered to    
give him private  instruction--to do in 
secret what they were ashamed to do     
openly--to  confer as a favor1 what he  
was entitled to demand as a right4 ,the 
offer was rejected4    ,it is worthy of 
remark1 that of the trustees who took an
 active  part against the colored       
candidate1 one is the ,,president of the
  ,new ,york ,colonization ,society2    
another a ,,manager1 and a third1 one   
of its public champions2 and that the   
,bishop of the diocese1 who  wished to  
exclude his candidate from the          
theological school of which  he is both 

a trustee and a professor1 lately headed
 a recommendation  in the newspapers for
 the purchase of a packet ship for      
,liberia1 as  likely to render far more 
efficient than heretofore1 the          
enterprize  of colonization4    ,in     
#ahcf1 a black man of irreproachable    
character1 and who by his  industry and 
frugality had accumulated several       
thousand dollars1 made  application in  
the ,city of ,new ,york for a carman's  
license1 and was  refused solely and    
avowedly on account of his complexion6  
,we have  already seen the effort of the
 ,ohio legislature1 to consign the      
negroes to starvation1 by deterring     
others from employing them4  ,ignorance1
 idleness1 and vice1 are at once the    
punishments we  inflict upon these      
unfortunate people for their complexion2
 and the  crimes with which we are      
constantly reproaching them4      #i4   
,,liability ,,to ,,be ,,seized1 ,,and   
,,treated ,,as ,,slaves4    ,an         
able-bodied colored man sells in the    

southern market for from  eight hundred 
to a thousand dollars2 of course he is  
worth stealing4  ,colonizationists and  
slaveholders1 and many northern divines1
  solemnly affirm1 that the situation of
 a slave is far preferable to  that of a
 free negro2 hence it would seem an act 
of humanity to  convert the latter into 
the former4 ,kidnapping being both a    
lucrative and a benevolent business1 it 
is not strange it should be  extensively
 practised4 ,in many of the ,states this
 business is  regulated by law1 and     
there are various ways in which the     
transmutation is legally effected4      
,thus1 in ,south ,carolina1 if a  free  
negro entertains a runaway slave1 it may
 be his own wife or  child1 he himself  
is turned into a slave4 ,in #ahbg1 a    
free woman  and her three children      
underwent this benevolent process1 for  
entertaining two fugitive children of   
six and nine years old4 ,in  ,virginia  
all emancipated slaves remaining twelve 
months in the ,state1  are kindly       

restored to their former condition4 ,in 
,maryland a free  negro who marries a   
white woman1 thereby acquires all the   
privileges  of a slave--and generally1  
throughout the slave region1 including  
the ,district of ,columbia1 every negro 
not known to be free1 is  mercifully    
considered as a slave1 and if his master
 cannot be  ascertained1 he is thrown   
into a dungeon1 and there kept1 till by 
a  public sale a master can be provided 
for him4 ,but often the law  grants to  
colored men1 known to be free1 all the  
advantages of  slavery4 ,thus1 in       
,georgia1 every free colored man coming 
into the  ,state1 and unable to pay a   
fine of one hundred dollars1 becomes a  
slave for life2 in ,florida1 insolvent  
debtors1 if black1 are ,,sold  for the  
benefit of their creditors2 and in the  
,district of ,columbia  a free colored  
man1 thrown into jail on suspicion of   
being a slave  and proving his freedom1 
is required by law to be sold as a      
slave1  if too poor to pay his jail     

fees4 ,let it not be supposed that these
  laws are all obsolete and inoperative4
 ,they catch many a northern  negro1    
who1 in pursuit of his own business1 or 
on being decoyed  by others ventures to 
enter the slave region2 and who1 of     
course1  helps to augment the wealth of 
our southern brethren4 ,on the #fth  of 
,march1 #ahci1 a report by a ,committee 
was made to the ,house of               
,representatives of the ,massachusetts  
,legislature1 in which are given  the   
names of seventeen free colored men who 
had been enslaved at  the south4 ,it    
also states an instance in which        
twenty-five colored  citizens1 belonging
 to ,massachusetts1 were confined at one
 time in a  southern jail1 and another  
instance in which #ge free colored      
persons  from different free ,states    
were confined1 all preparatory to their 
sale as slaves according to law4    ,the
 facts disclosed in this report induced 
the ,massachusetts  ,legislature to pass
 a resolution protesting against the    

kidnapping  laws of the slave ,states1  
as invading the sacred rights of        
citizens  of this commonwealth1 as      
contrary to the ,constitution of the    
,united  ,states1 and in utter          
derogation of that great principle of   
the  common law which presumes every    
person to be innocent until proved  to  
be guilty2 and ordered the protest to be
 forwarded to the  ,governors of the    
several ,states4    ,but it is not at   
the south alone that freemen may be     
converted into  slaves according to law4
 ,the ,act of ,congress respecting the  
recovery of fugitive slaves1 affords    
most extraordinary facilities  for this 
process1 through official corruption and
 individual perjury4  ,by this ,act1 the
 claimant is permitted to select a      
justice of the  peace1 before whom he   
may bring or send his alleged slave1 and
 even  to prove his property by         
affidavit4 ,indeed1 in almost every     
,state  in the ,union1 a slaveholder may
 recover at law a human being as his    

beast of burden with far less ceremony  
than he could his pig from  the         
possession of his neighbor4 ,in only    
three ,states is a man1  claimed as a   
slave1 entitled to a trial by jury4 ,at 
the last session  of the ,new ,york     
,legislature a bill allowing a jury     
trial in such  cases was passed by the  
lower ,house1 but rejected by a         
democratic  vote in the ,senate1        
democracy in that ,state1 being avowedly
 only  skin deep1 all its principles of 
liberty1 equality1 and human rights     
depending on complexion4    ,considering
 the wonderful ease and expedition with 
which fugitives  may be recovered by    
law1 it would be very strange if        
mistakes did not  sometimes occur4 ,how 
often they occur cannot1 of course1 be  
known1  and it is only when a claim is  
defeated1 that we are made sensible  of 
the exceedingly precarious tenure by    
which a poor friendless  negro at the   
north holds his personal liberty4 ,a few
 years since1 a  girl of the name of    

,mary ,gilmore was arrested in          
,philadelphia1 as a  fugitive slave from
 ,maryland4 ,testimony was not wanting  
in support  of the claim2 yet it was    
most conclusively proved that she was   
the  daughter of poor ,irish            
parents--having not a drop of negro     
blood  in her veins--that the father had
 absconded1 and that the mother had     
died a drunkard in the ,philadelphia    
hospital1 and that the infant  had been 
kindly received and brought up in a     
colored family4 ,hence  the attempt to  
make a slave of her4 ,in the spring of  
#ahci1 a colored  man was arrested in   
,philadelphia1 on a charge of having    
absconded  from his owner twenty-three  
years before4 ,this man had a wife and  
family depending upon him1 and a home   
where he enjoyed their society2  and    
yet1 unless he could find witnesses who 
could prove his freedom  for more than  
this number of years1 he was to be torn 
from his wife1  his children1 his home1 
and doomed for the remainder of his days

 to  toil under the lash4 ,four         
witnesses for the claimant swore to his 
identity1 although they had not seen him
 before for twenty-three years6  ,by a  
most extraordinary coincidence1 a ,new  
,england ,captain1 with  whom this negro
 had sailed twenty-nine years before1 in
 a sloop  from ,nantucket1 happened at  
this very time to be confined for debt  
in the same prison with the alleged     
slave1 and the ,captain's  testimony1   
together with that of some other        
witnesses1 who had  known the man       
previous to his pretended elopement1 so 
fully  established his freedom1 that the
 ,court discharged him4    ,another mode
 of legal kidnapping still remains to be
 described4 ,by  the ,federal           
,constitution1 fugitives from justice   
are to be  delivered up1 and under this 
constitutional provision1 a free negro  
may be converted into a slave without   
troubling even a ,justice of  the ,peace
 to hear the evidence of the captor's   
claim4 ,a fugitive  slave is1 of course1

 a felon--he not only steals himself1   
but also  the rags on his back which    
belong to his master4 ,it is understood 
he  has taken refuge in ,new ,york1 and 
his master naturally wishes to  recover 
him with as little noise1 trouble1 and  
delay as possible4  ,the way is simple  
and easy4 ,let the ,grand ,jury indict  
,a4,b4 for  stealing wearing apparel1   
and let the indictment1 with an         
affidavit  of the criminal's flight1 be 
forwarded by the ,governor of the       
,state1  to his ,excellency of ,new     
,york1 with a requisition for the       
delivery  of ,a4,b41 to the agent       
appointed to receive him4 ,a warrant is1
 of  course1 issued to any ,constable of
 the ,state of ,new ,york1 to  arrest   
,a4,b4 ,for what purpose8--to bring him 
before a magistrate  where his identity 
may be established8--no1 but to deliver 
him up to  the foreign agent4 ,hence1   
the ,constable may pick up the first    
likely  negro he finds in the street1   
and ship him to the south2 and should   

it be found1 on his arrival on the      
plantation1 that the wrong man  has     
come1 it will also probably be found    
that the mistake is of no  consequence  
to the planter4 ,a few years since1 the 
,governor of ,new  ,york signed a       
warrant for the apprehension of #ag     
,virginia negroes1  as fugitives from   
justice4#ajc ,under this warrant1 a man 
who had  lived in the neighborhood for  
three years1 and had a wife and         
children1 and who claimed to be free1   
was seized1 on a ,sunday evening1  in   
the public highway1 in ,west ,chester   
,county1 ,n4,y41 and without  being     
permitted to take leave of his family1  
was instantly  hand-cuffed1 thrown into 
a carriage1 and hurried to ,new ,york1  
and  the next morning was on his voyage 
to ,virginia4    ,footnote #ajc3 ,there 
is no evidence that he knew they were   
negroes2  or that he acted otherwise    
than in perfect good faith4 ,the alleged
  crime was stealing a boat4 ,the real  
crime1 it is said1 was  stealing        

themselves and escaping in a boat4 ,the 
most horrible abuses  of these warrants 
can only be prevented by requiring proof
 of  identity before delivery4    ,free 
colored men are converted into slaves   
not only by law1 but also  contrary to  
law4 ,it is1 of course1 difficult to    
estimate the extent  to which illegal   
kidnapping is carried1 since a large    
number of  cases must escape detection4 
,in a work published by ,judge ,stroud1 
of  ,philadelphia1 in #ahbg1 he states1 
that it had been ascertained  that more 
than thirty free colored persons1 mostly
 children1 had  been kidnapped in that  
city within the last two years4#ajd     
,footnote #ajd3 ,stroud's ,sketch of the
 ,slave ,laws1 p4 #id4        #aj4      
,,subjection ,,to ,,insult ,,and        
,,outrage4    ,the feeling of the       
community towards these people1 and the 
contempt  with which they are treated1  
are indicated by the following notice1  
lately published by the proprietors of a
 menagerie1 in ,new ,york4  ,the        

proprietors wish it to be understood1   
that people of color are  not permitted 
to enter1 except when in attendance upon
 children and  families4 ,for two       
shillings1 any white scavenger would be 
freely  admitted1 and so would negroes1 
provided they came in a capacity  that  
marked their dependence--their presence 
is offensive1 only  when they come as   
independent spectators1 gratifying a    
laudable  curiosity4    ,even death1 the
 great leveller1 is not permitted to    
obliterate1 among  ,christians1 the     
distinction of caste1 or to rescue the  
lifeless form  of the colored man from  
the insults of his white brethren4 ,in  
the  porch of a ,presbyterian ,church1  
in ,philadelphia1 in #ahcg1 was         
suspended a card1 containing the form of
 a deed1 to be given to  purchasers of  
lots in a certain burial ground1 and to 
enhance the  value of the property1 and 
to entice buyers1 the following clause  
was  inserted1 ,no person of color1 nor 
any one who has been the  subject of    

execution1 shall be interred in said    
lot4    ,our colored fellow-citizens1   
like others1 are occasionally called to 
pass from one place to another2 and in  
doing so are compelled to  submit to    
innumerable hardships and indignities4  
,they are frequently  denied seats in   
our stage coaches2 and although admitted
 upon the  decks of our steam boats1 are
 almost universally excluded from  the  
cabins4 ,even women have been forced1 in
 cold weather1 to pass  the night upon  
deck1 and in one instance the wife of a 
colored  clergyman lost her life in     
consequence of such an exposure4    ,the
 contempt poured upon these people by   
our laws1 our churches1 our  seminaries1
 our professions1 naturally invokes upon
 their heads the  fierce wrath of vulgar
 malignity4 ,in order to exhibit the    
actual  condition of this portion of our
 population1 we will here insert  some  
samples of the outrages to which they   
are subjected1 taken  from the ordinary 
public journals4    ,in an account of   

the ,new ,york riots of #ahcd1 the      
,commercial  ,advertiser says--,about   
twenty poor ,african 7native ,american7 
families1 have had their all destroyed1 
and have neither bed1  clothing1 nor    
food remaining4 ,their houses are       
completely eviscerated1  their furniture
 a wreck1 and the ruined and            
disconsolate tenants of  the devoted    
houses are reduced to the necessity of  
applying to the  corporation for bread4 
,the example set in ,new ,york was      
zealously followed in ,philadelphia4    
,some arrangement1 it appears1 existed  
between the mob and the white           
inhabitants1 as the dwelling houses of  
the latter1 contiguous to the           
residences of the blacks1 were          
illuminated and left undisturbed1  while
 the huts of the negroes were singled   
out with unerring  certainty4 ,the      
furniture found in these houses was     
generally broken  up and destroyed--beds
 ripped open and their contents         
scattered in  the streets4444 ,the      

number of houses assailed was not less  
than  twenty4 ,in one house there was a 
corpse1 which was thrown from the       
coffin1 and in another a dead infant was
 taken out of the bed1 and  cast on the 
floor1 the mother being at the same time
 barbarously  treated4--,philadelphia   
,gazette4    ,no case is reported of an 
attack having been invited or provoked  
by the residents of the dwellings       
assailed or destroyed4 ,the extent  of  
the depredations committed on the three 
evenings of riot and  outrage can only  
be judged of by the number of houses    
damaged or  destroyed4 ,so far as       
ascertained1 this amounts to            
,,forty-,,five4 ,one of  the houses     
assaulted was occupied by an unfortunate
 cripple--who1  unable to fly from the  
fury of the mob1 was so beaten by some  
of the  ruffians1 that he has since died
 in consequence of the bruises and      
wounds inflicted 444 ,for the last two  
days the ,jersey steam boats  have been 
loaded with numbers of the colored      

population1 who1  fearful their lives   
were not safe in this1 determined to    
seek refuge  in another ,state4 ,on the 
,jersey side1 tents were erected1 and   
the  negroes have taken up a temporary  
residence1 until a prospect shall  be   
offered for their perpetual location in 
some place of security  and             
liberty4--,national ,gazette4    ,the   
facts we have now exhibited1 abundantly 
prove the extreme  cruelty and          
sinfulness of that prejudice against    
color which we are  impiously told is an
 ,,ordination ,,of ,,providence4        
,colonizationists1  assuming the        
prejudice to be natural and invincible1 
propose to  remove its victims beyond   
its influence4 ,abolitionists1 on the   
contrary1 remembering with the          
,psalmist1 that ,it is ,,he that hath   
made us1 and not we ourselves1 believe  
that the benevolent ,father  of us all  
requires us to treat with justice and   
kindness every  portion of the human    
family1 notwithstanding any particular  

organization he has been pleased to     
impress upon them4 ,instead1  therefore1
 of gratifying and fostering this       
prejudice1 by  continually banishing    
from our country those against whom it  
is  directed1 ,abolitionists are anxious
 to destroy the prejudice itself2       
feeling1 to use the language of another1
 that--,it is time to  recognize in the 
humblest portions of society1 partakers 
of our  nature with all its high        
prerogatives and awful destinies--time  
to  remember that our distinctions are  
exterior and evanescent1 our            
resemblance real and permanent--that all
 is transient but what is  moral and    
spiritual--that the only graces we can  
carry with us into  another world1 are  
graces of divine implantation1 and that 
amid the  rude incrustations of poverty 
and ignorance there lurks an            
imperishable jewel--a ,,soul1           
susceptible of the highest spiritual    
beauty1 destined1 perhaps1 to adorn the 
celestial abodes1 and to  shine for ever

 in the mediatorial diadem of the ,son  
of ,god--,take  heed that ye despise not
 one of these little ones4          ,no4
 #ac4    ,,the ,,anti-,,slavery         
,,examiner4           99       99       
99       99       99  ,,can             
,,abolitionists ,,vote ,,or ,,take      
,,office ,,under  ,,the ,,united        
,,states ,,constitution8    ,the        
preservation1 propagation1 and          
perpetuation of slavery  is the vital   
and animating spirit of the ,national   
,government4    ,,new ,,york3           
,,american ,,anti-,,slavery ,,society1  
#adb ,,nassau ,,street    #ahae4        
,,introduction4    ,the ,american       
,anti-,slavery ,society1 at its ,annual 
,meeting in ,may1 #ahdd1  adopted the   
following ,resolution3    ,resolved1    
,that secession from the present ,united
 ,states  government is the duty of     
every abolitionist2 since no one can    
take  office1 or throw a vote for       
another to hold office1 under the       
,united  ,states ,constitution1 without 

violating his anti-slavery principles1  
and rendering himself an abettor of the 
slaveholder in his sin4    ,the passage 
of this ,resolution has caused two      
charges to be brought  against the      
,society3 ,first1 that it is a          
no-government body1  and that the whole 
doctrine of non-resistance is endorsed  
by this  vote3--and secondly1 that the  
,society transcended its proper  sphere 
and constitutional powers by taking such
 a step4    ,the logic which infers that
 because a man thinks the ,federal      
,government bad1 he must necessarily    
think all government so1 has  at least1 
the merit and the charm of novelty4     
,there is a spice of  arrogance just    
perceptible1 in the conclusion that the 
,constitution  of these ,united ,states 
is so perfect1 that one who dislikes it 
could  never be satisfied with any form 
of government whatever6    ,were        
,o',connell and his fellow ,catholics   
non-resistants1 because for  two hundred
 years they submitted to exclusion from 

the ,house of  ,lords and the ,house of 
,commons1 rather than qualify themselves
 for a  seat by an oath abjuring the    
,pope8 ,were the non-juring ,bishops of 
,england non-resistants1 when they went 
down to the grave without  taking their 
seats in the ,house of ,lords1 rather   
than take an oath  denying the ,stuarts 
and to support the ,house of ,hanover8  
,both might  have purchased power at the
 price of one annual falsehood4 ,there  
are  some in this country who do not    
seem to think that price at all         
unreasonable4 ,it were a rare compliment
 indeed to the non-resistants1  if every
 exhibition of rigid principle on the   
part of an individual  is to make the   
world suspect him of leaning towards    
their faith4    ,the ,society is not    
opposed to government1 but only to this 
,government based upon and acting for   
slavery4    ,with regard to the second  
charge1 of exceeding its proper limits  
and  trespassing on the rights of the   
minority1 it is enough to say1 that  the

 object of the ,american ,anti-,slavery 
,society is the entire  abolition of    
slavery in the ,united ,states4 ,of     
course it is its duty  to find out all  
the sources of pro-slavery influence in 
the land4 ,it  is its right1 it is its  
duty to try every institution in the    
land1  no matter how venerable1 or      
sacred1 by the touchstone of            
anti-slavery principle2 and if it finds 
any one false1 to proclaim  that fact to
 the world1 with more or less of energy1
 according to  its importance in        
society4 ,it has tried the              
,constitution1 and  pronounced it       
unsound4    ,no member's conscience need
 be injured--,the qualification for     
membership remains the same1 the belief 
that slave-holding is a  heinous        
crime--,no new test has been set        
up--,but the majority of the  ,society1 
for the time being1 faithful to its duty
 of trying every  institution by the    
light of the present day--of uttering   
its opinion  on every passing event that

 touches the slave's welfare1 has seen  
it  to be duty to sound forth its       
warning1      ,,no ,,union ,,with       
,,slaveholders4    ,no one who did not  
vote for the ,resolution is responsible 
for it4 ,no  one is asked to quit our   
platform4 ,we1 the majority1 only ask   
him to  extend to our opinions the same 
toleration that we extend to him1  and  
agreeing to differ on this point1 work  
together where we can4 ,we  proscribe no
 man for difference of opinion4    ,it  
is said1 that having refused in #ahdj1  
to say that a man ought to  vote1 on the
 ground that such a resolution would be 
tyrannical and  intolerant1 the ,society
 is manifestly inconsistent now in      
taking  upon itself to say that no      
abolitionist can consistently vote4 ,but
  the inconsistency is only apparent and
 not real4    ,there may he a thousand  
reasons why a particular individual     
ought  not to do an act1 though the act 
be innocent in itself4 ,it would be     
tyranny therefore in a society which can

 properly take notice of but  one       
subject1 slavery1 to promulgate the     
doctrine that all its  members ought to 
do any particular act1 as for instance1 
to vote1 to  give money1 to lecture1 to 
petition1 or the like4 ,the particular  
circumstances and opinions of each one  
must regulate his actions4  ,all we have
 a right to ask is1 that he do for the  
slave's cause as  much as he does for   
any other of equal importance4 ,but when
 an act  is wrong1 it is no intolerance 
to say to the whole world that it  ought
 not to be done4 ,after the abolitionist
 has granted that  slavery is wrong1 we 
have the right to judge him by his own  
principles1 and arraign him for         
inconsistency that1 so believing1 he    
helps the slaveholder by his oath4      
,the following pages have been hastily  
thrown together in explanation  of the  
vote above recited4 ,they make no       
pretension to a full  argument of the   
topic4 ,i hope that in a short time ,i  
shall get  leisure sufficient to present

 to our opponents1 unless some one does 
it for me1 a full statement of the      
reasons which have led us to this  step4
    ,i am aware that we non-voters are  
rather singular4 ,but history1 from  the
 earliest ,christians downwards1 is full
 of instances of men who  refused all   
connection with government1 and all the 
influence which  office could bestow1   
rather than deny their principles1 or   
aid in  doing wrong4 ,yet ,i never heard
 them called either idiots or           
over-scrupulous4 ,sir ,thomas ,more need
 never have mounted the scaffold1  had  
he only consented to take the oath of   
supremacy4 ,he had only to  tell a lie  
with solemnity1 as we are asked to do1  
and he might not  only have saved his   
life1 but1 as the trimmers of his day   
would have  told him1 doubled his       
influence4 ,pitt resigned his place as  
,prime  ,minister of ,england1 rather   
than break faith with the ,catholics of 
,ireland4 ,should ,i not resign a petty 
ballot rather than break faith  with the

 slave8 ,but ,i was specially glad to   
find a distinct  recognition of the     
principle upon which we have acted1     
applied to a  different point1 in the   
life of that ,patriarch of the          
,anti-,slavery  enterprise1 ,granville  
,sharpe4 ,it is in a late number of the 
,edinburgh ,review4 ,while an underclerk
 in the ,war ,office1 he  sympathized   
with our fathers in their struggle for  
independence4  ,orders reached his      
office to ship munitions of war to the  
revolted  colonies4 ,if his hand had    
entered the account of such a cargo1 it 
would have contracted in his eyes the   
stain of innocent blood4 ,to  avoid this
 pollution1 he resigned his place and   
his means of  subsistence at a period of
 life when be could no longer hope to   
find  any other lucrative employment4   
,as the thoughtful clerk of the ,war    
,office takes his hat down from the peg 
where it has used to hang for  twenty   
years1 methinks ,i hear one of our      
opponents cry out1  ,friend ,sharpe1 you

 are absurdly scrupulous4 ,you may      
innocently  aid ,government in doing    
wrong1 adds another4 ,while ,liberty    
,party  yelps at his heels1 ,my dear    
,sir1 you are quite losing your         
influence6  ,and indeed it is melancholy
 to reflect how1 from that moment the   
mighty underclerk of the ,war ,office767
 dwindled into the mere  ,granville     
,sharpe of history6 the man of whom     
,mansfield and ,hargrave  were content  
to learn law1 and ,wilberforce1         
philanthropy4    ,one friend proposes to
 vote for men who shall be pledged not  
to take  office unless the oath to the  
,constitution is dispensed with1 and    
who shall then go on to perform in their
 offices only such duties as  we1 their 
constituents1 approve4 ,he cites1 in    
support of his view1  the election of   
,o',connell to the ,house of ,commons1  
in #ahbh1 ,i believe1  just one year    
before the ,oath of ,supremacy1 which   
was the  objectionable one to the       
,catholics1 was dispensed with4 ,now1 if

 we  stood in the same circumstances as 
the ,catholics did in #ahbh1 the        
example would be in point4 ,when the    
public mind is thoroughly               
revolutionized1 and ready for the       
change1 when the billow has  reached its
 height and begins to crest into foam1  
then such a  measure may bring matters  
to a crisis4 ,but let us first go       
through1  in patience1 as ,o',connell   
did1 our twenty years of agitation4     
,waiving all other objections1 this plan
 seems to me mere playing at  politics1 
and an entire waste of effort4    ,it   
loses our high position as moral        
reformers2 it subjects us to all  that  
malignant opposition and suspicion of   
motives which attend the  array of      
parties2 and while thus closing up our  
access to the  national conscience1 it  
wastes in fruitless caucussing and party
  tactics1 the time and the effort which
 should have been directed to  efficient
 agitation4    ,the history of our      
,union is lesson enough1 for every      

candid mind1 of  the fatal effects of   
every1 the least1 compromise with evil4 
,the  experience of the fifty years     
passed under it1 shows us the slaves    
trebling in numbers2--slaveholders      
monopolizing the offices and  dictating 
the policy of the                       
,government2--prostituting the strength 
and influence of the ,nation to the     
support of slavery here and             
elsewhere2--trampling on the rights of  
the free ,states1 and making  the courts
 of the country their tools4 ,to        
continue this disastrous  alliance      
longer is madness4 ,the trial of fifty  
years only proves  that it is impossible
 for free and slave ,states to unite on 
any terms1  without all becoming        
partners in the guilt and responsible   
for the  sin of slavery4 ,why prolong   
the experiment8 ,let every honest man   
join in the outcry of the ,american     
,anti-,slavery ,society1      ,,no      
,,union ,,with ,,slaveholders4          
,,wendell ,,phillips4    ,boston1 ,jan4 

#ae1 #ahde4          ,,the ,,no-,,voting
 ,,theory4      ,god never made a       
,,citizen1 and no one will escape as a  
man1 from the  sins which he commits as 
a citizen4      ,can an abolitionist    
consistently take office1 or vote1 under
 the  ,constitution of the ,united      
,states8    #ast4 ,what is an           
abolitionist8    ,one who thinks        
slaveholding a sin in all circumstances1
 and desires  its abolition4 ,of course 
such an one cannot consistently aid     
another  in holding his slave2--in other
 words1 ,i cannot innocently aid a man  
in doing that which ,i think wrong4 ,no 
amount of fancied good will  justify me 
in joining another in doing wrong1      
unless ,i adopt the  principle of doing 
evil that good may come4    #b;d4 ,what 
do taking office and voting under the   
,constitution imply8    ,the ,president 
swears to execute the office of         
president1 and  to preserve1 protect1   
and defend the ,constitution of the     
,united  ,states4 ,the judges to        

discharge the duties incumbent upon them
  agreeably to the constitution and laws
 of the ,united ,states4    ,all        
executive1 legislative1 and judicial    
officers1 both of the  several ,states  
and of the ,general ,government1 before 
entering on the  performance of their   
official duties1 are bound to take an   
oath or  affirmation1 to support the    
,constitution of the ,united ,states4   
,this is what every office-holder       
expressly promises in so many  words4   
,it is a contract between him and the   
whole nation4 ,the  voter1 who1 by      
voting1 sends his fellow citizen into   
office as his  representative1 knowing  
beforehand that the taking of this oath 
is  the first duty his agent will have  
to perform1 does by his vote1  request  
and authorize him to take it4 ,he       
therefore1 by voting1  impliedly engages
 to support the ,constitution4 ,what one
 does by his  agent he does himself4 ,of
 course no honest man will authorize and
  request another to do an act which he 

thinks it wrong to do himself6  ,every  
voter1 therefore1 is bound to see1      
before voting1 whether he  could himself
 honestly swear to support the          
constitution4 ,now what  does this oath 
of office-holders relate to and imply8  
,it applies1  says ,chief ,justice      
,marshall1 in an especial manner1 to    
their conduct  in their official        
character4 ,judge ,story1 in his        
,commentaries on the  ,constitution1    
speaks of it as a solemn obligation to  
the due  execution of the trusts reposed
 in them1 and to support the            
,constitution4 ,it is universally       
considered throughout the country1  by  
common men and by the courts1 as a      
promise to do what the  ,constitution   
bids1 and to avoid what it forbids4 ,it 
was in the  spirit of this oath1 under  
which he spake1 that ,daniel ,webster   
said  in ,new ,york1 ,the ,constitution 
gave it 7slavery7 ,,solemn ,,guaranties4
  ,to the full extent of these          
guaranties we are all bound by the      

,constitution4 ,all the stipulations    
contained in the ,constitution in  favor
 of the slaveholding ,states ought to be
 fulfilled2 and so far  as depends on   
me1 shall be fulfilled1 in the fulness  
of their spirit  and to the exactness of
 their letter4    ,it is more than an   
oath of allegiance2 more than a mere    
promise that  we will not resist the    
laws4 ,for it is an engagement to       
support them2  as an officer of         
government1 to carry them into effect4  
,without  such a promise on the part of 
its functionaries1 how could  government
 exist8 ,it is more than the expression 
of that obligation  which rests on all  
peaceable citizens to submit to laws1   
even  though they will not actively     
support them4 ,for it is the promise    
which the judge makes1 that he will     
actually do the business of  the courts2
 which the sheriff assumes1 that he will
 actually execute  the laws4    ,let it 
be remarked1 that it is an oath to      
support the  ,constitution--that is1 the

 whole of it2 there are no exceptions4  
,and let it be remembered1 that by it   
each one makes a contract  with the     
whole nation1 that he will do certain   
acts4    #c;d4 ,what is the             
,constitution which each voter thus     
engages to support8    ,it contains the 
following clauses3    ,art4 #a1 ,sect4  
#b4 ,representatives and direct taxes   
shall be  apportioned among the several 
,states1 which may be included within   
this ,union1 according to their         
respective numbers1 which shall be      
determined by adding to the whole number
 of free persons1 including  those bound
 to service for a term of years1 and    
excluding ,indians  not taxed1 three    
fifths of all other persons4    ,art4   
#a1 ,sect4 #h4 ,congress shall have     
power 444 to suppress  insurrections4   
,art4 #d1 ,sec4 #b4 ,no person1 held to 
service or labor in one ,state1  under  
the laws thereof1 escaping into another1
 shall1 in consequence  of any law or   
regulation therein1 be discharged from  

such service or  labor2 but shall be    
delivered up on claim of the party to   
whom such  service or labor may be due4 
,art4 #d1 ,sect4 #d4 ,the ,united       
,states shall guarantee to every ,state 
in  this ,union a republican form of    
government2 and shall protect each  of  
them against invasion2 and1 on          
application of the legislature1 or  of  
the executive1 7when the legislature    
cannot be convened7 against  domestic   
violence4    ,the first of these        
clauses1 relating to representation1    
gives to  #aj1jjj inhabitants of        
,carolina equal weight in the government
 with  #dj1jjj inhabitants of           
,massachusetts1 provided they are rich  
enough  to hold #ej1jjj slaves3--and    
accordingly confers on a slaveholding   
community additional political power for
 every slave held among them1  thus     
tempting them to continue to uphold the 
system4    ,its result has been1 in the 
language of ,john ,quincy ,adams1 to    
make  the preservation1 propagation1 and

 perpetuation of slavery the vital  and 
animating spirit of the ,national       
,government2 and again1 to  enable a    
knot of slaveholders to give the law and
 prescribe the  policy of the country4  
,so that since #ahcj slavery1           
slaveholding1  slavebreeding1 and       
slavetrading have formed the whole      
foundation of  the policy of the        
,federal ,government4 ,the second and   
the last  articles relating to          
insurrection and domestic violence1     
perfectly  innocent in themselves--yet  
being made with the fact directly in    
view that slavery exists among us1 do   
deliberately pledge the whole  national 
force against the unhappy slave if he   
imitate our fathers  and resist         
oppression--thus making us partners in  
the guilt of  sustaining slavery3 the   
third is a promise1 on the part of the  
whole  ,north1 to return fugitive slaves
 to their masters2 a deed which  ,god's 
law expressly condemns1 and which every 
noble feeling of our  nature repudiates 

with loathing and contempt4    ,these   
are the clauses which the abolitionist1 
by voting or taking  office1 engages to 
uphold4 ,while he considers slaveholding
 to be sin1  he still rewards the master
 with additional political power for    
every additional slave that he can      
purchase4 ,thinking slaveholding  to be 
sin1 he pledges to the master the aid of
 the whole army and  navy of the nation 
to reduce his slave again to chains1    
should he at  any time succeed a moment 
in throwing them off4 ,thinking         
slaveholding to be sin1 he goes on1 year
 after year1 appointing by  his vote    
judges and marshals to aid in hunting up
 the fugitives1 and  seeing that they   
are delivered back to those who claim   
them6 ,how  beautifully consistent are  
his principles and his promises6        
,,objections4      ,,objection ,i4      
,allowing that the clause relating to   
representation and that relating  to    
insurrections are immoral1 it is        
contended that the article which  orders

 the return of fugitive slaves was not  
meant to apply to slaves1  but has been 
misconstrued and misapplied6            
,,answer4 ,the meaning of the other two 
clauses1 settled as it has been  by the 
unbroken practice and cheerful          
acquiescence of the ,government  and    
people1 no one has attempted to deny4   
,this also has the same  length of      
practice1 and the same acquiescence1 to 
show that it  relates to slaves4 ,no one
 denies that the ,government and ,courts
 have  so construed it1 and that the    
great body of the people have freely    
concurred in and supported this         
construction4 ,and further1 ,the        
,madison ,papers 7containing the debates
 of those who framed the  ,constitution1
 at the time it was made7 settle beyond 
all doubt what  meaning the framers     
intended to convey4    ,look at the     
following extracts from those ,papers3  
,tuesday1 ,august #bhth1 #aghg4         
,mr4 ,butler and ,mr4 ,pinckney moved to
 require fugitive slaves and    servants

 to be delivered up like criminals4     
,mr4 ,wilson4 ,this would oblige the    
,executive of the ,state to do it1    at
 the public expense4      ,mr4 ,sherman 
saw no more propriety in the public     
seizing and    surrendering a slave or  
servant1 than a horse4      ,mr4 ,butler
 withdrew his proposition1 in order that
 some particular    provision might be  
made1 apart from this article4          
,article #ae1 as amended1 was then      
agreed to1 nem4 con4--,madison          
papers1 pp4 #addg-h4      ,wednesday1   
,august #bi1 #aghg4      ,mr4 ,butler   
moved to insert after ,article #ae1 ,if 
any person bound to    service or labor 
in any of the ,united ,states1 shall    
escape into    another ,state1 he or she
 shall not be discharged from such      
service    or labor1 in consequence of  
any regulations subsisting in the ,state
    to which they escape1 but shall be  
delivered up to the person justly       
claiming their service or labor1--which 
was agreed to1 nem4    con4--p4 #adef4  

,and again1 after the wording of the    
above article had been slightly         
changed1 and the clause newly numbered1 
as in the present  ,constitution1 we    
find another statement most clearly     
showing to what  subject the whole was  
intended to refer3      ,saturday1      
,september #ae1 #aghg4      ,article #d1
 ,section #b1 7the third paragraph17 the
 term legally was    struck out2 and the
 words1 under the laws thereof1 inserted
 after    the word ,state1 in compliance
 with the wish of some who thought      
the term legal equivocal1 and favoring  
the idea that ,,slavery was    legal in 
a moral view4--p4 #aehi4    ,is it not  
hence evident that ,,slavery was the    
subject referred to by  the whole       
article8    ,the debates of the         
,convention held in the several ,states 
to ratify  the ,constitution1 at the    
same time show clearly what meaning it  
was  thought the framers had            
conveyed3--,in ,virginia ,mr4 ,madison  
said1      ,another clause secures to us

 that property which we now possess4 ,at
    present1 if any slave elopes to any 
of those ,states where slaves are       
free1 he becomes emancipated by their   
laws4 ,for the laws of the    ,states   
are uncharitable to one another in this 
respect4 ,but in this    ,constitution1 
no person held to service1 or labor1 in 
one ,state1    under the laws thereof1  
escaping into another1 shall1 in        
consequence    of any law or regulation 
therein1 be discharged from such service
 or    labor2 but shall be delivered up 
on claim of the party to whom such      
service or labor may be due4 ,this      
clause was expressly inserted to        
enable owners of slaves to reclaim them4
 ,this is a better security    than any 
that now exists4    ,patrick ,henry1 in 
reply observed1      ,the clause which  
had been adduced by the gentleman was no
 more than    this--that a runaway negro
 could be taken up in ,maryland or ,new 
,york4    ,governor ,randolph said1     
,but another clause of the ,constitution

 proves the absurdity of the            
supposition4 ,the words of the clause   
are1 ,no person held to service    or   
labor in one ,state1 c4 ,every one knows
 that slaves are held to    service and 
labor4 ,if a citizen of this ,state1 in 
consequence of    this clause1 can take 
his runaway slave in ,maryland1 c4      
,general ,pinckney in ,south ,carolina  
,convention observed1      ,we have     
obtained a right to recover our slaves1 
in whatever part of    ,america they may
 take refuge1 which is a right we had   
not before4    ,in ,north ,carolina1    
,mr4 ,iredell      ,begged leave to     
explain the reason of this clause4 ,in  
some of the    ,northern ,states1 they  
have emancipated all their slaves4 ,if  
any of    our slaves1 said he1 go there 
and remain there a certain time1 they   
would1 by the present laws1 be entitled 
to their freedom1 so that    their      
masters could not get them again4 ,this 
would be extremely    prejudicial to the
 inhabitants of the ,southern ,states1  

and to    prevent it1 this clause is    
inserted in the ,constitution4 ,though  
the    word slave be not mentioned1 this
 is the meaning of it4 ,the    ,northern
 delegates1 owing to their particular   
scruples on the    subject of slavery1  
did not choose the word slave to be     
mentioned4    ,but even if ,,two clauses
 are immoral that is enough for our     
purpose1  and shews that no honest man  
should engage to uphold them4 ,who has  
the right to construe and expound the   
laws8 ,of course the ,courts of  the    
,nation4 ,the ,constitution provides    
7,article #c1 ,section #b17 that  the   
,supreme ,court shall be the final and  
only interpreter of its  meaning4 ,what 
says the ,supreme ,court8 ,that this    
clause does relate  to slaves1 and order
 their return4 ,all the other courts    
concur in  this opinion4 ,but1 say some1
 the courts are corrupt on this         
question4  ,let us appeal to the people4
 ,nine hundred and ninety-nine out of   
every thousand answer1 that the courts  

have construed it rightly1  and almost  
as many cheerfully support it4 ,if the  
unanimous1  concurrent1 unbroken        
practice of every department of the     
,government1  judicial1 legislative1 and
 executive1 and the acquiescence of the 
people for fifty years1 do not prove    
which is the true construction1  then   
how and where can such a question ever  
be settled8 ,if the  people and the     
courts of the land do not know what they
 themselves  mean1 who has authority to 
settle their meaning for them8    ,if   
the ,constitution is not what history1  
unbroken practice1 and the  courts prove
 that our fathers intended to make it1  
and what too1  their descendants1 this  
nation say they did make it1 and agree  
to  uphold1--who shall decide what the  
,constitution is8    ,this is the sense 
then in which the ,nation understand    
that the  promise is made to them4 ,the 
,nation understand that the judge       
pledges himself to return fugitive      
slaves4 ,the judge knows this when  he  

takes the oath4 ,and ,paley expresses   
the opinion of all writers on  morals1  
as well as the conviction of all honest 
men1 when he says1  that a promise is   
binding in that sense in which the      
promiser  thought at the time that the  
other party understood it4              
,,objection ,,ii4    ,a promise to do an
 immoral act is not binding3 therefore  
an oath to  support the ,constitution of
 the ,united ,states1 does not bind one 
to  support any provisions of that      
instrument which are repugnant to his   
ideas of right4 ,and an abolitionist1   
thinking it wrong to return  slaves1 may
 as an office-holder1 innocently and    
properly take an  oath to support a     
,constitution which commands such       
return4    ,,answer4 ,observe that this 
objection allows the ,constitution to be
  pro-slavery1 and admits that there are
 clauses in it which no  abolitionist   
ought to carry out or support4    ,and  
observe1 further1 that we all agree1    
that a bad promise is  better broken    

than kept--that every abolitionist1 who 
has before now  taken the oath to the   
,constitution1 is bound to break it1 and
  disobey the pro-slavery clauses of    
that instrument4 ,so far there is  no   
difference between us4 ,but the point in
 dispute now is1 whether a  man1 having 
found out that certain requirements of  
the ,constitution  are wrong1 can1 after
 that1 innocently swear to support and  
obey them1  all the while meaning not to
 do so4    ,now ,i contend that such    
loose construction of our promises is   
contrary alike to honor1 to fair        
dealing1 and to truthfulness--that  it  
tends to destroy utterly that confidence
 between man and man  which binds       
society together1 and leads1 in matters 
of government1  to absolute tyranny4    
,the ,constitution is a series of       
contracts made by each individual  with 
every other of the fourteen millions4 ,a
 man's oath is evidence  of his assent  
to this contract4 ,if ,i offer a man the
 copy of an  agreement1 and he1 after   

reading1 swears to perform it1 have ,i  
not a  right to infer from his oath that
 he assents to the rightfulness  of the 
articles of that paper8 ,what more      
solemn form of expressing  his assent   
could he select8 ,a man's oath expresses
 his conviction of  the rightfulness of 
the actions he promises to do1 as well  
as his  determination to do them4 ,if   
this be not so1 ,i can have no trust in 
any man's word4 ,he may take my money1  
promise to do what ,i wish in  return1  
and yet1 keeping my money1 tell me1 on  
the morrow1 that he  shall not keep his 
promise1 and never meant to1 because the
 act1 his  conscience tells him1 is     
wrong4 ,who would trust property to such
 men1  or such maxims in the common     
affairs of life8 ,shall we not be as    
honest in the ,senate ,house as on      
',change8 ,the ,north makes a contract  
with the ,south by which she receives   
certain benefits1 and agrees to  render 
certain services4 ,the benefits she     
carefully keeps--but the  services she  

refuses to render1 because immoral      
contracts are not  binding6 ,is this    
fair dealing8 ,it is the rule alike of  
law and  common sense1 that if we are   
not able1 from any cause1 to furnish    
the article we have agreed to1 we ought 
to return the pay we have  received4 ,if
 power is put into our hands on certain 
conditions1 and  we find ourselves      
unable to comply with those conditions1 
we ought  to surrender the power back to
 those who gave it4    ,immoral laws are
 doubtless void1 and should not be      
obeyed4 ,but the  question is here1     
whether one knowing a law to be immoral1
 may  innocently promise to obey it in  
order to get into office8 ,the  people  
have settled the conditions on which one
 may take office4 ,the  first is1 that  
he assent to their ,constitution4 ,is it
 honest to  accept power with the       
intention at the time of not keeping the
  conditions8--,the rightfulness of     
those conditions is not here the        
question4      ,,objection ,,iii4    ,i 

swear to support the ,constitution1 as  
,i understand it4 ,certain  parts of it1
 in my opinion1 contradict others and   
are therefore void4    ,,answer4 ,will  
any one take the title deed of his house
 and carry it  to the man he bought of1 
and let him keep the covenants of that  
paper as he says he understands them8   
,do we not all recognize the  justice of
 having some third1 disinterested party 
to judge between  two disputants about  
the meaning of contracts8 ,who ever     
heard of a  contract of which each party
 was at liberty to keep as much as he   
thought proper8    ,as in all other     
contracts1 so in that of the            
,constitution1 there is  a power        
provided to affix the proper            
construction to the instrument1  and    
that construction both parties are bound
 to abide by1 or  repudiate the whole   
contract4 ,that power is the ,supreme   
,court of  the ,united ,states4    ,do  
we seek the common sense1 practical view
 of this question8 ,go to  the ,exchange

 and ask any broker how many dollars he 
will trust any  man with1 who avows his 
right to make promises with the design1 
at  the time1 of breaking some parts1   
and not feeling called upon to  state   
which those parts will be8    ,do you   
seek the moral view of the point1 which 
philosophers have  taken8 ,paley says1  
,a promise is binding in that sense in  
which the  promiser thought at the time 
of making that the other party          
understood it4 ,is there any doubt what 
meaning the great body of  the ,american
 people attach to the ,constitution and 
the official oath8  ,they are that party
 to whom the promise is made4    ,but1  
say some1 our lives are notice to the   
whole people what meaning  we attach to 
the oath1 and we will protest when we   
swear1 that we do  not include in our   
oath the pro-slavery clauses4 ,you may  
as well  utter the protest now1 as when 
you are swearing--or at home1 equally   
as well as within the ,state ,house4    
,for no such protest can be of any      

avail4 ,the ,chief ,justice stands up to
 administer to me the oath of  some     
office1 no matter which4 ,sir1 say ,i1  
,i must take that oath  with a          
qualification1 excluding certain        
clauses4 ,his reply will be1  ,sir1 ,i  
have no discretion in this matter4 ,i am
 here merely to  administer a prescribed
 form of oath4 ,if you assent to it1 you
 are  qualified for your station4 ,if   
you do not1 you cannot enter4 ,i have   
no authority given me to listen to      
exceptions4 ,i am a servant--the  people
 are my masters--here is what they      
require that you support1  not this or  
that part of the ,constitution1 but 'the
 ,constitution1'  that is1 the whole4   
,baffled here1 ,i turn to the people4 ,i
 publish my opinions in  newspapers4 ,i 
proclaim them at conventions1 ,i spread 
them through  the country on the wings  
of a thousand presses4 ,does this avail 
me8  ,yes1 says ,liberty party1 if after
 this1 men choose to vote for you1  it  
is evident they mean you shall take the 

oath as you have given  notice that you 
understand it4    ,well1 the voters in  
,boston1 with this understanding1 elect 
me to  ,congress1 and ,i proceed to     
,washington4 ,but here arises a         
difficulty1--my constituents at home    
have assented--but when ,i get  to      
,congress1 ,i find ,i am not the        
representative of ,boston only1 but  of 
the whole country4 ,the interests of    
,carolina are committed to my  hands as 
well as those of ,massachusetts2 ,i find
 that the contract ,i  made by my oath  
was not with ,boston1 but with the whole
 nation4 ,it  is the nation that gives  
me the power to declare war and make    
peace--to lay taxes on cotton1 and      
control the commerce of ,new  ,orleans4 
,the nation prescribed the conditions in
 #aghi1 when the  ,constitution was     
settled1 and though ,boston may be      
willing to accept  me on other terms1   
,carolina is not willing4 ,boston has   
accepted my  protest1 and says1 ,take   
office4 ,carolina says1 ,the oath you   

swear  is sworn to me1 as well as to the
 rest--,i demand the whole bond4  ,in   
other words1 when ,i have made my       
protest1 what evidence is there  that   
the nation1 the other party to the      
contract1 assents to it8  ,there can be 
none until that nation amends its       
,constitution4  ,massachusetts when she 
accepted that ,constitution1 bound      
herself to  send only such men as could 
swear to return slaves4 ,if by an       
underhand  compromise with some of her  
citizens1 she sends persons of other    
sentiments1 she is perjured1 and any one
 who goes on such an errand  is a       
partner in the perjury4 ,massachusetts  
has no right to assent to  my           
protest--she has no right to send       
representatives1 except on  certain     
conditions4 ,she cannot vary those      
conditions1 without  leave from those   
whose interests are to be affected by   
the change1  that is1 the whole nation4 
,those conditions are written down in   
the  ,constitution4 ,do she and ,south  

,carolina differ1 as to the meaning8    
,the ,court will decide for them4       
,but1 says the objector1 do you mean to 
say that ,i swear to support  the       
,constitution1 not as ,i understand it1 
but as some judge  understands it8 ,yes1
 ,i do--otherwise there is no such thing
 as law4  ,this right of private        
judgment1 for which he contends1 exists 
in  religion--but not in ,government4   
,law is a rule prescribed4 ,the  party  
prescribing must have the right to      
construe his own rule1  otherwise there 
would be as many laws as there are      
individual  consciences4 ,statutes would
 be but recommendations if every man was
  at liberty to understand and obey them
 as he thought proper4 ,but ,i  need not
 argue this4 ,the absurdity of a        
,government that has no right  to       
govern--and of laws which have no fixed 
meaning--but which each  man construes  
to mean what he pleases and obeys       
accordingly--must be  evident to every  
one4    ,what more power did the most   

despotic of the ,english ,stuarts ask1  
than the right1 after having sworn to   
laws1 to break such as their            
consciences disapproved8 ,it is the     
essence of tyranny4    ,what is the     
,constitution of the ,united ,states8   
,in good old fashioned  times we thought
 we knew1 when we had read it and       
listened to the  court's exposition4    
,but we have improved upon that4 ,the   
,liberty  party man says1 it is for him 
what he understands it4 ,john ,c4       
,calhoun1 of course1 has the same right1
 and instead of ,liberty  regulated by  
law1 we have liberty regulated by       
fourteen millions of  understandings6   
,the ,liberty party man takes office on 
conditions1 which1 he says1  are not    
binding upon him4 ,he gives us notice   
that he shall use the  power as he      
thinks right1 without any regard to     
these conditions of  his oath4 ,well1 if
 this is law1 it is good for all4 ,john 
,c4 ,calhoun  can of course take office 
with the same broad liberty1 and swear  

to  support the ,constitution as he     
understands it4 ,he has told us  often  
what that understanding is--to sustain  
,slavery4 ,of course  having made this  
public1 if1 after that1 ,carolina sends 
him1  according to ,liberty party logic1
 it is evidence that ,massachusetts     
assents to his understanding1 and       
accepts his oath with that  meaning6    
,why ,i thought ,i had fathomed the     
pro-slavery depths of the  ,constitution
 when ,i read over all its wicked       
clauses--but that is  skimming only the 
surface1 if the ,constitution allows    
every man1 to  whom it commits power to 
use it1 as he chooses to understand the 
conditions1 and not as the nation       
understands them4 ,if with this  right1 
,abolitionists may take office and help 
,liberty1 we must  remember that by the 
same rule1 slaveholders may take office 
and  lawfully use all their power to    
help ,slavery4 ,if this be so1 how      
absurd to keep crying out of this and   
the other thing it is  unconstitutional4

    ,away with such logic6 ,if we have a
 ,constitution1 let us remember         
,jefferson's advice1 and not make it    
waste paper by construction4  ,the man  
who tampers thus with the sacred        
obligation of an  oath1--swears1 and    
,jesuit like1 keeps reserved meanings in
 his own  breast1--does more harm to    
society by loosening the foundations of 
morals1 than he would do good1 did his  
one falsehood free every  slave from the
 ,potomac to the ,del ,norte4           
,,objection ,,iv4    ,the oath does not 
mean that ,i will positively do what ,i 
swear to do1  but only that ,i will do  
it1 or submit to the penalty the law    
awards4  ,if my actions in office don't 
suit the nation1 let them impeach me4   
,,answer4 ,that is1 ,john ,tyler may1   
without consulting ,congress1 plunge  us
 into war with ,mexico--incur fifty     
millions of public debt--lose a  hundred
 thousand lives--and the sufficient     
recompense to this  nation will be to   
impeach ,john ,tyler1 ,esq41 and send   

him home to his  slaves6 ,these are the 
wise safeguards of ,constitutional      
liberty6 ,he  has faithfully kept it as 
he understands it4 ,what is a ,russian  
slave8 ,one who holds life1 property1   
and all1 at the mercy of the  ,czar's   
idea of right4 ,does not this           
description of the power every  officer 
has here1 under our ,constitution1      
reduce ,americans to the  same          
condition8    ,but1 is it true that the 
bearing of the penalty is an excuse for 
breach of our official oaths8    ,the   
,judge who1 in questions of divorce1 has
 trifled with the  sanctity of the      
marriage tie--who1 in matters of        
property has  decided unjustly1 and     
taken bribes--in capital cases has so   
dealt  judgment as to send innocent men 
to the gallows--may cry out1  ,if you   
don't like me1 impeach me4 ,but will    
impeachment restore the  dead to life1  
or the husband to his defamed wife8     
,would the community  consider his      
submission to impeachment as equivalent 

to the keeping  of his oath of office1  
and thenceforward view him as an honest1
  truth-speaking1 unperjured man8 ,it is
 idle to suppose so4 ,yet the  interests
 committed to some of our officeholders'
 keeping1 are more  important often than
 even those which a ,judge controls4    
,and we must  remember that men's ideas 
of right always differ4 ,to admit such a
  principle into the construction of    
oaths1 if it enable one man to do  much 
good1 will enable scoundrels who creep  
into office to do much  harm1 according 
to their consciences4 ,but yet the rule1
 if it be  admitted1 must be universal4 
,liberty becomes1 then1 matter of       
accident4      ,,objection ,v4    ,i    
shall resign whenever a case occurs that
 requires me to aid in  returning a     
fugitive slave4    ,,answer4 ,the       
office-holder has promised active       
obedience to the  ,constitution in every
 exigency which it has contemplated and 
sought  to provide for4 ,if he promised1
 not meaning to perform in certain      

cases1 is he not doubly dishonest8      
,dishonest to his own conscience  in    
promising to do wrong1 and to his       
fellow-citizens in purposing  from the  
first to break his oath1 as he knew they
 understood it8 ,if  he had sworn1 not  
regarding anything as immoral which he  
bound  himself to do1 and afterwards    
found in the oath something against  his
 conscience of which he was not at first
 aware1 or if by change  of views he had
 come to deem sinful what before he     
thought right1  then doubtless1 by      
promptly resigning1 he might escape     
guilt4 ,but is  not the case different1 
when among the acts promised are some   
known  at the time to be morally wrong8 
',it is a sin to swear unto sin1'  says 
the poet1 although it be1 as he truly   
adds1 'a greater sin to  keep the sinful
 oath4'    ,the captain has no right to 
put to sea1 and resign when the storm   
comes4 ,besides what supports a wicked  
government more than good men  taking   
office under it1 even though they       

secretly determine not to  carry out all
 its provisions8 ,the slave balancing in
 his lonely  hovel the chance of escape1
 knows nothing of your secret           
reservations1  your future intentions4  
,he sees only the swarming millions at  
the  ,north ostensibly sworn to restore 
him to his master1 if he escape a       
little way4 ,perchance it is your false 
oath1 which you don't mean to  keep1    
that makes him turn from the attempt in 
despair4 ,he knows you  only--the world 
knows only by your actions1 not your    
intentions1  and those side with his    
master4 ,the prayer which he lifts to   
,heaven1  in his despair1 numbers you   
rightly among his oppressors4           
,,objection ,,vi4    ,i shall only take 
such an office as brings me into no     
connection  with slavery4    ,,answer4  
,government is a whole2 unless each in  
his circle aids his  next neighbor1 the 
machine will stand still4 ,the ,senator 
does not  himself return the fugitive   
slave1 but he appoints the ,marshal1    

whose duty it is to do so4 ,the ,state  
representative does not himself  appoint
 the ,judge who signs the warrant for   
the slave's recapture1  but he chooses  
the ,united ,states ,senator who does   
appoint that ,judge4  ,the elector does 
not himself order out the militia to    
resist  domestic violence1 but he elects
 the ,president1 whose duty requires1   
that a case occurring1 he should do so4 
,to suppose that each of these may do   
that part of his duty that  suits him1  
and leave the rest undone1 is practical 
anarchy4 ,it is  bringing ourselves     
precisely to that state which the       
,hebrew describes4  ,in those days there
 was no king in ,israel1 but each man   
did what  was right in his own eyes4    
,this is all consistent in us1 who hold 
that man is to do right1 even if anarchy
 follows4 ,how absurd to set  up such a 
scheme1 and miscall it a                
government1--where nobody  governs1 but 
everybody does as he pleases4           
,,objection ,,vii4    ,as men and all   

their works are imperfect1 we may       
innocently  support a ,government which1
 along with many blessings1 assists in  
the perpetration of some wrong4         
,,answer4 ,as nobody disputes that we   
may rightly assist the worst            
,government in doing good1 provided we  
can do so without at the same  time     
aiding it in the wrong it perpetrates1  
this must mean1 of course1  that it is  
right to aid and obey a ,government in  
doing wrong1 if  we think that1 on the  
whole1 the ,government effects more good
 than  harm4 ,otherwise the whole       
argument is irrelevant1 for this is the 
point in dispute2 since every office of 
any consequence under the  ,united      
,states ,constitution has some immediate
 connection with ,slavery4  ,let us see 
to what lengths this principle will     
carry one4 ,herod's  servants1 then1    
were right in slaying every child in    
,bethlehem1 from  two years old and     
under1 provided they thought ,herod's   
,government1  on the whole1 more a      

blessing than a curse to ,judea6 ,the   
soldiers of  ,charles ,,ii4 were        
justified in shooting the ,covenanters  
on the muirs  of ,scotland1 if they     
thought his rule was better1 on the     
whole1 for  ,england1 than anarchy6     
,according to this theory1 the moment   
the  magic wand of ,government touches  
our vices1 they start up into  virtues6 
,but has ,government any peculiar       
character or privilege in  this respect8
 ,oh1 no--,government is only an        
association of  individuals1 and the    
same rules of morality which govern my  
conduct  in relation to a thousand men1 
ought to regulate my conduct to any     
one4 ,therefore1 ,i may innocently aid a
 man in doing wrong1 if ,i  think that1 
on the whole1 he has more virtues than  
vices4 ,if he  gives bread to the hungry
 six days in the week1 ,i may rightly   
help  him1 on the seventh1 in forging   
bank notes1 or murdering his father6    
,the principle goes this length1 and    
every length1 or it cannot be  proved to

 exist at all4 ,it ends at last1        
practically1 in the old  maxim1 that the
 subject and the soldier have no right  
to keep any  conscience1 but have only  
to obey the rulers they serve3 for there
  are few1 if any1 ,governments this    
side of ,satan's1 which could not1  in  
some sense1 be said to do more good than
 harm4 ,now ,i candidly  confess1 that  
,i had rather be covered all over with  
inconsistencies1  in the struggle to    
keep my hands clean1 than settle quietly
 down on  such a principle as this4 ,it 
is supposing that we may--      ,to do a
 great right1 do a little wrong2    a   
rule1 which the master poet of human    
nature has rebuked4 ,it is  doing evil  
that good may come--a doctrine1 of which
 an ,apostle has  pronounced the        
condemnation4    ,and let it be         
remembered that in dealing with the     
question of slavery1  we are not dealing
 with extreme cases4 ,slavery is no     
minute evil  which lynx-eyed suspicion  
has ferreted out4 ,every sixth man is a 

slave4 ,the ermine of justice is        
stained4 ,the national banner clings  to
 the flag-staff heavy with blood4 ,the  
preservation of slavery1  says our      
oldest and ablest statesman1 is the     
vital and animating  spirit of the      
,national ,government4    ,surely ,,if  
it be true that a man may justifiably   
stand connected with  a government in   
which he sees some slight evils--still  
it is also  true1 even then1 that       
governments may sin so atrociously1 so  
enormously1 may make evil so much the   
purpose of their being1 as  to render it
 the duty of honest men to wash their   
hands of them4    ,i may give money to a
 friend whose life has some things in it
 which  ,i do not fully approve--but    
when his nights are passed in the       
brothel1  and his days in drunkenness1  
when he uses his talents to seduce      
others1 and his gold to pave their road 
to ruin1 surely the case is  changed4   
,i may perhaps sacrifice health by      
staying awhile in a room rather         

overheated1 but ,i shall certainly see  
it to be my duty to rush out1  when the 
whole house is in full blaze4           
,,objection ,,viii4    ,god intended    
that society and governments should     
exist4 ,we therefore  are bound to      
support them4 ,he has conferred upon us 
the rights of  citizenship in this      
country1 and we cannot escape from the  
responsibility of exercising them4 ,god 
made us citizens4    ,,answer4 ,this    
reminds me of an old story ,i have      
heard4 ,when the  ,legislature were     
asked to set off a portion of the town  
of  ,dorchester and call it ,south      
,boston1 the old minister of the town is
  said to have objected1 saying1 ,god   
made it ,dorchester1 and  ,dorchester it
 ought to be4    ,god made us social    
beings1 it is true1 but society is not  
necessarily the ,constitution of the    
,united ,states6 ,because ,god meant    
some form of government should exist1   
does not at all prove that we  are      
justified in supporting a wicked one4   

,man confers the rights and  regulates  
the duties of citizenship4 ,god never   
made a citizen1 and  no one will escape1
 as a man1 from the sins he commits as a
 citizen4  ,this is the first time that 
it has ever been held an excuse for sin 
that we went with the multitude to do   
evil6    ,certainly we can be under no  
such responsibility to become and       
remain citizens1 as will excuse us from 
the sinful acts which as  such citizens 
we are called to commit4 ,does ,god make
 obligatory on  his creature the support
 of institutions which require him to do
  acts in themselves wrong8 ,to suppose 
so1 were to confound all the  rules of  
,god's moral kingdom4    ,president     
,wayland has lately been illustrating1  
and giving his  testimony to the        
principle1 that a combination of men    
cannot change  the moral character of an
 act1 which is in itself sinful--that   
the  law of morals is binding the same  
on communities1 corporations1 c4  as on 
individuals4    ,after describing       

slavery1 and saying that to hold a man  
in such a  state is wrong--he goes on3  
,i will offer but one more supposition4 
,suppose that any number1 for           
instance one half of the families in our
 neighborhood1 should by law    enact   
that the weaker half should be slaves1  
that we would exercise    over them the 
authority of masters1 prohibit by law   
their    instruction1 and concert among 
ourselves means for holding them        
permanently in their present situation4 
,in what manner would this    alter the 
moral aspect of the case8      ,a law in
 this case is merely a determination of 
one party1 in which    all unite1 to    
hold the other party in bondage2 and a  
compact by    which the whole party bind
 themselves to assist every individual  
of    themselves to subdue all          
resistance from the other party1 and    
guaranteeing to each other that exercise
 of this power over the    weaker party 
which they now possess4      ,now ,i    
cannot see that this in any respect     

changes the nature of the    parties4   
,they remain1 as before1 human beings1  
possessing the same    intellectual and 
moral nature1 holding the same relations
 to each    other and to ,god1 and still
 under the same unchangeable law1 ,thou 
shalt love thy neighbor as thyself4 ,by 
the act of holding a man in    bondage1 
this law is violated4 ,wrong is done1   
moral evil is    committed4 ,in the     
former case it was done by the          
individual2 now it    is done by the    
individual and the society4 ,before1 the
 individual    was responsible only for 
his own wrong2 now he is responsible    
both    for his own1 and also1 as a     
member of the society1 for all the wrong
    which the society binds itself to   
uphold and render perpetual4      ,the  
scriptures frequently allude to the     
fact1 that wrong done by    law1 that is
 by society1 is amenable to the same    
retribution as    wrong done by the     
individual4 ,thus1 ,psalm #id3bj-bc4    
',shall the    throne of iniquity have  

fellowship with them which frame        
mischief by    a law1 and gather        
themselves together against the soul of 
the    righteous1 and condemn the       
innocent blood8 ,but the ,lord is my    
defence2 and my ,god is the rock of my  
refuge4 ,and he shall bring    upon them
 their own iniquity1 and shall cut them 
off in their own    wickedness2 yea1 the
 ,lord our ,god shall cut them off' ,so 
also    ,isaiah #aj3a-d4 ',wo unto them 
that decree unrighteous decrees1 and    
that write grievousness which they have 
prescribed4' c4 ,besides1    persecution
 for the sake of religious opinion is   
always perpetrated    by law2 but this  
in no manner affects its moral          
character4      ,there is1 however1 one 
point of difference1 which arises from  
the    fact that this wrong has been    
established by law4 ,it becomes a       
social wrong4 ,the individual1 or those 
who preceded him1 may have              
surrendered their individual right over 
it to the society4 ,in this    case it  

may happen that the individual cannot   
act as he might act1    if the law had  
not been made4 ,in this case the evil   
can only be    eradicated by changing   
the opinions of the society1 and        
inducing    them to abolish the law4 ,it
 will however be apparent that this1 as 
,i    said before1 does not change the  
relation of the parties either to       
each other or to ,god4 ,the wrong exists
 as before4 ,the individual act    is   
wrong4 ,the law which protects it is    
wrong4 ,the whole society1 in    putting
 the law into execution1 is wrong4      
,before only the    individual1 now1 the
 whole society1 becomes the wrong doer1 
and    for that wrong1 both the         
individuals and the society are held    
responsible in the sight of ,god4    ,if
 such individual act is wrong1 the man  
who knowingly does it is  surely a      
sinner4 ,does ,god1 through society1    
require men to sin8      ,,objection    
,,ix4    ,if not being non-resistants1  
we concede to mankind the right to      

frame ,governments1 which must1 from the
 very nature of man1 be more  or less   
evil1 the right or duty to support them1
 when framed1  necessarily follows4     
,,answer4 ,i do not think it follows at 
all4 ,mankind1 that is1 any  number of  
them1 have a right to set up such forms 
of worship as they  see fit1 but when   
they have done so1 does it necessarily  
follow that  ,i am in duty bound to     
support any one of them1 whether ,i     
approve it  or not8 ,government is      
precisely like any other voluntary      
association  of individuals--a          
temperance or anti-slavery society1 a   
bank or  railroad corporation4 ,i join  
it1 or not1 as duty dictates4 ,if a     
temperance society exists in the village
 where ,i am1 that love for  my race    
which bids me seek its highest good1    
commands me to join it4  ,so if a       
,government is formed in the land where 
,i live1 the same  feeling bids me to   
support it1 if ,i innocently can4 ,this 
is the  whole length of my duty to      

,government4 ,from the necessity of the 
case1  and that constitution of things  
which ,god has ordained1 it follows     
that in any specified district1 the     
majority must rule--hence  results the  
duty of the minority to submit4 ,but we 
must carefully  preserve the distinction
 between submission and obedience       
--between submission and support4 ,if   
the majority set up an  immoral         
,government1 ,i obey those laws which   
seem to me good1 because  they are      
good--and ,i submit to all the penalties
 which my  disobedience of the rest     
brings on me4 ,this is alike the dictate
 of  common sense1 and the command of   
,christianity4 ,and it must be the  true
 doctrine1 since any other obliges me to
 obey the majority if  they command me  
to commit murder1 a rule which even the 
,tory  ,blackstone has denied4 ,of      
course for me to do anything ,i deem    
wrong1  is the same1 in quality1 as to  
commit murder4      ,,objection ,x4     
,but it is said1 your theory results in 

good men leaving government  to the     
dishonest and wicked4    ,,answer4      
,well1 if to sustain government we must 
sacrifice honesty1  government could not
 be in a more appropriate place1 than in
 the  hands of dishonest men4    ,but it
 by no means follows1 that if ,i go out 
of government1 ,i leave  nothing but    
dishonest men behind4 ,an act may be sin
 to me1 which  another may sincerely    
think right--and if so1 let him do it1  
till he  changes his mind4 ,i leave     
government in the hands of those whom ,i
 do  not think as clear-sighted as      
myself1 but not necessarily in the      
hands of the dishonest4 ,whether it be  
so in this country now1 is not1  at     
present1 the question1 but whether it   
would be so necessarily1 in  all cases4 
,the real question is1 what is the duty 
of those who  presume to think that ,god
 has given them clearer views of duty   
than  the bulk of those among whom they 
live8    ,don't think us conceited in   
supposing ourselves a little more       

enlightened than our neighbors4 ,it is  
no great thing after all to be a  little
 better than a                          
lynching--mobocratic--slaveholding--debt
  repudiating community4    ,what then  
is the duty of such men8 ,doubtless to  
do all they can to  extend to others the
 light they enjoy4    ,will they best do
 so by compromising their principles8 by
 letting  their political life give the 
lie to their life of reform8 ,who will  
have the most influence1 he whose life  
is consistent1 or he who says  one thing
 to-day1 and swears another thing       
to-morrow--who looks one  way and rows  
another8 ,my object is to let men       
understand me1 and ,i  submit that the  
body of the ,roman people understood    
better1 and felt  more earnestly1 the   
struggle between the people and the     
princes1  when the little band of       
democrats left the city and encamped on 
,mons ,sacer1 outside1 than while they  
remained mixed up and  voting with their
 masters1 shoulder to shoulder4         

,dissolution is  our ,mons ,sacer--,god 
grant that it may become equally famous 
in the  world's history as the spot     
where the right triumphed4    ,it is    
foolish to suppose that the position of 
such men1 divested of  the glare of     
official distinction1 has no weight with
 the people4 ,if  it were so1 ,i am     
still bound to remember that ,i was not 
sent into  the world to have influence1 
but to do my duty according to my own   
conscience4 ,but it is not so4 ,people  
do know an honest man when they  see    
him4 7,i allow that this is so rare an  
event now-a-days1 as  almost to justify 
one in supposing they might have        
forgotten how he  looked47 ,they will   
give a man credit1 when his life is one 
manly  testimony to the truthfulness of 
his lips4 ,even ,liberty party1 blind   
as she is1 has light enough to see that 
,consistency is the jewel1  the         
everything of such a cause as ours4 ,the
 position of a non-voter1  in a land    
where the ballot is so much idolized1   

kindles in every  beholder's bosom      
something of the warm sympathy which    
waits on the  persecuted1 carries with  
it all the weight of a disinterested    
testimony to truth1 and pricks each     
voter's conscience with an  uneasy      
doubt1 whether after all voting is      
right4 ,there is  constantly a ,mordecai
 in the gate4    ,i admit that we should
 strive to have a political             
influence--for  with politics is bound  
up much of the welfare of the people4   
,but  this objection supposes that the  
ballot box is the only means of         
political influence4 ,now it is a good  
thing that every man should  have the   
right to vote4 ,but it is by no means   
necessary that every  man should        
actually vote1 in order to influence his
 times4 ,we by no  means necessarily    
desert our social duty when we refuse to
 take  office1 or to confer it4         
,lafayette did better service to the    
cause  of ,french liberty when he       
retired to ,lagrange and refused to     

acknowledge ,napoleon1 than he could    
have done had he stood1 for years1  at  
the tyrant's right hand4 ,from the      
silence of that chamber there  went     
forth a voice--from the darkness of that
 retreat there burst  forth a light2    
feeble indeed at first1 like the        
struggling beams of  the morning1 but   
destined like them to brighten into     
perfect day4    ,this objection1 that we
 non-voters shall lose all our          
influence1  confounds the broad         
distinction between influence and power4
  ,influence every honest man must and  
will have1 in exact  proportion to his  
honesty and ability4 ,god always annexes
 influence  to worth4 ,the world1       
however unwilling1 can never get free   
from the  influence of such a man4 ,this
 influence the possession of office     
cannot give1 nor the want of it take    
away4 ,for the exercise of such         
influence as this1 man is responsible4  
,power we buy of our fellow  men at a   
certain price4 ,before making the       

bargain it is our duty to  see that we  
do not pay too dear for our whistle4 ,he
 who buys it at  the price of truth and 
honor1 buys only weakness--and sins     
beside4    ,of those who go to the      
utmost verge of honesty in order to     
reach the  seats of worldly power1 and  
barter a pure conscience for a weighty  
name1 it may be well said with old      
,fuller1 ,they need to have steady      
heads who can dive into these gulfs of  
policy1 and come out with a  safe       
conscience4      ,,objection ,,xi4      
,this withdrawing from government is    
pharisaical--,shall we1 'weak1  sinful  
men1' one says1 perhaps even more sinful
 than the  slaveholder1 cry out1 ,no    
,union with ,slaveholders8 ,such a      
course is  wanting in brotherly         
kindness4    ,,answer4 ,because we      
refuse to aid a wrong-doer in his sin1  
we by no  means proclaim1 or assume1    
that we think our whole character       
better than his4 ,it is neither         
pharisaical to have opinions1 nor       

presumptuous to guide our lives by them4
 ,if ,i have joined with  others in     
doing wrong1 is it either presumptuous  
or unkind1 when my  eyes are opened1 to 
refuse to go any further with them in   
their  career of guilt8 ,does love to   
the thief require me to help him in     
stealing8 ,yet this is all we refuse to 
do4 ,we will extend to the  slaveholder 
all the courtesy he will allow4 ,if he  
is hungry1 we will  feed him2 if he is  
in want1 both hands shall be stretched  
out for  his aid4 ,we will give him full
 credit for all the good that he does1  
and our deep sympathy in all the        
temptations under whose strength he     
falls4 ,but to help him in his sin1 to  
remain partners with him in  the        
slave-trade1 is more than he has a right
 to ask4 ,he would be a  strange        
preacher who should set out to reform   
his circle by joining  in all their     
sins6 ,it is a principle similar to that
 which the tipsy  ,duke of ,norfolk     
acted on1 when seeing a drunken friend  

in the gutter1  he cried out1 ,my dear  
fellow1 ,i can't help you out1 but ,i'll
 do  better1 ,i'll lie down by your     
side4      ,,objection ,,xii4    ,but   
consider1 the abstaining from all share 
in ,government will leave  bad men to   
have everything their own way--admit    
,texas--extend  slavery1 c4 c4          
,,answer4 ,that is no matter of mine4   
,god1 the great conservative power  of  
the ,universe1 when he established the  
right1 saw to it that it  should always 
be the safest and best4 ,he never laid  
upon a poor  finite worm the staggering 
load of following out into infinity the 
complex results of his actions4 ,we may 
rest on the bosom of  ,infinite ,wisdom1
 confident that it is enough for us to  
do justice1  he will see to it that     
happiness results4      ,,objection     
,,xiii4    ,but the same conscientious  
objection against promising your support
  to government1 ought to lead you to   
avoid actually giving your  support to  
it by paying taxes or sueing in the     

courts4    ,,answer4 ,this is what      
logicians call a reductio ad absurdum3  
an  attempt to prove our principle      
unsound by showing that1 fairly  carried
 out1 it leads to an absurdity4 ,but    
granting all it asks1 it  does not      
saddle us with any absurdity at all4 ,it
 is perfectly  possible to live without 
petitioning1 sueing1 or holding stocks4 
,thousands in this country have lived1  
died1 and been buried1 without  doing   
either4 ,and does it load us with any   
absurdity to prove that  we shall be    
obliged to do from principle1 what the  
majority of our  fellow-citizens do from
 choice8 ,we lawyers may think it is an 
absurdity to say a man can't sue1 for1  
like the ,apostle at ,ephesus1  it      
touches our craft1 but that don't go far
 to prove it4 ,then1 as  to taxes1      
doubtless many cases might be imagined1 
when every one  would allow it to be our
 duty to resist the slightest taxation1 
did  ,christianity allow it1 with war to
 the hilt4 ,if such cases may  ever     

arise1 why may not this be one8         
,until ,i become an ,irishman1 no one   
will ever convince me that ,i  ought to 
vote1 by proving that ,i ought not to   
pay taxes6 ,suppose  all these          
difficulties do really encompass us1 it 
will not be  the first time that the    
doing of one moral duty has revealed a  
dozen others which we never thought of4 
,the child has climbed the  hill over   
his native village1 which he thought the
 end of the world1  and lo6 there are   
mountains beyond6 ,he won't remedy the  
matter by  creeping back to his cradle  
and disbelieving in mountains6    ,but  
then1 is there any such inconsistency in
 non-voters sueing and  paying taxes8   
,look at it4 ,a4 and ,b4 have agreed on 
certain laws1 and appointed ,c4  to     
execute them4 ,a4 owes me1 who am no    
party to the contract1 a just  debt1    
which his laws oblige him to pay4 ,do ,i
 acknowledge the  rightfulness of his   
relation to ,b4 and ,c4 by asking ,c4 to
 use the  power given him1 in my behalf8

 ,it appears to me that ,i do not4 ,i   
may  surely ask ,a4 to pay me my        
debt--why not then ask the keeper1 whom 
he has appointed over himself1 to make  
him do so8    ,i am a prisoner among    
pirates4 ,the mate is abusing me in some
 way  contrary to their laws4 ,do ,i    
recognize the rightfulness of the       
,captain's authority1 by asking him to  
use the power the mate has  consented to
 give him1 to protect me8 ,it seems to  
me that ,i do not  necessarily endorse  
the means by which a man has acquired   
money or  power1 when ,i ask him to use 
either in my behalf4    ,an alien does  
not recognize the rightfulness of a     
government by  living under it4 ,it has 
always been held that an ,english       
subject may  swear allegiance to an     
usurper and yet not be guilty of treason
 to  the true king4 ,because he may     
innocently acknowledge the king  de     
facto 7the king in deed17 without       
assuming him to be king  de jure 7king  
by right47 ,the distinction itself is as

 old as  the time of ,edward the ,first4
 ,the principle is equally applicable to
  suits4 ,it has been universally acted 
on and allowed4 ,the ,catholic1  who    
shrank from acknowledging the heretical 
,government of ,england1  always1 ,i    
believe1 sued in her courts4    ,who    
could convince a common man1 that by    
sueing in ,constantinople or            
,timbuctoo1 he does an act which makes  
him responsible for the  character of   
those governments8    ,then1 as for     
taxes4 ,it is only our voluntary acts   
for which we are  responsible4 ,and when
 did government ever trust tax-paying to
 the  voluntary good will of its        
subjects8 ,when it does so1 ,i1 for one1
  will refuse to pay4    ,when did any  
sane man conclude that our ,saviour's   
voluntary payment  of a tax acknowledged
 the rightfulness of ,rome's authority  
over ,judea8    ,the ,states1 says      
,chief ,justice ,marshall1 have only not
 to elect  ,senators1 and this          
government expires without a struggle4  

,every ,november1 then1 we create the   
government anew4 ,now1 what  instinct   
will tell a common-sense man1 that the  
act of a  sovereign1--voting--which     
creates a wicked government1 is1        
essentially the same as the submission  
of a   subject1--tax-paying1--an act    
done without our consent4 ,it should  be
 remembered1 that we vote as            
sovereigns1--we pay taxes as  subjects4 
,who supposes that the humble tax-payer 
of ,austria1 who  does not1 perhaps1    
know in what name the charter of his    
bondage runs1  is responsible for the   
doings of ,metternich8 ,and what sane   
man likens  his position to that of the 
voting sovereign of the ,united ,states8
  ,my innocent acts may1 through others'
 malice1 result in evil4 ,in that  case1
 it will be for my best judgment to     
determine whether to continue  or cease 
them4 ,they are not thereby rendered    
essentially sinful4 ,for  instance1 ,i  
walk out on ,sabbath morning4 ,the      
priest over the way will  exclaim1      

,sabbath-breaker1 and the infidel will  
delude his followers1  by telling them  
,i have no regard for ,christianity4    
,still1 it will be  for me to settle    
which1 in present circumstances1 is     
best1--to  remain in1 and not be        
misconstrued1 or to go out and bear a   
testimony against the superstitious     
keeping of the day4 ,different          
circumstances will dictate different    
action on such a point4    ,i may often 
be the occasion of evil when ,i am not  
responsible for  it4 ,many innocent acts
 occasion evil1 and in such case all ,i 
am  bound to ask myself before doing    
such innocent act1 is1 ,shall ,i        
occasion1 on the whole1 more harm or    
good4 ,there are many cases  where doing
 a duty even1 we shall occasion evil and
 sin in others4  ,to save a slaveholder 
from drowning1 when we know he has made 
a will  freeing his slaves1 would put   
off1 perhaps forever1 their             
emancipation1 but of course that is not 
my fault4 ,this making a man            

responsible for all the evil his acts1  
incidentally1 without his  will1        
occasion1 reminds me of that principle  
of ,turkish law which  ,dr4 ,clarke     
mentions1 in his travels1 and which they
 call homicide  by an intermediate      
cause4 ,the case he relates is this3 ,a 
young man  in love poisoned himself1    
because the girl's father refused his   
consent to the marriage4 ,the ,cadi     
sentenced the father to pay a fine  of  
#hj1 saying if you had not had a        
daughter1 this young man had  not loved2
 if he had not loved1 he had never been 
disappointed2 if  not disappointed1 he  
would never have taken poison4 ,it was  
the same  ,cadi possibly1 who sentenced 
the island of ,samos to pay for the     
wrecking of a vessel1 on the principle  
that if the island had not  been in the 
way1 the vessel would never have been   
wrecked6    ,then of taxes on imports4  
,buying and selling1 and carrying from  
country to country1 is good and         
innocent4 ,but government1 if ,i trade  

here1 will take occasion to squeeze     
money out of me4 ,very well4 ,i  shall  
deliberate whether ,i will cease        
trading1 and deprive them of  the       
opportunity1 or go on and use my wealth 
to reform them4 ',tis a  question of    
expediency1 not of right1 which my      
judgment1 not my  conscience1 must      
settle4 ,an act of mine1 innocent in    
itself1 and  done from right motives1 no
 after act of another's can make a sin4 
,to import1 is rightful4                
,after-taxation1 against my consent1    
cannot  make it wrong4 ,neither am ,i   
obliged to smuggle1 in order to avoid   
it4  ,i include in these remarks1 all   
taxes1 whether on property1 or  imports1
 or railroads4    ,a chemist1 hundreds  
of years ago1 finds out how to temper   
steel4 ,the  art is useful for making   
knives1 lancets1 and machinery4 ,but he 
knows that the bad will abuse it by     
making swords and daggers4 ,is he       
responsible8 ,certainly not4    ,similar
 to this is trading in                  

,america1--knowing government will thus 
have an opportunity to increase its     
revenue4    ,but suppose the chemist to 
see two men fighting1 one has the other 
down1--to the first our chemist presents
 a finely tempered dagger4    ,such is  
voting under the ,united ,states        
,constitution--appointing an  officer to
 help the oppressor4    ,the difference 
between voting and tax-paying is simply 
this3 ,i may do  an act right in itself1
 though ,i know some evil will result4  
,paul was  bound to preach the gospel to
 the ,jews1 though he knew some of them 
would thereby be led to add to their    
sins by cursing and mobbing him4    ,so 
,i may locate property in ,philadelphia1
 trade there1 and ride on  its          
railroads1 though ,i know government    
will1 without my consent1  thereby      
enrich itself4 ,other things being      
equal1 of course ,i shall  not allow it 
the opportunity4 ,but the advantages and
 good results of  my doing so1 may be   
such as would make it my duty there to  

live  and trade1 even subject to such an
 evil4    ,but on the other hand1 ,i may
 not do an act wrong in itself to secure
  any amount of fancied good4    ,now1  
appointing a man by my vote to a        
pro-slavery office1 7and such  is every 
one under the ,united ,states           
,constitution17 is wrong in  itself1 and
 no other good deeds which such officer 
may do1 will  justify an abolitionist in
 so appointing him4    ,let it not be   
said1 that this reasoning will apply to 
voting--that  voting is the right of    
every human being1 7which ,i grant only 
for  the sake of argument17 and innocent
 in itself4    ,voting under our        
,constitution is appointing a man to    
swear to  protect1 and actually to      
protect slavery4 ,now1 appointing agents
  generally is the right of every man1  
and innocent in itself1 but  appointing 
an agent to commit a murder is sin4     
,i trade1 and government taxes me2 do ,i
 authorize it8 ,no4    ,i vote1 and the 
marshal whom my agent appoints1 returns 

a slave to  ,south ,carolina4 ,do ,i    
authorize it8 ,yes4 ,i knew it would be 
his  sworn duty1 when ,i voted2 and ,i  
assented to it1 by voting under  the    
,constitution which makes it his duty4  
,if ,i trade1 it is said1 ,i  may       
foresee that government will be helped  
by the taxes ,i pay1  therefore ,i ought
 not to trade4 ,but ,i do not trade for 
the purpose  of paying taxes6 ,and if ,i
 am to be charged with all the foreseen 
results of my actions1 then ,garrison is
 responsible for the ,boston  mob6      
,the reason why ,i am responsible for   
the pro-slavery act of a ,united        
,states officer1 for whom ,i have voted1
 is this3 ,i must be supposed  to have  
intended that which my agent is bound by
 his contract  with me 7that is1 his    
oath of office7 to do4    ,allow me to  
request our opposers to keep distinctly 
in view the  precise point in debate4   
,this is not whether ,massachusetts can 
rightfully trade and make treaties with 
,south ,carolina1 although she  knows   

that such a course will result in       
strengthening a wrongdoer4  ,such are   
most of the cases which they consider   
parallel to ours1 and  for permitting   
which they charge us with inconsistency4
 ,but the  question really is1 whether  
,massachusetts can join hands and       
strength with ,south ,carolina1 for the 
express and avowed purpose of           
sustaining ,slavery4 ,this she does in  
the ,constitution4 ,for he who  swears  
to support an instrument of twelve      
clauses1 swears to support  one as well 
as another1--and though one only be     
immoral1--still he  swears to do an     
immoral act4 ,now1 my conviction is1    
which fire will  not burn out of me1    
that to return fugitive slaves is       
sin--to  promise so to do1 and not do   
it1 is1 if possible1 baser still2 and   
that any conjunction of circumstances   
which makes either necessary1  is of the
 ,devil1 and not of ,god4               
,,objection ,,xiv4    ,duty requires of 
a non-voter to quit the country1 and go 

where his  taxes will not help to build 
up slavery4    ,,answer4 ,god gave me my
 birth here4 ,because bad men about me  
play such tricks before high ,heaven1 as
 make the angels weep1 does  it oblige  
me to quit8 ,i have as good right here  
as they4 ,if they  choose to leave1 let 
them--,i ,shall remain4 ',twould be a   
pretty thing1  indeed1 if1 as often as  
,i found myself next door to a bad man1 
who  would bring up his children to     
steal my apples and break my windows1   
,i were obliged to take the temptation  
away by cutting down all my  apple trees
 and moving my house further west1 into 
the wilderness4  ,this would be1 in good
 ,john ,wesley's phrase1 giving up all  
the good  times to the devil1 with a    
witness4      ,,objection ,,xv4         
,society has the right to prescribe the 
terms1 upon the expressed or  implied   
agreement to comply with which a person 
may reside within  its limits4          
,,answer4 ,this principle ,i utterly    
deny4 ,all that ,society has a right  to

 demand is peaceful submission to its   
exactions3--consent they  have neither  
the power nor the right to exact or to  
imply4 ,twenty  men live on a lone      
island4 ,nineteen set up a government   
and say1  every man who lives there     
shall worship idols4 ,the twentieth     
submits  to all their laws1 but refuses 
to commit idolatry4 ,have they the      
right to say1 ,do so1 or quit2 or1 to   
say1 ,if you stay1 we  will consider you
 as impliedly worshipping idols8        
,doubtless they  have the power1 but the
 majority have no rights1 except those  
which justice sanctions4 ,will the      
objector show me the justice of  his    
principle8 ,i was born here4 ,i ask no  
man's permission to remain4  ,all that  
any man or body of men have a right to  
infer from my  staying here1 is that1 in
 doing this innocent act1 ,i think1 that
 on  the whole1 ,i am effecting more    
good than harm4 ,lawyers say1 ,i cannot 
find this right laid down in the books4 
,that will not trouble me4  ,some old   

play has a character in it who never    
ties his neckcloth  without a warrant   
from ,mr4 ,justice ,overdo4 ,i claim no 
relationship  to that very scrupulous   
individual4      ,,objection ,,xvi4     
,these clauses1 to which you refer1 are 
inconsistent with the  ,preamble of the 
,constitution1 which describes it as    
made to  establish justice and secure   
the blessings of liberty to ourselves   
and our posterity3 ,and as1 when two    
clauses of the same instrument  are     
inconsistent1 one must yield and be held
 void--we hold these  three clauses     
void4    ,,answer4 ,a specific clause is
 not to be held void on account of      
general terms1 such as those of the     
preamble4 ,it is rather to be  taken as 
an exception1 allowed and admitted at   
the time1 to those  general terms4      
,again4 ,you say they are inconsistent4 
,but the ,courts and the ,people  do not
 think so4 ,now they1 being the         
majority1 settle the law4 ,the  question
 then is1 whether the law being         

settled1--and according to  your belief 
settled immorally1--you will volunteer  
your services  to execute it and carry  
it into effect8 ,this you do by becoming
 an  officeholder4 ,it seems to me this 
question can receive but one  answer    
from honest men4      ,,last ,,of ,,all1
 ,,the ,,objector ,,cries ,,out1    ,the
 ,constitution may be amended1 and ,i   
shall vote to have it  changed4         
,,answer4 ,but at present it is         
necessary to swear to support it  as it 
is4 ,what the ,constitution may become1 
a century hence1 we  know not2 we speak 
of it as it is1 and repudiate it as it  
is4  ,how long may one promise to do    
evil1 in hope some time or other to  get
 the power to do good8 ,we will not     
brand the ,constitution of the  ,united 
,states as pro-slavery1 after--it had   
ceased to be so6 ,this  objection       
reminds me of ,miss ,martineau's story  
of the little boy1  who hurt himself1   
and sat crying on the sidewalk4 ,don't  
cry6 said  a friend1 it won't hurt you  

tomorrow4--,well then1 said the child1  
,i won't cry tomorrow4    ,we come then1
 it seems to me1 back to our original   
conclusion3 that  the man who swears to 
support the ,constitution1 swears to    
support  the whole of it1 pro-slavery   
clauses and all1--that he swears to     
support it as it is1 not as it hereafter
 may become1--that he  swears to support
 it in the sense given to it by the     
,courts and the  ,nation1 not as he     
chooses to understand it1--and that the 
,courts and  the ,nation expect such an 
one in office to do his share toward the
  suppression of slave1 as well as      
other1 insurrections1 and to aid  the   
return of fugitive slaves4 ,after an    
abolitionist has taken  such an oath1 or
 by his vote sent another to take it for
 him1 ,i do  not see how he can look his
 own principles in the face4    ,thou   
that preachest a man should not steal1  
dost thou lie8    ,we who call upon the 
slaveholder to do right1 no matter what 
the  consequences or the cost1 are      

certainly bound to look well to our  own
 example4 ,at least we can hardly expect
 to win the master to do  justice by    
setting him an example of perjury4 ,it  
is almost an  insult in an abolitionist1
 while not willing to sacrifice even a  
petty ballot for his principles1 to     
demand of the slaveholder that  he give 
up wealth1 home1 old prejudices and     
social position at their  call4         
,,extracts ,,from ,j4,q4 ,,adams4       
,the benefits of the ,constitution of   
the ,united ,states1 were the           
restoration of credit and reputation1 to
 the country--the revival of  commerce1 
navigation1 and ship building--the      
acquisition of the  means of discharging
 the debts of the ,revolution1 and the  
protection  and encouragement of the    
infant and drooping manufactures of the 
country4 ,all this1 however1 as is now  
well ascertained1 was  insufficient to  
propitiate the rulers of the ,southern  
,states to  the adoption of the         
,constitution4 ,what they specially     

wanted was  protection4 ,protection from
 the powerful and savage tribes of      
,indians within their borders1 and who  
were harassing them with the  most      
terrible of wars--and protection from   
their own  negroes--protection from     
their insurrections--protection from    
their  escape--protection even to the   
trade by which they were brought into   
this country--protection1 shall ,i not  
blush to say1 protection to  the very   
bondage by which they were held4 ,yes6  
it cannot be  denied--the slaveholding  
lords of the ,south prescribed1 as a    
condition of their assent to the        
,constitution1 three special  provisions
 to secure the perpetuity of their      
dominion over their  slaves4 ,the first 
was the immunity for twenty years of    
preserving  the ,african slave-trade2   
the second was the stipulation to       
surrender  fugitive slaves--an          
engagement positively prohibited by the 
laws of  ,god1 delivered from ,sinai2   
and thirdly1 the exaction1 fatal to the 

principles of popular representation1 of
 a representation for  slaves--for      
articles of merchandise1 under the name 
of persons4    ,in outward show1 it is a
 representation of persons in bondage2  
in  fact1 it is a representation of     
their masters1--the oppressor           
representing the oppressed4--,is it in  
the compass of human  imagination to    
devise a more perfect exemplification of
 the art of  committing the lamb to the 
tender custody of the wolf8--,the       
representative is thus constituted1 not 
the friend1 agent and trustee  of the   
person whom he represents1 but the most 
inveterate of his foes4  ,to call       
government thus constituted a democracy1
 is to insult the  understanding of     
mankind4 ,it is doubly tainted with the 
infection of  riches and of slavery4    
,there is no name in the language of    
national  jurisprudence that can define 
it--no model in the records of  ancient 
history1 or in the political theories of
 ,aristotle1 with  which it can be      

likened4 ,here is one class of men1     
consisting of not  more than            
one-fortieth part of the whole people1  
not more than  one-thirtieth part of the
 free population1 exclusively devoted to
  their personal interests identified   
with their own as slaveholders  of the  
same associated wealth1 and wielding by 
their votes1 upon  every question of    
government or of public policy1         
two-fifths of the  whole power of the   
,house4 ,in the ,senate of the ,union1  
the proportion  of the slaveholding     
power is yet greater4 ,its operation    
upon the  government of the nation is1  
to establish an artificial majority in  
the slave representation over that of   
the free people1 in the  ,american      
,congress1 and thereby to make the      
,,preservation1 ,,propagation1  ,,and   
,,perpetuation ,,of ,,slavery ,,the     
,,vital ,,and ,,animating ,,spirit ,,of 
,,the  ,,national ,,government4--,the   
result is seen in the fact that1 at this
  day1 the ,president of the ,united    

,states1 the ,president of the ,senate1 
the ,speaker of the ,house of           
,representatives1 and five out of nine  
of  the ,judges of the ,supreme         
,judicial ,courts of the ,united        
,states1 are  not only citizens of      
slaveholding ,states1 but individual    
slaveholders  themselves4 ,so are1 and  
constantly have been1 with scarcely an  
exception1 all the members of both      
,houses of ,congress from the           
slaveholding ,states2 and so are1 in    
immensely disproportionate  numbers1 the
 commanding officers of the army and    
navy2 the officers  of the customs2 the 
registers and receivers of the land     
offices1 and  the post-masters          
throughout the slaveholding ,states4    
,fellow-citizens1--with a body of men   
thus composed1 for legislators  and     
executors of the laws1 what will1 what  
must be1 what has been  your            
legislation8 ,the numbers of freemen    
constituting your nation  are much      
greater than those of the slaveholding  

,states1 bond and free4  ,you have at   
least three-fifths of the whole         
population of the ,union4  ,your        
influence on the legislation and the    
administration of the  ,government ought
 to be in the proportion of three to    
two4 ,but how  stands the fact8 ,besides
 the legitimate portion of influence    
exercised by the slaveholding ,states by
 the measure of their numbers1  here is 
an intrusive influence in every         
department1 by a  representation1       
nominally of persons1 but really of     
property1  ostensibly of slaves1 but    
effectively of their masters1           
overbalancing  your superiority of      
numbers1 adding two-fifths of           
supplementary  power to the two-fifths  
fairly secured to them by the compact1  
,,controlling ,,and ,,overruling ,,the  
,,whole ,,action ,,of ,,your            
,,government ,,and  ,,home ,,and        
,,abroad1 and warping it to the sordid  
private interest and  oppressive policy 
of #cjj1jjj owners of slaves4    ,in the

 ,articles of ,confederation1 there was 
no guaranty for the  property of the    
slaveholder--no double representation of
 him in the  ,federal councils--no power
 of taxation--no stipulation for the    
recovery of fugitive slaves4 ,but when  
the powers of government came  to be    
delegated to the ,union1 the            
,south--that is1 ,south ,carolina and   
,georgia--refused their subscription to 
the parchment1 till it should  be       
saturated with the infection of slavery1
 which no fumigation  could purify1 no  
quarantine could extinguish4 ,the       
freemen of the  ,north gave way1 and the
 deadly venom of slavery was infused    
into the  ,constitution of freedom4 ,its
 first consequence has been to invert   
the first principle of ,democracy1 that 
the will of the majority  shall rule the
 land4 ,by means of the double          
representation1 the  minority command   
the whole1 and a ,,knot ,,of            
,,slaveholders ,,give ,,the ,,law  ,,and
 ,,prescribe ,,the ,,policy ,,of ,,the  

,,country4        ,,the ,,anti-,,slavery
 ,,examiner4      ,,address ,,to ,,the  
,,friends ,,of ,,constitutional         
,,liberty1    ,,on ,,the ,,violation    
,,by ,,the ,,united ,,states ,,house    
,,of ,,representatives    ,,of ,,the    
,,right ,,of ,,petition ,,at ,,the      
,,executive ,,committee    ,,of ,,the   
,,american ,,anti-,,slavery ,,society4  
,,new ,,york3  ,,published ,,by ,,the   
,,american ,,anti-,,slavery ,,society1  
,,no4 #adc ,,nassau ,,street4    #ahdj4 
,this ,no4 contains #a sheet4--,postage1
 under #ajj miles1 #a-a_/b ct4  over    
#ajj1 #b-a_/b cts4 ,please ,read and    
circulate4      ,,address4      ,,to    
,,the ,,friends ,,of ,,constitutional   
,,liberty3--    ,there was a time1      
fellow citizens1 when the above address 
would have  included the ,,people ,,of  
,,the ,,united ,,states4 ,but1 alas6 the
 freedom of  the press1 freedom of      
speech1 and the right of petition1 are  
now  hated and dreaded by our ,southern 
citizens1 as hostile to the  perpetuity 

of human bondage2 while1 by their       
political influence in  the ,federal    
,government1 they have induced numbers  
at the ,north to  unite with them in    
their sacrilegious crusade against these
  inestimable privileges4    ,on the    
#bhth ,january last1 the ,house of      
,representatives1 on motion of  ,mr4    
,johnson1 from ,maryland1 made it a     
standing ,,rule of the ,house  that no  
petition1 memorial1 resolution1 or other
 paper1 praying the  abolition of       
slavery in the ,district of ,columbia1  
or any ,state or  ,territory of the     
,united ,states1 in which it now exists1
 ,,shall ,,be  ,,received ,,by ,,the    
,,house1 ,,or ,,entertained ,,in ,,any  
,,way ,,whatever4    ,thus has the      
,,right ,,of ,,petition been immolated  
in the very ,temple of  ,liberty1 and   
offered up1 a propitiatory sacrifice to 
the demon of  slavery4 ,never before has
 an outrage so unblushingly profligate  
been  perpetrated upon the ,federal     
,constitution4 ,yet1 while we mourn the 

degeneracy which this transaction       
evinces1 we behold1 in its  attending   
circumstances1 joyful omens of the      
triumph which awaits  our struggle with 
the hateful power that now perverts the 
,general  ,government into an engine of 
cruelty and loathsome oppression4       
,before we congratulate you on these    
omens1 let us recall to your            
recollection the steps by which the     
enemies of human rights have  advanced  
to their present rash and insolent      
defiance of moral and  constitutional   
obligation4    ,in #ahca1 a newspaper   
was established in ,boston1 for the     
purpose of  disseminating facts and     
arguments in favor of the duty and      
policy of  immediate emancipation4 ,the 
,legislature of ,georgia1 with all the  
recklessness of despotism1 passed a law1
 offering a reward of #ejjj1  for the   
abduction of the ,editor1 and his       
delivery in ,georgia4 ,as  there was no 
law1 by which a citizen of              
,massachusetts could be tried  in       

,georgia1 for expressing his opinions in
 the capital of his own  ,state1 this   
reward was intended as the price of     
,,blood4 ,do you start  at the          
suggestion8 ,remember the several sums  
of #be1jjj1 of #ej1jjj1  and of         
#ajj1jjj1 offered in ,southern papers   
for kidnapping certain  abolitionists4  
,remember the horrible inflictions by   
,southern ,lynch  clubs4 ,remember the  
declaration1 in the ,united ,states     
,senate1 by the  brazen-fronted         
,preston1 that1 should an abolitionist  
be caught in  ,carolina1 he would be    
,,hanged4 ,but1 as the ,slaveholders    
could not  destroy the lives of the     
,abolitionists1 they determined to      
murder  their characters4 ,hence1 the   
,president of the ,united ,states was   
induced1 in his ,message of #ahce1 to   
,congress1 to charge them with  plotting
 the massacre of the ,southern planters2
 and even to stultify  himself1 by      
affirming that1 for this purpose1 they  
were engaged in  sending1 by mail1      

inflammatory appeals to the             
slaves--sending  papers to men who could
 not read them1 and by a conveyance     
through  which they could not receive   
them6 ,he well knew that the papers     
alluded to were appeals on the          
immorality of converting men1 women1    
and children1 into beasts of burden1 and
 were sent to the masters1  for their   
consideration4 ,the masters in          
,charleston1 dreading the  moral        
influence of these appeals on the       
conscience of the  slaveholding         
community1 forced the ,post ,office1 and
 made a bonfire  of the papers4 ,the    
,post ,master ,general1 with the        
sanction of the  ,president1 also       
hastened to their relief1 and1 in       
violation of oaths1  and laws1 and the  
constitution1 established ten thousand  
censors of  the press1 each one of whom 
was authorized to abstract from the mail
  every paper which he might think too  
favorable to the rights of man4    ,for 
more than twenty years1 petitions have  

been presented to ,congress1  for the   
abolition of slavery in the ,district of
 ,columbia4 ,the right  to present them1
 and the power of ,congress to grant    
their prayer1  were1 until recently1    
unquestioned4 ,but the rapid            
multiplication of  these petitions      
alarmed the slaveholders1 and1 knowing  
that they  tended to keep alive at the  
,north1 an interest in the slave1 they  
deemed it good policy to discourage and1
 if possible1 suppress all  such        
applications4 ,hence ,mr4 ,pinckney's   
famous resolution1 in #ahcf1  declaring1
 that all petitions1 or papers1 relating
 in any way1 or  to any extent whatever 
to the subject of slavery1 shall1       
without  being printed or referred1 be  
laid on the table2 and no further       
action1 whatever shall be had thereon6  
,the peculiar atrocity of this          
resolution was1 that it not merely      
trampled upon the rights of the         
petitioners1 but took from each  member 
of the ,house his undoubted privilege1  

as a legislator of the  ,district1 to   
introduce any proposition he might think
 proper1 for the  protection of the     
slaves4 ,in every ,slave ,state there   
are laws  affording1 at least1 some     
nominal protection to these unhappy     
beings2  but1 according to this         
resolution1 slaves might be flayed alive
 in  the streets of ,washington1 and no 
representative of the people could      
offer even a resolution for inquiry4    
,and this vile outrage upon             
constitutional liberty was avowedly     
perpetrated to repress agitation1  to   
allay excitement1 and re-establish      
harmony and tranquillity among  the     
various sections of the ,union66    ,but
 this strange opiate did not produce the
 stupefying effects  anticipated from   
it4 ,in #ahcf1 the petitioners were only
 #cg1jjj--the  next session they        
numbered #aaj1jjj4 ,mr4 ,hawes1 of ,ky41
 now essayed  to restore tranquillity1  
by gagging the uneasy multitude2 but1   
alas6  at the next ,congress1 more than 

#cjj1jjj petitioners carried new  terror
 to the hearts of the slaveholders4 ,the
 next anodyne was  prescribed by ,mr4   
,patton1 of ,va41 but its effect was to 
rouse from  their stupor some of the    
,northern ,legislatures1 and to induce  
them  to denounce his remedy as a       
usurpation of power1 a violation of the 
,constitution1 subversive of the        
fundamental principles of the           
government1 and at war with the         
prerogatives of the people4#aje ,it  was
 now supposed that the people most be   
drugged by a northern man1  and         
,atherton was found a fit instrument for
 this vile purpose2 but  the dose proved
 only the more nauseous and exciting    
from the foul  hands by which it was    
administered4    ,footnote #aje3        
,resolutions of ,massachusetts and      
,connecticut1 ,april and  ,may1 #ahch4  
,in these various outrages1 although all
 action on the petitions was            
prohibited1 the papers themselves were  
received and laid on the table1  and    

therefore it was contended1 that the    
right of petition had  been preserved   
inviolate4 ,but the slaveholders1       
maddened by the  failure of all their   
devices1 and fearing the influence which
 the  mere sight of thousands and tens  
of thousands of petitions in behalf  of 
liberty1 would exert1 and1 taking       
advantage of the approaching            
presidential election to operate upon   
the selfishness of some  northern       
members1 have succeeded in crushing the 
right of petition  itself4    ,that you 
may be the more sensible1 fellow        
citizens1 of the exceeding  profligacy  
of the late ,,rule and of its palpable  
violation of both the  spirit and the   
letter of the ,constitution1 which those
 who voted for  it had sworn to support1
 suffer us to recall to your            
recollection a  few historical facts4   
,the framers of the ,federal            
,constitution supposed the right of     
petition too firmly established in the  
habits and affections of the  people1 to

 need a constitutional guarantee4 ,their
 omission to notice  it1 roused the     
jealousy of some of the ,state          
conventions1 called to  pass upon the   
constitution4 ,the ,virginia convention 
proposed1  as an amendment1 that every  
freeman has a right to petition1  or    
apply to the ,legislature1 for a redress
 of grievances4 ,and this  amendment1   
with others1 was ordered to be forwarded
 to the different  ,states1 for their   
consideration4 ,the ,conventions of     
,north ,carolina1  ,new ,york1 and      
,rhode ,island1 were held subsequently1 
and1 of course1  had before them the    
,virginia amendment4 ,the ,north        
,carolina ,convention  adopted a        
declaration of rights1 embracing the    
very words of the  proposed amendment2  
and this declaration was ordered to be  
submitted  to ,congress1 before that    
,state would enter the ,union4 ,the     
,conventions  of ,new ,york and of      
,rhode ,island incorporated in their    
certificates  of ratification1 the      

assertion that ,every person has a right
 to  petition or apply to the           
legislature for a redress of            
grievances--using the ,virginia         
phraseology1 merely substituting the    
word person for freeman1 thus claiming  
the right of petition even  for slaves2 
while ,virginia and ,north ,carolina    
confined it to freemen4    ,the first   
,congress1 assembled under the          
,constitution1 gave effect to  the      
wishes thus emphatically expressed1 by  
proposing1 as an amendment1  that       
,congress shall make no law respecting  
an establishment of  religion1 or       
prohibiting the free exercise thereof1  
or abridging  the freedom of the press1 
or the right of the people peaceably to 
assemble1 and to petition ,government   
for a redress of grievances4  ,this     
amendment was duly ratified by the      
,states1 and when members of  ,congress 
swear to support the ,constitution of   
the ,united ,states1  they are as much  
bound by their oath to refrain from     

abridging the  right of petition1 as    
they are to fulfil any other            
constitutional  obligation4 ,and will   
the slaveholders and their abettors1    
dare to  maintain that they have not    
foresworn themselves1 because they have 
abridged the right of the people to     
petition for a redress of  grievances1  
by a ,,rule of the ,house1 and not by a 
law8 ,if so1 they  may by a ,,rule      
require every member1 on taking his     
seat1 to subscribe  the creed of a      
particular church1 and then call their  
,maker to  witness that they are        
guiltless of making a law respecting an 
establishment of religion1 or           
prohibiting the free exercise thereof4  
,the right to petition is one thing1 and
 the disposition of a petition  after it
 is received1 is another4 ,but the new  
rule makes no  disposition of the       
petitions2 it ,,prohibits ,,their       
,,reception2 they may  not be brought   
into the legislative chamber4 ,hundreds 
of thousands  of the people are debarred

 all access to their representatives1   
for  the purpose of offering them a     
prayer4    ,it is said that the manifold
 abominations perpetrated in the        
,district  are no grievances to the     
petitioners1 and therefore they have no 
right to ask for their removal4 ,but the
 right guaranteed by the  ,constitution1
 is a right to ask for the redress of   
grievances1  whether personal1 social1  
or moral4 ,and who1 except a            
slaveholder1  will dare to contend that 
it is no grievance that our agents1 our 
representatives1 our servants1 in our   
name and by our authority1  enact laws  
erecting and licensing markets in the   
,capital of the  ,republic1 for the sale
 of human beings1 and converting free   
men into  slaves1 for no other crime1   
than that of being too poor to pay      
,united ,states' officers the ,,jail    
,,fees accruing from an iniquitous      
imprisonment8    ,again1 it is pretended
 that the objects prayed for1 are       
palpably  unconstitutional1 and that    

therefore the petitions ought not to be 
received4 ,and by what authority are the
 people deprived of their  right to     
petition for any object which a majority
 of either  ,house of ,congress1 for the
 time being1 may please to regard as    
unconstitutional8 ,if this usurpation be
 submitted to1 it will not be  confined 
to abolition petitions4 ,it is well     
known that most of the  slaveholders now
 insist1 that all protecting duties are 
unconstitutional1 and that on account of
 the tariff the ,union was  nearly rent 
by the very men who are now horrified by
 the danger to  which it is exposed by  
these petitions6 ,should our ,northern  
,manufacturers again presume to ask     
,congress to protect them from  foreign 
competition1 the ,southern members will 
find a precedent1  sanctioned by        
,northern votes1 for a rule that no     
petition1 memorial1  resolution1 or     
other paper1 praying for the            
,,imposition ,,of ,,duties ,,for  ,,the 
,,encouragement ,,of ,,manufactures1    

shall be received by the ,house1  or    
entertained in any way whatever4    ,it 
does indeed1 require ,southern          
arrogance1 to maintain that1  although  
,congress is invested by the            
,constitution with exclusive            
jurisdiction1 in all cases whatsoever1  
over the ,district of ,columbia1  yet   
that it would be so palpably            
unconstitutional to abolish the         
slave-trade1 and to emancipate the      
slaves in the ,district1 that  petitions
 for these objects ought not to be      
received4 ,yet this is  asserted in that
 very ,house1 on whose minutes is       
recorded a  resolution1 in #ahaf1       
appointing a committee1 with power to   
send for  persons and papers1 to inquire
 into the existence of an inhuman and   
illegal traffic in slaves1 carried on1  
in and through the ,district  of        
,columbia1 and report whether any1 and  
what means are necessary  for putting a 
stop to the same3 and another1 in #ahbi1
 instructing  the ,committee on the     

,district of ,columbia to inquire into  
the  expediency of providing by law1 for
 the gradual abolition of  slavery in   
the ,district4    ,in the very first    
,congress assembled under the ,federal  
,constitution1  petitions were          
presented1 asking its interposition for 
the  mitigation of the evils1 and final 
abolition of the ,african  slave-trade1 
and also praying it1 as far as it       
possessed the power1  to take measures  
for the abolition of slavery4 ,these    
petitions  excited the wrath and        
indignation of many of the slave-holding
  members1 yet no one thought of        
refusing to receive them4 ,they were    
referred to a select committee1 at the  
instance of ,mr4 ,madison1  himself1 who
 entered into a critical review of the  
circumstances  respecting the adoption  
of the ,constitution1 and the ideas upon
 the  limitation of the powers of       
,congress to interfere in the regulation
  of the commerce of slaves1 and showed 
that they undoubtedly were not          

precluded from interposing in their     
importation2 and generally to  regulate 
the mode in which every species of      
business shall be  transacted4 ,he      
adverted to the western country1 and the
 ,cession of  ,georgia1 in which        
,congress have certainly the power to   
regulate the  subject of slavery2 which 
shows that gentlemen are mistaken in    
supposing1 that ,congress cannot        
constitutionally interfere in the       
business1 in any degree1 whatever4 ,he  
was in favor of committing the          
petition1 and justified the measure by  
repeated precedents in the  proceedings 
of the ,house4--,u4,s4 ,gazette1 #agth  
,feb41 #agij4    ,here we find one of   
the earliest and ablest expounders of   
the  ,constitution1 maintaining the     
power of ,congress to regulate the      
subject of slavery in the national      
territories1 and urging the  reference  
of abolition petitions to a special     
committee4    ,the committee made a     
report2 for which1 after a long debate1 

was  substituted a declaration1 by the  
,house1 that ,congress could not        
abolish the slave trade prior to the    
year #ahjh1 but had a right so  to      
regulate it as to provide for the humane
 treatment of the slaves  on the        
passage2 and that ,congress could not   
interfere in the  emancipation or       
treatment of slaves in the ,states4     
,this declaration gave entire           
satisfaction1 and no farther abolition  
petitions were presented1 till after the
 ,district of ,columbia had  been placed
 under the exclusive jurisdiction of the
 ,general  ,government4    ,you all     
remember1 fellow citizens1 the          
wide-spread excitement which  a few     
years since prevailed on the subject of 
,,sunday ,,mails4 ,instead  of          
attempting to quiet the agitation1 by   
outraging the rights of the             
petitioners1 ,congress referred the     
petitions to a committee1 and  made no  
attempt to stifle discussion4    ,why1  
then1 we ask1 with such authorities and 

precedents before them1  do the         
slaveholders in ,congress1 regardless of
 their oaths1 strive to  gag the friends
 of freedom1 under pretence of allaying 
agitation8  ,because conscience does    
make cowards of them all--because they  
know  the accursed system they are      
upholding will not bear the             
light--because they fear1 if these      
petitions are discussed1 the            
abominations of the ,american slave     
trade1 the secrets of the  prison-houses
 in ,washington and ,alexandria1 and the
 horrors of the  human shambles licensed
 by the authority of ,congress1 will be 
exposed to the score and indignation of 
the civilized world4    ,unquestionably 
the late ,,rule surpasses1 in its       
profligate contempt of  constitutional  
obligation1 any act in the annals of the
 ,federal  ,government4 ,as such it     
might well strike every patriot with    
dismay1  were it not that attending     
circumstances teach us that it is the   
expiring effort of desperation4 ,when we

 reflect on the past  subserviency of   
our northern representatives to the     
mandates of the  slaveholders1 we may   
well raise1 on the present occasion1 the
 shout  of triumph1 and hail the vote on
 the recent ,,rule as the pledge of a   
glorious victory4 ,suffer us to recall  
to your recollection the  majorities by 
which the successive attempts to crush  
the right of  petition and the freedom  
of debate have been carried4            
,pinckney's ,gag was passed ,may1 #ahcf1
 by a majority of #ea  ,hawes's         
,jan4 #ahcg1                  #eh       
,patton's                  ,dec4 #ahcg1 
#dh  ,atherton's                ,dec4   
#ahch1                  #dh  ,,johnson's
                 ,jan4 #ahdj1           
#f      ,surely1 when we find the       
majority against us reduced from #eh to 
#f1 we need no new incentive to         
perseverance4    ,another circumstance  
which marks the progress of             
constitutional  liberty1 is the gradual 
diminution in the number of our northern

  serviles4 ,the votes from the free    
,states in favor of the several  gags   
were as follows3--      ,for ,pinckney's
             #fb  ,for ,hawes's         
#gj  ,for ,patton's               #eb   
,for ,atherton's             #di  ,for  
,,johnson's              #bh      ,there
 is also another cheering fact connected
 with the passage of  the ,,rule which  
deserves to be noticed4 ,heretofore the 
slaveholders  have uniformly1 by        
enforcing the previous question1 imposed
 their  several gags by a silent vote4  
,on the present occasion they were      
twice baffled in their efforts to stifle
 debate1 and were1 for days  together1  
compelled to listen to speeches on a    
subject which they  have so often       
declared should not be discussed4    ,a 
base strife for southern votes has      
hitherto1 to no small extent1  enlisted 
both the political parties at the north 
in the service of  the slaveholders4    
,the late unwonted independence of      
northern  politicians1 and the deference

 paid by them to the wishes of their    
own constituents1 in preference to those
 of their southern colleagues1          
indicates the advance of public opinion4
 ,no less than #di northern  members of 
the administration party voted for the  
,atherton gag1  while only #bg dared to 
record their names in favor of          
,johnson's2 and  of the representation  
of ,,six ,states1 every vote was given  
against  the rule1 without distinction  
of party4 ,the tone in which opposite   
political journals denounce the late    
outrage may warn the  slaveholders that 
they will not much longer hold the north
 in bonds4  ,the leading administration 
paper in the city of ,new ,york regards 
the  ,,rule with utter abhorrence2 while
 the official paper of the  opposition1 
edited by the state printer1 trusts that
 the names of  the recreant northerners 
who voted for it may be handed down to  
eternal infamy and execration4    ,the  
advocates of abolition are no longer    
consigned to unmitigated  contempt and  

obloquy4 ,passing by the various living 
illustrations of  our remark1 we appeal 
for our proofs to the dead4 ,the late   
,,william  ,,leggett1 the editor of a   
,democratic ,journal in the city of ,new
 ,york1  was denounced1 in #ahce1 by the
 ,democratic ,republican ,general       
,committee1 for his abolition doctrines4
 ,far from faltering in his  course1 on 
account of the censure of his own party1
 he exclaimed1  with a presentiment     
almost amounting to prophecy1 ,the      
stream of  public opinion now sets      
against us1 but it is about to turn1 and
 the  regurgitation will be tremendous4 
,proud in that day may well be the  man 
who can float in triumph on the first   
refluent wave1 swept  onward by the     
deluge which he himself1 in advance of  
his fellows1  had largely shared in     
occasioning4 ,such be my fate2 and1     
living or  dying1 it will in some       
measure be mine4 ,i have written my name
 in  ineffaceable letters on the        
abolition record4 ,and he did live to   

behold the first swelling of the        
refluent wave4 ,the denounced           
abolitionist was honored by a democratic
 ,president with a diplomatic  mission2 
and since his death1 the resolution     
condemning him has been  ,,expunged from
 the minutes of the democratic          
committee4    ,of the many victims of   
the recent awful calamity in our waters1
 what  name has been most frequently    
uttered by the pulpit and the press in  
the accents of lamentation and          
panegyric8 ,on whose tomb have freedom1 
philanthropy1 and letters been invoked  
to strew their funeral wreaths8  ,all   
who have heard of the loss of the       
,lexington are familiar with  the name  
of ,,charles ,,follen4 ,and who was he8 
,one of the men  officially denounced by
 ,president ,jackson as a gang of       
miscreants1  plotting insurrection and  
murder--and1 recently1 a member of the  
,executive ,committee of the ,american  
,anti-,slavery ,society4    ,let us     
then1 fellow citizens1 in view of all   

these things1 thank ,god  and take      
courage4 ,we are now contending1 not    
merely for the  emancipation of our     
unhappy fellow men1 kept in bondage     
under the  authority of our own         
representatives--not merely for the     
overthrow  of the human shambles erected
 by ,congress on the national           
domain--but also for the preservation of
 those great constitutional  rights     
which were acquired by our fathers1 and 
are now assailed by  the slaveholders   
and their northern auxiliaries4 ,that   
you may  remember these auxiliaries and 
avoid giving them new opportunities  of 
betraying your rights1 we annex a list  
of their dishonored names4    ,the      
following twenty-eight members from the 
,free ,states voted in the  affirmative 
on the recent ,,gag ,,rule4             
,,maine4      ,virgil ,d4 ,parris       
,albert ,smith      ,,new ,,hampshire4  
,charles ,g4 ,atherton    ,edmund ,burke
    ,ira ,a4 ,eastman    ,tristram ,shaw
      ,,new ,,york4      ,nehemiah ,h4  

,earle    ,john ,fine    ,nathaniel     
,jones    ,governeur ,kemble    ,james  
de la ,montayne    ,john ,h4 ,prentiss  
,theron ,r4 ,strong      ,,pennsylvania4
      ,john ,davis    ,joseph ,fornance 
,james ,gerry    ,george ,m',cullough   
,david ,petriken    ,william ,s4 ,ramsey
      ,,ohio4      ,d4,p4 ,leadbetter   
,william ,medill    ,isaac ,parrish     
,george ,sweeney    ,jonathan ,taylor   
,john ,b4 ,weller      ,,indiana4       
,john ,davis    ,george ,h4 ,proffit    
,,illinois4      ,john ,reynolds4       
,let us turn to our more immediate      
representatives1 and we trust more      
faithful servants4 ,our ,state          
,legislatures will not refuse to hear   
our prayers4 ,let us petition them      
immediately to rebuke the treason  by   
which the ,constitution has been        
surrendered into the hands of the       
slaveholders--let us implore them to    
demand from ,congress1 in the  name of  
the free ,states1 that they shall       
neither destroy nor abridge  the right  

of petition--a right without which our  
government would be  converted into a   
despotism4    ,we call on you1 fellow   
citizens of every religious faith and   
party  name1 to unite with us in        
guarding the citadel of our country's   
freedom4 ,if there are any who will not 
co-operate with us in  laboring for the 
emancipation of the slave1 surely there 
are none  who will stand aloof from us  
while contending for the liberty of     
themselves1 their children1 and their   
children's children4    ,to the rescue1 
then1 fellow citizens6 and1 trusting in 
,,him without  whom all human effort is 
weakness1 let us not doubt that our     
faithful  endeavors to preserve the     
rights ,,he has given us will1 through  
,,his  blessing1 be crowned with        
success4        ,,arthur ,,tappan1      
,,james ,g4 ,,birney1    ,,joshua       
,,leavitt1    ,,lewis ,,tappan1         
,,samuel ,e4 ,,cornish1    ,,simeon ,s4 
,,jocelyn1    ,,la ,,roy ,,sunderland1  
,,theodore ,s4 ,,wright1    ,,duncan    

,,dunbar1    ,,james ,s4 ,,gibbons1     
,,henry ,b4 ,,stanton      ,executive   
,committee    of the    ,american       
,anti-,slavery ,society4          ,new  
,york1 ,february #ac1 #ahdj4