,,the ,,anti-,,slavery ,,examiner ,part #d of #d ,by ,the ,american ,anti-,slavery ,society #ahci ,no4 #ab4 ,chattel ,principle ,the ,abhorrence of ,jesus ,christ and the ,apostles2 ,or ,no ,refuge for ,american ,slavery in the ,new ,testament4 ,on the ,condition of the ,free ,people of ,color in the ,united ,states4 ,no4 #ac4 ,can ,abolitionists ,vote or ,take ,office ,under the ,united ,states ,constitution8 ,address to the ,friends of ,constitutional ,liberty1 on the ,violation by the ,united ,states ,house of ,representatives of the ,right of ,petition at the ,executive ,committee of the ,american ,anti-,slavery ,society4 ,no4 #ab4 ,,anti-,,slavery ,,examiner4 ,,chattel ,,principle ,,the ,,abhorrence ,,of ,,jesus ,,christ ,,and ,,the ,,apostles2 ,,or1 ,,no ,,refuge ,,for ,,american ,,slavery ,,in ,,the ,,new ,,testament4 ,,by ,,beriah ,,green4 ,,new ,,york ,,published ,,by ,,the ,,american ,,anti-,,slavery ,,society1 ,,no4 #adc ,,nassau ,,street #ahci ,this ,no4 contains #d-a_/b sheet--,postage under #ajj miles1 #g cts4 over #ajj1 #aj cts4 ,please ,read and circulate4 ,,the ,,new ,,testament ,,against ,,slavery4 ,,the ,,son ,,of ,,man ,,is ,,come ,,to ,,seek ,,and ,,to ,,save ,,that ,,which ,,was ,,lost4 ,is ,jesus ,christ in favor of ,american slavery8 ,in #aggf ,,thomas ,,jefferson1 supported by a noble band of patriots and surrounded by the ,american people1 opened his lips in the authoritative declaration3 ,we hold these truths to be ,,self-,,evident1 that all men are created equal2 that they are endowed by their ,creator with certain inalienable rights2 that among these are life1 ,,liberty1 and the pursuit of happiness4 ,and from the inmost heart of the multitudes around1 and in a strong and clear voice1 broke forth the unanimous and decisive answer3 ,amen--such truths we do indeed hold to be self-evident4 ,and animated and sustained by a declaration1 so inspiring and sublime1 they rushed to arms1 and as the result of agonizing efforts and dreadful sufferings1 achieved under ,god the independence of their country4 ,the great truth1 whence they derived light and strength to assert and defend their rights1 they made the foundation of their republic4 ,and in the midst of this republic1 must we prove1 that ,he1 who was the ,truth1 did not contradict the truths which ,he ,himself2 as their ,creator1 had made self-evident to mankind8 ,is ,jesus ,christ in favor of ,american slavery8 ,what1 according to those laws which make it what it is1 is ,american slavery8 ,in the ,statute-book of ,south ,carolina thus it is written3#a ,slaves shall be deemed1 held1 taken1 reputed and adjudged in law to be chattels personal in the hands of their owners and possessors1 and their executors1 administrators and assigns1 to all intents1 construction and purposes whatever4 ,the very root of ,american slavery consists in the assumption1 that law has reduced men to chattels4 ,but this assumption is1 and must be1 a gross falsehood4 ,men and cattle are separated from each other by the ,creator1 immutably1 eternally1 and by an impassable gulf4 ,to confound or identify men and cattle must be to lie most wantonly1 impudently1 and maliciously4 ,and must we prove1 that ,jesus ,christ is not in favor of palpable1 monstrous falsehood8 ,footnote #a3 ,stroud's ,slave ,laws1 p4 #bc4 ,is ,jesus ,christ in favor of ,american slavery8 ,how can a system1 built upon a stout and impudent denial of self-evident truth--a system of treating men like cattle--operate8 ,thomas ,jefferson shall answer4 ,hear him4 ,the whole commerce between master and slave is a perpetual exercise of the most boisterous passions2 the most unremitting despotism on the one part1 and degrading submission on the other4 ,the parent storms1 the child looks on1 catches the lineaments of wrath1 puts on the same airs in the circle of smaller slaves1 gives loose to his worst passions1 and thus nursed1 educated1 and daily exercised in tyranny1 cannot but be stamped by it with odious peculiarities4 ,the man must be a prodigy1 who can retain his manners and morals undepraved by such circumstances4#b ,such is the practical operation of a system1 which puts men and cattle into the same family and treats them alike4 ,and must we prove1 that ,jesus ,christ is not in favor of a school where the worst vices in their most hateful forms are systematically and efficiently taught and practiced8 ,is ,jesus ,christ in favor of ,american slavery8 ,what1 in #ahah1 did the ,general ,assembly of the ,presbyterian church affirm respecting its nature and operation8 ,slavery creates a paradox in the moral system--it exhibits rational1 accountable1 and immortal beings1 in such circumstances as scarcely to leave them the power of moral action4 ,it exhibits them as dependent on the will of others1 whether they shall receive religious instruction2 whether they shall know and worship the true ,god2 whether they shall enjoy the ordinances of the gospel2 whether they shall perform the duties and cherish the endearments of husbands and wives1 parents and children1 neighbors and friends2 whether they shall preserve their chastity and purity1 or regard the dictates of justice and humanity4 ,such are some of the consequences of slavery2 consequences not imaginary1 but which connect themselves with its very existence4 ,the evils to which the slave is always exposed1 often take place in their very worst degree and form2 and where all of them do not take place1 still the slave is deprived of his natural rights1 degraded as a human being1 and exposed to the danger of passing into the hands of a master who may inflict upon him all the hardship and injuries which inhumanity and avarice may suggest4#c ,must we prove1 that ,jesus ,christ is not in favor of such things8 ,footnote #b3 ,notes on ,virginia1 ,boston ,ed4 #ahcb1 pp4 #afi1 #agj4 ,footnote #c3 ,minutes of the ,general assembly for #ahah1 p4 #bi4 ,is ,jesus ,christ in favor of ,american slavery8 ,it is already widely felt and openly acknowledged at the ,south1 that they cannot support slavery without sustaining the opposition of universal ,christendom4 ,and ,thomas ,jefferson declared1 ,i tremble for my country when ,i reflect that ,god is just2 that his justice can not sleep forever2 that considering numbers1 nature1 and natural means only1 a revolution of the wheel of fortune1 an exchange of situation1 is among possible events2 that it may become practicable by supernatural influences6 ,the ,almighty has no attribute which can take sides with us in such a contest4#d ,and must we prove1 that ,jesus ,christ is not in favor of what universal ,christendom is impelled to abhor1 denounce1 and oppose2 is not in favor of what every attribute of ,almighty ,god is armed against8 ,footnote #d3 ,notes on ,virginia1 ,boston ,ed4 #ahcb1 pp4 #agj1 #aga4 ,,ye ,,have ,,despised ,,the ,,poor4 ,it is no man of straw1 with whom1 in making out such proof1 we are called to contend4 ,would to ,god we had no other antagonist6 ,would to ,god that our labor of love could be regarded as a work of supererogation6 ,but we may well be ashamed and grieved to find it necessary to stop the mouths of grave and learned ecclesiastics1 who from the heights of ,zion have undertaken to defend the institution of slavery4 ,we speak not now of those1 who amidst the monuments of oppression are engaged in the sacred vocation2 who1 as ministers of the ,gospel1 can prophesy smooth things to such as pollute the altar of ,jehovah with human sacrifices2 nay1 who themselves bind the victim and kindle the sacrifice4 ,that they should put their ,savior to the torture1 to wring from his lips something in favor of slavery1 is not to be wondered at4 ,they consent to the murder of the children2 can they respect the rights of the ,father8 ,but what shall we say of distinguished theologians of the north--professors of sacred literature at our oldest divinity schools--who stand up to defend1 both by argument and authority1 southern slavery6 ,and from the ,bible6 ,who1 ,balaam-like1 try a thousand expedients to force from the mouth of ,jehovah a sentence which they know the heart of ,jehovah abhors6 ,surely we have here something more mischievous and formidable than a man of straw4 ,more than two years ago1 and just before the meeting of the ,general ,assembly of the ,presbyterian church1 appeared an article in the ,biblical ,repertory1#e understood to be from the pen of the ,professor of ,sacred ,literature at ,princeton1 in which an effort is made to show1 that slavery1 whatever may be said of any abuses of it1 is not a violation of the precepts of the ,gospel4 ,this article1 we are informed1 was industriously and extensively distributed among the members of the ,general ,assembly--a body of men1 who by a frightful majority seemed already too much disposed to wink at the horrors of slavery4 ,the effect of the ,princeton ,apology on the southern mind1 we have high authority for saying1 has been most decisive and injurious4 ,it has contributed greatly to turn the public eye off from the sin--from the inherent and necessary evils of slavery to incidental evils1 which the abuse of it might be expected to occasion4 ,and how few can be brought to admit1 that whatever abuses may prevail nobody knows where or how1 any such thing is chargeable upon them6 ,thus our ,princeton prophet has done what he could to lay the southern conscience asleep upon ingenious perversions of the sacred volume6 ,footnote #e3 ,for ,april1 #ahcf4 ,the ,general ,assembly of the ,presbyterian ,church met in the following ,may1 at ,pittsburgh1 where1 in pamphlet form1 this article was distributed4 ,the following appeared upon the title page3 ,,pittsburgh3 #ahcf4 ,for gratuitous distribution4 ,about a year after this1 an effort in the same direction was jointly made by ,dr4 ,fisk and ,professor ,stuart4 ,in a letter to a ,methodist clergyman1 ,mr4 ,merrit1 published in ,zion's ,herald1 ,dr4 ,fisk gives utterance to such things as the following3-- ,but that you and the public may see and feel1 that you have the ablest and those who are among the honestest men of this age1 arrayed against you1 be pleased to notice the following letter from ,prof4 ,stuart4 ,i wrote to him1 knowing as ,i did his integrity of purpose1 his unflinching regard for truth1 as well as his deserved reputation as a scholar and biblical critic1 proposing the following questions3-- #a4 ,does the ,new ,testament directly or indirectly teach1 that slavery existed in the primitive church8 #b4 ,in #a ,tim4 vi4 #b1 ,and they that have believing masters1 c41 what is the relation expressed or implied between they 7servants7 and believing masters8 ,and what are your reasons for the construction of the passage8 #c4 ,what was the character of ancient and eastern slavery8-- ,especially what 7legal7 power did this relation give the master over the slave8 ,,professor ,,stuart',s ,,reply4 ,,andover1 #ajth ,apr41 #ahcg ,,rev4 ,,and ,,dear ,,sir1--,yours is before me4 ,a sickness of three month's standing 7typhus fever7 in which ,i have just escaped death1 and which still confines me to my house1 renders it impossible for me to answer your letter at large4 #a4 ,the precepts of the ,new ,testament respecting the demeanor of slaves and of their masters1 beyond all question1 recognize the existence of slavery4 ,the masters are in part believing masters1 so that a precept to them1 how they are to behave as masters1 recognizes that the relation may still exist1 salva fide et salva ecclesia1 7without violating the ,christian faith or the church47 ,otherwise1 ,paul had nothing to do but to cut the band asunder at once4 ,he could not lawfully and properly temporize with a malum in se1 7that which is in itself sin47 ,if any one doubts1 let him take the case of ,paul's sending ,onesimus back to ,philemon1 with an apology for his running away1 and sending him back to be his servant for life4 ,the relation did exist1 may exist4 ,the abuse of it is the essential and fundamental wrong4 ,not that the theory of slavery is in itself right4 ,no2 ,love thy neighbor as thyself1 ,do unto others that which ye would that others should do unto you1 decide against this4 ,but the relation once constituted and continued1 is not such a malum in se as calls for immediate and violent disruption at all hazards4 ,so ,paul did not counsel4 #b4 #a ,tim4 vi4 #b1 expresses the sentiment1 that slaves1 who are ,christians and have ,christian masters1 are not1 on that account1 and because as ,christians they are brethren1 to forego the reverence due to them as masters4 ,that is1 the relation of master and slave is not1 as a matter of course1 abrogated between all ,christians4 ,nay1 servants should in such a case1 a fortiori1 do their duty cheerfully4 ,this sentiment lies on the very face of the case4 ,what the master's duty in such a case may be in respect to liberation1 is another question1 and one which the apostle does not here treat of4 #c4 ,every one knows1 who is acquainted with ,greek or ,latin antiquities1 that slavery among heathen nations has ever been more unqualified and at looser ends than among ,christian nations4 ,slaves were property in ,greece and ,rome4 ,that decides all questions about their relation4 ,their treatment depended1 as it does now1 on the temper of their masters4 ,the power of the master over the slave was1 for a long time1 that of life and death4 ,horrible cruelties at length mitigated it4 ,in the apostle's day1 it was at least as great as among us4 ,after all the spouting and vehemence on this subject1 which have been exhibited1 the good old ,book remains the same4 ,paul's conduct and advice are still safe guides4 ,paul knew well that ,christianity would ultimately destroy slavery1 as it certainly will4 ,he knew1 too1 that it would destroy monarchy and aristocracy from the earth3 for it is fundamentally a doctrine of true liberty and equality4 ,yet ,paul did not expect slavery or anarchy to be ousted in a day2 and gave precepts to ,christians respecting their demeanor ad interim4 ,with sincere and paternal regard1 ,your friend and brother1 ,m4 ,,stuart4 --,this1 sir1 is doctrine that will stand1 because it is ,bible doctrine4 ,the abolitionists1 then1 are on a wrong course4 ,they have traveled out of the record2 and if they would succeed1 they must take a different position1 and approach the subject in a different manner4 ,respectfully yours1 ,w4 ,,fisk ,,so ,,they ,,wrap ,,snarl ,,it ,,up4 ,what are we taught here8 ,that in the ecclesiastical organizations which grew up under the hands of the apostles1 slavery was admitted as a relation that did not violate the ,christian faith2 that the relation may now in like manner exist2 that the abuse of it is the essential and fundamental wrong2 and of course1 that ,american ,christians may hold their own brethren in slavery without incurring guilt or inflicting injury4 ,thus1 according to ,prof4 ,stuart1 ,jesus ,christ has not a word to say against the peculiar institutions of the ,south4 ,if our brethren there do not abuse the privilege of enacting unpaid labor1 they may multiply their slaves to their hearts' content1 without exposing themselves to the frown of the ,savior or laying their ,christian character open to the least suspicion4 ,could any trafficker in human flesh ask for greater latitude6 ,and to such doctrines1 ,dr4 ,fisk eagerly and earnestly subscribes4 ,he goes further4 ,he urges it on the attention of his brethren1 as containing important truth1 which they ought to embrace4 ,according to him1 it is ,bible doctrine1 showing1 that the abolitionists are on a wrong course1 and must1 if they would succeed1 take a different position4 ,we now refer to such distinguished names1 to show1 that in attempting to prove that ,jesus ,christ is not in favor of ,american slavery1 we contend with something else than a man of straw4 ,the ungrateful task1 which a particular examination of ,professor ,stuart's letter lays upon us1 we hope fairly to dispose of in due season4 ,enough has now been said to make it clear and certain1 that ,american slavery has its apologists and advocates in the northern pulpit2 advocates and apologists1 who fall behind few if any of their brethren in the reputation they have acquired1 the stations they occupy1 and the general influence they are supposed to exert4 ,is it so8 ,did slavery exist in ,judea1 and among the ,jews1 in its worst form1 during the ,savior's incarnation8 ,if the ,jews held slaves1 they must have done in open and flagrant violation of the letter and the spirit of the ,mosaic ,dispensation4 ,whoever has any doubts of this may well resolve his doubts in the light of the ,argument entitled ,the ,bible against ,slavery4 ,if1 after a careful and thorough examination of that article1 he can believe that slaveholding prevailed during the ministry of ,jesus ,christ among the ,jews and in accordance with the authority of ,moses1 he would do the reading public an important service to record the grounds of his belief--especially in a fair and full refutation of that ,argument4 ,till that is done1 we hold ourselves excused from attempting to prove what we now repeat1 that if the ,jews during our ,savior's incarnation held slaves1 they must have done so in open and flagrant violation of the letter and spirit of the ,mosaic ,dispensation4 ,could ,christ and the ,apostles every where among their countrymen come in contact with slaveholding1 being as it was a gross violation of that law which their office and their profession required them to honor and enforce1 without exposing and condemning it8 ,in its worst forms1 we are told1 slavery prevailed over the whole world1 not excepting ,judea4 ,as1 according to such ecclesiastics as ,stuart1 ,hodge and ,fisk1 slavery in itself is not bad at all1 the term worst could be applied only to abuses of this innocent relation4 ,slavery accordingly existed among the ,jews1 disfigured and disgraced by the worst abuses to which it is liable4 ,these abuses in the ancient world1 ,professor ,stuart describes as horrible cruelties4 ,and in our own country1 such abuses have grown so rank1 as to lead a distinguished eye-witness--no less a philosopher and statesman than ,thomas ,jefferson--to say1 that they had armed against us every attribute of the ,almighty4 ,with these things the ,savior every where came in contact1 among the people to whose improvement and salvation he devoted his living powers1 and yet not a word1 not a syllable1 in exposure and condemnation of such horrible cruelties escaped his lips6 ,he saw--among the covenant people of ,jehovah he saw1 the babe plucked from the bosom of its mother2 the wife torn from the embrace of her husband2 the daughter driven to the market by the scourge of her own father2--he saw the word of ,god sealed up from those who1 of all men1 were especially entitled to its enlightening1 quickening influence2--nay1 he saw men beaten for kneeling before the throne of heavenly mercy2--such things he saw without a word of admonition or reproof6 ,no sympathy with them who suffered wrong--no indignation at them who inflicted wrong1 moved his heart6 ,from the alleged silence of the ,savior1 when in contact with slavery among the ,jews1 our divines infer1 that it is quite consistent with ,christianity4 ,and they affirm1 that he saw it in its worst forms2 that is1 he witnessed what ,professor ,stuart ventures to call horrible cruelties4 ,but what right have these interpreters of the sacred volume to regard any form of slavery which the ,savior found1 as worst1 or even bad8 ,according to their inference--which they would thrust gag-wise into the mouths of abolitionists--his silence should seal up their lips4 ,they ought to hold their tongues4 ,they have no right to call any form of slavery bad--an abuse2 much less1 horribly cruel6 ,their inference is broad enough to protect the most brutal driver amidst his deadliest inflictions6 ,,think ,,not ,,that ,i ,,am ,,come ,,to ,,destroy ,,the ,,law ,,or ,,the ,,prophets2 ,i ,,am ,,not ,,come ,,to ,,destroy1 ,,but ,,to ,,fulfil4 ,and did the ,head of the new dispensation1 then1 fall so far behind the prophets of the old in a hearty and effective regard for suffering humanity8 ,the forms of oppression which they witnessed1 excited their compassion and aroused their indignation4 ,in terms the most pointed and powerful1 they exposed1 denounced1 threatened4 ,they could not endure the creatures1 who used their neighbors' service without wages1 and gave him not for his work2#f who imposed heavy burdens#g upon their fellows1 and loaded them with the bands of wickedness2 who1 hiding themselves from their own flesh1 disowned their own mothers' children4 ,professions of piety joined with the oppression of the poor1 they held up to universal scorn and execration1 as the dregs of hypocrisy4 ,they warned the creature of such professions1 that he could escape the wrath of ,jehovah only by heart-felt repentance4 ,and yet1 according to the ecclesiastics with whom we have to do1 the ,lord of these prophets passed by in silence just such enormities as he commanded them to expose and denounce6 ,every where1 he came in contact with slavery in its worst forms--horrible cruelties forced themselves upon his notice2 but not a word of rebuke or warning did he utter4 ,he saw a boy given for a harlot1 and a girl sold for wine1 that they might drink1#h without the slightest feeling of displeasure1 or any mark of disapprobation6 ,to such disgusting and horrible conclusions1 do the arguings which1 from the haunts of sacred literature1 are inflicted on our churches1 lead us6 ,according to them1 ,jesus ,christ1 instead of shining as the light of the world1 extinguished the torches which his own prophets had kindled1 and plunged mankind into the palpable darkness of a starless midnight6 ,o savior1 in pity to thy suffering people1 let thy temple be no longer used as a den of thieves6 ,footnote #f3 ,jeremiah1 xxii4 #ac4 ,footnote #g3 ,isaiah1 lviii4 #f1 #g4 ,footnote #h3 ,joel1 iii4 #c4 ,,thou ,,thoughtest ,,that ,i ,,was ,,altogether ,,such ,,an ,,one ,,as ,,thyself4 ,in passing by the worst forms of slavery1 with which he every where came in contact among the ,jews1 the ,savior must have been inconsistent with himself4 ,he was commissioned to preach glad tidings to the poor2 to heal the broken-hearted2 to preach deliverance to the captives2 to set at liberty them that are bruised2 to preach the year of ,jubilee4 ,in accordance with this commission1 he bound himself1 from the earliest date of his incarnation1 to the poor1 by the strongest ties2 himself had not where to lay his head2 he exposed himself to misrepresentation and abuse for his affectionate intercourse with the outcasts of society2 he stood up as the advocate of the widow1 denouncing and dooming the heartless ecclesiastics1 who had made her bereavement a source of gain2 and in describing the scenes of the final judgment1 he selected the very personification of poverty1 disease and oppression1 as the test by which our regard for him should be determined4 ,to the poor and wretched2 to the degraded and despised1 his arms were ever open4 ,they had his tenderest sympathies4 ,they had his warmest love4 ,his heart's blood he poured out upon the ground for the human family1 reduced to the deepest degradation1 and exposed to the heaviest inflictions1 as the slaves of the grand usurper4 ,and yet1 according to our ecclesiastics1 that class of sufferers who had been reduced immeasurably below every other shape and form of degradation and distress2 who had been most rudely thrust out of the family of ,adam1 and forced to herd with swine2 who1 without the slightest offence1 had been made the footstool of the worst criminals2 whose tears were their meat night and day1 while1 under nameless insults and killing injuries they were continually crying1 ,o ,lord1 ,o ,lord3--this class of sufferers1 and this alone1 our biblical expositors1 occupying the high places of sacred literature1 would make us believe the compassionate ,savior coldly overlooked4 ,not an emotion of pity2 not a look of sympathy2 not a word of consolation1 did his gracious heart prompt him to bestow upon them6 ,he denounces damnation upon the devourer of the widow's house4 ,but the monster1 whose trade it is to make widows and devour them and their babes1 he can calmly endure6 ,o ,savior1 when wilt thou stop the mouths of such blasphemers6 ,,it ,,is ,,the ,,spirit ,,that ,,quickeneth4 ,it seems that though1 according to our ,princeton professor1 the subject of slavery is hardly alluded to by ,christ in any of his personal instructions1#i he had a way of treating it4 ,what was that8 ,why1 he taught the true nature1 ,,dignity1 ,,equality1 and destiny of men1 and inculcated the principles of justice and love4#aj ,and according to ,professor ,stuart1 the maxims which our ,savior furnished1 decide against the theory of slavery4 ,all1 then1 that these ecclesiastical apologists for slavery can make of the ,savior's alleged silence is1 that he did not1 in his personal instructions1 apply his own principles to this particular form of wickedness4 ,for wicked that must be1 which the maxims of the ,savior decide against1 and which our ,princeton professor assures us the principles of the gospel1 duly acted on1 would speedily extinguish4#aa ,how remarkable it is1 that a teacher should hardly allude to a subject in any of his personal instructions1 and yet inculcate principles which have a direct and vital bearing upon it6--should so conduct1 as to justify the inference1 that slaveholding is not a crime1#ab and at the same time lend its authority for its speedy extinction6 ,footnote #i3 ,pittsburg pamphlet1 7already alluded to17 p4#i4 ,footnote #aj3 ,pittsburg pamphlet1 p4 #i4 ,footnote #aa3 ,the same1 p4 #cd4 ,footnote #ab3 ,the same1 p4 #ac4 ,higher authority than sustains self-evident truths there cannot be4 ,as forms of reason1 they are rays from the face of ,jehovah4 ,not only are their presence and power self-manifested1 but they also shed a strong and clear light around them4 ,in their light1 other truths are visible4 ,luminaries themselves1 it is their office to enlighten4 ,to their authority1 in every department of thought1 the same mind bows promptly1 gratefully1 fully4 ,and by their authority1 he explains1 proves1 and disposes of whatever engages his attention and engrosses his powers as a reasonable and reasoning creature4 ,for what1 when thus employed and when most successful1 is the utmost he can accomplish8 ,why1 to make the conclusions which he would establish and commend1 clear in the light of reason2--in other words1 to evince that they are reasonable4 ,he expects that those with whom he has to do will acknowledge the authority of principle--will see whatever is exhibited in the light of reason4 ,if they require him to go further1 and1 in order to convince them1 to do something more than show that the doctrines he maintains1 and the methods he proposes1 are accordant with reason--are illustrated and supported with self-evident truths--they are plainly beside themselves4 ,they have lost the use of reason4 ,they are not to be argued with4 ,they belong to the mad-house4 ,,come ,,now1 ,,let ,,us ,,reason ,,together1 ,,saith ,,the ,,lord4 ,are we to honor the ,bible1 which ,professor ,stuart quaintly calls the good old book1 by turning away from self-evident truths to receive its instructions8 ,can these truths be contradicted or denied there8 ,do we search for something there to obscure their clearness1 or break their force1 or reduce their authority8 ,do we long to find something there1 in the form of premises or conclusions1 of arguing or of inference1 in broad statement or blind hints1 creed-wise or fact-wise1 which may set us free from the light and power of first principles8 ,and what if we were to discover what we were thus in search of8--something directly or indirectly1 expressly or impliedly prejudicial to the principles1 which reason1 placing us under the authority of1 makes self-evident8 ,in what estimation1 in that case1 should we be constrained to hold the ,bible8 ,could we longer honor it as the book of ,god8 ,the book of ,god opposed to the authority of ,,reason6 ,why1 before what tribunal do we dispose of the claims of the sacred volume to divine authority8 ,the tribunal of reason4 ,this every one acknowledges the moment he begins to reason on the subject4 ,and what must reason do with a book1 which reduces the authority of its own principles--breaks the force of self-evident truths8 ,is he not1 by way of eminence1 the apostle of infidelity1 who1 as a minister of the gospel or a professor of sacred literature1 exerts himself1 with whatever arts of ingenuity or show of piety1 to exalt the ,bible at the expense of reason8 ,let such arts succeed and such piety prevail1 and ,jesus ,christ is crucified afresh and put to an open shame4 ,what saith the ,princeton professor8 ,why1 in spite of general principles1 and clear as we may think the arguments against ,,despotism1 there have been thousands of ,,enlightened and good men1 who honestly believe it to be of all forms of government the best and most acceptable to ,god4#ac ,now these good men must have been thus warmly in favor of despotism1 in consequence of1 or in opposition to1 their being enlightened4 ,in other words1 the light1 which in such abundance they enjoyed1 conducted them to the position in favor of despotism1 where the ,princeton professor so heartily shook hands with them1 or they must have forced their way there in despite of its hallowed influence4 ,either in accordance with1 or in resistance to the light1 they became what he found them--the advocates of despotism4 ,if in resistance to the light--and he says they were enlightened men--what1 so far as the subject with which alone he and we are now concerned1 becomes of their honesty and goodness8 ,good and honest resisters of the light1 which was freely poured around them6 ,of such1 what says ,professor ,stuart's good old ,book8 ,their authority1 where general principles command the least respect1 must be small indeed4 ,but if in accordance with the light1 they have become the advocates of despotism1 then is despotism the best form of government and most acceptable to ,god4 ,it is sustained by the authority of reason1 by the word of ,jehovah1 by the will of ,heaven6 ,if this be the doctrine which prevails at certain theological seminaries1 it must be easy to account for the spirit which they breathe1 and the general influence which they exert4 ,why did not the ,princeton professor place this general principle as a shield1 heaven-wrought and reason approved1 over that cherished form of despotism which prevails among the churches of the ,south1 and leave the peculiar institutions he is so forward to defend1 under its protection8 ,footnote #ac3 ,pittsburg pamphlet1 p4 #ab4 ,what is the general principle to which1 whatever may become of despotism1 with its honest admirers and enlightened supporters1 human governments should be universally and carefully adjusted8 ,clearly this--that as capable of1 man is entitled to1 self government4 ,and this is a specific form of a still more general principle1 which may well be pronounced self-evident--that every thing should be treated according to its nature4 ,the mind that can doubt this1 must be incapable of rational conviction4 ,man1 then1--it is the dictate of reason1 it is the voice of ,jehovah--must be treated as a man4 ,what is he8 ,what are his distinctive attributes8 ,the ,creator impressed his own image on him4 ,in this were found the grand peculiarities of his character4 ,here shone his glory4 ,here ,,reason manifests its laws4 ,here the ,,will puts forth its volitions4 ,here is the crown of ,,immortality4 ,why such endowments8 ,thus furnished--the image of ,jehovah--is he not capable of self-government8 ,and is he not to be so treated8 ,within the sphere where the laws of reason place him1 may he not act according to his choice--carry out his own volitions8--may he not enjoy life1 exult in freedom1 and pursue as he will the path of blessedness8 ,if not1 why was he so created and endowed8 ,why the mysterious1 awful attribute of will8 ,to be a source1 profound as the depths of hell1 of exquisite misery1 of keen anguish1 of insufferable torment6 ,was man1 formed according to the image of ,jehovah1 to be crossed1 thwarted1 counteracted2 to be forced in upon himself2 to be the sport of endless contradictions2 to be driven back and forth forever between mutually repellant forces2 and all1 all at the discretion of another6#ad ,how can man be treated according to his nature1 as endowed with reason or will1 if excluded from the powers and privileges of self-government8--if despotism be let loose upon him1 to deprive him of personal liberty1 oblige him to serve at the discretion of another and with the power of transferring such authority over him and such claim upon him1 to another master8 ,if thousands of enlightened and good men can so easily be found1 who are forward to support despotism as of all governments the best and most acceptable to ,god1 we need not wonder at the testimony of universal history1 that the whole creation groaneth and travaileth in pain together until now4 ,groans and travail pangs must continue to be the order of the day throughout the whole creation1 till the rod of despotism be broken1 and man be treated as man--as capable of1 and entitled to1 self-government4 ,footnote #ad3 ,pittsburg pamphlet1 p4 #ab4 ,but what is the despotism whose horrid features our smooth professor tries to hide beneath an array of cunningly selected words and nicely-adjusted sentences8 ,it is the despotism of ,american slavery--which crushes the very life of humanity out of its victims1 and transforms them to cattle6 ,at its touch1 they sink from men to things6 ,slaves1 saith ,professor ,stuart1 were property in ,greece and ,rome4 ,that decides all questions about their relation4 ,yes1 truly4 ,and slaves in republican ,america are property2 and as that easily1 clearly1 and definitely settles all questions about their relation1 why should the ,princeton professor have put himself to the trouble of weaving a definition equally ingenious and inadequate--at once subtle and deceitful4 ,ah1 why8 ,was he willing thus to conceal the wrongs of his mother's children even from himself8 ,if among the figments of his brain1 he could fashion slaves1 and make them something else than property1 he knew full well that a very different pattern was in use among the southern patriarchs4 ,why did he not1 in plain words and sober earnest1 and good faith1 describe the thing as it was1 instead of employing honied words and courtly phrases1 to set forth with all becoming vagueness and ambiguity1 what might possibly be supposed to exist in the regions of fancy4 ,,for ,,rulers ,,are ,,not ,a ,,terror ,,to ,,good ,,works1 ,,but ,,to ,,the ,,evil4 ,but are we1 in maintaining the principle of self-government1 to overlook the unripe1 or neglected1 or broken powers of any of our fellow-men with whom we may be connected8--or the strong passions1 vicious propensities1 or criminal pursuits of others8 ,certainly not4 ,but in providing for their welfare1 we are to exert influences and impose restraints suited to their character4 ,in wielding those prerogatives which the social of our nature authorizes us to employ for their benefit1 we are to regard them as they are in truth1 not things1 not cattle1 not articles of merchandize1 but men1 our fellow-men--reflecting1 from however battered and broken a surface1 reflecting with us the image of a common ,father4 ,and the great principle of self-government is to be the basis1 to which the whole structure of discipline under which they may be placed1 should be adapted4 ,from the nursery and village school on to the work-house and state-prison1 this principle is ever and in all things to be before the eyes1 present in the thoughts1 warm on the heart4 ,otherwise1 ,god is insulted1 while his image is despised and abused4 ,yes1 indeed2 we remember1 that in carrying out the principle of self-government1 multiplied embarrassments and obstructions grow out of wickedness on the one hand and passion on the other4 ,such difficulties and obstacles we are far enough from overlooking4 ,but where are they to be found8 ,are imbecility and wickedness1 bad hearts and bad heads1 confined to the bottom of society8 ,alas1 the weakest of the weak1 and the desperately wicked1 often occupy the high places of the earth1 reducing every thing within their reach to subserviency to the foulest purposes4 ,nay1 the very power they have usurped1 has often been the chief instrument of turning their heads1 inflaming their passions1 corrupting their hearts4 ,all the world knows1 that the possession of arbitrary power has a strong tendency to make men shamelessly wicked and insufferably mischievous4 ,and this1 whether the vassals over whom they domineer1 be few or many4 ,if you cannot trust man with himself1 will you put his fellows under his control8--and flee from the inconveniences incident to self-government1 to the horrors of despotism8 ,,thou ,,that ,,preachest ,a ,,man ,,should ,,not ,,steal1 ,,dost ,,thou ,,steal4 ,is the slaveholder1 the most absolute and shameless of all despots1 to be entrusted with the discipline of the injured men who he himself has reduced to cattle8--with the discipline with which they are to be prepared to wield the powers and enjoy the privileges of freemen8 ,alas1 of such discipline as he can furnish1 in the relation of owner to property1 they have had enough4 ,from this sprang the very ignorance and vice1 which in the view of many1 lie in the way of their immediate enfranchisement4 ,he it is1 who has darkened their eyes and crippled their powers4 ,and are they to look to him for illumination and renewed vigor6--and expect grapes from thorns and figs from thistles6 ,heaven forbid6 ,when1 according to arrangements which had usurped the sacred name of law1 he consented to receive and use them as property1 he forfeited all claims to the esteem and confidence1 not only of the helpless sufferers themselves1 but also of every philanthropist4 ,in becoming a slaveholder1 he became the enemy of mankind4 ,the very act was a declaration of war upon human nature4 ,what less can be made of the process of turning men to cattle8 ,it is rank absurdity--it is the height of madness1 to propose to employ him to train1 for the places of freemen1 those whom he has wantonly robbed of every right--whom he has stolen from themselves4 ,sooner place ,burke1 who used to murder for the sake of selling bodies to the dissector1 at the head of a hospital4 ,why1 what have our slaveholders been about these two hundred years8 ,have they not been constantly and earnestly engaged in the work of education8--training up their human cattle8 ,and how8 ,thomas ,jefferson shall answer4 ,the whole commerce between master and slave1 is a perpetual exercise of the most boisterous passions2 the most unremitting despotism on the one part1 and degrading submission on the other4 ,is this the way to fit the unprepared for the duties and privileges of ,american citizens8 ,will the evils of the dreadful process be diminished by adding to its length8 ,what1 in #ahah1 was the unanimous testimony of the ,general ,assembly of the ,presbyterian ,church8 ,why1 after describing a variety of influences growing out of slavery1 most fatal to mental and moral improvement1 the ,general ,assembly assure us1 that such consequences are not imaginary1 but connect themselves ,,with ,,the ,,very ,,existence#ae of slavery4 ,the evils to which the slave is always exposed1 often take place in fact1 and ,,in ,,their ,,very ,,worst ,,degree ,,and ,,form2 and where all of them do not take place1 still the slave is deprived of his natural right1 degraded as a human being1 and exposed to the danger of passing into the hands of a master who may inflict upon him all the hardships and injuries which inhumanity and avarice may suggest4 ,is this the condition in which our ecclesiastics would keep the slave1 at least a little longer1 to fit him to be restored to himself8 ,footnote #ae3 ,the words here marked as emphatic1 were so distinguished by ourselves4 ,,and ,,they ,,stopped ,,their ,,ears4 ,the methods of discipline under which1 as slaveholders2 the ,southrons now place their human cattle1 they with one consent and in great wrath1 forbid us to examine4 ,the statesman and the priest unite in the assurance1 that these methods are none of our business4 ,nay1 they give us distinctly to understand1 that if we come among them to take observations1 and make inquiries1 and discuss questions1 they will dispose of us as outlaws4 ,nothing will avail to protect us from speedy and deadly violence6 ,what inference does all this warrant8 ,surely1 not that the methods which they employ are happy and worthy of universal application4 ,if so1 why do they not take the praise1 and give us the benefit of their wisdom1 enterprise1 and success8 ,who1 that has nothing to hide1 practices concealment8 ,he that doeth truth cometh to the light1 that his deeds may be manifest1 that they are wrought in ,god4 ,is this the way of slaveholders8 ,darkness they court--they will have darkness4 ,doubtless because their deeds are evil4 ,can we confide in methods for the benefit of our enslaved brethren1 which it is death for us to examine8 ,what good ever came1 what good can we expect1 from deeds of darkness8 ,did the influence of the masters contribute any thing in the ,west ,indies to prepare the apprentices for enfranchisement8 ,nay1 verily4 ,all the world knows better4 ,they did what in them lay1 to turn back the tide of blessings1 which1 through emancipation1 was pouring in upon the famishing around them4 ,are not the best minds and hearts in ,england now thoroughly convinced1 that slavery1 under no modification1 can be a school for freedom8 ,we say such things to the many who allege1 that slaves cannot at once be entrusted with the powers and privileges of self-government4 ,however this may be1 they cannot be better qualified under the influence of slavery4 ,that must be broken up from which their ignorance1 and viciousness1 and wretchedness proceeded4 ,that which can only do what it has always done1 pollute and degrade1 must not be employed to purify and elevate4 ,the lower their character and condition1 the louder1 clearer1 sterner1 the just demand for immediate emancipation4 ,the plague-smitten sufferer can derive no benefit from breathing a little longer an infected atmosphere4 ,in thus referring to elemental principles--in thus availing ourselves of the light of self-evident truths--we bow to the authority and tread in the foot-prints of the great ,teacher4 ,he chid those around him for refusing to make the same use of their reason in promoting their spiritual1 as they made in promoting their temporal welfare4 ,he gives them distinctly to understand1 that they need not go out of themselves to form a just estimation of their position1 duties1 and prospects1 as standing in the presence of the ,messiah4 ,why1 ,,even ,,of ,,yourselves1 he demands of them1 judge ye not what is right8#af ,how could they1 unless they had a clear light1 and an infallible standard within them1 whereby1 amidst the relations they sustained and the interests they had to provide for1 they might discriminate between truth and falsehood1 right and wrong1 what they ought to attempt and what they ought to eschew8 ,from this pointed1 significant appeal of the ,savior1 it is clear and certain1 that in human consciousness may be found self-evident truths1 self-manifested principles2 that every man1 studying his own consciousness1 is bound to recognize their presence and authority1 and in sober earnest and good faith to apply them to the highest practical concerns of life and godliness4 ,it is in obedience to the ,bible1 that we apply self-evident truths1 and walk in the light of general principles4 ,when our fathers proclaimed these truths1 and at the hazard of their property1 reputation1 and life1 stood up in their defence1 they did homage to the sacred ,scriptures--they honored the ,bible4 ,in that volume1 not a syllable can be found to justify that form of infidelity1 which in the abused name of piety1 reproaches us for practising the lessons which nature teacheth4 ,these lessons1 the ,bible requires us#ag reverently to listen to1 earnestly to appropriate1 and most diligently and faithfully to act upon in every direction1 and on all occasions4 ,footnote #af3 ,luke1 xii4 #eg4 ,footnote #ag3 ,cor4 xi4 #ad4 ,why1 our ,savior goes so far in doing honor to reason1 as to encourage men universally to dispose of the characteristic peculiarities and distinctive features of the ,gospel in the light of its principles4 ,if any man will do his will1 he shall know of the doctrine1 whether it be of ,god1 or whether ,i speak of myself4#ah ,natural religion--the principles which nature reveals1 and the lessons which nature teaches--he thus makes a test of the truth and authority of revealed religion4 ,so far was he1 as a teacher1 from shrinking from the clearest and most piercing rays of reason--from calling off the attention of those around him from the import1 bearings1 and practical application of general principles4 ,and those who would have us escape from the pressure of self-evident truths1 by betaking ourselves to the doctrines and precepts of ,christianity1 whatever airs of piety they may put on1 do foul dishonor to the ,savior of mankind4 ,footnote #ah3 ,john1 vii4 #ag4 ,and what shall we say of the ,golden ,rule1 which1 according to the ,savior1 comprehends all the precepts of the ,bible8 ,whatsoever ye would that men should do to you1 do ye even so to them2 for this is the law and the prophets4 ,according to this maxim1 in human consciousness1 universally1 may be found1 #a4 ,the standard whereby1 in all the relations and circumstances of life1 we may determine what ,heaven demands and expects of us4 #b4 ,the just application of this standard1 is practicable for1 and obligatory upon1 every child of ,adam4 #c4 ,the qualification requisite to a just application of this rule to all the cases in which we can be concerned1 is simply this--to regard all the members of the human family as our brethren1 our equals4 ,in other words1 the ,savior here teaches us1 that in the principles and laws of reason1 we have an infallible guide in all the relations and circumstances of life2 that nothing can hinder our following this guide1 but the bias of selfishness2 and that the moment1 in deciding any moral question1 we place ourselves in the room of our brother1 before the bar of reason1 we shall see what decision ought to be pronounced4 ,does this1 in the ,savior1 look like fleeing self-evident truths6--like decrying the authority of general principles6--like exalting himself at the expense of reason6--like opening a refuge in the ,gospel for those whose practice is at variance with the dictates of humanity6 ,what then is the just application of the ,golden ,rule--that fundamental maxim of the ,gospel1 giving character to1 and shedding light upon1 all its precepts and arrangements--to the subject of slavery8--that we must do to slaves as we would be done by1 ,,as ,,slaves1 the ,,relation itself being justified and continued8 ,surely not4 ,a little reflection will enable us to see1 that the ,golden ,rule reaches farther in its demands1 and strikes deeper in its influences and operations4 ,the natural equality of mankind lies at the very basis of this great precept4 ,it obviously requires every man to acknowledge another self in every other man4 ,with my powers and resources1 and in my appropriate circumstances1 ,i am to recognize in any child of ,adam who may address me1 another self in his appropriate circumstances and with his powers and resources4 ,this is the natural equality of mankind2 and this the ,golden ,rule requires us to admit1 defend1 and maintain4 ,,why ,,do ,,ye ,,not ,,understand ,,my ,,speech2 ,,even ,,because ,,ye ,,cannot ,,hear ,,my ,,word4 ,they strangely misunderstand and grossly misrepresent this doctrine1 who charge upon it the absurdities and mischiefs which any levelling system cannot but produce4 ,in all its bearings1 tendencies1 and effects1 it is directly contrary and powerfully hostile to any such system4 ,,equality ,,of ,,rights1 the doctrine asserts2 and this necessarily opens the way for variety of condition4 ,in other words1 every child of ,adam has1 from the ,creator1 the inalienable right of wielding1 within reasonable limits1 his own powers1 and employing his own resources1 according to his own choice2--the right1 while he respects his social relations1 to promote as he will his own welfare4 ,but mark--,,his ,,own powers and resources1 and ,,not ,,another',s1 are thus inalienably put under his control4 ,the ,creator makes every man free1 in whatever he may do1 to exert ,,himself1 and not another4 ,here no man may lawfully cripple or embarrass another4 ,the feeble may not hinder the strong1 nor may the strong crush the feeble4 ,every man may make the most of himself1 in his own proper sphere4 ,now1 as in the constitutional endowments2 and natural opportunities1 and lawful acquisitions of mankind1 infinite variety prevails1 so in exerting each ,,himself1 in his own sphere1 according to his own choice1 the variety of human condition can be little less than infinite4 ,thus equality of rights opens the way for variety of condition4 ,but with all this variety of make1 means1 and condition1 considered individually1 the children of ,adam are bound together by strong ties which can never be dissolved4 ,they are mutually united by the social of their nature4 ,hence mutual dependence and mutual claims4 ,while each is inalienably entitled to assert and enjoy his own personality as a man1 each sustains to all and all to each1 various relations4 ,while each owns and honors the individual1 all are to own and honor the social of their nature4 ,now1 the ,golden ,rule distinctly recognizes1 lays its requisitions upon1 and extends its obligations to1 the whole nature of man1 in his individual capacities and social relations4 ,what higher honor could it do to man1 as an individual1 than to constitute him the judge1 by whose decision1 when fairly rendered1 all the claims of his fellows should be authoritatively and definitely disposed of8 ,whatsoever ,,ye ,,would have done to you1 so do ye to others4 ,every member of the family of ,adam1 placing himself in the position here pointed out1 is competent and authorized to pass judgment on all the cases in social life in which he may be concerned4 ,could higher responsibilities or greater confidence be reposed in men individually8 ,and then1 how are their claims upon each other herein magnified6 ,what inherent worth and solid dignity are ascribed to the social of their nature6 ,in every man with whom ,i may have to do1 ,i am to recognize the presence of another self1 whose case ,i am to make my own4 ,and thus ,i am to dispose of whatever claims he may urge upon me4 ,thus1 in accordance with the ,golden ,rule1 mankind are naturally brought1 in the voluntary use of their powers and resources1 to promote each other's welfare4 ,as his contribution to this great object1 it is the inalienable birthright of every child of ,adam1 to consecrate whatever he may possess4 ,with exalted powers and large resources1 he has a natural claim to a correspondent field of effort4 ,if his abilities are small1 his task must be easy and his burden light4 ,thus the ,golden ,rule requires mankind mutually to serve each other4 ,in this service1 each is to exert himself--employ his own powers1 lay out his own resources1 improve his own opportunities4 ,a division of labor is the natural result4 ,one is remarkable for his intellectual endowments and acquisitions2 another1 for his wealth2 and a third1 for power and skill in using his muscles4 ,such attributes1 endlessly varied and diversified1 proceed from the basis of a common character1 by virtue of which all men and each--one as truly as another--are entitled1 as a birthright1 to life1 liberty1 and the pursuit of happiness4 ,each and all1 one as well as another1 may choose his own modes of contributing his share to the general welfare1 in which his own is involved and identified4 ,under one great law of mutual dependence and mutual responsibility1 all are placed--the strong as well as the weak1 the rich as much as the poor1 the learned no less than the unlearned4 ,all bring their wares1 the products of their enterprise1 skill and industry1 to the same market1 where mutual exchanges are freely effected4 ,the fruits of muscular exertion procure the fruits of mental effort4 ,john serves ,thomas with his hands1 and ,thomas serves ,john with his money4 ,peter wields the axe for ,james1 and ,james wields the pen for ,peter4 ,moses1 ,joshua1 and ,caleb1 employ their wisdom1 courage1 and experience1 in the service of the community1 and the community serve ,moses1 ,joshua1 and ,caleb1 in furnishing them with food and raiment1 and making them partakers of the general prosperity4 ,and all this by mutual understanding and voluntary arrangement4 ,and all this according to the ,golden ,rule4 ,what then becomes of slavery--a system of arrangements in which one man treats his fellow1 not as another self1 but as a thing--a chattel--an article of merchandize1 which is not to be consulted in any disposition which may be made of it2--a system which is built on the annihilation of the attributes of our common nature--in which man doth to others what he would sooner die than have done to himself8 ,the ,golden ,rule and slavery are mutually subversive of each other4 ,if one stands1 the other must fall4 ,the one strikes at the very root of the other4 ,the ,golden ,rule aims at the abolition of ,,the ,,relation ,,itself1 in which slavery consists4 ,it lays its demands upon every thing within the scope of human action4 ,to whatever ,,men ,,do4 it extends its authority4 ,and the relation itself1 in which slavery consists1 is the work of human hands4 ,it is what men have done to each other--contrary to nature and most injurious to the general welfare4 ,this ,,relation1 therefore1 the ,golden ,rule condemns4 ,wherever its authority prevails1 this relation must be annihilated4 ,mutual service and slavery--like light and darkness1 life and death--are directly opposed to1 and subversive of1 each other4 ,the one the ,golden ,rule cannot endure2 the other it requires1 honors1 and blesses4 ,,love ,,worketh ,,no ,,ill ,,to ,,his ,,neighbor4 ,like unto the ,golden ,rule is the second great commandment--,thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself4 ,a certain lawyer1 who seems to have been fond of applying the doctrine of limitation of human obligations1 once demanded of the ,savior1 within what limits the meaning of the word neighbor ought to be confined4 ,and who is my neighbor8 ,the parable of the good ,samaritan set that matter in the clearest light1 and made it manifest and certain1 that every man whom we could reach with our sympathy and assistance1 was our neighbor1 entitled to the same regard which we cherished for ourselves4 ,consistently with such obligations1 can slavery1 as a ,,relation1 be maintained8 ,is it then a labor of love--such love as we cherish for ourselves--to strip a child of ,adam of all the prerogatives and privileges which are his inalienable birthright8 ,to obscure his reason1 crush his will1 and trample on his immortality8--,to strike home to the inmost of his being1 and break the heart of his heart8--,to thrust him out of the human family1 and dispose of him as a chattel--as a thing in the hands of an owner1 a beast under the lash of a driver8 ,all this1 apart from every thing incidental and extraordinary1 belongs to the ,,relation1 in which slavery1 as such1 consists4 ,all this--well fed or ill fed1 underwrought or overwrought1 clothed or naked1 caressed or kicked1 whether idle songs break from his thoughtless tongue or tears be his meat night and day1 fondly cherished or cruelly murdered2--all this ,,enters ,,vitally ,,into ,,the ,,relation ,,itself1 by which every slave1 ,,as ,a ,,slave1 is set apart from the rest of the human family4 ,is it an exercise of love1 to place our neighbor under the crushing weight1 the killing power1 of such a relation8--to apply the murderous steel to the very vitals of his humanity8 ,,ye ,,therefore ,,applaud ,,and ,,delight ,,in ,,the ,,deeds ,,of ,,your ,,fathers2 ,,for ,,they ,,killed ,,them1 ,,and ,,ye ,,build ,,their ,,sepulchres4#ai ,the slaveholder may eagerly and loudly deny1 that any such thing is chargeable upon him4 ,he may confidently and earnestly allege1 that he is not responsible for the state of society in which he is placed4 ,slavery was established before he began to breathe4 ,it was his inheritance4 ,his slaves are his property by birth or testament4 ,but why will he thus deceive himself8 ,why will he permit the cunning and rapacious spiders1 which in the very sanctuary of ethics and religion are laboriously weaving webs from their own bowels1 to catch him with their wretched sophistries8--and devour him1 body1 soul1 and substance8 ,let him know1 as he must one day with shame and terror own1 that whoever holds slaves is himself responsible for the relation1 into which1 whether reluctantly or willingly1 he thus enters4 ,the relation cannot be forced upon him4 ,what though ,elizabeth countenanced ,john ,hawkins in stealing the natives of ,africa8--what though ,james1 and ,charles1 and ,george1 opened a market for them in the ,english colonies8--what though modern ,dracos have framed mischief by law1 in legalizing man-stealing and slaveholding8--what though your ancestors1 in preparing to go to their own place1 constituted you the owner of the neighbors whom they had used as cattle8--what of all this1 and as much more like this1 as can be drawn from the history of that dreadful process by which men are deemed1 held1 taken1 reputed1 and adjudged in law to be chattels personal8 ,can all this force you to put the cap upon the climax--to clinch the nail by doing that1 without which nothing in the work of slave-making would be attempted8 ,the slaveholder is the soul of the whole system4 ,without him1 the chattel principle is a lifeless abstraction4 ,without him1 charters1 and markets1 and laws1 and testaments1 are empty names4 ,and does he think to escape responsibility8 ,why1 kidnappers1 and soul-drivers1 and law-makers1 are nothing but his agents4 ,he is the guilty principal4 ,let him look to it4 ,footnote #ai3 ,you join with them in their bloody work4 ,they murder1 and you bury the victims4 ,but what can he do8 ,do8 ,keep his hands off his neighbor's throat4 ,let him refuse to finish and ratify the process by which the chattel principle is carried into effect4 ,let him refuse1 in the face of derision1 and reproach1 and opposition4 ,though poverty should fasten its bony hand upon him1 and persecution shoot forth its forked tongue2 whatever may betide him--scorn1 flight1 flames--let him promptly and steadfastly refuse4 ,better the spite and hate of men than the wrath of ,heaven6 ,if thy right eye offend thee1 pluck it out and cast it from thee2 for it is profitable for thee1 that one of thy members should perish1 and not that thy whole body should be cast into hell4 ,professor ,stewart admits1 that the ,golden ,rule and the second great commandment decide against the theory of slavery1 as being in itself right4 ,what1 then1 is their relation to the particular precepts1 institutions1 and usages1 which are authorized and enjoined in the ,new ,testament8 ,of all these1 they are the summary expression--the comprehensive description4 ,no precept in the ,bible1 enforcing our mutual obligations1 can be more or less than the application of these injunctions to specific relations or particular occasions and conditions4 ,neither in the ,old ,testament nor the ,new1 do prophets teach or laws enjoin1 any thing which the ,golden ,rule and the second great command do not contain4 ,whatever they forbid1 no other precept can require2 and whatever they require1 no other precept can forbid4 ,what1 then1 does he attempt1 who turns over the sacred pages to find something in the way of permission or command1 which may set him free from the obligations of the ,golden ,rule8 ,what must his objects1 methods1 spirit be1 to force him to enter upon such inquiries8--to compel him to search the ,bible for such a purpose8 ,can he have good intentions1 or be well employed8 ,is his frame of mind adapted to the study of the ,bible8--to make its meaning plain and welcome8 ,what must he think of ,god1 to search his word in quest of gross inconsistencies1 and grave contradictions6 ,inconsistent legislation in ,jehovah6 ,contradictory commands6 ,permissions at war with prohibitions6 ,general requirements at variance with particular arrangements6 ,what must be the moral character of any institution which the ,golden ,rule decides against8--which the second great command condemns8 ,it cannot but be wicked1 whether newly established or long maintained4 ,however it may be shaped1 turned1 colored--under every modification and at all times--wickedness must be its proper character4 ,it must be1 ,,in ,,itself1 apart from its circumstances1 ,,in ,,its ,,essence1 apart from its incidents1 ,,sinful4 ,,think ,,not ,,to ,,say ,,within ,,yourselves1 ,,we ,,have ,,abraham ,,for ,,our ,,father4 ,in disposing of those precepts and exhortations which have a specific bearing upon the subject of slavery1 it is greatly important1 nay1 absolutely essential1 that we look forth upon the objects around us from the right post of observation4 ,our stand we must take at some central point1 amidst the general maxims and fundamental precepts1 the known circumstances and characteristic arrangements1 of primitive ,christianity4 ,otherwise1 wrong views and false conclusions will be the result of our studies4 ,we cannot1 therefore1 be too earnest in trying to catch the general features and prevalent spirit of the ,new ,testament institutions and arrangements4 ,for to what conclusions must we come1 if we unwittingly pursue our inquiries under the bias of the prejudice1 that the general maxims of social life which now prevail in this country1 were current1 on the authority of the ,savior1 among the primitive ,christians6 ,that1 for instance1 wealth1 station1 talents1 are the standard by which our claims upon1 and our regard for1 others1 should be modified8--,that those who are pinched by poverty1 worn by disease1 tasked in menial labors1 or marked by features offensive to the taste of the artificial and capricious1 are to be excluded from those refreshing and elevating influences which intelligence and refinement may be expected to exert2 that thus they are to constitute a class by themselves1 and to be made to know and keep their place at the very bottom of society8 ,or1 what if we should think and speak of the primitive ,christians1 as if they had the same pecuniary resources as ,heaven has lavished upon the ,american churches8--as if they were as remarkable for affluence1 elegance1 and splendor8 ,or1 as if they had as high a position and as extensive an influence in politics and literature8--having directly or indirectly1 the control over the high places of learning and of power8 ,if we should pursue our studies and arrange our arguments--if we should explain words and interpret language--under such a bias1 what must inevitably be the results8 ,what would be the worth of our conclusions8 ,what confidence could be reposed in any instruction we might undertake to furnish8 ,and is not this the way in which the advocates and apologists of slavery dispose of the bearing which primitive ,christianity has upon it8 ,they first ascribe1 unwittingly1 perhaps1 to the primitive churches2 the character1 relations1 and condition of ,american ,christianity1 and amidst the deep darkness and strange confusion thus produced1 set about interpreting the language and explaining the usages of the ,new ,testament6 ,,so ,,that ,,ye ,,are ,,without ,,excuse4 ,among the lessons of instruction which our ,savior imparted1 having a general bearing on the subject of slavery1 that in which he sets up the true standard of greatness1 deserves particular attention4 ,in repressing the ambition of his disciples1 he held up before them the methods by which alone healthful aspirations for eminence could be gratified1 and thus set the elements of true greatness in the clearest light4 ,ye know1 that they which are accounted to rule over the ,gentiles1 exercise lordship over them2 and their great ones exercise authority upon them4 ,but so shall it not be among you2 but whosoever will be great among you1 shall be your minister2 and whosoever of you will be the chiefest1 shall be servant of all4 ,in other words1 through the selfishness and pride of mankind1 the maxim widely prevails in the world1 that it is the privilege1 prerogative1 and mark of greatness1 ,,to ,,exact ,,service2 that our superiority to others1 while it authorizes us to relax the exertion of our own powers1 gives us a fair title to the use of theirs2 that might1 while it exempts us from serving1 gives the right to be served4 ,the instructions of the ,savior open the way to greatness for us in the opposite direction4 ,superiority to others1 in whatever it may consist1 gives us a claim to a wider field of exertion1 and demands of us a larger amount of service4 ,we can be great only as we are useful4 ,and might gives right to bless our fellow men1 by improving every opportunity and employing every faculty1 affectionately1 earnestly1 and unweariedly1 in their service4 ,thus the greater the man1 the more active1 faithful1 and useful the servant4 ,the ,savior has himself taught us how this doctrine must be applied4 ,he bids us improve every opportunity and employ every power1 even through the most menial services1 in blessing the human family4 ,and to make this lesson shine upon our understandings and move our hearts1 he embodied in it a most instructive and attractive example4 ,on a memorable occasion1 and just before his crucifixion1 he discharged for his disciples the most menial of all offices--taking1 in washing their feet1 the place of the lowest servant4 ,he took great pains to make them understand1 that only by imitating this example could they honor their relations to him as their ,master2 that thus only would they find themselves blessed4 ,by what possibility could slavery exist under the influence of such a lesson1 set home by such an example8 ,was it while washing the disciples' feet1 that our ,savior authorized one man to make a chattel of another8 ,to refuse to provide for ourselves by useful labor1 the apostle ,paul teaches us to regard as a grave offence4 ,after reminding the ,thessalonian ,christians1 that in addition to all his official exertions he had with his own muscles earned his own bread1 he calls their attention to an arrangement which was supported by apostolical authority1 that if any would not work1 neither should he eat4 ,in the most earnest and solemn manner1 and as a minister of the ,lord ,jesus ,christ1 he commanded and exhorted those who neglected useful labor1 with quietness to work and eat their own bread4 ,what must be the bearing of all this upon slavery8 ,could slavery be maintained where every man eat the bread which himself had earned8--where idleness was esteemed so great a crime1 as to be reckoned worthy of starvation as a punishment8 ,how could unrequited labor be exacted1 or used1 or needed8 ,must not every one in such a community contribute his share to the general welfare8--and mutual service and mutual support be the natural result8 ,the same apostle1 in writing to another church1 describes the true source whence the means of liberality ought to be derived4 ,let him that stole steal no more2 but rather let him labor1 working with his hands the thing which is good1 that he may have to give to him that needeth4 ,let this lesson1 as from the lips of ,jehovah1 be proclaimed throughout the length and breadth of ,south ,carolina4 ,let it be universally welcomed and reduced to practice4 ,let thieves give up what they had stolen to the lawful proprietors1 cease stealing1 and begin at once to labor1 working with their hands1 for necessary and charitable purposes4 ,could slavery1 in such a case1 continue to exist8 ,surely not6 ,instead of exacting unpaid services from others1 every man would be busy1 exerting himself not only to provide for his own wants1 but also to accumulate funds1 that he might have to give to the needy4 ,slavery must disappear1 root and branch1 at once and forever4 ,in describing the source whence his ministers should expect their support1 the ,savior furnished a general principle1 which has an obvious and powerful bearing on the subject of slavery4 ,he would have them remember1 while exerting themselves for the benefit of their fellow men1 that the laborer is worthy of his hire4 ,he has thus united wages with work4 ,whoever renders the one is entitled to the other4 ,and this manifestly according to a mutual understanding and a voluntary arrangement4 ,for the doctrine that ,i may force you to work for me for whatever consideration ,i may please to fix upon1 fairly opens the way for the doctrine1 that you1 in turn1 may force me to render you whatever wages you may choose to exact for any services you may see fit to render4 ,thus slavery1 even as involuntary servitude1 is cut up by the root4 ,even the ,princeton professor seems to regard it as a violation of the principle which unites work with wages4 ,the apostle ,james applies this principle to the claims of manual laborers--of those who hold the plough and thrust in the sickle4 ,he calls the rich lordlings who exacted sweat and withheld wages1 to weeping and howling1 assuring them that the complaints of the injured laborer had entered into the ear of the ,lord of ,hosts1 and that1 as a result of their oppression1 their riches were corrupted1 and their garments moth-eaten2 their gold and silver were cankered2 that the rust of them should be a witness against them1 and should eat their flesh as it were fire2 that1 in one word1 they had heaped treasures together for the last days1 when miseries were coming upon them1 the prospect of which might well drench them in tears and fill them with terror4 ,if these admonitions and warnings were heeded there1 would not the ,south break forth into weeping and wailing1 and gnashing of teeth8 ,what else are its rich men about1 but withholding by a system of fraud1 his wages from the laborer1 who is wearing himself out under the impulse of fear1 in cultivating their fields and producing their luxuries6 ,encouragement and support do they derive from ,james1 in maintaining the peculiar institution which they call patriarchal1 and boast of as the corner-stone of the republic8 ,in the ,new ,testament1 we have1 moreover1 the general injunction1 ,honor all men4 ,under this broad precept1 every form of humanity may justly claim protection and respect4 ,the invasion of any human right must do dishonor to humanity1 and be a transgression of this command4 ,how then1 in the light of such obligations1 must slavery be regarded8 ,are those men honored1 who are rudely excluded from a place in the human family1 and shut up to the deep degradation and nameless horrors of chattelship8 ,can they be held as slaves1 and at the same time be honored as men8 ,how far1 in obeying this command1 we are to go1 we may infer from the admonitions and instructions which ,james applies to the arrangements and usages of religious assemblies4 ,into these he can not allow respect of persons to enter4 ,my brethren1 he exclaims1 have not the faith of our ,lord ,jesus ,christ1 the ,lord of glory1 with respect of persons4 ,for if there come unto your assembly a man with a gold ring1 in goodly apparel2 and there come in also a poor man in vile raiment2 and ye have respect to him that weareth the gay clothing1 and say unto him1 sit thou here in a good place2 and say to the poor1 stand thou there1 or sit here under my footstool2 are ye not then partial in yourselves1 and are become judges of evil thoughts8 ,if ye have respect to persons1 ye commit sin1 and are convinced of the law as transgressors4 ,on this general principle1 then1 religious assemblies ought to be regulated--that every man is to be estimated1 not according to his circumstances--not according to anything incidental to his condition2 but according to his moral worth--according to the essential features and vital elements of his character4 ,gold rings and gay clothing1 as they qualify no man for1 can entitle no man to1 a good place in the church4 ,nor can the vile raiment of the poor man1 fairly exclude him from any sphere1 however exalted1 which his heart and head may fit him to fill4 ,to deny this1 in theory or practice1 is to degrade a man below a thing2 for what are gold rings1 or gay clothing1 or vile raiment1 but things1 which perish with the using8 ,and this must be to commit sin1 and be convinced of the law as transgressor4 ,in slavery1 we have respect of persons1 strongly marked1 and reduced to system4 ,here men are despised not merely for the vile raiment1 which may cover their scarred bodies4 ,this is bad enough4 ,but the deepest contempt of humanity here grows out of birth or complexion4 ,vile raiment may be1 often is1 the result of indolence1 or improvidence1 or extravagance4 ,it may be1 often is1 an index of character4 ,but how can ,i be responsible for the incidents of my birth8--how for my complexion8 ,to despise or honor me for these1 is to be guilty of respect of persons in its grossest form1 and with its worst effects4 ,it is to reward or punish me for what ,i had nothing to do with2 for which1 therefore1 ,i cannot1 without the greatest injustice1 be held responsible4 ,it is to poison the very fountains of justice1 by confounding all moral distinctions4 ,what1 then1 so far as the authority of the ,new ,testament is concerned1 becomes of slavery1 which cannot be maintained under any form nor for a single moment1 without respect of persons the most aggravated and unendurable8 ,and what would become of that most pitiful1 silly1 and wicked arrangement in so many of our churches1 in which worshippers of a dark complexion are to be sent up to the negro pew8#bj ,footnote #bj3 ,in ,carlyle's ,review of the ,memoirs of ,mirabeau1 we have the following anecdote illustrative of the character of a grandmother of the ,count4 ,fancy the dame ,mirabeau sailing stately towards the church font2 another dame striking in to take precedence of her2 the dame ,mirabeau despatching this latter with a box on the ear1 and these words1 ',here1 as in the army1 ,,the ,,baggage goes last6' ,let those who justify the negro-pew arrangement1 throw a stone at this proud woman--if they dare4 ,nor are we permitted to confine this principle to religious assemblies4 ,it is to pervade social life everywhere4 ,even where plenty1 intelligence and refinement1 diffuse their brightest rays1 the poor are to be welcomed with especial favor4 ,then said he to him that bade him1 when thou makest a dinner or a supper1 call not thy friends1 nor thy brethren1 neither thy kinsmen1 nor thy rich neighbors1 lest they also bid thee again1 and a recompense be made thee4 ,but when thou makest a feast1 call the poor and the maimed1 the lame and the blind1 and thou shalt be blessed2 for they cannot recompense thee1 but thou shalt be recompensed at the resurrection of the just4 ,in the high places of social life then--in the parlor1 the drawing-room1 the saloon--special reference should be had1 in every arrangement1 to the comfort and improvement of those who are least able to provide for the cheapest rites of hospitality4 ,for these1 ample accommodations must be made1 whatever may become of our kinsmen and rich neighbors4 ,and for this good reason1 that while such occasions signify little to the latter1 to the former they are pregnant with good--raising their drooping spirits1 cheering their desponding hearts1 inspiring them with life1 and hope1 and joy4 ,the rich and the poor thus meeting joyfully together1 cannot but mutually contribute to each other's benefit2 the rich will be led to moderation1 sobriety1 and circumspection1 and the poor to industry1 providence1 and contentment4 ,the recompense must be great and sure4 ,a most beautiful and instructive commentary on the text in which these things are taught1 the ,savior furnished in his own conduct4 ,he freely mingled with those who were reduced to the very bottom of society4 ,at the tables of the outcasts of society he did not hesitate to be a cheerful guest1 surrounded by publicans and sinners4 ,and when flouted and reproached by smooth and lofty ecclesiastics1 as an ultraist and leveler1 he explained and justified himself by observing1 that he had only done what his office demanded4 ,it was his to seek the lost1 to heal the sick1 to pity the wretched2--in a word1 to bestow just such benefits as the various necessities of mankind made appropriate and welcome4 ,in his great heart1 there was room enough for those who had been excluded from the sympathy of little souls4 ,in its spirit and design1 the gospel overlooked none--least of all1 the outcasts of a selfish world4 ,can slavery1 however modified1 be consistent with such a gospel8--a gospel which requires us1 even amidst the highest forms of social life1 to exert ourselves to raise the depressed by giving our warmest sympathies to those who have the smallest share in the favor of the world8 ,those who are in bonds are set before us as deserving an especial remembrance4 ,their claims upon us are described as a modification of the ,golden ,rule--as one of the many forms to which its obligations are reducible4 ,to them we are to extend the same affectionate regard as we would covet for ourselves1 if the chains upon their limbs were fastened upon ours4 ,to the benefits of this precept1 the enslaved have a natural claim of the greatest strength4 ,the wrongs they suffer spring from a persecution which can hardly be surpassed in malignancy4 ,their birth and complexion are the occasion of the insults and injuries which they can neither endure nor escape4 ,it is for the work of ,god1 and not their own deserts1 that they are loaded with chains4 ,this is persecution4 ,can ,i regard the slave as another self--can ,i put myself in his place--and be indifferent to his wrongs8 ,especially1 can ,i1 thus affected1 take sides with the oppressor8 ,could ,i1 in such a state of mind as the gospel requires me to cherish1 reduce him to slavery or keep him in bonds8 ,is not the precept under hand naturally subversive of every system and every form of slavery8 ,the general descriptions of the church1 which are found here and there in the ,new ,testament1 are highly instructive in their bearing on the subject of slavery4 ,in one connection1 the following words meet the eye3 ,there is neither ,jew nor ,greek1 there is neither bond nor free1 there is neither male nor female2 for ye are all one in ,christ ,jesus4#ba ,here we have-- #a4 ,a clear and strong description of the doctrine of human equality4 ,ye are all ,,one2--so much alike1 so truly placed on common ground1 all wielding each his own powers with such freedom1 that one is the same as another4 #b4 ,this doctrine1 self-evident in the light of reason1 is affirmed on divine authority4 ,,in ,,christ ,,jesus1 ye are all one4 ,the natural equality of the human family is a part of the gospel4 ,for-- #c4 ,all the human family are included in this description4 ,whether men or women1 whether bond or free1 whether ,jews or ,gentiles1 all are alike entitled to the benefit of this doctrine4 ,whether ,christianity prevails1 the artificial distinctions which grow out of birth1 condition1 sex1 are done away4 ,natural distinctions are not destroyed4 ,they are recognized1 hallowed1 confirmed4 ,the gospel does not abolish the sexes1 forbid a division of labor1 or extinguish patriotism4 ,it takes woman from beneath the feet1 and places her by the side of man2 delivers the manual laborer from the yoke1 and gives him wages for his work2 and brings the ,jew and the ,gentile to embrace each other with fraternal love and confidence4 ,thus it raises all to a common level1 gives to each the free use of his own powers and resources1 binds all together in one dear and loving brotherhood4 ,such1 according to the description of the apostle1 was the influence1 and such the effect of primitive ,christianity4 ,behold the picture6 ,is it like ,american slavery1 which1 in all its tendencies and effects1 is destructive of all oneness among brethren8 ,footnote #ba3 ,gal4 iii4 #bh4 ,where the spirit of the ,lord is1 exclaims the same apostle1 with his eye upon the condition and relations of the church1 where the spirit of the ,lord is1 ,,there ,,is ,,liberty4 ,where1 then1 may we reverently recognize the presence1 and bow before the manifested power1 of this spirit8 ,there1 where the laborer may not choose how he shall be employed6--in what way his wants shall be supplied6--with whom he shall associate6--who shall have the fruit of his exertions6 ,there1 where he is not free to enjoy his wife and children6 ,there1 where his body and his soul1 his very destiny1#bb are placed altogether beyond his control6 ,there1 where every power is crippled1 every energy blasted1 every hope crushed6 ,there1 where in all the relations and concerns of life1 he is legally treated as if he had nothing to do with the laws of reason1 the light of immortality1 or the exercise of will6 ,is the spirit of the ,lord there1 where liberty is decried and denounced1 mocked at and spit upon1 betrayed and crucified6 ,in the midst of a church which justified slavery1 which derived its support from slavery1 which carried on its enterprises by means of slavery1 would the apostle have found the fruits of the ,spirit of the ,lord6 ,let that ,spirit exert his influences1 and assert his authority1 and wield his power1 and slavery must vanish at once and for ever4 ,footnote #bb3 ,the legislature 7of ,south ,carolina7 from time to time1 has passed many restricted and penal acts1 with a view to bring under direct control and subjection the ,,destiny of the black population4 ,see the ,remonstrance of ,james ,s4 ,pope and #ceb others against home missionary efforts for the benefit of the enslaved--a most instructive paper4 ,in more than one connection1 the apostle ,james describes ,christianity as the law of liberty4 ,it is1 in other words1 the law under which liberty cannot but live and flourish--the law in which liberty is clearly defined1 strongly asserted1 and well protected4 ,as the law of liberty1 how can it be consistent with the law of slavery8 ,the presence and the power of this law are felt wherever the light of reason shines4 ,they are felt in the uneasiness and conscious degradation of the slave1 and in the shame and remorse which the master betrays in his reluctant and desperate efforts to defend himself4 ,this law it is which has armed human nature against the oppressor4 ,wherever it is obeyed1 every yoke is broken4 ,in these references to the ,new ,testament we have a general description of the primitive church1 and the principles on which it was founded and fashioned4 ,these principles bear the same relation to ,christian history as to ,christian character1 since the former is occupied with the development of the latter4 ,what then is ,christian character but ,christian principle realized1 acted out1 bodied forth1 and animated8 ,christian principle is the soul1 of which ,christian character is the expression--the manifestation4 ,it comprehends in itself1 as a living seed1 such ,christian character1 under every form1 modification1 and complexion4 ,the former is1 therefore1 the test and interpreter of the latter4 ,in the light of ,christian principle1 and in that light only we can judge of and explain ,christian character4 ,christian history is occupied with the forms1 modifications1 and various aspects of ,christian character4 ,the facts which are there recorded serve to show1 how ,christian principle has fared in this world--how it has appeared1 what it has done1 how it has been treated4 ,in these facts we have the various institutions1 usages1 designs1 doings1 and sufferings of the church of ,christ4 ,and all these have of necessity1 the closest relation to ,christian principle4 ,they are the production of its power4 ,through them1 it is revealed and manifested4 ,in its light1 they are to be studied1 explained1 and understood4 ,without it they must be as unintelligible and insignificant as the letters of a book scattered on the wind4 ,in the principles of ,christianity1 then1 we have a comprehensive and faithful account of its objects1 institutions1 and usages--of how it must behave1 and act1 and suffer1 in a world of sin and misery4 ,for between the principles which ,god reveals1 on the one hand1 and the precepts he enjoins1 the institutions he establishes1 and the usages he approves1 on the other1 there must be consistency and harmony4 ,otherwise we impute to ,god what we must abhor in man--practice at war with principle4 ,does the ,savior1 then1 lay down the principle that our standing in the church must depend upon the habits formed within us1 of readily and heartily subserving the welfare of others2 and permit us in practice to invade the rights and trample on the happiness of our fellows1 by reducing them to slavery4 ,does he1 in principle and by example1 require us to go all lengths in rendering mutual service1 or comprehending offices that most menial1 as well as the most honorable2 and permit us in practice to ,,exact service of our brethren1 as if they were nothing better than articles of merchandize6 ,does he require us in principle to work with quietness and eat our own bread2 and permit us in practice to wrest from our brethren the fruits of their unrequited toil8 ,does he in principle require us1 abstaining from every form of theft1 to employ our powers in useful labor1 not only to provide for ourselves but also to relieve the indigence of others2 and permit us in practice1 abstaining from every form of labor1 to enrich and aggrandize ourselves with the fruits of man-stealing8 ,does he require us in principle to regard the laborer as worthy of his hire2 and permit us in practice to defraud him of his wages8 ,does he require us in principle to honor ,,all men2 and permit us in practice to treat multitudes like cattle8 ,does he in principle prohibit respect of persons2 and permit us in practice to place the feet of the rich upon the necks of the poor8 ,does he in principle require us to sympathize with the bondman as another self2 and permit us in practice to leave him unpitied and unhelped in the hands of the oppressor8 ,in principle1 where the ,spirit of the ,lord is1 there is liberty2 in practice1 is slavery the fruit of the ,spirit8 ,in principle1 ,christianity is the law of liberty2 in practice1 it is the law of slavery8 ,bring practice in these various respects into harmony with principle1 and what becomes of slavery8 ,and if1 where the divine government is concerned1 practice is the expression of principle1 and principle the standard and interpreter of practice1 such harmony cannot but be maintained and must be asserted4 ,in studying1 therefore1 fragments of history and sketches of biography--in disposing of references to institutions1 usages1 and facts in the ,new ,testament1 this necessary harmony between principle and practice in the government of ,god1 should be continually present to the thoughts of the interpreter4 ,principles assert what practice must be4 ,whatever principle condemns1 ,god condemns4 ,it belongs to those weeds of the dung-hill which1 planted by an enemy1 his hand will assuredly root up4 ,it is most certain then1 that if slavery prevailed in the first ages of ,christianity1 it could nowhere have prevailed under its influence and with its sanction4 99 99 99 99 99 ,the condition in which in its efforts to bless mankind1 the primitive church was placed1 must have greatly assisted the early ,christians in understanding and applying the principles of the gospel4 ,their ,master was born in great obscurity1 lived in the deepest poverty1 and died the most ignominious death4 ,the place of his residence1 his familiarity with the outcasts of society1 his welcoming assistance and support from female hands1 his casting his beloved mother1 when he hung upon the cross1 upon the charity of a disciple--such things evince the depth of his poverty1 and show to what derision and contempt he must have been exposed4 ,could such an one1 despised and rejected of men--a man of sorrows and acquainted with grief1 play the oppressor1 or smile on those who made merchandize of the poor6 ,and what was the history of the apostles1 but an illustration of the doctrine1 that it is enough for the disciple1 that he be as his ,master8 ,were they lordly ecclesiastics1 abounding with wealth1 shining with splendor1 bloated with luxury6 ,were they ambitious of distinction1 fleecing1 and trampling1 and devouring the flocks1 that they themselves might have the pre-eminence6 ,were they slaveholding bishops6 ,or did they derive their support from the wages of iniquity and the price of blood6 ,can such inferences be drawn from the account of their condition1 which the most gifted and enterprising of their number has put upon record8 ,even unto this present hour1 we both hunger1 and thirst1 and are naked1 and are buffetted1 and have no certain dwelling place1 and labor working with our own hands4 ,being reviled1 we bless2 being persecuted1 we suffer it2 being defamed1 we entreat2 we are made as the filth of the world1 and are ,,the ,,offscouring ,,of ,,all ,,things unto this day4#bc ,are these the men who practised or countenanced slavery8 ,with such a temper1 they ,,would ,,not2 in such circumstances1 they ,,could ,,not4 ,exposed to tribulation1 distress1 and persecution2 subject to famine and nakedness1 to peril and the sword2 killed all the day long2 accounted as sheep for the slaughter1#bd they would have made but a sorry figure at the great-house or slave-market4 ,footnote #bc3 #a ,cor4 iv4 #aa-ac4 ,footnote #bd3 ,rom4 viii4 #ce1 #cf4 ,nor was the condition of the brethren1 generally1 better than that of the apostles4 ,the position of the apostles doubtless entitled them to the strongest opposition1 the heaviest reproaches1 the fiercest persecution4 ,but derision and contempt must have been the lot of ,christians generally4 ,surely we cannot think so ill of primitive ,christianity as to suppose that believers1 generally1 refused to share in the trials and sufferings of their leaders2 as to suppose that while the leaders submitted to manual labor1 to buffeting1 to be reckoned the filth of the world1 to be accounted as sheep for the slaughter1 his brethren lived in affluence1 ease1 and honor6 despising manual labor and living upon the sweat of unrequited toil6 ,but on this point we are not left to mere inference and conjecture4 ,the apostle ,paul in the plainest language explains the ordination of ,heaven4 ,but ,god hath ,,chosen the foolish things of the world to confound the wise2 and ,god hath ,,chosen the weak things of the world to confound the things which are mighty2 and base things of the world1 and things which are despised hath ,god ,,chosen1 yea1 and ,,things ,,which ,,are ,,not1 to bring to nought things that are4#be ,here we may well notice1 #a4 ,that it was not by accident1 that the primitive churches were made up of such elements1 but the result of the ,,divine ,,choice--an arrangement of ,his wise and gracious ,providence4 ,the inference is natural1 that this ordination was co-extensive with the triumphs of ,christianity4 ,it was nothing new or strange1 that ,jehovah had concealed his glory from the wise and prudent1 and had revealed it unto babes1 or that the common people heard him gladly1 while not many wise men after the flesh1 not many mighty1 not many noble1 had been called4 #b4 ,the description of character1 which the apostle records1 could be adapted only to what are reckoned the very dregs of humanity4 ,the foolish and the weak1 the base and the contemptible1 in the estimation of worldly pride and wisdom--these were they whose broken hearts were reached1 and moulded1 and refreshed by the gospel2 these were they whom the apostle took to his bosom as his own brethren4 ,footnote #be3 #a ,cor4 i4 #bg1 #bh4 ,that slaves abounded at ,corinth1 may easily be admitted4 ,they have a place in the enumeration of elements of which1 according to the apostle1 the church there was composed4 ,the most remarkable class found there1 consisted of ,,things ,,which ,,are ,,not--mere nobodies1 not admitted to the privileges of men1 but degraded to a level with goods and chattels2 of whom no account was made in such arrangements of society as subserved the improvement1 and dignity1 and happiness of ,,mankind4 ,how accurately the description applies to those who are crushed under the chattel principle6 ,the reference which the apostle makes to the deep poverty of the churches of ,macedonia1#bf and this to stir up the sluggish liberality of his ,corinthian brethren1 naturally leaves the impression1 that the latter were by no means inferior to the former in the gifts of ,providence4 ,but1 pressed with want and pinched by poverty as were the believers in ,macedonia and ,achaia1 it pleased them to make a certain contribution for the poor saints which were at ,jerusalem4#bg ,thus it appears1 that ,christians everywhere were familiar with contempt and indigence1 so much so1 that the apostle would dissuade such as had no families from assuming the responsibilities of the conjugal relation6#bh ,footnote #bf3 #b ,cor4 viii4 #b4 ,footnote #bg3 ,rom4 xviii4 #ah-be4 ,footnote #bh3 ,cor4 vii4 #bf1 #bg4 ,now1 how did these good people treat each other8 ,did the few among them1 who were esteemed wise1 mighty1 or noble1 exert their influence and employ their power in oppressing the weak1 in disposing of the things that are not1 as marketable commodities6--kneeling with them in prayer in the evening1 and putting them up at auction the next morning6 ,did the church sell any of the members to swell the certain contribution for the poor saints at ,jerusalem6 ,far other wise--as far as possible6 ,in those ,christian communities where the influence of the apostles was most powerful1 and where the arrangements drew forth their highest commendations1 believers treated each other as brethren1 in the strongest sense of that sweet word4 ,so warm was their mutual love1 so strong the public spirit1 so open-handed and abundant the general liberality1 that they are set forth as having all things common4#bi ,slaves and their holders here8 ,neither the one nor the other could1 in that relation to each other1 have breathed such an atmosphere4 ,the appeal of the kneeling bondman1 ,am ,i not a man and a brother1 must here have met with a prompt and powerful response4 ,footnote #bi3 ,acts1 iv4 #cb4 ,the tests by which our ,savior tries the character of his professed disciples1 shed a strong light upon the genius of the gospel4 ,in one connection1#cj an inquirer demands of the ,savior1 ,what good thing shall ,i do that ,i may have eternal life8 ,after being reminded of the obligations which his social nature imposed upon him1 he ventured1 while claiming to be free from guilt in his relations to mankind1 to demand1 what lack ,i yet8 ,the radical deficiency under which his character labored1 the ,savior was not long or obscure in pointing out4 ,if thou wilt be perfect1 go and sell that thou hast and give to the poor1 and thou shall have treasure in heaven2 and come and follow me4 ,on this passage it is natural to suggest-- #a4 ,that we have here a test of universal application4 ,the rectitude and benevolence of our ,savior's character forbid us to suppose1 that he would subject this inquirer1 especially as he was highly amiable1 to a trial1 where eternal life was at stake1 peculiarly severe4 ,indeed1 the test seems to have been only a fair exposition of the second great command1 and of course it must be applicable to all who are placed under the obligations of that precept4 ,those who cannot stand this test1 as their character is radically imperfect and unsound1 must1 with the inquirer to whom our ,lord applied it1 be pronounced unfit for the kingdom of heaven4 #b4 ,the least that our ,savior can in that passage be understood to demand is1 that we disinterestedly and heartily devote ourselves to the welfare of mankind1 the poor especially4 ,we are to put ourselves on a level with them1 as we must do in selling that we have for their benefit--in other words1 in employing our powers and resources to elevate their character1 condition1 and prospects4 ,this our ,savior did2 and if we refuse to enter into sympathy and co-operation with him1 how can we be his followers8 ,apply this test to the slaveholder4 ,instead of selling that he hath for the benefit of the poor1 he ,,buys ,,the ,,poor1 and exacts their sweat with stripes1 to enable him to clothe himself in purple and fine linen1 and fare sumptuously every day2 or1 ,,he ,,sells ,,the ,,poor to support the gospel and convert the heathen6 ,footnote #cj3 ,luke1 xviii4 #ah-be4 ,what1 in describing the scenes of the final judgment1 does our ,savior teach us8 ,by what standard must our character be estimated1 and the retributions of eternity be awarded8 ,a standard1 which both the righteous and the wicked will be surprised to see erected4 ,from the offscouring of all things1 the meanest specimen of humanity will be selected--a stranger in the hands of the oppressor1 naked1 hungry1 sickly2 and this stranger1 placed in the midst of the assembled universe1 by the side of the sovereign ,judge1 will be openly acknowledged as his representative4 ,glory1 honor1 and immortality1 will be the reward of those who had recognized and cheered their ,lord through his outraged poor4 ,and tribulation1 anguish1 and despair1 will seize on every soul of man who had neglected or despised them4 ,but whom1 within the limits of our country1 are we to regard especially as the representatives of our final ,judge8 ,every feature of the ,savior's picture finds its appropriate original in our enslaved countrymen4 #a4 ,they are the ,,least of his brethren4 #b4 ,they are subject to thirst and hunger1 unable to command a cup of water or a crumb of bread4 #c4 ,they are exposed to wasting sickness1 without the ability to procure a nurse or employ a physician4 #d4 ,they are emphatically in prison1 restrained by chains1 goaded with whips1 tasked1 and under keepers4 ,not a wretch groans in any cell of the prisons of our country1 who is exposed to a confinement so vigorous and heartbreaking as the law allows theirs to be continually and permanently4 #e4 ,and then they are emphatically1 and peculiarly1 and exclusively1 ,,strangers--strangers in the land which gave them birth4 ,whom else do we constrain to remain aliens in the midst of our free institutions8 ,the ,welch1 the ,swiss1 the ,irish8 ,the ,jews even8 ,alas1 it is the negro only1 who may not strike his roots into our soil4 ,every where we have conspired to treat him as a stranger--every where he is forced to feel himself a stranger4 ,in the stage and steamboat1 in the parlor and at our tables1 in the scenes of business and in the scenes of amusement--even in the church of ,god and at the communion table1 he is regarded as a stranger4 ,the intelligent and religious are generally disgusted and horror-struck at the thought of his becoming identified with the citizens of our republic--so much so1 that thousands of them have entered into a conspiracy to send him off out of sight1 to find a home on a foreign shore6--and justify themselves by openly alleging1 that a single drop of his blood1 in the veins of any human creature1 must make him hateful to his fellow citizens6--,that nothing but banishment from our coasts1 can redeem him from the scorn and contempt to which his stranger blood has reduced him among his own mother's children6 ,who1 then1 in this land of milk and honey1 is hungry and athirst1 but the man from whom the law takes away the last crumb of bread and the smallest drop of water8 ,who naked1 but the man whom the law strips of the last rag of clothing8 ,who sick1 but the man whom the law deprives of the power of procuring medicine or sending for a physician8 ,who in prison1 but the man who1 all his life1 is under the control of merciless masters and cruel keepers6 ,who a stranger1 but the man who is scornfully denied the cheapest courtesies of life--who is treated as an alien in his native country8 ,there is one point in this awful description which deserves particular attention4 ,those who are doomed to the left hand of the ,judge1 are not charged with inflicting positive injuries on their helpless1 needy1 and oppressed brother4 ,theirs was what is often called negative character4 ,what they had done is not described in the indictment4 ,their neglect of duty1 what they had ,,not done1 was the ground of their everlasting punishment4 ,the representative of their ,judge1 they had seen a hungered and they gave him no meat1 thirsty and they gave him no drink1 a stranger and they took him not in1 naked and they clothed him not1 sick and in prison and they visited him not4 ,in as much as they did ,,not yield to the claims of suffering humanity--did ,,not exert themselves to bless the meanest of the human family1 they were driven away in their wickedness4 ,but what if the indictment had run thus3 ,i was a hungered and ye snatched away the crust which might have saved me from starvation2 ,i was thirsty and ye dashed to the ground the cup of cold water1 which might have moistened my parched lips2 ,i was a stranger and ye drove me from the hovel which might have sheltered me from the piercing wind2 ,i was sick and ye scourged me to my task2 in prison and you sold me for my jail-fees--to what depths of hell must not those who were convicted under such charges be consigned6 ,and what is the history of ,american slavery but one long indictment1 describing under ever-varying forms and hues just such injuries6 ,nor should it be forgotten1 that those who incurred the displeasure of their ,judge1 took far other views than he1 of their own past history4 ,the charges which he brought against them1 they heard with great surprise4 ,they were sure that they had never thus turned away from his necessities4 ,indeed1 when had they seen him thus subject to poverty1 insult1 and oppression8 ,never4 ,and as to that poor friendless creature1 whom they left unpitied and unhelped in the hands of the oppressor1 and whom their ,judge now presented as his own representative1 they never once supposed1 that he had any claims on their compassion and assistance4 ,had they known1 that he was destined to so prominent a place at the final judgment1 they would have treated him as a human being1 in despite of any social1 pecuniary1 or political considerations4 ,but neither their negative virtue nor their voluntary ignorance could shield them from the penal fire which their selfishness had kindled4 ,now amidst the general maxims1 the leading principles1 the great commandments of the gospel2 amidst its comprehensive descriptions and authorized tests of ,christian character1 we should take our position in disposing of any particular allusions to such forms and usages of the primitive churches as are supported by divine authority4 ,the latter must be interpreted and understood in the light of the former4 ,but how do the apologists and defenders of slavery proceed8 ,placing themselves amidst the arrangements and usages which grew out of the corruptions of ,christianity1 they make these the standard by which the gospel is to be explained and understood6 ,some ,recorder or ,justice4 without the light of inquiry or the aid of a jury1 consigns the negro whom the kidnapper has dragged into his presence to the horrors of slavery4 ,as the poor wretch shrieks and faints1 ,humanity shudders and demands why such atrocities are endured4 ,some priest or ,levite1 passing by on the other side1 quite self-possessed and all complacent1 reads in reply from his broad phylactery1 ,paul sent back ,onesimus to ,philemon6 ,yes1 echoes the negro-hating mob1 made up of gentlemen of property and standing together with equally gentle-men reeking from the gutter2 ,yes--,paul sent back ,onesimus to ,philemon6 ,and ,humanity1 brow-beaten1 stunned with noise and tumult1 is pushed aside by the crowd6 ,a fair specimen this of the manner in which modern usages are made to interpret the sacred ,scriptures8 ,of the particular passages in the ,new ,testament on which the apologists for slavery especially rely1 the epistle to ,philemon first demands our attention4 #a4 ,this letter was written by the apostle ,paul while a prisoner of ,jesus ,christ at ,rome4 #b4 ,philemon was a benevolent and trustworthy member of the church at ,colosse1 at whose house the disciples of ,christ held their assemblies1 and who owed his conversion1 under ,god1 directly or indirectly to the ministry of ,paul4 #c4 ,onesimus was the servant of ,philemon2 under a relation which it is difficult with accuracy and certainty to define4 ,his condition1 though servile1 could not have been like that of an ,american slave2 as1 in that case1 however he might have wronged ,philemon1 he could not also have owed him ought4#ca ,the ,american slave is1 according to law1 as much the property of his master as any other chattel2 and can no more owe his master than can a sheep or a horse4 ,the basis of all pecuniary obligations lies in some value received4 ,how can an article of merchandise stand on this basis and sustain commercial relations to its owner8 ,there is no person to offer or promise4 ,personality is swallowed up in ,american slavery6 #d4 ,how ,onesimus found his way to ,rome it is not easy to determine4 ,he and ,philemon appear to have parted from each other on ill terms4 ,the general character of ,onesimus1 certainly1 in his relation to ,philemon1 had been far from attractive1 and he seems to have left him without repairing the wrongs he had done him or paying the debts which he owed him4 ,at ,rome1 by the blessing of ,god upon the exertions of the apostle1 he was brought to reflection and repentance4 #e4 ,in reviewing his history in the light of ,christian truth1 he became painfully aware of the injuries he had inflicted on ,philemon4 ,he longed for an opportunity for frank confession and full restitution4 ,having1 however1 parted with ,philemon on ill terms1 he knew not how to appear in his presence4 ,under such embarrassments1 he naturally sought sympathy and advice of ,paul4 ,his influence upon ,philemon1 ,onesimus knew must be powerful1 especially as an apostle4 #f4 ,a letter in behalf of ,onesimus was therefore written by the apostle to ,philemon4 ,after such salutations1 benedictions1 and thanksgiving as the good character and useful life of ,philemon naturally drew from the heart of ,paul1 he proceeds to the object of the letter4 ,he admits that ,onesimus had behaved ill in the service of ,philemon2 not in running away1 for how they had parted with each other is not explained2 but in being unprofitable and in refusing to pay the debts#cb which he had contracted4 ,but his character had undergone a radical change4 ,thenceforward fidelity and usefulness would be his aim and mark his course4 ,and as to any pecuniary obligations which he had violated1 the apostle authorized ,philemon to put them on his account4#cc ,thus a way was fairly opened to the heart of ,philemon4 ,and now what does the apostles ask8 #g4 ,he asks that ,philemon would receive ,onesimus1 ,how8 ,not as a servant1 but above a servant4#cd ,how much above8 ,philemon was to receive him as a son of the apostle--as a brother beloved--nay1 if he counted ,paul a partner1 an equal1 he was to receive ,onesimus as he would receive the apostle himself4#ce ,so much above a servant was he to receive him6 #h4 ,but was not this request to be so interpreted and complied with as to put ,onesimus in the hands of ,philemon as an article of merchandise1 ,,carnally1 while it raised him to the dignity of a brother beloved1 ,,spiritually8 ,in other words1 might not ,philemon consistently with the request of ,paul have reduced ,onesimus to a chattel1 as ,a ,,man1 while he admitted him fraternally to his bosom1 as a ,,christian8 ,such gibberish in an apostolic epistle6 ,never4 ,as if1 however to guard against such folly1 the natural product of mist and moonshine1 the apostle would have ,onesimus raised above a servant to the dignity of a brother beloved1 ,,both ,,in ,,the ,,flesh ,,and ,,in ,,the ,,lord2#cf as a man and ,christian1 in all the relations1 circumstances1 and responsibilities of life4 ,footnote #ca3 ,philemon1 #ah4 ,footnote #cb3 ,verse #aa1 #ah4 ,footnote #cc3 ,verse #ah4 ,footnote #cd3 ,verse #af4 ,footnote #ce3 ,verse #aj1 #af1 #ag4 ,footnote #cf3 ,verse #af4 ,it is easy now with definiteness and certainty to determine in what sense the apostle in such connections uses the word brother4 ,it describes a relation inconsistent with and opposite to the servile4 ,it is ,,not the relation of a ,,servant4 ,it elevates its subject above the servile condition4 ,it raises him to full equality with the master1 to the same equality1 on which ,paul and ,philemon stood side by side as brothers2 and this1 not in some vague1 undefined1 spiritual sense1 affecting the soul and leaving the body in bonds1 but in every way1 both in the ,,flesh and in the ,lord4 ,this matter deserves particular and earnest attention4 ,it sheds a strong light on other lessons of apostolic instruction4 #i4 ,it is greatly to our purpose1 moreover1 to observe that the apostle clearly defines the moral character of his request4 ,it was fit1 proper1 right1 suited to the nature and relation of things--a thing which ought to be done4#cg ,on this account1 he might have urged it upon ,philemon in the form of an injunction1 on apostolic authority and with great boldness4#ch ,the very nature of the request made it obligatory on ,philemon4 ,he was sacredly bound1 out of regard to the fitness of things1 to admit ,onesimus to full equality with himself--to treat him as a brother both in the ,lord and as having flesh--as a fellow man4 ,thus were the inalienable rights and birthright privileges of ,onesimus1 as a member of the human family1 defined and protected by apostolic authority4 #aj4 ,the apostle preferred a request instead of imposing a command1 on the ground of ,,charity4#ci ,he would give ,philemon an opportunity of discharging his obligations under the impulse of love4 ,to this impulse1 he was confident ,philemon would promptly and fully yield4 ,how could he do otherwise8 ,the thing itself was right4 ,the request respecting it came from a benefactor1 to whom1 under ,god1 he was under the highest obligations4#dj ,that benefactor1 now an old man1 and in the hands of persecutors1 manifested a deep and tender interest in the matter and had the strongest persuasion that ,philemon was more ready to grant than himself to entreat4 ,the result1 as he was soon to visit ,collosse1 and had commissioned ,philemon to prepare a lodging for him1 must come under the eye of the apostle4 ,the request was so manifestly reasonable and obligatory1 that the apostle1 after all1 described a compliance with it1 by the strong word obedience4#da ,footnote #cg3 ,verse #h4 ,to ,greek3 anaekon4 ,see ,robinson's ,new ,testament ,lexicon2 it is fit1 proper1 becoming1 it ought4 ,in what sense ,king ,james' translators used the word convenient any one may see who will read ,rom4 i4 #bh and ,eph4 v4 #c1 #d4 ,footnote #ch3 ,verse #h4 ,footnote #ci3 ,verse #i--;,greek3 dia taen agapaen ,footnote #dj3 ,verse #ai4 ,footnote #da3 ,verse #ba4 ,now1 how must all this have been understood by the church at ,colosse8 --a church1 doubtless1 made up of such materials as the church at ,corinth1 that is1 of members chiefly from the humblest walks of life4 ,many of them had probably felt the degradation and tasted the bitterness of the servile condition4 ,would they have been likely to interpret the apostle's letter under the bias of feelings friendly to slavery6--,and put the slaveholder's construction on its contents6 ,would their past experience or present sufferings--for doubtless some of them were still under the yoke--have suggested to their thoughts such glosses as some of our theological professors venture to put upon the words of the apostle6 ,far otherwise4 ,the ,spirit of the ,lord was there1 and the epistle was read in the light of liberty4 ,it contained the principles of holy freedom1 faithfully and affectionately applied4 ,this must have made it precious in the eyes of such men of low degree as were most of the believers1 and welcome to a place in the sacred canon4 ,there let it remain as a luminous and powerful defence of the cause of emancipation6 ,but what saith ,professor ,stuart8 ,if any one doubts1 let him take the case of ,paul's sending ,onesimus back to ,philemon1 with an apology for his running away1 and sending him back to be his servant for life4#db ,footnote #db3 ,see his letter to ,dr4 ,fisk1 supra pp4 #g1 #h ,paul sent back ,onesimus to ,philemon4 ,by what process8 ,did the apostle1 a prisoner at ,rome1 seize upon the fugitive1 and drag him before some heartless and perfidious ,judge1 for authority to send him back to ,colosse8 ,did he hurry his victim away from the presence of the fat and supple magistrate1 to be driven under chains and the lash to the field of unrequited toil1 whence he had escaped8 ,had the apostle been like some teachers in the ,american churches1 he might1 as a professor of sacred literature in one of our seminaries1 or a preacher of the gospel to the rich in some of our cities1 have consented thus to subserve the peculiar interests of a dear slaveholding brother4 ,but the venerable champion of truth and freedom was himself under bonds in the imperial city1 waiting for the crown of martyrdom4 ,he wrote a letter to the church a ,colosse1 which was accustomed to meet at the house of ,philemon1 and another letter to that magnanimous disciple1 and sent them by the hand of ,onesimus4 ,so much for the way in which ,onesimus was sent back to his master4 ,a slave escapes from a patriarch in ,georgia1 and seeks a refuge in the parish of the ,connecticut doctor of ,divinity1 who once gave public notice that he saw no reason for caring for the servitude of his fellow men4#dc ,under his influence1 ,caesar becomes a ,christian convert4 ,burning with love for the son whom he hath begotten in the gospel1 our doctor resolves to send him back to his master4 ,accordingly1 he writes a letter1 gives it to ,caesar1 and bids him return1 staff in hand1 to the corner-stone of our republican institutions4 ,now1 what would my ,caesar do1 who had ever felt a link of slavery's chain8 ,as he left his spiritual father1 should we be surprised to hear him say to himself1 ,what1 return of my own accord to the man who1 with the hand of a robber1 plucked me from my mother's bosom6--for whom ,i have been so often drenched in the sweat of unrequited toil6--whose violence so often cut my flesh and scarred my limbs6--who shut out every ray of light from my mind6--who laid claim to those honors to which my ,creator and ,redeemer only are entitled6 ,and for what am ,i to return8 ,to be cursed1 and smitten1 and sold6 ,to be tempted1 and torn1 and destroyed6 ,i cannot thus throw myself away--thus rush upon my own destruction4 ,footnote #dc3 ,why should ,i care8 ,who ever heard of the voluntary return of a fugitive from ,american oppression8 ,do you think that the doctor and his friends could persuade one to carry a letter to the patriarch from whom he had escaped8 ,and must we believe this of ,onesimus8 ,paul sent back ,onesimus to ,philemon4 ,on what occasion8--,if1 writes the apostle1 he hath wronged thee1 or oweth the aught1 put that on my account4 ,alive to the claims of duty1 ,onesimus would restore whatever he had taken away4 ,he would honestly pay his debts4 ,this resolution the apostle warmly approved4 ,he was ready1 at whatever expense1 to help his young disciple in carrying it into full effect4 ,of this he assured ,philemon1 in language the most explicit and emphatic4 ,here we find one reason for the conduct of ,paul in sending ,onesimus to ,philemon4 ,if a fugitive slave of the ,rev4 ,dr4 ,smylie1 of ,mississippi1 should return to him with a letter from a doctor of divinity in ,new ,york1 containing such an assurance1 how would the reverend slaveholder dispose of it8 ,what1 he exclaims1 have we here8 ,if ,cato has not been upright in his pecuniary intercourse with you--if he owes you any thing--put that on my account4 ,what ignorance of southern institutions6 ,what mockery1 to talk of pecuniary intercourse between a slave and his master6 ,the slave himself1 with all he is and has1 is an article of merchandise4 ,what can he owe his master8 ,a rustic may lay a wager with his mule1 and give the creature the peck of oats which he has permitted it to win4 ,but who1 in sober earnest1 would call this a pecuniary transaction8 ,,to ,,be ,,his ,,servant ,,for ,,life6 ,from what part of the epistle could the expositor have evolved a thought so soothing to tyrants--so revolting to every man who loves his own nature8 ,from this8 ,for perhaps he therefore departed for a season1 that thou shouldst receive him for ever4 ,receive him how8 ,as a servant1 exclaims our commentator4 ,but what wrote the apostle8 ,,not now as a servant1 but above a servant1 a brother beloved1 especially to me1 but how much more unto thee1 both in the flesh and in the ,lord4 ,who authorized the professor to bereave the word not of its negative influence8 ,according to ,paul1 ,philemon was to receive ,onesimus not as a servant2--according to ,stuart1 he was to receive him as a servant6 ,if the professor will apply the same rules of exposition to the writings of the abolitionists1 all difference between him and them must in his view presently vanish away4 ,the harmonizing process would be equally simple and effectual4 ,he has only to understand them as affirming what they deny1 and as denying what they affirm4 ,suppose that ,professor ,stuart had a son residing1 at the ,south4 ,his slave1 having stolen money of his master1 effected his escape4 ,he fled to ,andover1 to find a refuge among the sons of the prophets4 ,there he finds his way to ,professor ,stuart's house1 and offers to render any service which the professor1 dangerously ill of a typhus fever1 might require4 ,he is soon found to be a most active1 skilful1 faithful nurse4 ,he spares no pains1 night and day1 to make himself useful to the venerable sufferer4 ,he anticipates every want4 ,in the most delicate and tender manner1 he tries to sooth every pain4 ,he fastens himself strongly on the heart of the reverend object of his care4 ,touched with the heavenly spirit1 the meek demeanor1 the submissive frame1 which the sick bed exhibits1 ,archy becomes a ,christian4 ,a new bond now ties him and his convalescent teacher together4 ,as soon as he is able to write1 the professor sends ,archy with the following letter to the ,south1 to ,isaac ,stuart1 ,esq43-- ,,my ,,dear ,,son1--,with a hand enfeebled by a distressing and dangerous illness1 from which ,i am slowly recovering1 ,i address you on a subject which lies very near my heart4 ,i have a request to urge1 which our mutual relation to each other1 and your strong obligations to me1 will1 ,i cannot doubt1 make you eager fully to grant4 ,i say a request1 though the thing ,i ask is1 in its very nature and on the principles of the gospel1 obligatory upon you4 ,i might1 therefore1 boldly demand1 what ,i earnestly entreat4 ,but ,i know how generous1 magnanimous1 and ,christ-like you are1 and how readily you will 'do even more than ,i say'--,i1 your own father1 an old man1 almost exhausted with multiplied exertions for the benefit of my family and my country and now just rising1 emaciated and broken1 from the brink of the grave4 ,i write in behalf of ,archy1 whom ,i regard with the affection of a father1 and whom1 indeed1 ',i have forgotten in my sickness4' ,gladly would ,i have retained him1 to be an ,isaac to me2 for how often did not his soothing voice1 and skilful hand1 and unwearied attention to my wants remind me of you6 ,but ,i chose to give you an opportunity of manifesting1 voluntarily1 the goodness of your heart2 as1 if ,i had retained him with me1 you might seem to have been forced to grant what you will gratefully bestow4 ,his temporary absence from you may have opened the way for his permanent continuance with you4 ,not now as a slave4 ,heaven forbid6 ,but superior to a slave4 ,superior1 did ,i say8 ,take him to your bosom1 as a beloved brother2 for ,i own him as a son1 and regard him as such1 in all the relations of life1 both as a man and a ,christian4 ',receive him as myself4' ,and that nothing may hinder you from complying with my request at once1 ,i hereby promise1 without adverting to your many and great obligations to me1 to pay you every cent which he took from your drawer4 ,any preparation which my comfort with you may require1 you will make without much delay1 when you learn1 that ,i intend1 as soon as ,i shall be able 'to perform the journey1' to make you a visit4 ,and what if ,dr4 ,baxter1 in giving an account of this letter should publicly declare that ,professor ,stuart1 of ,andover regarded slaveholding as lawful2 for that he had sent ,archy back to his son ,isaac1 with an apology for his running away to be held in perpetual slavery8 ,with what propriety might not the professor exclaim3 ,false1 every syllable false4 ,i sent him back1 ,,not ,,to ,,be ,,held ,,as ,a ,,slave1 but recognized as a dear brother1 in all respects1 under every relation1 civil and ecclesiastical4 ,i bade my son receive ,archy as myself4 ,if this was not equivalent to a requisition to set him fully and most honorably free1 and that1 too1 on the ground of natural obligation and ,christian principle1 then ,i know not how to frame such a requisition4 ,i am well aware that my supposition is by no means strong enough fully to illustrate the case to which it is applied4 ,professor ,stuart lacks apostolical authority4 ,isaac ,stuart is not a leading member of a church consisting1 as the early churches chiefly consisted1 of what the world regard as the dregs of society--the offscouring of all things4 ,nor was slavery at ,colosse1 it seems1 supported by such barbarous usages1 such horrid laws as disgrace the ,south4 ,but it is time to turn to another passage which1 in its bearing on the subject in hand1 is1 in our view1 as well as in the view of ,dr4 ,fisk4 and ,prof4 ,stuart1 in the highest degree authoritative and instructive4 ,let as many servants as are under the yoke count their own masters worthy of all honor1 that the name of ,god and his doctrines be not blasphemed4 ,and they that have believing masters1 let them not despise them because they are brethren2 but rather do them service1 because they are faithful and beloved1 partakers of the benefit4 #dd ,footnote #dd3 #a ,tim4 vi4 #a4 #b4 ,the following exposition of this passage is from the pen of ,,elizur ,,wright1 ,,jr43-- ,this word ,greek3 antilambanesthai in our humble opinion1 has been so unfairly used by the commentators1 that we feel constrained to take its part4 ,our excellent translators1 in rendering the clause 'partakers of the benefit1' evidently lost sight of the component preposition1 which expresses the opposition of reciprocity1 rather than the connection of participation4 ,they have given it exactly the sense of ,greek3 metalambanein1 7#b ,tim4 ii4 #f47 ,had the apostle intended such a sense1 he would have used the latter verb1 or one of the more common words1 ,greek3 metochoi1 koinonomtes1 c4 7,see ,heb4 iii4 #a1 and #a ,tim4 v4 #bb1 where the latter word is used in the clause1 'neither be partaker of other men's sins4' ,had the verb in our text been used1 it might have been rendered1 'neither be the part-taker of other men's sins4'7 ,the primary sense of ,greek3 antilambans is to take in return--to take instead of1 c4 ,hence1 in the middle with the genitive1 it signifies assist1 or do one's part towards the person or thing expressed by that genitive4 ,in this sense only is the word used in the ,new ,testament1--7,see ,luke i4 #ed1 and ,acts1 xx4 #ce47 ,if this be true1 the word ,greek3 emsgesai cannot signify the benefit conferred by the gospel1 as our common version would make it1 but the well doing of the servants1 who should continue to serve their believing masters1 while they were no longer under the yoke of compulsion4 ,this word is used elsewhere in the ,new ,testament but once 7,acts4 iv4 #c47 in relation to the 'good deed' done to the impotent man4 ,the plain import of the clause1 unmystified by the commentators1 is1 that believing masters would not fail to do their part towards1 or encourage by suitable returns1 the free service of those who had once been under the yoke4 #a4 ,the apostle addresses himself here to two classes of servants1 with instructions to each respectively appropriate4 ,both the one class and the other1 in ,professor ,stuart's eye1 were slaves4 ,this he assumes1 and thus begs the very question in dispute4 ,the term servant is generic1 as used by the sacred writers4 ,it comprehends all the various offices which men discharge for the benefit of each other1 however honorable1 or however menial2 from that of an apostle#de opening the path to heaven1 to that of washing one another's feet4#df ,a general term it is1 comprehending every office which belongs to human relations and ,christian character4#dg ,footnote #de3 ,cor4 iv4 #e4 ,footnote #df3 ,john1 xiii1 #ad4 ,footnote #dg3 ,mat1 xx1 #bf-bh4 ,a leading signification gives us the manual laborer1 to whom1 in the division of labor1 muscular exertion was allotted4 ,as in his exertions the bodily powers are especially employed--such powers as belong to man in common with mere animals--his sphere has generally been considered low and humble4 ,and as intellectual power is superior to bodily1 the manual laborer has always been exposed in very numerous ways and in various degrees to oppression4 ,cunning1 intrigue1 the oily tongue1 have1 through extended and powerful conspiracies1 brought the resources of society under the control of the few1 who stood aloof from his homely toil4 ,hence his dependence upon them4 ,hence the multiplied injuries which have fallen so heavily upon him4 ,hence the reduction of his wages from one degree to another1 till at length1 in the case of millions1 fraud and violence strip him of his all1 blot his name from the record of mankind1 and1 putting a yoke upon his neck1 drive him away to toil among the cattle4 ,here you find the slave4 ,to reduce the servant to his condition1 requires abuses altogether monstrous--injuries reaching the very vitals of man--stabs upon the very heart of humanity4 ,now1 what right has ,professor ,stuart to make the word servants1 comprehending1 even as manual laborers1 so many and such various meanings1 signify slaves1 especially where different classes are concerned8 ,such a right he could never have derived from humanity1 or philosophy1 or hermeneutics4 ,it is his by sympathy with the oppressor8 ,yes1 different classes4 ,this is implied in the term as many1#dh which sets apart the class now to be addressed4 ,from these he proceeds to others1 who are introduced by a particle1#di whose natural meaning indicates the presence of another and a different subject4 ,footnote #dh3 ,greek3 ,ochli ,see ,passow's ,schneider4 ,footnote #di3 ,greek3 ,dd4 ,see ,passow4 #b4 ,the first class are described as under the yoke--a yoke from which they were1 according to the apostle1 to make their escape if possible4#ej ,if not1 they must in every way regard the master with respect--bowing to his authority1 working his will1 subserving his interests so far as might be consistent with ,christian character4#ea ,and this1 to prevent blasphemy--to prevent the pagan master from heaping profane reproaches upon the name of ,god and the doctrines of the gospel4 ,they should beware of rousing his passions1 which1 as his helpless victims1 they might be unable to allay or withstand4 ,footnote #ej3 ,see #a ,cor4 vii1 #ba--;,greek3 ,all' ei kai dunasai eleuphoros genesthai4 ,footnote #ea3 ,see #a ,cor4 vii1 #bc--;,greek3 ,mae ginesthe doulos anthroton4 ,but all the servants whom the apostle addressed were not under the yoke#eb--;an instrument appropriate to cattle and to slaves4 ,these he distinguishes from another class1 who instead of a yoke--the badge of a slave--had believing masters4 ,to have a believing master1 then1 was equivalent to freedom from the yoke4 ,these servants were exhorted not to despise their masters4 ,what need of such an exhortation1 if their masters had been slaveholders1 holding them as property1 wielding them as mere instruments1 disposing of them as articles of merchandise4 ,but this was not consistent with believing4 ,faith1 breaking every yoke1 united master and servants in the bonds of brotherhood4 ,brethren they were1 joined in a relation which1 excluding the yoke1#ec placed them side by side on the ground of equality1 where1 each in his appropriate sphere1 they might exert themselves freely and usefully1 to the mutual benefit of each other4 ,here1 servants might need to be cautioned against getting above their appropriate business1 putting on airs1 despising their masters1 and thus declining or neglecting their service4 #ed ,instead of this1 they should be1 as emancipated slaves often have been1 #ee models of enterprise1 fidelity1 activity1 and usefulness--especially as their masters were worthy of their confidence and love1 their helpers in this well-doing4 ,footnote #eb3 ,see ,lev4 xxvi4 #ac2 ,isa lviii4 #f1 #i4 ,footnote #ec3 ,supra p4 #dd4 ,footnote #ed3 ,see ,mat4 vi4 #bd4 ,footnote #ee3 ,those1 for instance1 set free by that believing master ,james ,g4 ,birney4 ,such1 then1 is the relation between those who1 in the view of ,professor ,stuart1 were ,christian masters and ,christian slaves #ef--the relation of brethren1 which1 excluding the yoke1 and of course conferring freedom1 placed them side by side on the common ground of mutual service1 both retaining1 for convenience sake1 the one while giving and the other while receiving employment1 the correlative name1 as is usual in such cases1 under which they had been known4 ,such was the instruction which ,timothy was required1 as a ,christian minister1 to give4 ,was it friendly to slaveholding8 ,footnote #ef3 ,letter to ,dr4 ,fisk1 supra1 p4 #g4 ,and on what ground1 according to the ,princeton professor1 did these masters and these servants stand in their relation to each other8 ,on that of a perfect religious equality4#eg ,in all the relations1 duties1 and privileges--in all the objects1 interests1 and prospects1 which belong to the province of ,christianity1 servants were as free as their master4 ,the powers of the one1 were allowed as wide a range and as free an exercise1 with as warm encouragements1 as active aids1 and as high results1 as the other4 ,here1 the relation of a servant to his master imposed no restrictions1 involved no embarrassments1 occasioned no injury4 ,all this1 clearly and certainly1 is implied in perfect religious equality1 which the ,princeton professor accords to servants in relation to their master4 ,might the master1 then1 in order more fully to attain the great ends for which he was created and redeemed1 freely exert himself to increase his acquaintance with his own powers1 and relations1 and resources--with his prospects1 opportunities1 and advantages8 ,so might his servants4 ,was he at liberty to study to approve himself to ,god1 to submit to his will and bow to his authority1 as the sole standard of affection and exertion8 ,so were they4 ,was he at liberty to sanctify the ,sabbath1 and frequent the solemn assembly8 ,so were they4 ,was he at liberty so to honor the filial1 conjugal1 and paternal relations1 as to find in them that spring of activity and that source of enjoyment1 which they are capable of yielding8 ,so were they4 ,in every department of interest and exertion1 they might use their capacities1 and wield their powers1 and improve their opportunities1 and employ their resources1 as freely as he1 in glorifying ,god1 in blessing mankind1 and in laying up imperishable treasures for themselves6 ,give perfect religious equality to the ,american slave1 and the most eager abolitionist must be satisfied4 ,such equality would1 like the breath of the ,almighty1 dissolve the last link of the chain of servitude4 ,dare those who1 for the benefit of slavery1 have given so wide and active a circulation to the ,pittsburg pamphlet1 make the experiment8 ,footnote #eg3 ,pittsburg ,pamphlet1 p4 #i4 ,in the epistle to the ,colossians1 the following passage deserves earnest attention3--,servants1 obey in all things your masters according to the flesh2 not with eye-service1 as men-pleasers2 but in singleness of heart1 fearing ,god3 and whatsoever ye do1 do it heartily1 as to the ,lord1 and not unto men2 knowing1 that of the ,lord ye shall receive the reward of the inheritance2 for ye serve the ,lord ,christ4 ,but he that doeth wrong shall receive for the wrong which he hath done3 and there is no respect of persons4--,masters1 give unto your servants that which is just and equal2 knowing that ye have a ,master in heaven4#eh ,footnote #eh3 ,col4 iii4 #bb to iv4 #a4 ,here it is natural to remark-- #a4 ,that in maintaining the relation1 which mutually united them1 both masters and servants were to act in conformity with the principles of the divine government4 ,whatever they did1 servants were to do in hearty obedience to the ,lord1 by whose authority they were to be controlled and by whose hand they were to be rewarded4 ,to the same ,lord1 and according to the same law1 was the master to hold himself responsible4 ,both the one and the other were of course equally at liberty and alike required to study and apply the standard1 by which they were to be governed and judged4 #b4 ,the basis of the government under which they thus were placed1 was righteousness--strict1 stern1 impartial4 ,nothing here of bias or antipathy4 ,birth1 wealth1 station1--the dust of the balance not so light6 ,both master and servants were hastening to a tribunal1 where nothing of respect of persons could be feared or hoped for4 ,there the wrong-doer1 whoever he might be1 and whether from the top or bottom of society1 must be dealt with according to his deservings4 #c4 ,under this government1 servants were to be universally and heartily obedient2 and both in the presence and absence of the master1 faithfully to discharge their obligations4 ,the master on his part1 in his relations to the servants1 was to make ,,justice ,,and ,,equality the standard of his conduct4 ,under the authority of such instructions1 slavery falls discountenanced1 condemned1 abhorred4 ,it is flagrantly at war with the government of ,god1 consists in respect of persons the most shameless and outrageous1 treads justice and equality under foot1 and in its natural tendency and practical effects is nothing else than a system of wrong-doing4 ,what have they to do with the just and the equal who in their respect of persons proceed to such a pitch as to treat one brother as a thing because he is a servant1 and place him1 without the least regard to his welfare here1 or his prospects hereafter1 absolutely at the disposal of another brother1 under the name of master1 in the relation of owner to property8 ,justice and equality on the one hand1 and the chattel principle on the other1 are naturally subversive of each other--proof clear and decisive that the correlates1 masters and servants1 cannot here be rendered slaves and owners1 without the grossest absurdity and the greatest violence4 ,servants1 be obedient to them that are your masters according to the flesh1 with fear and trembling1 in singleness of your heart1 as unto ,christ2 not with eye-service1 as men-pleasers2 but as the servants of ,christ1 doing the will of ,god from the heart2 with good will doing service1 as to the ,lord1 and not to men3 knowing that whatsoever good thing any man doeth1 the same shall he receive of the ,lord1 whether he be bond or free4 ,and1 ye masters1 do the same things unto them1 forbearing threatening3 knowing that your ,master also is in heaven2 neither is there respect of persons with him4#ei ,footnote #ei3 ,ephesians1 vi4 #e-i4 ,without repeating here what has already been offered in exposition of kindred passages1 it may be sufficient to say3-- #a4 ,that the relation of the servants here addressed1 to their master1 was adapted to make him the object of their heart-felt attachment4 ,otherwise they could not have been required to render him an affectionate service4 #b4 ,this relation demanded a perfect reciprocity of benefits4 ,it had its soul in good-will1 mutually cherished and properly expressed4 ,hence ,,the ,,same ,,things1 the same in principle1 the same in substance1 the same in their mutual bearing upon the welfare of the master and the servants1 was to be rendered back and forth by the one and the other4 ,it was clearly the relation of mutual service4 ,do we here find the chattel principle8 #c4 ,of course1 the servants might not be slack1 time-serving1 unfaithful4 ,of course1 the master must ,,forbear ,,threatening4 ,slavery without threatening6 ,impossible4 ,wherever maintained1 it is of necessity a system of threatening1 injecting into the bosom of the slave such terrors1 as never cease for a moment to haunt and torment him4 ,take from the chattel principle the support1 which it derives from threatening1 and you annihilate it at once and forever4 #d4 ,this relation was to be maintained in accordance with the principles of the divine government1 where ,,respect ,,of ,,persons could not be admitted4 ,it was1 therefore1 totally inconsistent with1 and submissive of1 the chattel principle1 which in ,american slavery is developed in a system of respect of persons1 equally gross and hurtful4 ,no ,abolitionist1 however eager and determined in his opposition to slavery1 could ask for more than these precepts1 once obeyed1 would be sure to confer4 ,the relation of slavery1 according to ,professor ,stuart1 is recognized in the precepts of the ,new ,testament1 as one which may still exist without violating the ,christian faith or the church4#fj ,slavery and the chattel principle6 ,so our professor thinks2 otherwise his reference has nothing to do with the subject--with the slavery which the abolitionist1 whom he derides1 stands opposed to4 ,how gross and hurtful is the mistake into which he allows himself to fall4 ,the relation recognized in the precepts of the ,new ,testament had its basis and support in justice and equality2 the very opposite of the chattel principle2 a relation which may exist as long as justice and equality remain1 and thus escape the destruction to which1 in the view of ,professor ,stuart1 slavery is doomed4 ,the description of ,paul obliterates every feature of ,american slavery1 raising the servant to equality with his master1 and placing his rights under the protection of justice2 yet the eye of ,professor ,stuart can see nothing in his master and servant but a slave and his owner4 ,with this relation he is so thoroughly possessed1 that1 like an evil angel1 it haunts him even when he enters the temple of justice6 ,footnote #fj3 ,letter to ,dr4 ,fisk1 supra p4 #g4 ,it is remarkable1 saith the ,princeton professor1 that there is not even an exhortation in the writings of the apostles to masters to liberate their slaves1 much less is it urged as an imperative and immediate duty4#fa ,it would be remarkable1 indeed1 if they were chargeable with a defect so great and glaring4 ,and so they have nothing to say upon the subject8 ,that not even the ,princeton professor has the assurance to affirm4 ,he admits that ,,kindness1 ,,mercy1 ,,and ,,justice1 were enjoined with a distinct reference to the government of ,god4#fb ,without respect of persons1 they were to be ,god-like in doing justice4 ,they were to act the part of kind and merciful brethren4 ,and whither would this lead them8 ,could they stop short of restoring to every man his natural1 inalienable rights8--of doing what they could to redress the wrongs1 sooth the sorrows1 improve the character1 and raise the condition of the degraded and oppressed8 ,especially1 if oppressed and degraded by any agency of theirs4 ,could it be kind1 merciful1 or just to keep the chains of slavery on their helpless1 unoffending brother8 ,would this be to honor the ,golden ,rule1 or obey the second great command of their ,master in ,heaven8 ,could the apostles have subserved the cause of freedom more directly1 intelligibly1 and effectually1 than to enjoin the principles1 and sentiments1 and habits1 in which freedom consists--constituting its living root and fruitful germ6 ,footnote #fa3 ,pittsburg pamphlet1 p4 #i4 ,footnote #fb3 ,the same1 p4 #aj4 ,the ,princeton professor himself1 in the very paper which the ,south has so warmly welcomed and so loudly applauded as a scriptural defence of the peculiar institution1 maintains1 that the ,,general ,,principles ,,of ,,the ,,gospel have ,,destroyed ,,slavery throughout the greater part of ,christendom#fc--,,that ,,christianity ,,has ,,abolished ,,both ,,political ,,and ,,domestic ,,bondage ,,wherever ,,it ,,has ,,had ,,free ,,scope--that it ,,enjoins a fair compensation for labor2 insists on the mental and intellectual improvement of ,,all classes of men2 condemns ,,all infractions of marital or parental rights2 requires1 in short1 not only that ,,free ,,scope should be allowed to human improvement1 but that ,,all ,,suitable ,,means should be employed for the attainment of that end4#fd ,it is indeed remarkable1 that while neither ,christ nor his apostles ever gave an exhortation to masters to liberate their slaves1 they enjoined such general principles as have destroyed domestic slavery throughout the greater part of ,christendom2 that while ,christianity forbears to urge emancipation as an imperative and immediate duty1 it throws a barrier1 heaven high1 around every domestic circle2 protects all the rights of the husband and the father2 gives every laborer a fair compensation2 and makes the moral and intellectual improvement of all classes1 with free scope and all suitable means1 the object of its tender solicitude and high authority4 ,this is not only remarkable1 but inexplicable4 ,yes and no--hot and cold1 in one and the same breath6 ,and yet these things stand prominent in what is reckoned an acute1 ingenious1 effective defence of slavery6 ,footnote #fc3 ,pittsburg pamphlet1 p4 #ah1 #ai4 ,footnote #fd3 ,the same1 p4 #ca4 ,in his letter to the ,corinthian church1 the apostle ,paul furnishes another lesson of instruction1 expressive of his views and feelings on the subject of slavery4 ,let every man abide in the same calling wherein he was called4 ,art thou called being a servant8 care not for it2 but if thou mayest be made free1 use it rather4 ,for he that is called in the ,lord1 being a servant1 is the ,lord's freeman3 likewise also he that is called1 being free1 is ,christ's servant4 ,ye are bought with a price2 be not ye the servants of men4 #fe ,footnote #fe3 #a ,cor4 vii4 #bj-bc4 ,in explaining and applying this passage1 it is proper to suggest3 #a4 ,that it could not have been the object of the apostle to bind the ,corinthian converts to the stations and employments in which the gospel found them4 ,for he exhorts some of them to escape1 if possible1 from their present condition4 ,in the servile state1 under the yoke1 they ought not to remain unless impelled by stern necessity4 ,if thou canst be free1 use it rather4 ,if they ought to prefer freedom to bondage and to exert themselves to escape from the latter for the sake of the former1 could their master consistently with the claims and spirit of the gospel have hindered or discouraged them in so doing8 ,their brother could he be1 who kept the yoke upon their neck1 which the apostle would have them shake off if possible8 ,and had such masters been members of the ,corinthian church1 what inferences must they have drawn from this exhortation to their servants8 ,that the apostle regarded slavery as a ,christian institution8--or could look complacently on any efforts to introduce or maintain it in the church8 ,could they have expected less from him than a stern rebuke1 if they refused to exert themselves in the cause of freedom8 #b4 ,but while they were to use their freedom1 if they could obtain it1 they should not1 even on such a subject1 give themselves up to ceaseless anxiety4 ,the ,lord was no respecter of persons4 ,they need not fear1 that the low estate1 to which they had been wickedly reduced1 would prevent them from enjoying the gifts of his hand or the light of his countenance4 ,he would respect their rights1 sooth their sorrows1 and pour upon their hearts1 and cherish there1 the spirit of liberty4 ,for he that is called in the ,lord1 being a servant1 is the ,lord's freeman4 ,in him1 therefore1 should they cheerfully confide4 #c4 ,the apostle1 however1 forbids them so to acquiesce in the servile relation1 as to act inconsistently with their ,christian obligations4 ,to their ,savior they belonged4 ,by his blood they had been purchased4 ,it should be their great object1 therefore1 to render ,him a hearty and effective service4 ,they should permit no man1 whoever he might be1 to thrust in himself between them and their ,redeemer4 ,ye are bought with a price2 ,,be ,,not ,,ye ,,the ,,servants ,,of ,,men4 ,with his eye upon the passage just quoted and explained1 the ,princeton professor asserts that ,paul represents this relation--the relation of slavery--as of comparatively little account4#ff ,and this he applies--otherwise it is nothing to his purpose--to ,american slavery4 ,does he then regard it as a small matter1 a mere trifle1 to be thrown under the slave-laws of this republic1 grimly and fiercely excluding their victim from almost every means of improvement1 and field of usefulness1 and source of comfort2 and making him1 body and substance1 with his wife and babes1 the servant of men8 ,could such a relation be acquiesced in consistently with the instructions of the apostle8 ,footnote #ff3 ,pittsburg pamphlet1 p4#aj4 ,to the ,princeton professor we commend a practical trial of the bearing of the passage in hand upon ,american slavery4 ,his regard for the unity and prosperity of the ecclesiastical organizations1 which in various forms and under different names1 unite the southern with the northern churches1 will make the experiment grateful to his feelings4 ,let him1 then1 as soon as his convenience will permit1 proceed to ,georgia4 ,no religious teacher #fg from any free ,state1 can be likely to receive so general and so warm a welcome there4 ,to allay the heat1 which the doctrines and movements of the abolitionists have occasioned in the southern mind1 let him with as much despatch as possible1 collect1 as he goes from place to place1 masters and their slaves4 ,now let all men1 whom it may concern1 see and own that slavery is a ,christian institution6 ,with his ,bible in his hand and his eye upon the passage in question1 he addresses himself to the task of instructing the slaves around him4 ,let not your hearts1 my brethren1 be overcharged with sorrow1 or eaten up with anxiety4 ,your servile condition cannot deprive you of the fatherly regards of ,him who is no respecter of persons4 ,freedom you ought1 indeed1 to prefer4 ,if you can escape from the yoke1 throw it off4 ,in the mean time rejoice that where the ,spirit of the ,lord is1 there is liberty2 that the gospel places slaves on a perfect religious equality with their master2 so that every ,christian is the ,lord's freeman4 ,and1 for your encouragement1 remember that ,christianity has abolished both political and domestic servitude wherever it has had free scope4 ,it enjoins a fair compensation for labor2 it insists on the moral and intellectual improvement of all classes of men2 it condemns all infractions of marital or parental rights2 in short it requires not only that free scope be allowed to human improvement1 but that all suitable means should be employed for the attainment of that end4 #fh ,let your lives1 then1 be honorable to your relations to your ,savior4 ,he bought you with his own blood2 and is entitled to your warmest love and most effective service4 ,be not ye the servants of men4 ,let no human arrangements prevent you1 as citizens of the kingdom of heaven1 from making the most of your powers and opportunities4 ,would such an effort1 generally and heartily made1 allay excitement at the ,south1 and quench the flames of discord1 every day rising higher and waxing hotter1 in almost every part of the republic1 and cement the ,union8 ,footnote #fg3 ,rev4 ,mr4 ,savage1 of ,utica1 ,new ,york1 had1 not very long ago1 a free conversation with a gentleman of high standing in the literary and religious world from a slaveholding ,state1 where the peculiar institution is cherished with great warmth and maintained with iron rigor4 ,by him1 ,mr4 ,savage was assured1 that the ,princeton professor had1 through the ,pittsburg pamphlet1 contributed most powerfully and effectually to bring the whole ,south under the persuasion1 that slaveholding is in itself right--a system to which the ,bible gives countenance and support4 ,in an extract from an article in the ,southern ,christian ,sentinel1 a new ,presbyterian paper established in ,charleston1 ,south ,carolina1 and inserted in the ,christian ,journal for ,march #ba1 #ahci1 we find the following paragraphs from the pen of ,rev4 ,c4,w4 ,howard1 and1 according to ,mr4 ,chester1 ably and freely endorsed by the editor4 ,there is scarcely any diversity of sentiment at the ,north upon this subject4 ,the great mass of the people1 believing slavery to be sinful1 are clearly of the opinion that1 as a system1 it should be abolished throughout this land and throughout the world4 ,they differ as to the time and mode of abolition4 ,the abolitionists consistently argue1 that whatever is sinful should be instantly abandoned4 ,the others1 by a strange sort of reasoning for ,christian men1 contend that though slavery is sinful1 yet it may be allowed to exist until it shall he expedient to abolish it2 or1 if1 in many cases1 this reasoning might be translated into plain ,english1 the sense would be1 both in ,church and ,state1 slavery1 though sinful1 may be allowed to exist until our interest will suffer us to say that it must be abolished4 ,this is not slander2 it is simply a plain way of stating a plain truth4 ,it does seem the evident duty of every man to become an abolitionist1 who believes slavery to be sinful1 for the ,bible allows no tampering with sin4 ,to these remarks1 there are some noble exceptions1 to be found in both parties in the church4 ,the ,south owes a debt of gratitude to the ,biblical ,repertory1 for the fearless argument in behalf of the position1 that slavery is not forbidden by the ,bible4 ,the writer of that article is said1 without contradiction1 to be ,professor ,hodge1 of ,princeton--,,his ,,name ,,ought ,,to ,,be ,,known ,,and ,,revered ,,among ,,you1 my brethren1 for in a land of anti-slavery men1 he is the ,,only ,,one who has dared to vindicate your character from the serious charge of living in the habitual transgression of ,god's holy law4 ,footnote #fh3 ,pittsburg pamphlet1 p4 #ca4 ,it is1 affirms the ,princeton professor1 on all hands acknowledged1 that1 at the time of the advent of ,jesus ,christ1 slavery in its worst forms prevailed over the whole world4 ,the ,savior found it around him ,,in ,,judea4#fi ,to say that he found it in ,judea1 is to speak ambiguously4 ,many things were to be found in ,judea1 which neither belonged to1 nor were characteristic of the ,jews4 ,it is not denied that the ,gentiles1 who resided among them1 might have had slaves2 but of the ,jews this is denied4 ,how could the professor take that as granted1 the proof of which entered vitally into the argument and was essential to the soundness of the conclusions to which he would conduct us8 ,how could he take advantage of an ambiguous expression to conduct his confiding readers on to a position which1 if his own eyes were open1 he must have known they could not hold in the light of open day6 ,footnote #fi3 ,the same1 p4 #i ,we do not charge the ,savior with any want of wisdom1 goodness1 or courage1#gj for refusing to break down the wall of partition between ,jews and ,gentiles before the time appointed4 ,while this barrier stood1 he could not1 consistently with the plan of redemption1 impart instruction freely to the ,gentiles4 ,to some extent1 and on extraordinary occasions1 he might have done so4 ,but his business then was with the lost sheep of the house of ,israel4 #ga ,the propriety of this arrangement is not the matter of dispute between the ,princeton professor and ourselves4 ,footnote #gj3 ,pittsburg pamphlet1 p4 #aj4 ,footnote #ga3 ,matt4 xv4 #bd4 ,in disposing of the question whether the ,jews held slaves during our ,savior's incarnation among them1 the following points deserve earnest attention3-- #a4 ,slaveholding is inconsistent with the ,mosaic economy4 ,for the proof of this1 we would refer our readers1 among other arguments more or less appropriate and powerful1 to the tract already alluded to4#gb ,in all the external relations and visible arrangements of life1 the ,jews1 during our ,savior's ministry among them1 seem to have been scrupulously observant of the institutions and usages of the ,old ,dispensation4 ,they stood far aloof from whatever was characteristic of ,samaritans and ,gentiles4 ,from idolatry and slaveholding--those twin-vices which had always so greatly prevailed among the heathen--they seem at length1 as the result of a most painful discipline1 to have been effectually divorced4 ,footnote #gb3 ,the ,bible against ,slavery4 #b4 ,while1 therefore1 ,john the ,baptist2 with marked fidelity and great power1 acted among the ,jews the part of a reprover1 he found no occasion to repeat and apply the language of his predecessors1#gc in exposing and rebuking idolatry and slaveholding4 ,could he1 the greatest of the prophets1 have been less effectually aroused by the presence of the yoke1 than was ,isaiah8--or less intrepid and decisive in exposing and denouncing the sin of oppression under its most hateful and injurious forms8 ,footnote #gc3 ,psalm lxxxii2 ,isa4 lviii4 #a-ab ,jer4 xxii4 #ac-af4 #c4 ,the ,savior was not backward in applying his own principles plainly and pointedly to such forms of oppression as appeared among the ,jews4 ,these principles1 whenever they have been freely acted on1 the ,princeton professor admits1 have abolished domestic bondage4 ,had this prevailed within the sphere of our ,savior's ministry1 he could not1 consistently with his general character1 have failed to expose and condemn it4 ,the oppression of the people by lordly ecclesiastics1 of parents by their selfish children1 of widows by their ghostly counsellors1 drew from his lips scorching rebukes and terrible denunciations4#gd ,how1 then1 must he have felt and spoke in the presence of such tyranny1 if such tyranny had been within his official sphere1 as should have made widows1 by driving their husbands to some flesh-market1 and their children not orphans1 but cattle8 ,footnote #gd3 ,matt4 xxiii2 ,mark1 vii4 #a-ac4 #d4 ,domestic slavery was manifestly inconsistent with the industry1 which1 in the form of manual labor1 so generally prevailed among the ,jews4 ,in one connection1 in the ,acts of the ,apostles1 we are informed1 that1 coming from ,athens to ,corinth1 ,paul found a certain ,jew1 named ,aquila1 born in ,pontus1 lately come from ,italy1 with his wife ,priscilla2 7because that ,claudius had commanded all ,jews to depart from ,rome27 and came unto them4 ,and because he was of the same craft1 he abode with them and wrought3 7for by their occupation they were tent-makers47#ge ,this passage has opened the way for different commentators to refer us to the public sentiment and general practice of the ,jews respecting useful industry and manual labor4 ,according to ,lightfoot1 it was their custom to bring up their children to some trade1 yea1 though they gave them learning or estates4 ,according to ,rabbi ,judah1 ,he that teaches not his son a trade1 is as if he taught him to be a thief4#gf ,it was1 ,kuinoel affirms1 customary even for ,jewish teachers to unite labor 7opificium7 with the study of the law4 ,this he confirms by the highest ,rabbinical authority4#gg ,heinrichs quotes a ,rabbi as teaching1 that no man should by any means neglect to train his son to honest industry4#gh ,accordingly1 the apostle ,paul1 though brought up at the feet of ,gamaliel1 the distinguished disciple of a most illustrious teacher1 practised the art of tent-making4 ,his own hands ministered to his necessities2 and his example is so doing1 he commends to his ,gentile brethren for their imitation4#gi ,that ,zebedee1 the father of ,john the ,evangelist1 had wealth1 various hints in the ,new ,testament render probable4#hj ,yet how do we find him and his sons1 while prosecuting their appropriate business8 ,in the midst of the hired servants1 in the ship mending their nets4#ha ,footnote #ge3 ,acts1 xviii4 #a-c4 ,footnote #gf3 ,henry on ,acts1 xviii4 #a-c4 ,footnote #gg3 ,kuinoel on ,acts4 ,footnote #gh3 ,heinrichs on ,acts4 ,footnote #gi3 ,acts1 xx4 #cd1 #ce2 #a ,thess4 iv4 #aa4 ,footnote #hj3 ,see ,kuinoel's ,prolegom4 to the ,gospel of ,john4 ,footnote #ha3 ,mark1 i4 #ai1 #bj4 ,slavery among a people who1 from the highest to the lowest1 were used to manual labor6 ,what occasion for slavery there8 ,and how could it be maintained8 ,no place can be found for slavery among a people generally inured to useful industry4 ,with such1 especially if men of learning1 wealth1 and station1 labor1 working with their hands1 such labor must be honorable4 ,on this subject1 let ,jewish maxims and ,jewish habits be adopted at the ,south1 and the peculiar institution would vanish like a ghost at daybreak4 #e4 ,another hint1 here deserving particular attention1 is furnished in the allusions of the ,new ,testament to the lowest casts and most servile employments among the ,jews4 ,with profligates1 publicans were joined as depraved and contemptible4 ,the outcasts of society were described1 not as fit to herd with slaves1 but as deserving a place among ,samaritans and publicans4 ,they were hired servants1 whom ,zebedee employed4 ,in the parable of the prodigal son we have a wealthy ,jewish family4 ,here servants seem to have abounded4 ,the prodigal1 bitterly bewailing his wretchedness and folly1 described their condition as greatly superior to his own4 ,how happy the change which should place him by their side8 ,his remorse1 and shame1 and penitence made him willing to embrace the lot of the lowest of them all4 ,but these--what was their condition8 ,they were ,,hired ,,servants4 ,make me as one of thy hired servants4 ,such he refers to as the lowest menials known in ,jewish life4 ,lay such hints as have now been suggested together2 let it be remembered1 that slavery was inconsistent with the ,mosaic economy2 that ,john the ,baptist in preparing the way for the ,messiah makes no reference to the yoke which1 had it been before him1 he would1 like ,isaiah1 have condemned2 that the ,savior1 while he took the part of the poor and sympathized with the oppressed1 was evidently spared the pain of witnessing within the sphere of his ministry1 the presence1 of the chattel principle1 that it was the habit of the ,jews1 whoever they might be1 high or low1 rich or poor1 learned or rude1 to labor1 working with their hands2 and that where reference was had to the most menial employments1 in families1 they were described as carried on by hired servants2 and the question of slavery in ,judea1 so far as the seed of ,abraham were concerned1 is very easily disposed of4 ,with every phase and form of society among them slavery was inconsistent4 ,the position which1 in the article so often referred to in this paper1 the ,princeton professor takes1 is sufficiently remarkable4 ,northern abolitionists he saw in an earnest struggle with southern slaveholders4 ,the present welfare and future happiness of myriads of the human family were at stake in this contest4 ,in the heat of the battle1 he throws himself between the belligerent powers4 ,he gives the abolitionists to understand1 that they are quite mistaken in the character of the objections they have set themselves so openly and sternly against4 ,slaveholding is not1 as they suppose1 contrary to the law of ,god4 ,it was witnessed by the ,savior in its worst forms#hb without extorting from his laps a syllable of rebuke4 ,the sacred writers did not condemn it4 #hc ,and why should they8 ,by a definition#hd sufficiently ambiguous and slippery1 he undertakes to set forth a form of slavery which he looks upon as consistent with the law of ,righteousness4 ,from this definition he infers that the abolitionists are greatly to blame for maintaining that ,american slavery is inherently and essentially sinful1 and for insisting that it ought at once to be abolished4 ,for this labor of love the slaveholding ,south is warmly grateful and applauds its reverend ally1 as if a very ,daniel had come as their advocate to judgment4#he ,footnote #hb3 ,pittsburg pamphlet1 p4 #i4 ,footnote #hc3 ,the same1 p4 #ac4 ,footnote #hd3 ,the same1 p4 #ab4 ,footnote #he3 ,supra1 p4 #eh4 ,a few questions1 briefly put1 may not here be inappropriate4 #a4 ,was the form of slavery which our professor pronounces innocent the form witnessed by our ,savior in ,judea8 ,that1 he will by no means admit4 ,the slavery there was1 he affirms1 of the worst kind4 ,how then does he account for the alleged silence of the ,savior8--a silence covering the essence and the form--the institution and its worst abuses8 #b4 ,is the slaveholding1 which1 according to the ,princeton professor1 ,christianity justifies1 the same as that which the abolitionists so earnestly wish to see abolished8 ,let us see4 ,christianity in supporting ,slavery1 ,the ,american system for according to ,professor ,hodge1 supporting ,slavery1 ,enjoins a fair compensation for ,makes compensation labor impossible by reducing the laborer to a chattel4 ,it insists on the moral and ,it sternly forbids its intellectual improvement of all victim to learn to read classes of men even the name of his ,creator and ,redeemer4 ,it condemns all infractions of ,it outlaws the conjugal marital or parental rights4 and parental relations4 ,it requires that free scope ,it forbids any effort1 on should be allowed to human the part of myriads of the improvement4 human family1 to improve their character1 condition1 and prospects4 ,it requires that all suitable ,it inflicts heavy means should be employed to improve penalties for teaching mankind letters to the poorest of the poor4 ,wherever it has had free scope1 ,wherever it has free it has abolished domestic bondage4 scope1 it perpetuates domestic bondage4 ,now it is slavery according to the ,american system that the abolitionists are set against4 ,of the existence of any such form of slavery as is consistent with ,professor ,hodge's account of the requisitions of ,christianity1 they know nothing4 ,it has never met their notice1 and of course1 has never roused their feelings or called forth their exertions4 ,what1 then1 have they to do with the censures and reproaches which the ,princeton professor deals around8 ,let those who have leisure and good nature protect the man of straw he is so hot against4 ,the abolitionists have other business4 ,it is not the figment of some sickly brain2 but that system of oppression which in theory is corrupting1 and in practice destroying both ,church and ,state2--it is this that they feel pledged to do battle upon1 till by the just judgment of ,almighty ,god it is thrown1 dead and damned1 into the bottomless abyss4 #c4 ,how can the ,south feel itself protected by any shield which may be thrown over ,,such ,,slavery1 as may be consistent with what the ,princeton professor describes as the requisitions of ,christianity8 ,is this ,,the slavery which their laws describe1 and their hands maintain8 ,fair compensation for labor--marital and parental rights--free scope and all suitable means for the improvement1 moral and intellectual1 of all classes of men2--are these1 according to the statutes of the ,south1 among the objects of slaveholding legislation8 ,every body knows that any such requisitions and ,american slavery are flatly opposed to and directly subversive of each other4 ,what service1 then1 has the ,princeton professor1 with all his ingenuity and all his zeal1 rendered the peculiar institution8 ,their gratitude must be of a stamp and complexion quite peculiar1 if they can thank him for throwing their domestic system under the weight of such ,christian requisitions as must at once crush its snaky head and grind it to powder4 ,and what1 moreover1 is the bearing of the ,christian requisitions1 which ,professor ,hodge quotes1 upon the definition of slavery which he has elaborated8 ,all the ideas which necessarily enter into the definition of slavery are1 deprivation of personal liberty1 obligation of service at the discretion of another1 and the transferable character of the authority and claim of service of the master4#hf ,footnote #hf3 ,pittsburg pamphlet p4 #ab4 ,according to ,professor ,hodge's ,according to ,professor ,hodge's account of the definition of ,slavery1 requisitions of ,christianity1 ,the spring of effort in the ,the laborer must serve at the laborer is a fair compensation4 discretion of another4 ,free scope must be given for ,he is deprived of personal his moral and intellectual liberty--the necessary condition1 improvement4 and living soul of improvement1 without which he has no control of either intellect or morals4 ,his rights as a husband and ,the authority and claims of the a father are to be protected4 master may throw an ocean between him and his family1 and separate them from each other's presence at any moment and forever4 ,christianity1 then1 requires such slavery as ,professor ,hodge so cunningly defines1 to be abolished4 ,it was well provided for the peace of the respective parties1 that he placed his definition so far from the requisitions of ,christianity4 ,had he brought them into each other's presence1 their natural and invincible antipathy to each other would have broken out into open and exterminating warfare4 ,but why should we delay longer upon an argument which is based on gross and monstrous sophistry8 ,it can mislead only such as wish to be misled4 ,the lovers of sunlight are in little danger of rushing into the professor's dungeon4 ,those who1 having something to conceal1 covet darkness1 can find it there1 to their heart's content4 ,the hour cannot be far away1 when upright and reflective minds at the ,south will be astonished at the blindness which could welcome such protection as the ,princeton argument offers to the slaveholder4 ,but ,professor ,stuart must not be forgotten4 ,in his celebrated letter to ,dr4 ,fisk1 he affirms that ,paul did not expect slavery to be ousted in a day4#hg ,did not ,,expect6 ,what then6 ,are the requisitions of ,christianity adapted to any ,,expectations which in any quarter and on any ground might have risen to human consciousness8 ,and are we to interpret the precepts of the gospel by the expectations of ,paul8 ,the ,savior commanded all men every where to repent1 and this1 though ,paul did not expect that human wickedness1 in its ten thousand forms would in any community be ousted in a day4 ,expectations are one thing2 requisitions quite another4 ,footnote #hg3 ,supra1 p4 #g4 ,in the mean time1 while expectation waited1 ,paul1 the professor adds1 gave precepts to ,christians respecting their demeanor4 ,that he did4 ,of what character were these precepts8 ,must they not have been in harmony with the ,golden ,rule8 ,but this1 according to ,professor ,stuart1 decides against the righteousness of slavery even as a theory4 ,accordingly1 ,christians were required1 without respect of persons1 to do each other justice--to maintain equality as common ground for all to stand upon--to cherish and express in all their intercourse that tender love and disinterested charity which one brother naturally feels for another4 ,these were the ad interim precepts4#hh which cannot fail1 if obeyed1 to cut up slavery1 root and branch1 at once and forever4 ,footnote #hh3 ,letter to ,dr4 ,fisk1 p4 #g4 ,professor ,stuart comforts us with the assurance that ,christianity will ultimately certainly destroy slavery4 ,of this we have not the feeblest doubt4 ,but how could he admit a persuasion and utter a prediction so much at war with the doctrine he maintains1 that slavery may exist without ,,violating ,,the ,,christian ,,faith ,,or ,,the ,,church8#hi ,what1 ,christianity bent on the destruction of an ancient and cherished institution which hurts neither her character nor condition8#ij ,why not correct its abuses and purify its spirit2 and shedding upon it her own beauty1 preserve it1 as a living trophy of her reformatory power8 ,whence the discovery that1 in her onward progress1 she would trample down and destroy what was no way hurtful to her8 ,this is to be aggressive with a witness4 ,far be it from the ,judge of all the earth to whelm the innocent and guilty in the same destruction6 ,in aid of ,professor ,stuart1 in the rude and scarcely covert attack which he makes upon himself1 we maintain that ,christianity will certainly destroy slavery on account of its inherent wickedness--its malignant temper--its deadly effects--its constitutional1 insolent1 and unmitigable opposition to the authority of ,god and the welfare of man4 ,footnote #hi3 ,letter to ,dr4 ,fisk1 p4 #g4 ,footnote #ij3 ,professor ,stuart applies here the words1 salva fide et salva ecclesia4 ,christianity will ultimately destroy slavery4 ,,ultimately6 ,what meaneth that portentous word8 ,to what limit of remotest time1 concealed in the darkness of futurity1 may it look8 ,tell us1 ,o watchman1 on the hill of ,andover4 ,almost nineteen centuries have rolled over this world of wrong and outrage--and yet we tremble in the presence of a form of slavery whose breath is poison1 whose fang is death6 ,if any one of the incidents of slavery should fall1 but for a single day1 upon the head of the prophet1 who dipped his pen in such cold blood1 to write that word ultimately1 how1 under the sufferings of the first tedious hour1 would he break out in the lamentable cry1 ,how long1 ,o ,lord1 ,,how ,,long6 ,in the agony of beholding a wife or daughter upon the table of the auctioneer1 while every bid fell upon his heart like the groan of despair1 small comfort would he find in the dull assurance of some heartless prophet1 quite at ease in ,zion1 that ,,ultimately ,christianity would destroy slavery4 ,as the hammer falls1 and the beloved of his soul1 all helpless and most wretched1 is borne away to the haunts of legalized debauchery1 his hearts turns to stone1 while the cry dies upon his lips1 ,how ,,long1 ,o ,lord1 ,,how ,,long6 ,ultimately6 ,in what circumstances does ,professor ,stuart assure himself that ,christianity will destroy slavery8 ,are we1 as ,american citizens1 under the sceptre of a ,nero8 ,when1 as integral parts of this republic--as living members of this community1 did we forfeit the prerogatives of freemen8 ,have we not the right to speak and act as wielding the powers which the privileges of self-government has put in our possession8 ,and without asking leave of priest or statesman of the ,north or the ,south1 may we not make the most of the freedom which we enjoy under the guaranty of the ordinances of ,heaven and the ,constitution of our country6 ,can we expect to see ,christianity on higher vantage-ground than in this country she stands upon8 ,in the midst of a republic based on the principle of the equality of mankind1 where every ,christian1 as vitally connected with the state1 freely wields the highest political rights and enjoys the richest political privileges2 where the unanimous demand of one-half of the members of the churches would be promptly met in the abolition of slavery1 what ultimately must ,christianity here wait for before she crushes the chattel principle beneath her heel8 ,her triumph over slavery is retarded by nothing but the corruption and defection so widely spread through the sacramental host beneath her banners6 ,let her voice be heard and her energies exerted1 and the ultimately of the dark spirit of slavery would at once give place to the immediately of the ,avenger of the ,poor4 ,no4 #ab4 ,,the ,,anti-,,slavery ,,examiner4 99 99 99 99 99 ,,disunion4 ,,address ,,of ,,the ,,american ,,anti-,,slavery ,,society ,,and ,f4 ,,jackson',s ,,letter ,,on ,,the ,,pro-,,slavery ,,character ,,of ,,the ,,constitution ,,new ,,york3 ,,american ,,anti-,,slavery ,,society4 #adb ,,nassau ,,street4 #ahde4 ,,boston3 ,,printed ,,by ,,david ,h4 ,,ela1 ,,no4 #cg1 ,,cornhill4 ,,address ,,of ,,the ,,executive ,,committee ,,of ,,the ,,american ,,anti-,,slavery ,,society ,,to ,friends of ,freedom and ,emancipation in the ,u4 ,states4 ,at the ,tenth ,anniversary of the ,american ,anti-,slavery ,society1 held in the city of ,new-,york1 ,may #gth1 #ahdd1--;after grave deliberation1 and a long and earnest discussion1--it was decided1 by a vote of nearly three to one of the members present1 that fidelity to the cause of human freedom1 hatred of oppression1 sympathy for those who are held in chains and slavery in this republic1 and allegiance to ,god1 require that the existing national compact should be instantly dissolved2 that secession from the government is a religious and political duty2 that the motto inscribed on the banner of ,freedom should be1 ,,no ,,union ,,with ,,slaveholders2 that it is impracticable for tyrants and the enemies of tyranny to coalesce and legislate together for the preservation of human rights1 or the promotion of the interests of ,liberty2 and that revolutionary ground should be occupied by all those who abhor the thought of doing evil that good may come1 and who do not mean to compromise the principles of ,justice and ,humanity4 ,a decision involving such momentous consequences1 so well calculated to startle the public mind1 so hostile to the established order of things1 demands of us1 as the official representatives of the ,american ,society1 a statement of the reasons which led to it4 ,this is due not only to the ,society1 but also to the country and the world4 ,it is declared by the ,american people to be a self-evident truth1 that all men are created equal2 that they are endowed ,,by ,,their ,,creator with certain inalienable rights2 that among these are life1 ,,liberty1 and the pursuit of happiness4 ,it is further maintained by them1 that all governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed2 that whenever any form of government becomes destructive of human rights1 it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it1 and institute a new government1 laying its foundation on such principles1 and organizing its powers in such form1 as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness4 ,these doctrines the patriots of #aggf sealed with their blood4 ,they would not brook even the menace of oppression4 ,they held that there should be no delay in resisting1 at whatever cost or peril1 the first encroachments of power on their liberties4 ,appealing to the great ,ruler of the universe for the rectitude of their course1 they pledged to each other their lives1 their fortunes and their sacred honor1 to conquer or perish in their struggle to be free4 ,for the example which they set to all people subjected to a despotic sway1 and the sacrifices which they made1 their descendants cherish their memories with gratitude1 reverence their virtues1 honor their deeds1 and glory in their triumphs4 ,it is not necessary1 therefore1 for us to prove that a state of slavery is incompatible with the dictates of reason and humanity2 or that it is lawful to throw off a government which is at war with the sacred rights of mankind4 ,we regard this as indeed a solemn crisis1 which requires of every man sobriety of thought1 prophetic forecast1 independent judgment1 invincible determination1 and a sound heart4 ,a revolutionary step is one that should not be taken hastily1 nor followed under the influence of impulsive imitation4 ,to know what spirit they are of--whether they have counted the cost of the warfare--what are the principles they advocate--and how they are to achieve their object--is the first duty of revolutionists4 ,but1 while circumspection and prudence are excellent qualities in every great emergency1 they become the allies of tyranny whenever they restrain prompt1 bold and decisive action against it4 ,we charge upon the present national compact1 that it was formed at the expense of human liberty1 by a profligate surrender of principle1 and to this hour is cemented with human blood4 ,we charge upon the ,american ,constitution1 that it contains provisions1 and enjoins duties1 which make it unlawful for freemen to take the oath of allegiance to it1 because they are expressly designed to favor a slaveholding oligarchy1 and1 consequently1 to make one portion of the people a prey to another4 ,we charge upon the existing national government1 that it is an insupportable despotism1 wielded by a power which is superior to all legal and constitutional restraints--equally indisposed and unable to protect the lives or liberties of the people--the prop and safeguard of ,american slavery4 ,these charges we proceed briefly to establish3 ,i4 ,it is admitted by all men of intelligence1--or if it be denied in any quarter1 the records of our national history settle the question beyond doubt1--that the ,american ,union was effected by a guilty compromise between the free and slaveholding ,states2 in other words1 by immolating the colored population on the altar of slavery1 by depriving the ,north of equal rights and privileges1 and by incorporating the slave system into the government4 ,in the expressive and pertinent language of scripture1 it was a covenant with death1 and an agreement with hell--null and void before ,god1 from the first hour of its inception--the framers of which were recreant to duty1 and the supporters of which are equally guilty4 ,it was pleaded at the time of the adoption1 it is pleaded now1 that1 without such a compromise there could have been no union2 that1 without union1 the colonies would have become an easy prey to the mother country2 and1 hence1 that it was an act of necessity1 deplorable indeed when viewed alone1 but absolutely indispensable to the safety of the republic4 ,to this we reply3 ,the plea is as profligate as the act was tyrannical4 ,it is the jesuitical doctrine1 that the end sanctifies the means4 ,it is a confession of sin1 but the denial of any guilt in its perpetration4 ,it is at war with the government of ,god1 and subversive of the foundations of morality4 ,it is to make lies our refuge1 and under falsehood to hide ourselves1 so that we may escape the overflowing scourge4 ,therefore1 thus saith the ,lord ,god1 ,judgment will ,i lay to the line1 and righteousness to the plummet2 and the bail shall sweep away the refuge of lies1 and the waters shall overflow the hiding place4 ,moreover1 because ye trust in oppression and perverseness1 and stay thereon2 therefore this iniquity shall be to you as a breach ready to fall1 swelling out in a high wall1 whose breaking cometh suddenly at an instant4 ,and he shall break it as the breaking of the potter's vessel that is broken in pieces2 he shall not spare4 ,this plea is sufficiently broad to cover all the oppression and villany that the sun has witnessed in his circuit1 since ,god said1 ,let there by light4 ,it assumes that to be practicable1 which is impossible1 namely1 that there can be freedom with slavery1 union with injustice1 and safety with blood guiltiness4 ,a union of virtue with pollution is the triumph of licentiousness4 ,a partnership between right and wrong1 is wholly wrong4 ,a compromise of the principles of ,justice1 is the deification of crime4 ,better that the ,american ,union had never been formed1 than that it should have been obtained at such a frightful cost6 ,if they were guilty who fashioned it1 but who could not foresee all its frightful consequences1 how much more guilty are they1 who1 in full view of all that has resulted from it1 clamor for its perpetuity6 ,if it was sinful at the commencement1 to adopt it on the ground of escaping a greater evil1 is it not equally sinful to swear to support it for the same reason1 or until1 in process of time1 it be purged from its corruption8 ,the fact is1 the compromise alluded to1 instead of effecting a union1 rendered it impracticable2 unless by the term union we are to understand the absolute reign of the slaveholding power over the whole country1 to the prostration of ,northern rights4 ,in the just use of words1 the ,american ,union is and always has been a sham--an imposture4 ,it is an instrument of oppression unsurpassed in the criminal history of the world4 ,how then can it be innocently sustained8 ,it is not certain1 it is not even probable1 that if it had not been adopted1 the mother country would have reconquered the colonies4 ,the spirit that would have chosen danger in preference to crime1--to perish with justice rather than live with dishonor1--to dare and suffer whatever might betide1 rather than sacrifice the rights of one human being1--could never have been subjugated by any mortal power4 ,surely it is paying a poor tribute to the valor and devotion of our revolutionary fathers in the cause of liberty1 to say that1 if they had sternly refused to sacrifice their principles1 they would have fallen an easy prey to the despotic power of ,england4 ,,ii4 ,the ,american ,constitution is the exponent of the national compact4 ,we affirm that it is an instrument which no man can innocently bind himself to support1 because its anti-republican and anti-,christian requirements are explicit and peremptory2 at least1 so explicit that1 in regard to all the clauses pertaining to slavery1 they have been uniformly understood and enforced in the same way1 by all the courts and by all the people2 and so peremptory1 that no individual interpretation or authority can set them aside with impunity4 ,it is not a ball of clay1 to be moulded into any shape that party contrivance or caprice may choose it to assume4 ,it is not a form of words1 to be interpreted in any manner1 or to any extent1 or for the accomplishment of any purpose1 that individuals in office under it may determine4 ,it means precisely what those who framed and adopted it meant--,,nothing ,,more1 ,,nothing ,,less1 as a matter of bargain and compromise4 ,even if it can be construed to mean something else1 without violence to its language1 such construction is not to be tolerated against the wishes of either party4 ,no just or honest use of it can be made1 in opposition to the plain intention of its framers1 except to declare the contract at an end1 and to refuse to serve under it4 ,to the argument1 that the words slaves and slavery are not to be found in the ,constitution1 and therefore that it was never intended to give any protection or countenance to the slave system1 it is sufficient to reply1 that though no such words are contained in that instrument1 other words were used1 intelligently and specifically1 ,,to ,,meet ,,the ,,necessities ,,of ,,slavery2 and that these were adopted in good faith1 to be observed until a constitutional change could be effected4 ,on this point1 as to the design of certain provisions1 no intelligent man can honestly entertain a doubt4 ,if it be objected1 that though these provisions were meant to cover slavery1 yet1 as they can fairly be interpreted to mean something exactly the reverse1 it is allowable to give to them such an interpretation1 especially as the cause of freedom will thereby be promoted--we reply1 that this is to advocate fraud and violence toward one of the contracting parties1 whose co-operation was secured only by an express agreement and understanding between them both1 in regard to the clauses alluded to2 and that such a construction1 if enforced by pains and penalties1 would unquestionably lead to a civil war1 in which the aggrieved party would justly claim to have been betrayed1 and robbed of their constitutional rights4 ,again1 if it be said1 that those clauses1 being immoral1 are null and void--we reply1 it is true they are not to be observed2 but it is also true that they are portions of an instrument1 the support of which1 ,,as ,a ,,whole1 is required by oath or affirmation2 and1 therefore1 because they are immoral1 and ,,because ,,of ,,this ,,obligation ,,to ,,enforce ,,immorality1 no one can innocently swear to support the ,constitution4 ,again1 if it be objected1 that the ,constitution was formed by the people of the ,united ,states1 in order to establish justice1 to promote the general welfare1 and secure the blessings of liberty to themselves and their posterity3 and therefore1 it is to be so construed as to harmonize with these objects2 we reply1 again1 that its language is not to be interpreted in a sense which neither of the contracting parties understood1 and which would frustrate every design of their alliance--to wit1 union at the expense of the colored population of the country4 ,moreover1 nothing is more certain than that the preamble alluded to never included1 in the minds of those who framed it1 those who were then pining in bondage--for1 in that case1 a general emancipation of the slaves would have instantly been proclaimed throughout the ,united ,states4 ,the words1 secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity1 assuredly meant only the white population4 ,to promote the general welfare1 referred to their own welfare exclusively4 ,to establish justice1 was understood to be for their sole benefit as slaveholders1 and the guilty abettors of slavery4 ,this is demonstrated by other parts of the same instrument1 and by their own practice under it4 ,we would not detract aught from what is justly their due2 but it is as reprehensible to give them credit for what they did not possess1 as it is to rob them of what is theirs4 ,it is absurd1 it is false1 it is an insult to the common sense of mankind1 to pretend that the ,constitution was intended to embrace the entire population of the country under its sheltering wings2 or that the parties to it were actuated by a sense of justice and the spirit of impartial liberty2 or that it needs no alteration1 but only a new interpretation1 to make it harmonize with the object aimed at by its adoption4 ,as truly might it be argued1 that because it is asserted in the ,declaration of ,independence1 that all men are created equal1 and endowed with an inalienable right to liberty1 therefore none of its signers were slaveholders1 and since its adoption1 slavery has been banished from the ,american soil6 ,the truth is1 our fathers were intent on securing liberty to themselves1 without being very scrupulous as to the means they used to accomplish their purpose4 ,they were not actuated by the spirit of universal philanthropy2 and though in words they recognized occasionally the brotherhood of the human race1 in practice they continually denied it4 ,they did not blush to enslave a portion of their fellow-men1 and to buy and sell them as cattle in the market1 while they were fighting against the oppression of the mother country1 and boasting of their regard for the rights of man4 ,why1 then1 concede to them virtues which they did not posses4 ,why cling to the falsehood1 that they were not respecters of persons in the formation of the government8 ,alas6 that they had no more fear of ,god1 no more regard for man1 in their hearts6 ,the iniquity of the house of ,israel and ,judah the ,north and ,south is exceeding great1 and the land is full of blood1 and the city full of perverseness2 for they say1 the ,lord hath forsaken the earth1 and the ,lord seeth not4 ,we proceed to a critical examination of the ,american ,constitution1 in its relations to slavery4 ,in ,,article #a1 ,section #i1 it is declared--the migration or importation of such persons as any of the ,states now existing shall think proper to admit1 shall not be prohibited by the ,congress1 prior to the year one thousand eight hundred and eight2 but a tax or duty may be imposed on such importation1 not exceeding ten dollars for each person4 ,in this ,section1 it will be perceived1 the phraseology is so guarded as not to imply1 ex necessitate1 any criminal intent or inhuman arrangement2 and yet no one has ever had the hardihood or folly to deny1 that it was clearly understood by the contracting parties1 to mean that there should be no interference with the ,african slave trade1 on the part of the general government1 until the year #ahjh4 ,for twenty years after the adoption of the ,constitution1 the citizens of the ,united ,states were to be encouraged and protected in the prosecution of that infernal traffic--in sacking and burning the hamlets of ,africa--in slaughtering multitudes of the inoffensive natives on the soil1 kidnapping and enslaving a still greater proportion1 crowding them to suffocation in the holds of the slave ships1 populating the ,atlantic with their dead bodies1 and subjecting the wretched survivors to all the horrors of unmitigated bondage6 ,this awful covenant was strictly fulfilled2 and though1 since its termination1 ,congress has declared the foreign slave traffic to be piracy1 yet all ,christendom knows that the ,american flag1 instead of being the terror of the ,african slavers1 has given them the most ample protection4 ,the manner in which the #ith ,section was agreed to1 by the national convention that formed the constitution1 is thus frankly avowed by the ,hon4 ,luther ,martin1#ia who was a prominent member of that body3 ,the ,eastern ,states1 notwithstanding their aversion of slavery1 767 were very willing to indulge the ,southern ,states at least with a temporary liberty to prosecute the slave trade1 provided the ,southern ,states would1 in the return1 gratify them by laying no restriction on navigation acts2 and1 after a very little time1 the committee1 by a great majority1 agreed on a report1 by which the general government was to be prohibited from preventing the importation of slaves for a limited time2 and the restrictive clause relative to navigation acts was to be omitted4 ,behold the iniquity of this agreement6 ,how sordid were the motives which led to it6 what a profligate disregard of justice and humanity1 on the part of those who had solemnly declared the inalienable right of all men to be free and equal1 to be a self-evident truth6 ,it is due to the national convention to say1 that this section was not adopted without considerable opposition4 ,alluding to it1 ,mr4 ,martin observes-- ,footnote #ia3 ,speech before the ,legislature of ,maryland in #aghg4 ,it was said we had just assumed a place among the independent nations in consequence of our opposition to the attempts of ,great ,britain to enslave us2 that this opposition was grounded upon the preservation of those rights to which ,god and nature has entitled us1 not in particular1 but in common with all the rest of mankind2 that we had appealed to the ,supreme ,being for his assistance1 as the ,god of freedom1 who could not but approve our efforts to preserve the rights which he had thus imparted to his creatures2 that now1 when we had scarcely risen from our knees1 from supplicating his mercy and protection in forming our government over a free people1 a government formed pretendedly on the principles of liberty1 and for its preservation1--in that government to have a provision1 not only of putting out of its power to restrain and prevent the slave trade1 even encouraging that most infamous traffic1 by giving the ,states the power and influence in the ,union in proportion as they cruelly and wantonly sported with the rights of their fellow-creatures1 ought to be considered as a solemn mockery of1 and insult to1 that ,god whose protection we had thus implored1 and could not fail to hold us up in detestation1 and render us contemptible to every true friend of liberty in the world4 ,it was said that national crimes can only be1 and frequently are1 punished in this world by national punishments1 and that the continuance of the slave trade1 and thus giving it a national character1 sanction1 and encouragement1 ought to be considered as justly exposing us to the displeasure and vengeance of him who is equally the ,lord of all1 and who views with equal eye the poor ,african slave and his ,american master6#ib ,footnote #ib3 ,how terribly and justly has this guilty nation been scourged1 since these words were spoken1 on account of slavery and the slave trade6 ,secret ,proceedings1 p4 #fd4 ,it was urged that1 by this system1 we were giving the general government full and absolute power to regulate commerce1 under which general power it would have a right to restrain1 or totally prohibit1 the slave trade3 it must1 therefore1 appear to the world absurd and disgraceful to the last degree that we should except from the exercise of that power the only branch of commerce which is unjustifiable in its nature1 and contrary to the rights of mankind4 ,that1 on the contrary1 we ought to prohibit expressly1 in our ,constitution1 the further importation of slaves1 and to authorize the general government1 from time to time1 to make such regulations as should be thought most advantageous for the gradual abolition of slavery1 and the emancipation of the slaves already in the ,states4 ,that slavery is inconsistent with the genius of republicanism1 and has a tendency to destroy those principles on which it is supported1 as it lessens the sense of the equal rights of mankind1 and habituates to tyranny and oppression4 ,it was further urged that1 by this system of government1 every ,state is to be protected both from foreign invasion and from domestic insurrections2 and1 from this consideration1 it was of the utmost importance it should have the power to restrain the importation of slaves1 since in proportion as the number of slaves increased in any ,state1 in the same proportion is the ,state weakened and exposed to foreign invasion and domestic insurrection3 and by so much less will it be able to protect itself against either1 and therefore by so much1 want aid from1 and be a burden to1 the ,union4 ,it was further said1 that1 in this system1 as we were giving the general government power1 under the idea of national character1 or national interest1 to regulate even our weights and measures1 and have prohibited all possibility of emitting paper money1 and passing insolvent laws1 c41 it must appear still more extraordinary that we prohibited the government from interfering with the slave trade1 than which nothing could more effect our national honor and interest4 ,these reasons influenced me1 both in the committee and in the convention1 most decidedly to oppose and vote against the clause1 as it now makes part of the system4#ic ,footnote #ic3 ,secret ,proceedings1 p4 #fd4 ,happy had it been for this nation1 had these solemn considerations been heeded by the framers of the ,constitution6 ,but for the sake of securing some local advantages1 they choose to do evil that good may come1 and to make the end sanctify the means4 ,they were willing to enslave others1 that they might secure their own freedom4 ,they did this deed deliberately1 with their eyes open1 with all the facts and consequences arising therefrom before them1 in violation of all their heaven-attested declarations1 and in atheistical distrust of the overruling power of ,god4 ,the ,eastern ,states were very willing to indulge the ,southern ,states in the unrestricted prosecution of their piratical traffic1 provided in return they could be gratified by no restriction being laid on navigation acts66--,had there been no other provision of the ,constitution justly liable to objection1 this one alone rendered the support of that instrument incompatible with the duties which men owe to their ,creator1 and to each other4 ,it was the poisonous infusion in the cup1 which1 though constituting but a very slight portion of its contents1 perilled the life of every one who partook of it4 ,if it be asked to what purpose are these animadversions1 since the clause alluded to has long since expired by its own limitation--we answer1 that1 if at any time the foreign slave trade could be constitutionally prosecuted1 it may yet be renewed1 under the ,constitution1 at the pleasure of ,congress1 whose prohibitory statute is liable to be reversed at any moment1 in the frenzy of ,southern opposition to emancipation4 ,it is ignorantly supposed that the bargain was1 that the traffic should cease in #ahjh2 but the only thing secured by it was1 the right of ,congress 7not any obligation7 to prohibit it at that period4 ,if1 therefore1 ,congress had not chosen to exercise that right1 the traffic might have been prolonged indefinitely1 under the ,constitution4 ,the right to destroy any particular branch of commerce1 implies the right to re-establish it4 ,true1 there is no probability that the ,african slave trade will ever again be legalized by the national government2 but no credit is due the framers of the ,constitution on this ground2 for1 while they threw around it all the sanction and protection of the national character and power for twenty years1 they set no bounds to its continuance by any positive constitutional prohibition4 ,again1 the adoption of such a clause1 and the faithful execution of it1 prove what was meant by the words of the preamble--to form a more perfect union1 establish justice1 insure domestic tranquillity1 provide for the common defence1 promote the general welfare1 and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity--namely1 that the parties to the ,constitution regarded only their own rights and interests1 and never intended that its language should be so interpreted as to interfere with slavery1 or to make it unlawful for one portion of the people to enslave another1 without an express alteration in that instrument1 in the manner therein set forth4 ,while1 therefore1 the ,constitution remains as it was originally adopted1 they who swear to support it are bound to comply with all its provisions1 as a matter of allegiance4 ,for it avails nothing to say1 that some of those provisions are at war with the law of ,god and the rights of man1 and therefore are not obligatory4 ,whatever may be their character1 they are constitutionally obligatory2 and whoever feels that he cannot execute them1 or swear to execute them1 without committing sin1 has no other choice left than to withdraw from the government1 or to violate his conscience by taking on his lips an impious promise4 ,the object of the ,constitution is not to define what is the law of ,god1 but ,,what ,,is ,,the ,,will ,,of ,,the ,,people--which will is not to be frustrated by an ingenious moral interpretation1 by those whom they have elected to serve them4 ,,article #a1 ,sect4 #b1 provides--,representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several ,states1 which may be included within this ,union1 according to their respective numbers1 which shall be determined by adding to the whole number of free persons1 including those bound to service for a term of years1 and excluding ,indians not taxed1 three-fifths of all other persons4 ,here1 as in the clause we have already examined1 veiled beneath a form of words as deceitful as it is unmeaning in a truly democratic government1 is a provision for the safety1 perpetuity and augmentation of the slaveholding power--a provision scarcely less atrocious than that which related to the ,african slave trade1 and almost as afflictive in its operation--a provision still in force1 with no possibility of its alteration1 so long as a majority of the slave ,states choose to maintain their slave system--a provision which1 at the present time1 enables the ,south to have twenty-five additional representatives in ,congress on the score of property1 while the ,north is not allowed to have one--a provision which concedes to the oppressed three-fifths of the political power which is granted to all others1 aid then puts this power into the hands of their oppressors1 to be wielded by them for the more perfect security of their tyrannous authority1 and the complete subjugation of the non-slaveholding ,states4 ,referring to this atrocious bargain1 ,,alexander ,,hamilton remarked in the ,new ,york ,convention-- ,the first thing objected to1 is that clause which allows a representation for three-fifths of the negroes4 ,much has been said of the impropriety of representing men who have no will of their own3 whether this is reasoning or declamation1 7667 ,i will not presume to say4 ,it is the unfortunate situation of the ,southern ,states to have a great part of their population1 as well as property1 in blacks4 ,the regulation complained of was one result of the spirit of accommodation which governed the ,convention2 and without this indulgence1 ,,no ,,union ,,could ,,possibly ,,have ,,been ,,formed4 ,but1 sir1 considering some peculiar advantages which we derive from them it is entirely ,,just that they should be gratified--,the ,southern ,states possess certain staples1--tobacco1 rice1 indigo1 c4--which must be capital objects in treaties of commerce with foreign nations2 and the advantage which they necessarily procure in these treaties will be felt throughout the ,united ,states4 ,if such was the patriotism1 such the love of liberty1 such the morality of ,,alexander ,,hamilton1 what can be said of the character of those who were far less conspicuous than himself in securing ,american independence1 and in framing the ,american ,constitution8 ,listen1 now1 to the opinions of ,,john ,,quincy ,,adams1 respecting the constitutional clause now under consideration3-- ',in outward show1 it is a representation of persons in bondage2 in fact1 it is a representation of their masters1--the oppressor representing the oppressed4'--',is it in the compass of human imagination to devise a more perfect exemplification of the art of committing the lamb to the tender custody of the wolf8'--',the representative is thus constituted1 not the friend1 agent and trustee of the person whom he represents1 but the most inveterate of his foes4'--',it was one of the curses from that ,pandora's box1 adjusted at the time1 as usual1 by a compromise1 the whole advantage of which inured to the benefit of the ,south1 and to aggravate the burdens of the ,north4'--',if there be a parallel to it in human history1 it can only be that of the ,roman ,emperors1 who1 from the days when ,julius ,caesar substituted a military despotism in the place of a republic1 among the offices which they always concentrated upon themselves1 was that of tribune of the people4 ,a ,roman ,emperor tribune of the people1 is an exact parallel to that feature in the ,constitution of the ,united ,states which makes the master the representative of his slave4'--',the ,constitution of the ,united ,states expressly prescribes that no title of nobility shall be granted by the ,united ,states4 ,the spirit of this interdict is not a rooted antipathy to the grant of mere powerless empty titles1 but to titles of nobility2 to the institution of privileged orders of men4 ,but what order of men under the most absolute of monarchies1 or the most aristocratic of republics1 was ever invested with such an odious and unjust privilege as that of the separate and exclusive representation of less than half a million owners of slaves1 in the ,hall of this ,house1 in the ,chair of the ,senate1 and in the ,presidential mansion8'--',this investment of power in the owners of one species of property concentrated in the highest authorities of the nation1 and disseminated through thirteen of the twenty-six ,states of the ,union1 constitutes a privileged order of men in the community1 more adverse to the rights of all1 and more pernicious to the interests of the whole1 than any order of nobility ever known4 ,to call government thus constituted a democracy1 is to insult the understanding of mankind4 ,to call it an aristocracy1 is to do injustice to that form of government4 ,aristocracy is the government of the best4 ,its standard qualification for accession to power is merit1 ascertained by popular election recurring at short intervals of time4 ,if even that government is prone to degenerate into tyranny1 what must be the character of that form of polity in which the standard qualification for access to power is wealth in the possession of slaves8 ,it is doubly tainted with the infection of riches and of slavery4 ,there is no name in the language of national jurisprudence that can define it--no model in the records of ancient history1 or in the political theories of ,aristotle1 with which it can be likened4 ,it was introduced into the ,constitution of the ,united ,states by an equivocation--a representation of property under the name of persons4 ,little did the members of the ,convention from the free ,states foresee what a sacrifice to ,moloch was hidden under the mask of this concession4'--',the ,house of ,representatives of the ,united ,states consists of #bbc members--all1 by the letter of the ,constitution1 representatives only of persons1 as #ace of them really are2 but the other #hh1 equally representing the persons of their constituents1 by whom they are elected1 also represent1 under the name of other persons1 upwards of two and a half millions of slaves1 held as the property of less than half a million of the white constituents1 and valued at twelve hundred millions of dollars4 ,each of these #hh members represents in fact the whole of that mass of associated wealth1 and the persons and exclusive interests of its owners2 all thus knit together1 like the members of a moneyed corporation1 with a capital not of thirty-five or forty or fifty1 but of twelve hundred millions of dollars1 exhibiting the most extraordinary exemplification of the anti-republican tendencies of associated wealth that the world ever saw1'--',here is one class of men1 consisting of not more than one fortieth part of the whole people1 not more than one-thirtieth part of the free population1 exclusively devoted to their personal interests identified with their own as slaveholders of the same associated wealth1 and wielding by their votes1 upon every question of government or of public policy1 two-fifths of the whole power of the ,house4 ,in the ,senate of the ,union1 the proportion of the slaveholding power is yet greater4 ,by the influence of slavery1 in the ,states where the institution is tolerated1 over their elections1 no other than a slaveholder can rise to the distinction of obtaining a seat in the ,senate2 and thus1 of the #eb members of the federal ,senate1 #bf are owners of slaves1 and as effectively representatives of that interest as the #hh members elected by them to the ,house4'--',by this process it is that all political power in the ,states is absorbed and engrossed by the owners of slaves1 and the overruling policy of the ,states is shaped to strengthen and consolidate their domination4 ,the legislative1 executive1 and judicial authorities are all in their hands--the preservation1 propagation1 and perpetuation of the black code of slavery--every law of the legislature becomes a link in the chain of the slave2 every executive act a rivet to his hapless fate2 every judicial decision a perversion of the human intellect to the justification of wrong4--,its reciprocal operation upon the government of the nation is1 to establish an artificial majority in the slave representation over that of the free people1 in the ,american ,congress1 and thereby to make the ,,preservation1 ,,propagation1 ,,and ,,perpetuation ,,of ,,slavery ,,the ,,vital ,,and ,,animating ,,spirit ,,of ,,the ,,national ,,government4--,the result is seen in the fact that1 at this day1 the ,president of the ,united ,states1 the ,president of the ,senate1 the ,speaker of the ,house of ,representatives1 and five out of nine of the ,judges of the ,supreme ,judicial ,courts of the ,united ,states1 are not only citizens of slaveholding ,states1 but individual slaveholders themselves4 ,so are1 and constantly have been1 with scarcely an exception1 all the members of both ,houses of ,congress from the slaveholding ,states2 and so are1 in immensely disproportionate numbers1 the commanding officers of the army and navy2 the officers of the customs2 the registers and receivers of the land offices1 and the post-masters throughout the slaveholding ,states4--,the ,biennial ,register indicates the birth-place of all the officers employed in the government of the ,union4 ,if it were required to designate the owners of this species of property among them1 it would be little more than a catalogue of slaveholders4' ,it is confessed by ,mr4 ,adams1 alluding to the national convention that framed the ,constitution1 that the delegation from the free ,states1 in their extreme anxiety to conciliate the ascendency of the ,southern slaveholder1 did listen to a compromise between right and wrong--between freedom and slavery2 of the ultimate fruits of which they had no conception1 but which already even now is urging the ,union to its inevitable ruin and dissolution1 by a civil1 servile1 foreign1 and ,indian war1 all combined in one2 a war1 the essential issue of which will be between freedom and slavery1 and in which the unhallowed standard of slavery will be the desecrated banner of the ,north ,american ,union--that banner1 first unfurled to the breeze1 inscribed with the self-evident truths of the ,declaration of ,independence4 ,hence1 to swear to support the ,constitution of the ,united ,states1 as it is1 is to make a compromise between right and wrong1 and to wage war against human liberty4 ,it is to recognize and honor as republican legislators1 incorrigible men-stealers1 ,,merciless ,,tyrants1 ,,blood ,,thirsty ,,assassins1 who legislate with deadly weapons about their persons1 such as pistols1 daggers1 and bowie-knives1 with which they threaten to murder any ,northern senator or representative who shall dare to stain their honor1 or interfere with their rights6 ,they constitute a banditti more fierce and cruel than any whose atrocities are recorded on the pages of history or romance4 ,to mix with them on terms of social or religious fellowship1 is to indicate a low state of virtue2 but to think of administering a free government by their co-operation1 is nothing short of insanity4 ,article ,,iv41 ,section #b1 declares1--,no person held to service or labor in one ,state1 under the laws thereof1 escaping into another1 shall1 in consequence of any law or regulation therein1 be discharged from such service or labor2 but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due4 ,here is a third clause1 which1 like the other two1 makes no mention of slavery or slaves1 in express terms2 and yet1 like them1 was intelligently framed and mutually understood by the parties to the ratification1 and intended both to protect the slave system and to restore runaway slaves4 ,it alone makes slavery a national institution1 a national crime1 and all the people who are not enslaved1 the body-guard over those whose liberties have been cloven down4 ,this agreement1 too1 has been fulfilled to the letter by the ,north4 ,under the ,mosaic dispensation it was imperatively commanded1--,thou shalt not deliver unto his master the servant which is escaped from his master unto thee3 he shall dwell with thee1 even among you1 in that place which he shall choose in one of thy gates1 where it liketh him best3 thou shalt not oppress him4 ,the warning which the prophet ,isaiah gave to oppressing ,moab was of a similar kind3 ,take counsel1 execute judgment2 make thy shadow as the night in the midst of the noon-day2 hide the outcasts2 bewray not him that wandereth4 ,let mine outcasts dwell with thee1 ,moab2 be thou a covert to them from the face of the spoiler4 ,the prophet ,obadiah brings the following charge against treacherous ,edom1 which is precisely applicable to this guilty nation3--,for thy violence against thy brother ,jacob1 shame shall come over thee1 and thou shalt be cut off for ever4 ,in the day that thou stoodest on the other side1 in the day that the strangers carried away captive his forces1 and foreigners entered into his gates1 and cast lots upon ,jerusalem1 even thou wast as one of them4 ,but thou shouldst not have looked on the day of thy brother1 in the day that he became a stranger2 neither shouldst thou have rejoiced over the children of ,judah1 in the day of their destruction2 neither shouldst thou have spoken proudly in the day of distress2 neither shouldst thou have stood in the cross-way1 to cut off those of his that did escape2 neither shouldst thou have delivered up those of his that did remain1 in the day of distress4 ,how exactly descriptive of this boasted republic is the impeachment of ,edom by the same prophet6 ,the pride of thy heart hath deceived thee1 thou whose habitation is high2 that sayeth in thy heart1 ,who shall bring me down to the ground8 ,though thou exalt thyself as the eagle1 and though thou set thy nest among the stars1 thence will ,i bring thee down1 saith the ,lord4 ,the emblem of ,american pride and power is the eagle1 and on her banner she has mingled stars with its stripes4 ,her vanity1 her treachery1 her oppression1 her self-exaltation1 and her defiance of the ,almighty1 far surpass the madness and wickedness of ,edom4 ,what shall be her punishment8 ,truly1 it may be affirmed of the ,american people1 7who live not under the ,levitical but ,christian code1 and whose guilt1 therefore1 is the more awful1 and their condemnation the greater17 in the language of another prophet--,they all lie in wait for blood2 they hunt every man his brother with a net4 ,that they may do evil with both hands earnestly1 the prince asketh1 and the judge asketh for a reward2 and the great man1 he uttereth his mischievous desire3 so they wrap it up4 ,likewise of the colored inhabitants of this land it may be said1 --,this is a people robbed and spoiled2 they are all of them snared in holes1 and they are hid in prison-houses2 they are for a prey1 and none delivereth2 for a spoil1 and none saith1 ,restore4 ,by this stipulation1 the ,northern ,states are made the hunting ground of slave-catchers1 who may pursue their victims with blood-hounds1 and capture them with impunity wherever they can lay their robber hands upon them4 ,at least twelve or fifteen thousand runaway slaves are now in ,canada1 exiled from their native land1 because they could not find1 throughout its vast extent1 a single road on which they could dwell in safety1 in consequence of this provision of the ,constitution8 ,how is it possible1 then1 for the advocates of liberty to support a government which gives over to destruction one-sixth part of the whole population8 ,it is denied by some at the present day1 that the clause which has been cited1 was intended to apply to runaway slaves4 ,this indicates either ignorance1 or folly1 or something worse4 ,,james ,,madison as one of the framers of the ,constitution1 is of some authority on this point4 ,alluding to that instrument1 in the ,virginia convention1 he said3-- ,another clause secures us that property which we now possess4 ,at present1 if any slave elopes to those ,states where slaves are free1 he becomes emancipated by their laws2 for the laws of the ,states are uncharitable767 to one another in this respect2 but in this constitution1 ',no person held to service or labor in one ,state1 under the laws thereof1 shall1 in consequence of any law or regulation therein1 be discharged from such service or labor1 but shall be delivered upon claim of the party to whom such service or labor away be due4 ,,this ,,clause ,,was ,,expressly ,,inserted ,,to ,,enable ,,the ,,owners ,,of ,,slaves ,,to ,,reclaim ,,them4 ,this is a better security than any that now exists4 ,no power is given to the general government to interfere with respect to the property in slaves now held by the ,states4 ,in the same convention1 alluding to the same clause1 ,,gov4 ,,randolph said3-- ,every one knows that slaves are held to service or labor4 ,and1 when authority is given to owners of slaves to vindicate their property1 can it be supposed they can be deprived of it8 ,if a citizen of this ,state1 in consequence of this clause1 can take his runaway slave in ,maryland1 can it be seriously thought that1 after taking him and bringing him home1 he could be made free8 ,it is objected1 that slaves are held as property1 and therefore1 as the clause refers to persons1 it cannot mean slaves4 ,but this is criticism against fact4 ,slaves are recognized not merely as property1 but also as persons--as having a mixed character--as combining the human with the brutal4 ,this is paradoxical1 we admit2 but slavery is a paradox--the ,american ,constitution is a paradox--the ,american ,union is a paradox--the ,american ,government is a paradox2 and if any one of these is to be repudiated on that ground1 they all are4 ,that it is the duty of the friends of freedom to deny the binding authority of them all1 and to secede from them all1 we distinctly affirm4 ,after the independence of this country had been achieved1 the voice of ,god exhorted the people1 saying1 ,execute true judgment1 and show mercy and compassion every man to his brother3 and oppress not the widow1 nor the fatherless1 the stranger1 nor the poor2 and let none of you imagine evil against his brother in your heart4 ,but they refused to hearken1 and pulled away the shoulder1 and stopped their ears1 that they should not hear2 yea1 they made their hearts as an adamant stone4 ,shall ,i not visit for these things8 saith the ,lord4 ,shall not my soul be avenged on such a nation as this8 ,whatever doubt may have rested on any honest mind1 respecting the meaning of the clause in relation to persons held to service or labor1 must have been removed by the unanimous decision of the ,supreme ,court of the ,united ,states1 in the case of ,prigg versus ,the ,state of ,pennsylvania4 ,by that decision1 any ,southern slave-catcher is empowered to seize and convey to the ,south1 without hindrance or molestation on the part of the ,state1 and without any legal process duly obtained and served1 any person or persons1 irrespective of caste or complexion1 whom he may choose to claim as runaway slaves2 and if1 when thus surprised and attacked1 or on their arrival ,south1 they cannot prove by legal witnesses1 that they are freemen1 their doom is sealed6 ,hence the free colored population of the ,north are specially liable to become the victims of this terrible power1 and all the other inhabitants are at the mercy of prowling kidnappers1 because there are multitudes of white as well as black slaves on ,southern plantations1 and slavery is no longer fastidious with regard to the color of its prey4 ,as soon as that appalling decision of the ,supreme ,court was enunciated1 in the name of the ,constitution1 the people of the ,north should have risen en masse1 if for no other cause1 and declared the ,union at an end2 and they would have done so1 if they had not lost their manhood1 and their reverence for justice and liberty4 ,in the #dth ,sect4 of ,art4 ,,iv41 the ,united ,states guarantee to protect every ,state in the ,union against domestic violence4 ,by the #hth ,section of ,article #a41 congress is empowered to provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws of the ,union1 suppress insurrections1 and repel invasions4 ,these provisions1 however strictly they may apply to cases of disturbance among the white population1 were adopted with special reference to the slave population1 for the purpose of keeping them in their chains by the combined military force of the country2 and were these repealed1 and the ,south left to manage her slaves as best she could1 a servile insurrection would ere long be the consequence1 as general as it would unquestionably be successful4 ,says ,mr4 ,madison1 respecting these clauses3-- ,on application of the legislature or executive1 as the case may be1 the militia of the other ,states are to be called to suppress domestic insurrections4 ,does this bar the ,states from calling forth their own militia8 ,no2 but it gives them a supplementary security to suppress insurrections and domestic violence4 ,the answer to ,patrick ,henry's objection1 as urged against the constitution in the ,virginia convention1 that there was no power left to the ,states to quell an insurrection of slaves1 as it was wholly vested in congress1 ,george ,nicholas asked3-- ,have they it now8 ,if they have1 does the constitution take it away8 ,if it does1 it must be in one of those clauses which have been mentioned by the worthy member4 ,the first part gives the general government power to call them out when necessary4 ,does this take it away from the ,states8 ,no6 but it gives an additional security2 for1 beside the power in the ,state government to use their own militia1 it will be the duty of the general government to aid them ,,with ,,the ,,strength ,,of ,,the ,,union1 when called for4 ,this solemn guaranty of security to the slave system1 caps the climax of national barbarity1 and stains with human blood the garments of all the people4 ,in consequence of it1 that system has multiplied its victims from five hundred thousand to nearly three millions--a vast amount of territory has been purchased1 in order to give it extension and perpetuity--several new slave ,states have been admitted into the ,union--the slave trade has been made one of the great branches of ,american commerce--the slave population1 though over-worked1 starved1 lacerated1 branded1 maimed1 and subjected to every form of deprivation and every species of torture1 have been over awed and crushed1--or1 whenever they have attempted to gain their liberty by revolt1 they have been shot down and quelled by the strong arm of the national government2 as1 for example1 in the case of ,nat ,turner's insurrection in ,virginia1 when the naval and military forces of the government were called into active service4 ,cuban bloodhounds have been purchased with the money of the people1 and imported and used to hunt slave fugitives among the everglades of ,florida4 ,a merciless warfare has been waged for the extermination or expulsion of the ,florida ,indians1 because they gave succor to those poor hunted fugitives--a warfare which has cost the nation several thousand lives1 and forty millions of dollars4 ,but the catalogue of enormities is too long to be recapitulated in the present address4 ,we have thus demonstrated that the compact between the ,north and the ,south embraces every variety of wrong and outrage1--is at war with ,god and man1 cannot be innocently supported1 and deserves to be immediately annulled4 ,in behalf of the ,society which we represent1 we call upon all our fellow-citizens1 who believe it is right to obey ,god rather than man1 to declare themselves peaceful revolutionists1 and to unite with us under the stainless banner of ,liberty1 having for its motto--,,equal ,,rights ,,for ,,all--,,no ,,union ,,with ,,slaveholders6 ,it is pleaded that the ,constitution provides for its own amendment2 and we ought to use the elective franchise to effect this object4 ,true1 there is such a proviso2 but1 until the amendment be made1 that instrument is binding as it stands4 ,is it not to violate every moral instinct1 and to sacrifice principle to expediency1 to argue that we may swear to steal1 oppress and murder by wholesale1 because it may be necessary to do so only for the time being1 and because there is some remote probability that the instrument which requires that we should be robbers1 oppressors and murderers1 may at some future day be amended in these particulars8 ,let us not palter with our consciences in this manner--let us not deny that the compact was conceived in sin and brought forth in iniquity--let us not be so dishonest1 even to promote a good object1 as to interpret the ,constitution in a manner utterly at variance with the intentions and arrangements of the contracting parties2 but1 confessing the guilt of the nation1 acknowledging the dreadful specifications in the bond1 washing our hands in the waters of repentance from all further participation in this criminal alliance1 and resolving that we will sustain none other than a free and righteous government1 let us glory in the name of revolutionists1 unfurl the banner of disunion1 and consecrate our talents and means to the overthrow of all that is tyrannical in the land1--to the establishment of all that is free1 just1 true and holy1--to the triumph of universal love and peace4 ,if1 in utter disregard of the historical facts which have been cited1 it is still asserted1 that the ,constitution needs no amendment to make it a free instrument1 adapted to all the exigencies of a free people1 and was never intended to give any strength or countenance to the slave system--the indignant spirit of insulted ,liberty replies3--,what though the assertion be true8 ,of what avail is a mere piece of parchment8 ,in itself1 though it be written all over with words of truth and freedom--though its provisions be as impartial and just as words can express1 or the imagination paint--though it be as pure as the gospel1 and breathe only the spirit of ,heaven--it is powerless2 it has no executive vitality2 it is a lifeless corpse1 even though beautiful in death4 ,i am famishing for lack of bread6 ,how is my appetite relieved by holding up to my gaze a painted loaf8 ,i am manacled1 wounded1 bleeding dying6 ,what consolation is it to know1 that they who are seeking to destroy my life1 profess in words to be my friends8 ,if the liberties of the people have been betrayed--if judgment is turned away backward1 and justice standeth afar off1 and truth has fallen in the streets1 and equality cannot enter--if the princes of the land are roaring lions1 the judges evening wolves1 the people light and treacherous persons1 the priests covered with pollution--if we are living under a frightful despotism1 which scoffs at all constitutional restraints1 and wields the resources of the nation to promote its own bloody purposes--tell us not that the forms of freedom are still left to us6 ,would such tameness and submission have freighted the ,may-,flower for ,plymouth ,rock8 ,would it have resisted the ,stamp ,act1 the ,tea ,tax1 or any of those entering wedges of tyranny with which the ,british government sought to rive the liberties of ,america8 ,the wheel of the ,revolution would have rusted on its axle1 if a spirit so weak had been the only power to give it motion4 ,did our fathers say1 when their rights and liberties were infringed--,why1 what is done cannot be undone4 ,that is the first thought4 ,no1 it was the last thing they thought of3 or1 rather1 it never entered their minds at all4 ,they sprang to the conclusion at once--,what is done ,,shall be undone4 ,that is our ,,first and ,,only thought4 ,is water running in our veins8 ,do we remember still ,old ,plymouth ,rock1 and ,lexington1 and famous ,bunker ,hill8 ,the debt we owe our fathers' graves8 and to the yet unborn1 ,whose heritage ourselves must make a thing of pride or scorn8 ,gray ,plymouth ,rock hath yet a tongue1 and ,concord is not dumb2 ,and voices from our fathers' graves and from the future come3 ,they call on us to stand our ground--they charge us still to be ,not only free from chains ourselves1 but foremost to make free6 ,it is of little consequence who is on the throne1 if there be behind it a power mightier than the throne4 ,it matters not what is the theory of the government1 if the practice of the government be unjust and tyrannical4 ,we rise in rebellion against a despotism incomparably more dreadful than that which induced the colonists to take up arms against the mother country2 not on account of a three-penny tax on tea1 but because fetters of living iron are fastened on the limbs of millions of our countrymen1 and our most sacred rights are trampled in the dust4 ,as citizens of the ,state1 we appeal to the ,state in vain for protection and redress4 ,as citizens of the ,united ,states1 we are treated as outlaws in one half of the country1 and the national government consents to our destruction4 ,we are denied the right of locomotion1 freedom of speech1 the right of petition1 the liberty of the press1 the right peaceably to assemble together to protest against oppression and plead for liberty--at least in thirteen ,states of the ,union4 ,if we venture1 as avowed and unflinching abolitionists1 to travel ,south of ,mason and ,dixon's line1 we do so at the peril of our lives4 ,if we would escape torture and death1 on visiting any of the slave ,states1 we must stifle our conscientious convictions1 bear no testimony against cruelty and tyranny1 suppress the struggling emotions of humanity1 divest ourselves of all letters and papers of an anti-slavery character1 and do homage to the slaveholding power--or run the risk of a cruel martyrdom6 ,these are appalling and undeniable facts4 ,three millions of the ,american people are crushed under the ,american ,union6 ,they are held as slaves--trafficked as merchandise--registered as goods and chattels6 ,the government gives them no protection--the government is their enemy--the government keeps them in chains6 ,there they lie bleeding--we are prostrate by their side--in their sorrows and sufferings we participate--their stripes are inflicted on our bodies1 their shackles are fastened on our limbs1 their cause is ours6 ,the ,union which grinds them to the dust rests upon us1 and with them we will struggle to overthrow it6 ,the ,constitution1 which subjects them to hopeless bondage1 is one that we cannot swear to support6 ,our motto is1 ,,no ,,union ,,with ,,slaveholders1 either religious or political4 ,they are the fiercest enemies of mankind1 and the bitterest foes of ,god6 ,we separate from them not in anger1 not in malice1 not for a selfish purpose1 not to do them an injury1 not to cease warning1 exhorting1 reproving them for their crimes1 not to leave the perishing bondman to his fate--,o no6 ,but to clear our skirts of innocent blood--to give the oppressor no countenance--to signify our abhorrence of injustice and cruelty--to testify against an ungodly compact--to cease striking hands with thieves and consenting with adulterers--to make no compromise with tyranny--to walk worthily of our high profession--to increase our moral power over the nation--to obey ,god and vindicate the gospel of his ,son--hasten the downfall of slavery in ,america1 and throughout the world6 ,we are not acting under a blind impulse4 ,we have carefully counted the cost of this warfare1 and are prepared to meet its consequences4 ,it will subject us to reproach1 persecution1 infamy--it will prove a fiery ordeal to all who shall pass through it--it may cost us our lives4 ,we shall be ridiculed as fools1 accused as visionaries1 branded as disorganizers1 reviled as madmen1 threatened and perhaps punished as traitors4 ,but we shall bide our time4 ,whether safety or peril1 whether victory or defeat1 whether life or death be ours1 believing that our feet are planted on an eternal foundation1 that our position is sublime and glorious1 that our faith in ,god is rational and steadfast1 that we have exceeding great and precious promises on which to rely1 ,,that ,,we ,,are ,,in ,,the ,,right1 we shall not falter nor be dismayed1 though the earth be removed1 and though the mountains be carried into the midst of the sea1--though our ranks be thinned to the number of three hundred men4 ,freemen6 are you ready for the conflict8 ,come what may1 will you sever the chain that binds you to a slaveholding government1 and declare your independence8 ,up1 then1 with the banner of revolution6 ,not to shed blood--not to injure the person or estate of any oppressor--not by force and arms to resist any law--not to countenance a servile insurrection--not to wield any carnal weapons6 ,no--ours must be a bloodless strife1 excepting our blood be shed--for we aim1 as did ,christ our leader1 not to destroy men's lives1 but to save them--to overcome evil with good--to conquer through suffering for righteousness' sake--to set the captive free by the potency of truth6 ,secede1 then1 from the government4 ,submit to its exactions1 but pay it no allegiance1 and give it no voluntary aid4 ,fill no offices under it4 ,send no senators or representatives to the national or ,state legislature2 for what you cannot conscientiously perform yourself1 you cannot ask another to perform as your agent4 ,circulate a declaration of ,,disunion ,,from ,,slaveholders1 throughout the country4 ,hold mass meetings--assemble in conventions--nail your banners to the mast6 ,do you ask what can be done1 if you abandon the ballot-box8 ,what did the crucified ,nazarene do without the elective franchise8 ,what did the apostles do8 ,what did the glorious army of martyrs and confessors do8 ,what did ,luther and his intrepid associates do8 ,what can women and children do8 ,what has ,father ,mathew done for teetotalism8 ,what has ,daniel ,o',connell done for ,irish repeal8 ,stand1 having your loins girt about with truth1 and having on the breast-plate of righteousness1 and arrayed in the whole armor of ,god6 ,the form of government that shall succeed the present government of the ,united ,states1 let time determine4 ,it would be a waste of time to argue that question1 until the people are regenerated and turned from their iniquity4 ,ours is no anarchical movement1 but one of order and obedience4 ,in ceasing from oppression1 we establish liberty4 ,what is now fragmentary1 shall in due time be crystallized1 and shine like a gem set in the heavens1 for a light to all coming ages4 ,finally--we believe that the effect of this movement will be1--,first1 to create discussion and agitation throughout the ,north2 and these will lead to a general perception of its grandeur and importance4 ,secondly1 to convulse the slumbering ,south like an earthquake1 and convince her that her only alternative is1 to abolish slavery1 or be abandoned by that power on which she now relies for safety4 ,thirdly1 to attack the slave power in its most vulnerable point1 and to carry the battle to the gate4 ,fourthly1 to exalt the moral sense1 increase the moral power1 and invigorate the moral constitution of all who heartily espouse it4 ,we reverently believe that1 in withdrawing from the ,american ,union1 we have the ,god of justice with us4 ,we know that we have our enslaved countrymen with us4 ,we are confident that all free hearts will be with us4 ,we are certain that tyrants and their abettors will be against us4 ,in behalf of the ,executive ,committee of the ,american ,anti-,slavery ,society1 ,,wm4 ,,lloyd ,,garrison1 ,president4 ,,wendell ,,phillips1 ,secretaries4 ,,maria ,,weston ,,chapman1 ,boston1 ,may #bj1 #ahdd4 99 99 99 99 99 ,,letter ,,from ,,francis ,,jackson4 ,,boston1 #d,,th ,july1 #ahdd ,to ,his ,excellency ,george ,n4 ,briggs3 ,,sir--,many years since1 ,i received from the ,executive of the ,commonwealth a commission as ,justice of the ,peace4 ,i have held the office that it conferred upon me till the present time1 and have found it a convenience to myself1 and others4 ,it might continue to be so1 could ,i consent longer to hold it4 ,but paramount considerations forbid1 and ,i herewith transmit to you my commission1 respectfully asking you to accept my resignation4 ,while ,i deem it a duty to myself to take this step1 ,i feel called on to state the reasons that influence me4 ,in entering upon the duties of the office in question1 ,i complied with the requirements of the law1 by taking an oath to support the ,constitution of the ,united ,states4 ,i regret that ,i ever took that oath4 ,had ,i then as maturely considered its full import1 and the obligations under which it is understood1 and meant to lay those who take it1 as ,i have done since1 ,i certainly never would have taken it1 seeing1 as ,i now do1 that the ,constitution of the ,united ,states contains provisions calculated and intended to foster1 cherish1 uphold and perpetuate slavery4 ,it pledges the country to guard and protect the slave system so long as the slaveholding ,states choose to retain it4 ,it regards the slave code as lawful in the ,states which enact it4 ,still more1 it has done that1 which1 until its adoption1 was never before done for ,african slavery4 ,it took it out of its former category of municipal law and local life1 adopted it as a national institution1 spread around it the broad and sufficient shield of national law1 and thus gave to slavery a national existence4 ,consequently1 the oath to support the ,constitution of the ,united ,states is a solemn promise to do that which is morally wrong2 that which is a violation of the natural rights of man1 and a sin in the sight of ,god4 ,i am not1 in this matter1 constituting myself a judge of others4 ,i do not say that no honest man can take such an oath1 and abide by it4 ,i only say1 that ,i would not now deliberately take it2 and that1 having inconsiderately taken it1 ,i can no longer suffer it to lie upon my soul4 ,i take back the oath1 and ask you1 sir1 to take back the commission1 which was the occasion of my taking it4 ,i am aware that my course in this matter is liable to be regarded as singular1 if not censurable2 and ,i must1 therefore1 be allowed to make a more specific statement of those provisions of the ,constitution which support the enormous wrong1 the heinous sin of slavery4 ,the very first ,article of the ,constitution takes slavery at once under its legislative protection1 as a basis of representation in the popular branch of the ,national ,legislature4 ,it regards slaves under the description of all other persons--as of only three-fifths of the value of free persons2 thus to appearance undervaluing them in comparison with freemen4 ,but its dark and involved phraseology seems intended to blind us to the consideration1 that those underrated slaves are merely a basis1 not the source of representation2 that by the laws of all the ,states where they live1 they are regarded not as persons2 but as things2 that they are not the constituency of the representative1 but his property2 and that the necessary effect of this provision of the ,constitution is1 to take legislative power out of the hands of men1 as such1 and give it to the mere possessors of goods and chattels4 ,fixing upon thirty thousand persons1 as the smallest number that shall send one member into the ,house of ,representatives1 it protects slavery by distributing legislative power in a free and in a slave ,state thus3 ,to a congressional district in ,south ,carolina1 containing fifty thousand slaves1 claimed as the property of five hundred whites1 who hold1 on an average1 one hundred apiece1 it gives one ,representative in ,congress2 to a district in ,massachusetts containing a population of thirty thousand five hundred1 one ,representative is assigned4 ,but inasmuch as a slave is never permitted to vote1 the fifty thousand persons in a district in ,carolina form no part of the constituency2 that is found only in the five hundred free persons4 ,five hundred freemen of ,carolina could send one ,representative to ,congress1 while it would take thirty thousand five hundred freemen of ,massachusetts1 to do the same thing3 that is1 one slaveholder in ,carolina is clothed by the ,constitution with the same political power and influence in the ,representatives ,hall at ,washington1 as sixty ,massachusetts men like you and me1 who eat their bread in the sweat of their own brows4 ,according to the census of #ahcj1 and the ratio of representation based upon that1 slave property added twenty-five members to the ,house of ,representatives4 ,and as it has been estimated1 7as an approximation to the truth17 that the two and a half million slaves in the ,united ,states are held as property by about two hundred and fifty thousand persons--giving an average of ten slaves to each slaveholder1 those twenty-five ,representatives1 each chosen1 at most1 by only ten thousand voters1 and probably by less than three-fourths of that number1 were the representatives1 not only of the two hundred and fifty thousand persons who chose them2 but of property which1 five years ago1 when slaves were lower in market1 than at present1 were estimated1 by the man who is now the most prominent candidate for the ,presidency1 at twelve hundred millions of dollars--a sum1 which1 by the natural increase of five years1 and the enhanced value resulting from a more prosperous state of the planting interest1 cannot now be less than fifteen hundred millions of dollars4 ,all this vast amount of property1 as it is peculiar1 is also identical in its character4 ,in ,congress1 as we have seen1 it is animated by one spirit1 moves in one mass1 and is wielded with one aim2 and when we consider that tyranny is always timid1 and despotism distrustful1 we see that this vast money power would be false to itself1 did it not direct all its eyes and hands1 and put forth all its ingenuity and energy1 to one end--self-protection and self-perpetuation4 ,and this it has ever done4 ,in all the vibrations of the political scale1 whether in relation to a ,bank or ,sub-,treasury1 ,free ,trade or a ,tariff1 this immense power has moved1 and will continue to move1 in one mass1 for its own protection4 ,while the weight of the slave influence is thus felt in the ,house of ,representatives1 in the ,senate of the ,union1 says ,john ,quincy ,adams1 the proportion of slaveholding power is still greater4 ,by the influence of slavery in the ,states where the institution is tolerated1 over their elections1 no other than a slaveholder can rise to the distinction of obtaining a seat in the ,senate2 and thus1 of the fifty-two members of the federal ,senate1 twenty-six are owners of slaves1 and are as effectually representatives of that interest1 as the eighty-eight members elected by them to the ,house4 ,the dominant power which the ,constitution gives to the slave interest1 as thus seen and exercised in the ,legislative ,halls of our nation1 is equally obvious and obtrusive in every other department of the ,national government4 ,in the ,electoral colleges1 the same cause produces the same effect--the same power is wielded for the same purpose1 as in the ,halls of ,congress4 ,even the preliminary nominating conventions1 before they dare name a candidate for the highest office in the gift of the people1 must ask of the ,genius of slavery1 to what votary she will show herself propitious4 ,this very year1 we see both the great political parties doing homage to the slave power1 by nominating each a slaveholder for the chair of the ,state4 ,the candidate of one party declares4 ,i should have opposed1 and would continue to oppose1 any scheme whatever of emancipation1 either gradual or immediate2 and adds1 ,it is not true1 and ,i rejoice that it is not true1 that either of the two great parties of this country has any design or aim at abolition4 ,i should deeply lament it1 if it were true4#id ,footnote #id3 ,henry ,clay's speech in the ,united ,states ,senate in #ahci1 and confirmed at ,raleigh1 ,n4,c4 #ahdd4 ,the other party nominates a man who says1 ,i have no hesitation in declaring that ,i am in favor of the immediate re-annexation of ,texas to the territory and government of the ,united ,states4 ,thus both the political parties1 and the candidates of both1 vie with each other1 in offering allegiance to the slave power1 as a condition precedent to any hope of success in the struggle for the executive chair2 a seat that1 for more than three-fourths of the existence of our constitutional government1 has been occupied by a slaveholder4 ,the same stern despotism overshadows even the sanctuaries of justice4 ,of the nine ,justices of the ,supreme ,court of the ,united ,states1 five are slaveholders1 and of course1 must be faithless to their own interest1 as well as recreant to the power that gives them place1 or must1 so far as they are concerned1 give both to law and constitution such a construction as shall justify the language of ,john ,quincy ,adams1 when he says--,the legislative1 executive1 and judicial authorities1 are all in their hands--for the preservation1 propagation1 and perpetuation of the black code of slavery4 ,every law of the legislature becomes a link in the chain of the slave2 every executive act a rivet to his hapless fate2 every judicial decision a perversion of the human intellect to the justification of wrong4 ,thus by merely adverting but briefly to the theory and the practical effect of this clause of the ,constitution1 that ,i have sworn to support1 it is seen that it throws the political power of the nation into the hands of the slaveholders2 a body of men1 which1 however it may be regarded by the ,constitution as persons1 is in fact and practical effect1 a vast moneyed corporation1 bound together by an indissoluble unity of interest1 by a common sense of a common danger2 counselling at all times for its common protection2 wielding the whole power1 and controlling the destiny of the nation4 ,if we look into the legislative halls1 slavery is seen in the chair of the presiding officer of each1 and controlling the action of both4 ,slavery occupies1 by prescriptive right1 the ,presidential chair4 ,the paramount voice that comes from the temple of national justice1 issues from the lips of slavery4 ,the army is in the hands of slavery1 and at her bidding1 must encamp in the everglades of ,florida1 or march from the ,missouri to the borders of ,mexico1 to look after her interests in ,texas4 ,the navy1 even that part that is cruising off the coast of ,africa1 to suppress the foreign slave trade1 is in the hands of slavery4 ,freemen of the ,north1 who have even dared to lift up their voice against slavery1 cannot travel through the slave ,states1 but at the peril of their lives4 ,the representatives of freemen are forbidden1 on the floor of ,congress1 to remonstrate against the encroachments of slavery1 or to pray that she would let her poor victims go4 ,i renounce my allegiance to a ,constitution that enthrones such a power1 wielded for the purpose of depriving me of my rights1 of robbing my countrymen of their liberties1 and of securing its own protection1 support and perpetuation4 ,passing by that clause of the ,constitution1 which restricted ,congress for twenty years1 from passing any law against the ,african slave trade1 and which gave authority to raise a revenue on the stolen sons of ,africa1 ,i come to that part of the fourth article1 which guarantees protection against domestic violence1 and which pledges to the ,south the military force of the country1 to protect the masters against their insurgent slaves3 binds us1 and our children1 to shoot down our fellow-countrymen1 who may rise1 in emulation of our revolutionary fathers1 to vindicate their inalienable right to life1 liberty and the pursuit of happiness1--this clause of the ,constitution1 ,i say distinctly1 ,i never will support4 ,that part of the ,constitution which provides for the surrender of fugitive slaves1 ,i never have supported and never will4 ,i will join in no slave-hunt4 ,my door shall stand open1 as it has long stood1 for the panting and trembling victim of the slave-hunter4 ,when ,i shut it against him1 may ,god shut the door of his mercy against me6 ,under this clause of the ,constitution1 and designed to carry it into effect1 slavery has demanded that laws should be passed1 and of such a character1 as have left the free citizen of the ,north without protection for his own liberty4 ,the question1 whether a man seized in a free ,state as a slave1 is a slave or not1 the law of ,congress does not allow a jury to determine3 but refers it to the decision of a ,judge of a ,united ,states' ,court1 or even of the humblest ,state magistrate1 it may be1 upon the testimony or affidavit of the party most deeply interested to support the claim4 ,by virtue of this law1 freemen have been seized and dragged into perpetual slavery--and should ,i be seized by a slave-hunter in any part of the country where ,i am not personally known1 neither the ,constitution nor laws of the ,united ,states would shield me from the same destiny4 ,these1 sir1 are the specific parts of the ,constitution of the ,united ,states1 which in my opinion are essentially vicious1 hostile at once to the liberty and to the morals of the nation4 ,and these are the principal reasons of my refusal any longer to acknowledge my allegiance to it1 and of my determination to revoke my oath to support it4 ,i cannot1 in order to keep the law of man1 break the law of ,god1 or solemnly call him to witness my promise that ,i will break it4 ,it is true that the ,constitution provides for its own amendment1 and that by this process1 all the guarantees of ,slavery may be expunged4 ,but it will be time enough to swear to support it when this is done4 ,it cannot be right to do so1 until these amendments are made4 ,it is also true that the framers of the ,constitution did studiously keep the words ,slave and ,slavery from its face4 ,but to do our constitutional fathers justice1 while they forebore--from very shame--to give the word ,slavery a place in the ,constitution1 they did not forbear--again to do them justice--to give place in it to the thing4 ,they were careful to wrap up the idea1 and the substance of ,slavery1 in the clause for the surrender of the fugitive1 though they sacrificed justice in doing so4 ,there is abundant evidence that this clause touching persons held to service or labor1 not only operates practically1 under the judicial construction1 for the protection of the slave interest2 but that it was intended so to operate by the framers of the ,constitution4 ,the highest judicial authorities--,chief ,justice ,shaw1 of the ,supreme ,court of ,massachusetts1 in the ,latimer case1 and ,mr4 ,justice ,story1 in the ,supreme ,court of the ,united ,states1 in the case of ,prigg vs4 ,the ,state of ,pennsylvania1--tell us1 ,i know not on what evidence1 that without this compromise1 this security for ,southern slaveholders1 the ,union could not have been formed4 ,and there is still higher evidence1 not only that the framers of the ,constitution meant by this clause to protect slavery1 but that they did this1 knowing that slavery was wrong4 ,mr4 ,madison#ie informs us that the clause in question1 as it came out of the hands of ,dr4 ,johnson1 the chairman of the committee on style1 read thus3 ,no person legally held to service1 or labor1 in one ,state1 escaping into another1 shall1 c41 and that the word legally was struck out1 and the words under the laws thereof inserted after the word ,state1 in compliance with the wish of some1 who thought the term legal equivocal1 and favoring the idea that slavery was legal in a moral view4 ,a conclusive proof that1 although future generations might apply that clause to other kinds of service or labor1 when slavery should have died out1 or been killed off by the young spirit of liberty1 which was then awake and at work in the land2 still1 slavery was what they were wrapping up in equivocal words2 and wrapping it up for its protection and safe keeping3 a conclusive proof that the framers of the ,constitution were more careful to protect themselves in the judgment of coming generations1 from the charge of ignorance1 than of sin2 a conclusive proof that they knew that slavery was not legal in a moral view1 that it was a violation of the moral law of ,god2 and yet knowing and confessing its immorality1 they dared to make this stipulation for its support and defence4 ,footnote #ie3 ,madison ,papers1 p4 #aehi ,this language may sound harsh to the ears of those who think it a part of their duty1 as citizens1 to maintain that whatever the patriots of the ,revolution did1 was right2 and who hold that we are bound to do all the iniquity that they covenanted for us that we should do4 ,but the claims of truth and right are paramount to all other claims4 ,with all our veneration for our constitutional fathers1 we must admit1--for they have left on record their own confession of it1--that in this part of their work they intended to hold the shield of their protection over a wrong1 knowing that it was a wrong4 ,they made a compromise which they had no right to make--a compromise of moral principle for the sake of what they probably regarded as political expediency4 ,i am sure they did not know--no man could know1 or can now measure1 the extent1 or the consequences of the wrong1 that they were doing4 ,in the strong language of ,john ,quincy ,adams1#if in relation to the article fixing the basis of representation1 ,little did the members of the ,convention1 from the free ,states1 imagine or foresee what a sacrifice to ,moloch was hidden under the mask of this concession4 ,footnote #if3 ,see his ,report on the ,massachusetts ,resolutions4 ,i verily believe that1 giving all due consideration to the benefits conferred upon this nation by the ,constitution1 its national unity1 its swelling masses of wealth1 its power1 and the external prosperity of its multiplying millions2 yet the moral injury that has been done1 by the countenance shown to slavery by holding over that tremendous sin the shield of the ,constitution1 and thus breaking down in the eyes of the nation the barrier between right and wrong2 by so tenderly cherishing slavery as1 in less than the life of man1 to multiply her children from half a million to nearly three millions2 by exacting oaths from those who occupy prominent stations in society1 that they will violate at once the rights of man and the law of ,god2 by substituting itself as a rule of right1 in place of the moral laws of the universe2--thus in effect1 dethroning the ,almighty in the hearts of this people and setting up another sovereign in his stead--more than outweighs it all4 ,a melancholy and monitory lesson this1 to all timeserving and temporising statesmen6 ,a striking illustration of the impolicy of sacrificing right to any considerations of expediency6 ,yet1 what better than the evil effects that we have seen1 could the authors of the ,constitution have reasonably expected1 from the sacrifice of right1 in the concessions they made to slavery8 ,was it reasonable in them to expect that after they had introduced a vicious element into the very ,constitution of the body politic which they were calling into life1 it would not exert its vicious energies8 ,was it reasonable in them to expect that1 after slavery had been corrupting the public morals for a whole generation1 their children would have too much virtue to use for the defence of slavery1 a power which they themselves had not too much virtue to give8 ,it is dangerous for the sovereign power of a ,state to license immorality2 to hold the shield of its protection over any thing that is not legal in a moral view4 ,bring into your house a benumbed viper1 and lay it down upon your warm hearth1 and soon it will not ask you into which room it may crawl4 ,let ,slavery once lean upon the supporting arm1 and bask in the fostering smile of the ,state1 and you will soon see1 as we now see1 both her minions and her victims multiply apace till the politics1 the morals1 the liberties1 even the religion of the nation1 are brought completely under her control4 ,to me1 it appears that the virus of slavery1 introduced into the ,constitution of our body politic1 by a few slight punctures1 has now so pervaded and poisoned the whole system of our ,national ,government1 that literally there is no health in it4 ,the only remedy that ,i can see for the disease1 is to be found in the dissolution of the patient4 ,the ,constitution of the ,united ,states1 both in theory and practice1 is so utterly broken down by the influence and effects of slavery1 so imbecile for the highest good of the nation1 and so powerful for evil1 that ,i can give no voluntary assistance in holding it up any longer4 ,henceforth it is dead to me1 and ,i to it4 ,i withdraw all profession of allegiance to it1 and all my voluntary efforts to sustain it4 ,the burdens that it lays upon me1 while it is held up by others1 ,i shall endeavor to bear patiently1 yet acting with reference to a higher law1 and distinctly declaring1 that while ,i retain my own liberty1 ,i will be a party to no compact1 which helps to rob any other man of his4 ,very respectfully1 your friend1 ,,francis ,,jackson4 99 99 99 99 99 ,,from ,,mr4 ,,webster',s ,,speech ,,at ,,niblo',s ,,gardens4 ,we have slavery1 already1 amongst us4 ,the ,constitution found it among us2 it recognized it and gave it ,,solemn ,,guaranties4 ,to the full extent of these guaranties we are all bound1 in honor1 in justice1 and by the ,constitution4 ,all the stipulations1 contained in the ,constitution1 in favor of the slaveholding ,states which are already in the ,union1 ought to be fulfilled1 and so far as depends on me1 shall be fulfilled1 in the fullness of their spirit1 and to the exactness of their letter4666 99 99 99 99 99 ,,extracts ,,from ,,john ,q4 ,,adams',s ,,address ,,at ,,north ,,bridgewater1 ,,nov4 #f1 #ahdd4 ,the benefits of the ,constitution of the ,united ,states1 were the restoration of credit and reputation1 to the country--the revival of commerce1 navigation1 and ship-building--the acquisition of the means of discharging the debts of the ,revolution1 and the protection and encouragement of the infant and drooping manufactures of the country4 ,all this1 however1 as is now well ascertained1 was insufficient to propitiate the rulers of the ,southern ,states to the adoption of the ,constitution4 ,what they specially wanted was protection4--,protection from the powerful and savage tribes of ,indians within their borders1 and who were harassing them with the most terrible of wars--and protection from their own negroes--protection from their insurrections--protection from their escape--protection even to the trade by which they were brought into the country--protection1 shall ,i not blush to say1 protection to the very bondage by which they were held4 ,yes6 it cannot be denied--the slaveholding lords of the ,south prescribed1 as a condition of their assent to the ,constitution1 three special provisions to secure the perpetuity of their dominion over their slaves4 ,the first was the immunity for twenty years of preserving the ,african slave-trade2 the second was the stipulation to surrender fugitive slaves--an engagement positively prohibited by the laws of ,god1 delivered from ,sinai2 and thirdly1 the exaction fatal to the principles of popular representation1 of a representation for slaves--for articles of merchandise1 under the name of persons4 ,the reluctance with which the freemen of the ,north submitted to the dictation of these conditions1 is attested by the awkward and ambiguous language in which they are expressed4 ,the word slave is most cautiously and fastidiously excluded from the whole instrument4 ,a stranger1 who should come from a foreign land1 and read the ,constitution of the ,united ,states1 would not believe that slavery or a slave existed within the borders of our country4 ,there is not a word in the ,constitution apparently bearing upon the condition of slavery1 nor is there a provision but would be susceptible of practical execution1 if there were not a slave in the land4 ,the delegates from ,south ,carolina and ,georgia distinctly avowed that1 without this guarantee of protection to their property in slaves1 they would not yield their assent to the ,constitution2 and the freemen of the ,north1 reduced to the alternative of departing from the vital principle of their liberty1 or of forfeiting the ,union itself1 averted their faces1 and with trembling hand subscribed the bond4 ,twenty years passed away--the slave markets of the ,south were saturated with the blood of ,african bondage1 and from midnight of the #cast of ,december1 #ahjg1 not a slave from ,africa was suffered ever more to be introduced upon our soil4 ,but the internal traffic was still lawful1 and the breeding ,states soon reconciled themselves to a prohibition which gave them the monopoly of the interdicted trade1 and they joined the full chorus of reprobation1 to punish with death the slave-trader from ,africa1 while they cherished and shielded and enjoyed the precious profits of the ,american slave-trade exclusively to themselves4 ,perhaps this unhappy result of their concession had not altogether escaped the foresight of the freemen of the ,north2 but their intense anxiety for the preservation of the whole ,union1 and the habit already formed of yielding to the somewhat peremptory and overbearing tone which the relation of master and slave welds into the nature of the lord1 prevailed with them to overlook this consideration1 the internal slave-trade having scarcely existed while that with ,africa had been allowed4 ,but of one consequence which has followed from the slave representation1 pervading the whole organic structure of the ,constitution1 they certainly were not prescient2 for if they had been1 never--no1 never would they have consented to it4 ,the representation1 ostensibly of slaves1 under the name of persons1 was in its operation an exclusive grant of power to one class of proprietors1 owners of one species of property1 to the detriment of all the rest of the community4 ,this species of property was odious in its nature1 held in direct violation of the natural and inalienable rights of man1 and of the vital principles of ,christianity2 it was all accumulated in one geographical section of the country1 and was all held by wealthy men1 comparatively small in numbers1 not amounting to a tenth part of the free white population of the ,states in which it was concentrated4 ,in some of the ancient1 and in some modern republics1 extraordinary political power and privileges have been invested in the owners of horses2 but then these privileges and these powers have been granted for the equivalent of extraordinary duties and services to the community1 required of the favoured class4 ,the ,roman knights constituted the cavalry of their armies1 and the bushels of rings gathered by ,hannibal from their dead bodies1 after the battle of ,cannae1 amply prove that the special powers conferred upon them were no gratuitous grants4 ,but in the ,constitution of the ,united ,states1 the political power invested in the owners of slaves is entirely gratuitous4 ,no extraordinary service is required of them2 they are1 on the contrary1 themselves grievous burdens upon the community1 always threatened with the danger of insurrections1 to be smothered in the blood of both parties1 master and slave1 and always depressing the condition of the poor free laborer1 by competition with the labor of the slave4 ,the property in horses was the gift of ,god to man1 at the creation of the world2 the property in slaves is property acquired and held by crimes1 differing in no moral aspect from the pillage of a freebooter1 and to which no lapse of time can give a prescriptive right4 ,you are told that this is no concern of yours1 and that the question of freedom and slavery is exclusively reserved to the consideration of the separate ,states4 ,but if it be so1 as to the mere question of right between master and slave1 it is of tremendous concern to you that this little cluster of slave-owners should possess1 besides their own share in the representative hall of the nation1 the exclusive privilege of appointing two-fifths of the whole number of the representatives of the people4 ,this is now your condition1 under that delusive ambiguity of language and of principle1 which begins by declaring the representation in the popular branch of the legislature a representation of persons1 and then provides that one class of persons shall have neither part not lot in the choice of their representatives2 but their elective franchise shall be transferred to their masters1 and the oppressors shall represent the oppressed4 ,the same perversion of the representative principle pollutes the composition of the colleges of electors of ,president and ,vice ,president of the ,united ,states1 and every department of the government of the ,union is thus tainted at its source by the gangrene of slavery4 ,fellow-citizens1--with a body of men thus composed1 for legislators and executors of the laws1 what will1 what must be1 what has been your legislation8 ,the numbers of freemen constituting your nation are much greater than those of the slaveholding ,states1 bond and free4 ,you have at least three-fifths of the whole population of the ,union4 ,your influence on the legislation and the administration of the government ought to be in the proportion of three to two4--,but how stands the fact8 ,besides the legitimate portion of influence exercised by the slaveholding ,states by the measure of their numbers1 here is an intrusive influence in every department1 by a representation nominally of persons1 but really of property1 ostensibly of slaves1 but effectively of their masters1 overbalancing your superiority of numbers1 adding two-fifths of supplementary power to the two-fifths fairly secured to them by the compact1 ,,controlling ,,and ,,overruling ,,the ,,whole ,,action ,,of ,,your ,,government ,,at ,,home ,,and ,,abroad1 and warping it to the sordid private interest and oppressive policy of #cjj1jjj owners of slaves4 ,from the time of the adoption of the ,constitution of the ,united ,states1 the institution of domestic slavery has been becoming more and more the abhorrence of the civilized world4 ,but in proportion as it has been growing odious to all the rest of mankind1 it has been sinking deeper and deeper into the affections of the holders of slaves themselves4 ,the cultivation of cotton and of sugar1 unknown in the ,union at the establishment of the ,constitution1 has added largely to the pecuniary value of the slave4 ,and the suppression of the ,african slave-trade as piracy upon pain of death1 by securing the benefit of a monopoly to the virtuous slaveholders of the ancient dominion1 has turned her heroic tyrannicides into a community of slave-breeders for sale1 and converted the land of ,george ,washington1 ,patrick ,henry1 ,richard ,henry ,lee1 and ,thomas ,jefferson1 into a great barracoon--a cattle-show of human beings1 an emporium1 of which the staple articles of merchandise are the flesh and blood1 the bones and sinews of immortal man4 ,of the increasing abomination of slavery in the unbought hearts of men at the time when the ,constitution of the ,united ,states was formed1 what clearer proof could be desired1 than that the very same year in which that charter of the land was issued1 the ,congress of the ,confederation1 with not a tithe of the powers given by the people to the ,congress of the new compact1 actually abolished slavery for ever throughout the whole ,northwestern territory1 without a remonstrance or a murmur4 ,but in the articles of confederation1 there was no guaranty for the property of the slaveholder--no double representation of him in the ,federal councils--no power of taxation--no stipulation for the recovery of fugitive slaves4 ,but when the powers of government came to be delegated to the ,union1 the ,south--that is1 ,south ,carolina and ,georgia--refused their subscription to the parchment1 till it should be saturated with the infection of slavery1 which no fumigation could purify1 no quarantine could extinguish4 ,the freemen of the ,north gave way1 and the deadly venom of slavery was infused into the ,constitution of freedom4 ,its first consequence has been to invert the first principle of ,democracy1 that the will of the majority of numbers shall rule the land4 ,by means of the double representation1 the minority command the whole1 and a ,,knot ,,of ,,slaveholders ,,give ,,the ,,law ,,and ,,prescribe ,,the ,,policy ,,of ,,the ,,country4 ,to acquire this superiority of a large majority of freemen1 a persevering system of engrossing nearly all the seats of power and place1 is constantly for a long series of years pursued1 and you have seen1 in a period of fifty-six years1 the ,chief-magistracy of the ,union held1 during forty-four of them1 by the owners of slaves4 ,the ,executive departments1 the ,army and ,navy1 the ,supreme ,judicial ,court and diplomatic missions abroad1 all present the same spectacle3--an immense majority of power in the hands of a very small minority of the people--millions made for a fraction of a few thousands4 99 99 99 99 99 ,from that day 7#ahcj71 ,,slavery1 ,,slaveholding1 ,,slave-,,breeding ,,and ,,slave-,,trading1 ,,have ,,formed ,,the ,,whole ,,foundation ,,of ,,the ,,policy ,,of ,,the ,,federal ,,government1 and of the slaveholding ,states1 at home and abroad2 and at the very time when a new census has exhibited a large increase upon the superior numbers of the free ,states1 it has presented the portentous evidence of increased influence and ascendancy of the slaveholding power4 ,of the prevalence of that power1 you have had continual and conclusive evidence in the suppression for the space of ten years of the right of petition1 guarantied1 if there could be a guarantee against slavery1 by the first article amendatory of the ,constitution4 ,no4 #ac4 ,,the ,,anti-,,slavery ,,examiner4 99 99 99 99 99 ,,on ,,the ,,condition ,,of ,,the ,,free ,,people ,,of ,,color ,,in ,,the ,,united ,,states4 99 99 99 99 99 ,,new ,,york3 ,,published ,,by ,,the ,,american ,,anti-,,slavery ,,society1 ,,no4 #adc ,,nassau ,,street4 #ahci4 99 99 99 99 99 ,this ,no4 contains #a-a_/b sheet4--,postage1 under #ajj miles1 #b-a_/b cts4 over #ajj1 #c cts4 ,please ,read and circulate4 ,,on ,,the ,,condition ,,of ,,the ,,free ,,people ,,of ,,color4 99 99 99 99 99 ,it appears from the census of #ahcj1 that there were then #cai1dfg free colored persons in the ,united ,states4 ,at the present time the number cannot be less than #cfj1jjj4 ,fifteen ,states of the ,federal ,union have each a smaller population than this aggregate4 ,hence if the whole mass of human beings inhabiting ,connecticut1 or ,new ,jersey1 or any other of these fifteen ,states1 were subjected to the ignorance1 and degradation1 and persecution and terror we are about to describe1 as the lot of this much injured people1 the amount of suffering would still be numerically less than that inflicted by a professedly ,christian and republican community upon the free negroes4 ,candor1 however1 compels us to admit that1 deplorable as is their condition1 it is still not so wretched as ,colonizationists and slaveholders1 for obvious reasons1 are fond of representing it4 ,it is not true that free negroes are more vicious and miserable than slaves can be1#ig nor that it would be as humane to throw slaves from the decks of the middle passage1 as to set them free in this country1#ih nor that a sudden and universal emancipation without colonization1 would be a greater ,,curse to the slaves themselves1 than the bondage in which they are held4 ,footnote #ig3 ,rev4 ,mr4 ,bacon1 of ,new ,haven1 #g ,rep4 ,am4 ,col4 ,soc4 p4 #ii4 ,footnote #ih3 ,african ,repository1 ,vol4 ,,iv4 p4 #bbf4 ,it is a little singular1 that in utter despite of these rash assertions slaveholders and colonizationists unite in assuring us1 that the slaves are rendered discontented by witnessing the freedom of their colored brethren2 and hence we are urged to assist in banishing to ,africa these sable and dangerous mementoes of liberty4 ,we all know that the wife and children of the free negro are not ordinarily sold in the market--that he himself does not toil under the lash1 and that in certain parts of our country he is permitted to acquire some intelligence1 and to enjoy some comforts1 utterly and universally denied to the slave4 ,still it is most unquestionable1 that these people grievously suffer from a cruel and wicked prejudice--cruel in its consequences2 wicked in its voluntary adoption1 and its malignant character4 ,colonizationists have taken great pains to inculcate the opinion that prejudice against color is implanted in our nature by the ,author of our being2 and whence they infer the futility of every effort to elevate the colored man in this country1 and consequently the duty and benevolence of sending him to ,africa1 beyond the reach of our cruelty4#ii ,the theory is as false in fact as it is derogatory to the character of that ,god whom we are told is ,,love4 ,with what astonishment and disgust should we behold an earthly parent exciting feuds and animosities among his own children2 yet we are assured1 and that too by professing ,christians1 that our heavenly ,father has implanted a principle of hatred1 repulsion and alienation between certain portions of his family on earth1 and then commanded them1 as if in mockery1 to love one another4 ,footnote #ii3 ,prejudices1 which neither refinement1 nor argument1 nor education1 ,,nor ,,religion ,,itself can subdue1 mark the people of color1 whether bond or free1 as the subjects of a degradation inevitable and incurable4--,address of the ,connecticut ,col4 ,society4 ,the managers consider it clear that causes exist1 and are now operating1 to prevent their improvement and elevation to any considerable extent as a class in this country1 which are fixed1 not only beyond the control of the friends of humanity1 but of any human power3 ,,christianity cannot do for them here1 what it will do for them in ,africa4 ,this is not the fault of the colored man1 nor of the white man1 but an ,,ordination ,,of ,,providence1 and no more to be changed than the laws of nature4--#ae ,rep4 ,am4 ,col4 ,soc4 p4 #dg4 ,the people of color must1 in this country1 remain for ages1 probably for ever1 a separate and distinct caste1 weighed down by causes powerful1 universal1 invincible1 which neither legislation nor ,,christianity can remove4--,african ,repository ,vol4 ,,viii4 p4 #aif4 ,do they 7the abolitionists7 not perceive that in thus confounding all the distinctions which ,,god himself has made1 they arraign the wisdom and goodness of ,providence itself8 ,it has been ,his divine pleasure1 to make the black man black1 and the white man white1 and to distinguish them by other repulsive constitutional differences4--,speech in ,senate of the ,united ,states1 ,february #g1 #ahci1 by ,,henry ,,clay1 ,,president ,,of ,,the ,,am4 ,,col4 ,,soc4 ,in vain do we seek in nature1 for the origin of this prejudice4 ,young children never betray it1 and on the continent of ,europe it is unknown4 ,we are not speaking of matters of taste1 or of opinions of personal beauty1 but of a prejudice against complexion1 leading to insult1 degradation and oppression4 ,in no country in ,europe is any man excluded from refined society1 or deprived of literary1 religious1 or political privileges on account of the tincture of his skin4 ,if this prejudice is the fiat of the ,almighty1 most wonderful is it1 that of all the kindreds of the earth1 none have been found submissive to the heavenly impulse1 excepting the white inhabitants of ,north ,america2 and of these1 it is no less strange than true1 that this divine principle of repulsion is most energetic in such persons as1 in other respects1 are the least observant of their ,maker's will4 ,this prejudice is sometimes erroneously regarded as the cause of slavery2 and some zealous advocates of emancipation have flattered themselves that1 could the prejudice be destroyed1 negro slavery would fall with it4 ,such persons have very inadequate ideas of the malignity of slavery4 ,they forget that the slaves in ,greece and ,rome were of the same hue as their masters2 and that at the ,south1 the value of a slave1 especially of a female1 rises1 as the complexion recedes from the ,african standard4 ,were we to inquire into the geography of this prejudice1 we should find that the localities in which it attains its rankest luxuriance1 are not the rice swamps of ,georgia1 nor the sugar fields of ,louisiana1 but the hills and valleys of ,new ,england1 and the prairies of ,ohio6 ,it is a fact of acknowledged notoriety1 that however severe may be the laws against colored people at the ,south1 the prejudice against their persons is far weaker than among ourselves4 ,it is not necessary for our present purpose1 to enter into a particular investigation of the condition of the free negroes in the slave ,states4 ,we all know that they suffer every form of oppression which the laws can inflict upon persons not actually slaves4 ,that unjust and cruel enactments should proceed from a people who keep two millions of their fellow men in abject bondage1 and who believe such enactments essential to the maintenance of their despotism1 certainly affords no cause for surprise4 ,we turn to the free ,states1 where slavery has not directly steeled our hearts against human suffering1 and where no supposed danger of insurrection affords a pretext for keeping the free blacks in ignorance and degradation2 and we ask1 what is the character of the prejudice against color here8 ,let the ,rev4 ,mr4 ,bacon1 of ,connecticut1 answer the question4 ,this gentleman1 in a vindication of the ,colonization ,society1 assures us1 ,the ,soodra is not farther separated from the ,brahim in regard to all his privileges1 civil1 intellectual1 and moral1 than the negro from the white man by the prejudices which result from the difference made between them by ,,the ,,god ,,of ,,nature4--7,rep4 ,am4 ,col4 ,soc4 p4 #hg47 ,we may here notice the very opposite effect produced on ,abolitionists and ,colonizationists1 by the consideration that this difference is made by the ,,god ,,of ,,nature2 leading the one to discard the prejudice1 and the other to banish its victims4 ,with these preliminary remarks we will now proceed to take a view of the condition of the free people of color in the non-slaveholding ,states2 and will consider in order1 the various disabilities and oppressions to which they are subjected1 either by law or the customs of society4 #a4 ,,general ,,exclusion ,,from ,,the ,,elective ,,franchise4 ,were this exclusion founded on the want of property1 or any other qualification deemed essential to the judicious exercise of the franchise1 it would afford no just cause of complaint2 but it is founded solely on the color of the skin1 and is therefore irrational and unjust4 ,that taxation and representation should be inseparable1 was one of the axioms of the fathers of our revolution2 and one of the reasons they assigned for their revolt from the crown of ,britain4 ,but now1 it is deemed a mark of fanaticism to complain of the disfranchisement of a whole race1 while they remain subject to the burden of taxation4 ,it is worthy of remark1 that of the thirteen original ,states1 only two were so recreant to the principles of the ,revolution1 as to make a white skin a qualification for suffrage4 ,but the prejudice has grown with our growth1 and strengthened with our strength2 and it is believed that in every ,state constitution subsequently formed or revised1excepting ,vermont and ,maine1 and the ,revised constitution of ,massachusetts1 the crime of a dark complexion has been punished1 by debarring its possessor from all approach to the ballot-box4#ajj ,the necessary effect of this proscription in aggravating the oppression and degradation of the colored inhabitants must be obvious to all who call to mind the solicitude manifested by demagogues1 and office-seekers1 and law makers1 to propitiate the good will of all who have votes to bestow4 ,footnote #ajj3 ,from this remark the revised constitution of ,new ,york is nominally an exception2 colored citizens1 possessing a freehold worth two hundred and fifty dollars1 being allowed to vote2 while suffrage is extended to white citizens without any property qualification4 #b4 ,,denial ,,of ,,the ,,right ,,of ,,locomotion4 ,it is in vain that the ,constitution of the ,united ,states expressly guarantees to the citizens of each ,state1 all the privileges and immunities of citizens in the several ,states3--,it is in vain that the ,supreme ,court of the ,united ,states has solemnly decided that this clause confers on every citizen of one ,state the right to pass through1 or reside in any other ,state for the purposes of trade1 agriculture1 professional pursuits1 or otherwise4 ,it is in vain that the members of the several ,state legislatures are required to be bound by oath or affirmation to support the constitution conferring this very guarantee4 ,constitutions1 and judicial decisions1 and religious obligations are alike outraged by our ,state enactments against people of color4 ,there is scarcely a slave ,state in which a citizen of ,new ,york1 with a dark skin1 may visit a dying child without subjecting himself to legal penalties4 ,but in the slave ,states we look for cruelty2 we expect the rights of humanity and the laws of the land to be sacrificed on the altar of slavery4 ,in the free ,states we had reason to hope for a greater deference to decency and morality4 ,yet even in these ,states we behold the effects of a miasma wafted from the ,south4 ,the ,connecticut ,black ,act1 prohibiting1 under heavy penalties1 the instruction of any colored person from another ,state1 is well known4 ,it is one of the encouraging signs of the times1 that public opinion has recently compelled the repeal of this detestable law4 ,but among all the free ,states1 ,,ohio stands pre-eminent for the wickedness of her statutes against this class of our population4 ,these statutes are not merely infamous outrages on every principle of justice and humanity1 but are gross and palpable violations of the ,state constitution1 and manifest an absence of moral sentiment in the ,ohio legislature as deplorable as it is alarming4 ,we speak the language1 not of passion1 but of sober conviction2 and for the truth of this language we appeal1 first1 to the ,statutes themselves1 and then to the consciences of our readers4 ,we shall have occasion to notice these laws under the several divisions of our subject to which they belong2 at present we ask attention to the one intended to prevent the colored citizens of other ,states from removing into ,ohio4 ,by the constitution of ,new ,york1 the colored inhabitants are expressly recognized as citizens4 ,let us suppose then a ,new ,york freeholder and voter of this class1 confiding in the guarantee given by the ,federal constitution removes into ,ohio4 ,no matter how much property he takes with him2 no matter what attestations he produces to the purity of his character1 he is required by the ,act of #ahjg1 to find1 within twenty days1 two freehold sureties in the sum of five hundred dollars for his good behavior2 and likewise for his maintenance1 should he at any future period from any cause whatever be unable to maintain himself1 and in default of procuring such sureties he is to be removed by the overseers of the poor4 ,the legislature well knew that it would generally be utterly impossible for a stranger1 and especially a black stranger1 to find such sureties4 ,it was the design of the ,act1 by imposing impracticable conditions1 to prevent colored emigrants from remaining within the ,state2 and in order more certainly to effect this object1 it imposes a pecuniary penalty on every inhabitant who shall venture to harbor1 that is1 receive under his roof1 or who shall even employ an emigrant who has not given the required sureties2 and it moreover renders such inhabitant so harboring or employing him1 legally liable for his future maintenance66 ,we are frequently told that the efforts of the abolitionists have in fact aggravated the condition of the colored people1 bond and free4 ,the date of this law1 as well as the date of most of the laws composing the several slave codes1 show what credit is to be given to the assertion4 ,if a barbarous enactment is recent1 its odium is thrown upon the friends of the blacks--if ancient1 we are assured it is obsolete4 ,the ,ohio law was enacted only four years after the ,state was admitted into the ,union4 ,in #ahjj there were only three hundred and thirty-seven free blacks in the territory1 and in #ahcj the number in the ,state was nine thousand five hundred4 ,of course a very large proportion of the present colored population of the ,state must have entered it in ignorance of this iniquitous law1 or in defiance of it4 ,that the law has not been universally enforced1 proves only that the people of ,ohio are less profligate than their legislators--that it has remained in the statute book for thirty-two years1 proves the depraved state of public opinion and the horrible persecution to which the colored people are legally exposed4 ,but let it not be supposed that this vile law is in fact obsolete1 and its very existence forgotten4 ,in #ahbi1 a very general effort was made to enforce this law1 and about one thousand free blacks were in consequence of it driven out of the ,state2 and sought a refuge in the more free and ,christian country of ,canada4 ,previous to their departure1 they sent a deputation to the ,governor of the ,upper ,province1 to know if they would be admitted1 and received from ,sir ,james ,colebrook this reply1--,tell the republicans on your side of the line1 that we royalists do not know men by their color4 ,should you come to us1 you will be entitled to all the privileges of the rest of his majesty's subjects4 ,this was the origin of the ,wilberforce colony in ,upper ,canada4 ,we have now before us an ,ohio paper1 containing a proclamation by ,john ,s4 ,wiles1 overseer of the poor in the town of ,fairfield1 dated #abth ,march1 #ahch4 ,in this instrument notice is given to all black or mulatto persons residing in ,fairfield1 to comply with the requisitions of the ,act of #ahjg within twenty days1 or the law would be enforced against them4 ,the proclamation also addresses the white inhabitants of ,fairfield in the following terms1--,whites1 look out6 ,if any person or persons employing any black or mulatto person1 contrary to the #c;d section of the above law1 you may look out for the breakers4 ,the extreme vulgarity and malignity of this notice indicates the spirit which gave birth to this detestable law1 and continues it in being4 ,now what says the constitution of ,ohio8 ,,all are born free and independent1 and have certain natural1 inherent1 inalienable rights2 among which are the enjoying and defending life and liberty1 acquiring1 possessing1 and protecting property1 and pursuing and attaining happiness and safety4 ,yet men who had called their ,maker to witness1 that they would obey this very constitution1 require impracticable conditions1 and then impose a pecuniary penalty and grievous liabilities on every man who shall give to an innocent fellow countryman a night's lodging1 or even a meal of victuals in exchange for his honest labor6 #c4 ,,denial ,,of ,,the ,,right ,,of ,,petition4 ,we explicitly disclaim all intention to imply that the several disabilities and cruelties we are specifying are of universal application4 ,the laws of some ,states in relation to people of color are more wicked than others2 and the spirit of persecution is not in every place equally active and malignant4 ,in none of the free ,states have these people so many grievances to complain of as in ,ohio1 and for the honor of our country we rejoice to add1 that in no other ,state in the ,union1 has their right to petition for a redress of their grievances been denied4 ,on the #adth ,january1 #ahci1 a petition for relief from certain legal disabilities1 from colored inhabitants of ,ohio1 was presented to the popular branch of the legislature1 and its rejection was moved by ,george ,h4 ,flood4#aja ,this rejection was not a denial of the prayer1 but an expulsion of the petition itself1 as an intruder into the house4 ,the question presented for our decision1 said one of the members1 is simply this--,shall human beings1 who are bound by every enactment upon our statute book1 be permitted to request the legislature to modify or soften the laws under which they live8 ,to the ,grand ,sultan1 crowded with petitions as he traverses the streets of ,constantinople1 such a question would seem most strange2 but ,american democrats can exert a tyranny over men who have no votes1 utterly unknown to ,turkish despotism4 ,mr4 ,flood's motion was lost by a majority of only four votes2 but this triumph of humanity and republicanism was as transient as it was meagre4 ,the next day1 the ,house1 by a large majority1 resolved3 ,that the blacks and mulattoes who may be residents within this ,state1 have no constitutional right to present their petitions to the ,general ,assembly for any purpose whatsoever1 and that any reception of such petitions on the part of the ,general ,assembly is a mere act of privilege or policy1 and not imposed by any expressed or implied power of the ,constitution4 ,footnote #aja3 ,it is sometimes interesting to preserve the names of individuals who have perpetrated bold and unusual enormities4 ,the phraseology of this resolution is as clumsy as its assertions are base and sophistical4 ,the meaning intended to be expressed is simply1 that the ,constitution of ,ohio1 neither in terms nor by implication1 confers on such residents as are negroes or mulattoes1 any right to offer a petition to the legislature for any object whatever2 nor imposes on that body any obligation to notice such a petition2 and whatever attention it may please to bestow upon it1 ought to be regarded as an act not of duty1 but merely of favor or expediency4 ,hence it is obvious1 that the principle on which the resolution is founded is1 that the reciprocal right and duty of offering and hearing petitions rest solely on constitutional enactment1 and not on moral obligation4 ,the reception of negro petitions is declared to be a mere act of privilege or policy4 ,now it is difficult to imagine a principle more utterly subversive of all the duties of rulers1 the rights of citizens1 and the charities of private life4 ,the victim of oppression or fraud has no right to appeal to the constituted authorities for redress2 nor are those authorities under any obligation to consider the appeal--the needy and unfortunate have no right to implore the assistance of their more fortunate neighbors3 and all are at liberty to turn a deaf ear to the cry of distress4 ,the eternal and immutable principles of justice and humanity1 proclaimed by ,jehovah1 and impressed by him on the conscience of man1 have no binding force on the legislature of ,ohio1 unless expressly adopted and enforced by the ,state ,constitution6 ,but as the legislature has thought proper thus to set at defiance the moral sense of mankind1 and to take refuge behind the enactments of the ,constitution1 let us try the strength of their entrenchments4 ,the words of the ,constitution1 which it is pretended sanction the resolution we are considering are the following1 viz4--,the people have a right to assemble together in a peaceable manner to consult for their common good1 to instruct their representatives1 and to apply to the legislature for a redress of grievances4 ,it is obvious that this clause confers no rights1 but is merely declaratory of existing rights4 ,still1 as the right of the people to apply for a redress of grievances is coupled with the right of instructing their representatives1 and as negroes are not electors and consequently are without representatives1 it is inferred that they are not part of the people4 ,that ,ohio legislators are not ,christians would be a more rational conclusion4 ,one of the members avowed his opinion that none but voters had a right to petition4 ,if then1 according to the principle of the resolution1 the ,constitution of ,ohio denies the right of petition to all but electors1 let us consider the practical results of such a denial4 ,in the first place1 every female in the ,state is placed under the same disability with blacks and mulattoes4 ,no wife has a right to ask for a divorce--no daughter may plead for a father's life4 ,next1 no man under twenty-one years--no citizen of any age1 who from want of sufficient residence1 or other qualification1 is not entitled to vote--no individual among the tens of thousands of aliens in the ,state--however oppressed and wronged by official tyranny or corruption1 has a right to seek redress from the representatives of the people1 and should he presume to do so1 may be told1 that1 like blacks and mulattoes1 he has no constitutional right to present his petition to the ,general ,assembly for any purpose whatever4 ,again--the ,state of ,ohio is deeply indebted to the citizens of other ,states1 and also to the subjects of ,great ,britain for money borrowed to construct her canals4 ,should any of these creditors lose their certificates of debt1 and ask for their renewal2 or should their interest be withheld1 or paid in depreciated currency1 and were they to ask for justice at the hands of the legislature1 they might be told1 that any attention paid to their request must be regarded as a mere act of privilege or policy1 and not imposed by any expressed or implied power of the ,constitution1 for1 not being voters1 they stood on the same ground as blacks and mulattoes4 ,such is the folly and wickedness in which prejudice against color has involved the legislators of a republican and professedly ,christian ,state in the nineteenth century4 #d4 ,,exclusion ,,from ,,the ,,army ,,and ,,militia4 ,the ,federal ,government is probably the only one in the world that forbids a portion of its subjects to participate in the national defence1 not from any doubts of their courage1 loyalty1 or physical strength1 but merely on account of the tincture of their skin6 ,to such an absurd extent is this prejudice against color carried1 that some of our militia companies have occasionally refused to march to the sound of a drum when beaten by a black man4 ,to declare a certain class of the community unworthy to bear arms in defence of their native country1 is necessarily to consign that class to general contempt4 #e4 ,,exclusion ,,from ,,all ,,participation ,,in ,,the ,,administration ,,of ,,justice4 ,no colored man can be a judge1 juror1 or constable4 ,were the talents and acquirements of a ,mansfield or a ,marshall veiled in a sable skin1 they would be excluded from the bench of the humblest court in the ,american republic4 ,in the slave ,states generally1 no black man can enter a court of justice as a witness against a white one4 ,of course a white man may1 with perfect impunity1 defraud or abuse a negro to any extent1 provided he is careful to avoid the presence of any of his own caste1 at the execution of his contract1 or the indulgence of his malice4 ,we are not aware that an outrage so flagrant is sanctioned by the laws of any free ,state1 with one exception4 ,that exception the reader will readily believe can be none other than ,,ohio4 ,a statute of this ,state enacts1 that no black or mulatto person or persons shall hereafter be permitted to be sworn1 or give evidence in any court of ,record or elsewhere1 in this ,state1 in any cause depending1 or matter of controversy1 when either party to the same is a ,,white person2 or in any prosecution of the ,state against any ,,white person4 ,we have seen that on the subject of petition the legislature regards itself as independent of all obligation except such as is imposed by the ,constitution4 ,how mindful they are of the requirements even of that instrument1 when obedience to them would check the indulgence of their malignity to the blacks1 appears from the #gth ,section of the #hth ,article1 viz4--,all courts shall be open1 and every person1 for any injury done him in his lands1 goods1 person or reputation1 shall have remedy by due course of law1 and right and justice administered without denial or delay4 ,ohio legislators may deny that negroes and mulattoes are citizens1 or people2 but they are estopped by the very words of the statute just quoted1 from denying that they are persons4 ,now1 by the ,constitution every person1 black as well as white1 is to have justice administered to him without denial or delay4 ,but by the law1 while any unknown white vagrant may be a witness in any case whatever1 no black suitor is permitted to offer a witness of his own color1 however well established may be his character for intelligence and veracity1 to prove his rights or his wrongs2 and hence in a multitude of cases1 justice is denied in despite of the ,constitution2 and why denied8 ,solely from a foolish and wicked prejudice against color4 #f4 ,,impediments ,,to ,,education4 ,no people have ever professed so deep a conviction of the importance of popular education as ourselves1 and no people have ever resorted to such cruel expedients to perpetuate abject ignorance4 ,more than one third of the whole population of the slave ,states are prohibited from learning even to read1 and in some of them free men1 if with dark complexions1 are subject to stripes for teaching their own children4 ,if we turn to the free ,states1 we find that in all of them1 without exception1 the prejudices and customs of society oppose almost insuperable obstacles to the acquisition of a liberal education by colored youth4 ,our academies and colleges are barred against them4 ,we know there are instances of young men with dark skins having been received1 under peculiar circumstances1 into northern colleges2 but we neither know nor believe1 that there have been a dozen such instances within the last thirty years4 ,colored children are very generally excluded from our common schools1 in consequence of the prejudices of teachers and parents4 ,in some of our cities there are schools exclusively for their use1 but in the country the colored population is usually too sparse to justify such schools2 and white and black children are rarely seen studying under the same roof2 although such cases do sometimes occur1 and then they are confined to elementary schools4 ,some colored young men1 who could bear the expense1 have obtained in ,european seminaries the education denied them in their native land4 ,it may not be useless to cite an instance of the malignity with which the education of the blacks is opposed4 ,the efforts made in ,connecticut to prevent the establishment of schools of a higher order than usual for colored pupils1 are too well known to need a recital here2 and her ,,black ,,act1 prohibiting the instruction of colored children from other ,states1 although now expunged from her statute book through the influence of abolitionists1 will long be remembered to the opprobrium of her citizens4 ,we ask attention to the following illustration of public opinion in another ,new ,england ,state4 ,in #ahcd an academy was built by subscription in ,,canaan1 ,new ,hampshire1 and a charter granted by the legislature2 and at a meeting of the proprietors it was determined to receive all applicants having suitable moral and intellectual recommendations1 without other distinctions2 in other words1 without reference to complexion4 ,when this determination was made known1 a ,,town ,,meeting was forthwith convened1 and the following resolutions adopted1 viz4 ,,resolved1 ,that we view with abhorrence the attempt of the ,abolitionists to establish in this town a school for the instruction of the sable sons and daughters of ,africa1 in common with our sons and daughters4 ,,resolved1 ,that we will not associate with1 nor in any way countenance1 any man or woman who shall hereafter persist in attempting to establish a school in this town for the exclusive education of blacks1 or for their education in conjunction with the whites4 ,the frankness of this last resolve is commendable4 ,the inhabitants of ,canaan1 assembled in legal town meeting1 determined1 it seems1 that the blacks among them should in future have no education whatever--they should not be instructed in company with the whites1 neither should they have schools exclusively for themselves4 ,the proprietors of the academy supposing1 in the simplicity of their hearts1 that in a free country they might use their property in any manner not forbidden by law1 proceeded to open their school1 and in the ensuing spring had twenty-eight white1 and fourteen colored scholars4 ,the crisis had now arrived when the cause of prejudice demanded the sacrifice of constitutional liberty and of private property4 ,another town meeting was convoked1 at which1 without a shadow of authority1 and in utter contempt of law and decency1 it was ordered1 that the academy should be forcibly removed1 and a committee was appointed to execute the abominable mandate4 ,due preparations were made for the occasion1 and on the #ajth of ,august1 three hundred men1 with about #bjj oxen1 assembled at the place1 and taking the edifice from off its foundation1 dragged it to a distance1 and left it a ruin4 ,no one of the actors in this high-handed outrage was ever brought before a court of justice to answer for this criminal and riotous destruction of the property of others4 ,the transaction we have narrated1 expresses in emphatic terms the deep and settled hostility felt in the free ,states to the education of the blacks4 ,the prejudices of the community render that hostility generally effective without the aid of legal enactments4 ,indeed1 some remaining regard to decency and the opinion of the world1 has restrained the ,legislatures of the free ,states1 with one exception1 from consigning these unhappy people to ignorance by decreeing unrighteous decrees1 and framing mischief by a law4 ,our readers1 no doubt1 feel that the exception must of course be ,,ohio4 ,we have seen with what deference ,ohio legislators profess to regard their constitutional obligations2 and we are now to contemplate another instance of their shameless violation of them4 ,the ,constitution which these men have sworn to obey declares1 ,,no ,,law ,,shall ,,be ,,passed to prevent the poor of the several townships and counties in this ,state from an equal participation in the schools1 academies1 colleges1 and universities in this ,state1 which are endowed in whole1 or in part1 from the revenue arising from donations made by the ,united ,states1 for the support of colleges and schools--and the door of said schools1 academies1 and universities shall be open for the reception of scholars1 students1 and teachers of every grade1 without ,,any ,,distinction ,,or ,,preference ,,whatever4 ,can language be more explicit or unequivocal8 ,but have any donations been made by the ,united ,states for the support of colleges and schools in ,ohio8 ,yes--by an act of ,congress1 the sixteenth section of land in each originally surveyed township in the ,state1 was set apart as a donation for the express purpose of endowing and supporting common schools4 ,and now1 how have the scrupulous legislators of ,ohio1 who refuse to acknowledge any other than constitutional obligations to give ear to the cry of distress--how have they obeyed this injunction of the ,constitution respecting the freedom of their schools8 ,they enacted a law in #ahca1 declaring that1 when any appropriation shall be made by the directors of any school district1 from the treasury thereof1 for the payment of a teacher1 the school in such district shall be open--to whom8 to scholars1 students1 and teachers of every grade1 without distinction or preference whatever1 as commanded by the ,constitution8 ,oh no6 ,shall be open to all the ,,white children residing therein66 ,such is the impotency of written constitutions1 where a sense of moral obligation is wanting to enforce them4 ,we have now taken a review of the ,ohio laws against free people of color4 ,some of them are of old1 and others of recent date4 ,the opinion entertained of all these laws1 new and old1 by the present legislators of ,ohio1 may be learned by a resolution adopted in ,january last1 7#ahci7 by both houses of the legislature4 ,,resolved1 ,that in the opinion of this general assembly it is unwise1 impolitic1 and inexpedient to repeal any law now in force imposing disabilities upon black or mulatto persons1 thus placing them upon an equality with the whites1 so far as this legislature can do1 and indirectly inviting the black population of other ,states to emigrate to this1 to the manifest injury of the public interest4 ,the best comment on the spirit which dictated this resolve is an enactment by the same legislature1 abrogating the supreme law which requires us to ,do unto others as we would they should do unto us1 and prohibiting every citizen of ,ohio from harboring or concealing a fugitive slave1 under the penalty of fine or imprisonment4 ,general obedience to this vile statute is alone wanting to fill to the brim the cup of ,ohio's iniquity and degradation4 ,she hath done what she could to oppress and crush the free negroes within her borders4 ,she is now seeking to rechain the slave who has escaped from his fetters4 #g4 ,,impediments ,,to ,,religious ,,instruction4 ,it is unnecessary to dwell here on the laws of the slave ,states prohibiting the free people of color from learning to read the ,bible1 and in many instances1 from assembling at discretion to worship their ,creator4 ,these laws1 we are assured1 are indispensable to the perpetuity of that peculiar institution1 which many masters in ,israel are now teaching1 enjoys the sanction of ,,him who will have all men to be saved1 and to come to the knowledge of the truth1 and who has left to his disciples the injunction1 search the ,scriptures4 ,we turn to the free ,states1 in which no institution requires1 that the light of the glorious gospel of ,christ should be prevented from shining on any portion of the population1 and inquire how far prejudice here supplies the place of southern statutes4 ,the impediments to education already mentioned1 necessarily render the acquisition of religious knowledge difficult1 and in many instances impracticable4 ,in the northern cities1 the blacks have frequently churches of their own1 but in the country they are too few1 and too poor to build churches and maintain ministers4 ,of course they must remain destitute of public worship and religious instruction1 unless they can enjoy these blessings in company with the whites4 ,now there is hardly a church in the ,united ,states1 not exclusively appropriated to the blacks1 in which one of their number owns a pew1 or has a voice in the choice of a minister4 ,there are usually1 indeed1 a few seats in a remote part of the church1 set apart for their use1 and in which no white person is ever seen4 ,it is surely not surprising1 under all the circumstances of the case1 that these seats are rarely crowded4 ,colored ministers are occasionally ordained in the different denominations1 but they are kept at a distance by their white brethren in the ministry1 and are very rarely permitted to enter their pulpits2 and still more rarely1 to sit at their tables1 although acknowledged to be ambassadors of ,christ4 ,the distinction of caste is not forgotten1 even in the celebration of the ,lord's ,supper1 and seldom are colored disciples permitted to eat and drink of the memorials of the ,redeemer's passion till after every white communicant has been served4 #h4 ,,impediments ,,to ,,honest ,,industry4 ,in this country ignorance and poverty are almost inseparable companions2 and it is surely not strange that those should be poor whom we compel to be ignorant4 ,the liberal professions are virtually sealed against the blacks1 if we except the church1 and even in that admission is rendered difficult by the obstacles placed in their way in acquiring the requisite literary qualifications2#ajb and when once admitted1 their administrations are confined to their own color4 ,many of our most wealthy and influential citizens have commenced life as ignorant and as pennyless as any negro who loiters in our streets4 ,had their complexion been dark1 notwithstanding their talents1 industry1 enterprize and probity1 they would have continued ignorant and pennyless1 because the paths to learning and to wealth1 would then have been closed against them4 ,there is a conspiracy1 embracing all the departments of society1 to keep the black man ignorant and poor4 ,as a general rule1 admitting few if any exceptions1 the schools of literature and of science reject him--the counting house refuses to receive him as a bookkeeper1 much more as a partner--no store admits him as a clerk--no shop as an apprentice4 ,here and there a black man may be found keeping a few trifles on a shelf for sale2 and a few acquire1 as if by stealth1 the knowledge of some handicraft2 but almost universally these people1 both in town and country1 are prevented by the customs of society from maintaining themselves and their families by any other than menial occupations4 ,footnote #ajb3 ,of the truth of this remark1 the trustees of the ,episcopal ,theological ,seminary at ,new-,york1 lately 7,june1 #ahci7 afforded a striking illustration4 ,a young man1 regularly acknowledged by the ,bishop as a candidate for orders1 and in consequence of such acknowledgment entitled1 by an express statute of the seminary1 to admission to its privileges1 presented himself as a pupil4 ,but ,god had given him a dark complexion1 and therefore the trustees1 regardless of the statute1 barred the doors against him1 by a formal and deliberate vote4 ,as a compromise between conscience and prejudice1 the professors offered to give him private instruction--to do in secret what they were ashamed to do openly--to confer as a favor1 what he was entitled to demand as a right4 ,the offer was rejected4 ,it is worthy of remark1 that of the trustees who took an active part against the colored candidate1 one is the ,,president of the ,new ,york ,colonization ,society2 another a ,,manager1 and a third1 one of its public champions2 and that the ,bishop of the diocese1 who wished to exclude his candidate from the theological school of which he is both a trustee and a professor1 lately headed a recommendation in the newspapers for the purchase of a packet ship for ,liberia1 as likely to render far more efficient than heretofore1 the enterprize of colonization4 ,in #ahcf1 a black man of irreproachable character1 and who by his industry and frugality had accumulated several thousand dollars1 made application in the ,city of ,new ,york for a carman's license1 and was refused solely and avowedly on account of his complexion6 ,we have already seen the effort of the ,ohio legislature1 to consign the negroes to starvation1 by deterring others from employing them4 ,ignorance1 idleness1 and vice1 are at once the punishments we inflict upon these unfortunate people for their complexion2 and the crimes with which we are constantly reproaching them4 #i4 ,,liability ,,to ,,be ,,seized1 ,,and ,,treated ,,as ,,slaves4 ,an able-bodied colored man sells in the southern market for from eight hundred to a thousand dollars2 of course he is worth stealing4 ,colonizationists and slaveholders1 and many northern divines1 solemnly affirm1 that the situation of a slave is far preferable to that of a free negro2 hence it would seem an act of humanity to convert the latter into the former4 ,kidnapping being both a lucrative and a benevolent business1 it is not strange it should be extensively practised4 ,in many of the ,states this business is regulated by law1 and there are various ways in which the transmutation is legally effected4 ,thus1 in ,south ,carolina1 if a free negro entertains a runaway slave1 it may be his own wife or child1 he himself is turned into a slave4 ,in #ahbg1 a free woman and her three children underwent this benevolent process1 for entertaining two fugitive children of six and nine years old4 ,in ,virginia all emancipated slaves remaining twelve months in the ,state1 are kindly restored to their former condition4 ,in ,maryland a free negro who marries a white woman1 thereby acquires all the privileges of a slave--and generally1 throughout the slave region1 including the ,district of ,columbia1 every negro not known to be free1 is mercifully considered as a slave1 and if his master cannot be ascertained1 he is thrown into a dungeon1 and there kept1 till by a public sale a master can be provided for him4 ,but often the law grants to colored men1 known to be free1 all the advantages of slavery4 ,thus1 in ,georgia1 every free colored man coming into the ,state1 and unable to pay a fine of one hundred dollars1 becomes a slave for life2 in ,florida1 insolvent debtors1 if black1 are ,,sold for the benefit of their creditors2 and in the ,district of ,columbia a free colored man1 thrown into jail on suspicion of being a slave and proving his freedom1 is required by law to be sold as a slave1 if too poor to pay his jail fees4 ,let it not be supposed that these laws are all obsolete and inoperative4 ,they catch many a northern negro1 who1 in pursuit of his own business1 or on being decoyed by others ventures to enter the slave region2 and who1 of course1 helps to augment the wealth of our southern brethren4 ,on the #fth of ,march1 #ahci1 a report by a ,committee was made to the ,house of ,representatives of the ,massachusetts ,legislature1 in which are given the names of seventeen free colored men who had been enslaved at the south4 ,it also states an instance in which twenty-five colored citizens1 belonging to ,massachusetts1 were confined at one time in a southern jail1 and another instance in which #ge free colored persons from different free ,states were confined1 all preparatory to their sale as slaves according to law4 ,the facts disclosed in this report induced the ,massachusetts ,legislature to pass a resolution protesting against the kidnapping laws of the slave ,states1 as invading the sacred rights of citizens of this commonwealth1 as contrary to the ,constitution of the ,united ,states1 and in utter derogation of that great principle of the common law which presumes every person to be innocent until proved to be guilty2 and ordered the protest to be forwarded to the ,governors of the several ,states4 ,but it is not at the south alone that freemen may be converted into slaves according to law4 ,the ,act of ,congress respecting the recovery of fugitive slaves1 affords most extraordinary facilities for this process1 through official corruption and individual perjury4 ,by this ,act1 the claimant is permitted to select a justice of the peace1 before whom he may bring or send his alleged slave1 and even to prove his property by affidavit4 ,indeed1 in almost every ,state in the ,union1 a slaveholder may recover at law a human being as his beast of burden with far less ceremony than he could his pig from the possession of his neighbor4 ,in only three ,states is a man1 claimed as a slave1 entitled to a trial by jury4 ,at the last session of the ,new ,york ,legislature a bill allowing a jury trial in such cases was passed by the lower ,house1 but rejected by a democratic vote in the ,senate1 democracy in that ,state1 being avowedly only skin deep1 all its principles of liberty1 equality1 and human rights depending on complexion4 ,considering the wonderful ease and expedition with which fugitives may be recovered by law1 it would be very strange if mistakes did not sometimes occur4 ,how often they occur cannot1 of course1 be known1 and it is only when a claim is defeated1 that we are made sensible of the exceedingly precarious tenure by which a poor friendless negro at the north holds his personal liberty4 ,a few years since1 a girl of the name of ,mary ,gilmore was arrested in ,philadelphia1 as a fugitive slave from ,maryland4 ,testimony was not wanting in support of the claim2 yet it was most conclusively proved that she was the daughter of poor ,irish parents--having not a drop of negro blood in her veins--that the father had absconded1 and that the mother had died a drunkard in the ,philadelphia hospital1 and that the infant had been kindly received and brought up in a colored family4 ,hence the attempt to make a slave of her4 ,in the spring of #ahci1 a colored man was arrested in ,philadelphia1 on a charge of having absconded from his owner twenty-three years before4 ,this man had a wife and family depending upon him1 and a home where he enjoyed their society2 and yet1 unless he could find witnesses who could prove his freedom for more than this number of years1 he was to be torn from his wife1 his children1 his home1 and doomed for the remainder of his days to toil under the lash4 ,four witnesses for the claimant swore to his identity1 although they had not seen him before for twenty-three years6 ,by a most extraordinary coincidence1 a ,new ,england ,captain1 with whom this negro had sailed twenty-nine years before1 in a sloop from ,nantucket1 happened at this very time to be confined for debt in the same prison with the alleged slave1 and the ,captain's testimony1 together with that of some other witnesses1 who had known the man previous to his pretended elopement1 so fully established his freedom1 that the ,court discharged him4 ,another mode of legal kidnapping still remains to be described4 ,by the ,federal ,constitution1 fugitives from justice are to be delivered up1 and under this constitutional provision1 a free negro may be converted into a slave without troubling even a ,justice of the ,peace to hear the evidence of the captor's claim4 ,a fugitive slave is1 of course1 a felon--he not only steals himself1 but also the rags on his back which belong to his master4 ,it is understood he has taken refuge in ,new ,york1 and his master naturally wishes to recover him with as little noise1 trouble1 and delay as possible4 ,the way is simple and easy4 ,let the ,grand ,jury indict ,a4,b4 for stealing wearing apparel1 and let the indictment1 with an affidavit of the criminal's flight1 be forwarded by the ,governor of the ,state1 to his ,excellency of ,new ,york1 with a requisition for the delivery of ,a4,b41 to the agent appointed to receive him4 ,a warrant is1 of course1 issued to any ,constable of the ,state of ,new ,york1 to arrest ,a4,b4 ,for what purpose8--to bring him before a magistrate where his identity may be established8--no1 but to deliver him up to the foreign agent4 ,hence1 the ,constable may pick up the first likely negro he finds in the street1 and ship him to the south2 and should it be found1 on his arrival on the plantation1 that the wrong man has come1 it will also probably be found that the mistake is of no consequence to the planter4 ,a few years since1 the ,governor of ,new ,york signed a warrant for the apprehension of #ag ,virginia negroes1 as fugitives from justice4#ajc ,under this warrant1 a man who had lived in the neighborhood for three years1 and had a wife and children1 and who claimed to be free1 was seized1 on a ,sunday evening1 in the public highway1 in ,west ,chester ,county1 ,n4,y41 and without being permitted to take leave of his family1 was instantly hand-cuffed1 thrown into a carriage1 and hurried to ,new ,york1 and the next morning was on his voyage to ,virginia4 ,footnote #ajc3 ,there is no evidence that he knew they were negroes2 or that he acted otherwise than in perfect good faith4 ,the alleged crime was stealing a boat4 ,the real crime1 it is said1 was stealing themselves and escaping in a boat4 ,the most horrible abuses of these warrants can only be prevented by requiring proof of identity before delivery4 ,free colored men are converted into slaves not only by law1 but also contrary to law4 ,it is1 of course1 difficult to estimate the extent to which illegal kidnapping is carried1 since a large number of cases must escape detection4 ,in a work published by ,judge ,stroud1 of ,philadelphia1 in #ahbg1 he states1 that it had been ascertained that more than thirty free colored persons1 mostly children1 had been kidnapped in that city within the last two years4#ajd ,footnote #ajd3 ,stroud's ,sketch of the ,slave ,laws1 p4 #id4 #aj4 ,,subjection ,,to ,,insult ,,and ,,outrage4 ,the feeling of the community towards these people1 and the contempt with which they are treated1 are indicated by the following notice1 lately published by the proprietors of a menagerie1 in ,new ,york4 ,the proprietors wish it to be understood1 that people of color are not permitted to enter1 except when in attendance upon children and families4 ,for two shillings1 any white scavenger would be freely admitted1 and so would negroes1 provided they came in a capacity that marked their dependence--their presence is offensive1 only when they come as independent spectators1 gratifying a laudable curiosity4 ,even death1 the great leveller1 is not permitted to obliterate1 among ,christians1 the distinction of caste1 or to rescue the lifeless form of the colored man from the insults of his white brethren4 ,in the porch of a ,presbyterian ,church1 in ,philadelphia1 in #ahcg1 was suspended a card1 containing the form of a deed1 to be given to purchasers of lots in a certain burial ground1 and to enhance the value of the property1 and to entice buyers1 the following clause was inserted1 ,no person of color1 nor any one who has been the subject of execution1 shall be interred in said lot4 ,our colored fellow-citizens1 like others1 are occasionally called to pass from one place to another2 and in doing so are compelled to submit to innumerable hardships and indignities4 ,they are frequently denied seats in our stage coaches2 and although admitted upon the decks of our steam boats1 are almost universally excluded from the cabins4 ,even women have been forced1 in cold weather1 to pass the night upon deck1 and in one instance the wife of a colored clergyman lost her life in consequence of such an exposure4 ,the contempt poured upon these people by our laws1 our churches1 our seminaries1 our professions1 naturally invokes upon their heads the fierce wrath of vulgar malignity4 ,in order to exhibit the actual condition of this portion of our population1 we will here insert some samples of the outrages to which they are subjected1 taken from the ordinary public journals4 ,in an account of the ,new ,york riots of #ahcd1 the ,commercial ,advertiser says--,about twenty poor ,african 7native ,american7 families1 have had their all destroyed1 and have neither bed1 clothing1 nor food remaining4 ,their houses are completely eviscerated1 their furniture a wreck1 and the ruined and disconsolate tenants of the devoted houses are reduced to the necessity of applying to the corporation for bread4 ,the example set in ,new ,york was zealously followed in ,philadelphia4 ,some arrangement1 it appears1 existed between the mob and the white inhabitants1 as the dwelling houses of the latter1 contiguous to the residences of the blacks1 were illuminated and left undisturbed1 while the huts of the negroes were singled out with unerring certainty4 ,the furniture found in these houses was generally broken up and destroyed--beds ripped open and their contents scattered in the streets4444 ,the number of houses assailed was not less than twenty4 ,in one house there was a corpse1 which was thrown from the coffin1 and in another a dead infant was taken out of the bed1 and cast on the floor1 the mother being at the same time barbarously treated4--,philadelphia ,gazette4 ,no case is reported of an attack having been invited or provoked by the residents of the dwellings assailed or destroyed4 ,the extent of the depredations committed on the three evenings of riot and outrage can only be judged of by the number of houses damaged or destroyed4 ,so far as ascertained1 this amounts to ,,forty-,,five4 ,one of the houses assaulted was occupied by an unfortunate cripple--who1 unable to fly from the fury of the mob1 was so beaten by some of the ruffians1 that he has since died in consequence of the bruises and wounds inflicted 444 ,for the last two days the ,jersey steam boats have been loaded with numbers of the colored population1 who1 fearful their lives were not safe in this1 determined to seek refuge in another ,state4 ,on the ,jersey side1 tents were erected1 and the negroes have taken up a temporary residence1 until a prospect shall be offered for their perpetual location in some place of security and liberty4--,national ,gazette4 ,the facts we have now exhibited1 abundantly prove the extreme cruelty and sinfulness of that prejudice against color which we are impiously told is an ,,ordination ,,of ,,providence4 ,colonizationists1 assuming the prejudice to be natural and invincible1 propose to remove its victims beyond its influence4 ,abolitionists1 on the contrary1 remembering with the ,psalmist1 that ,it is ,,he that hath made us1 and not we ourselves1 believe that the benevolent ,father of us all requires us to treat with justice and kindness every portion of the human family1 notwithstanding any particular organization he has been pleased to impress upon them4 ,instead1 therefore1 of gratifying and fostering this prejudice1 by continually banishing from our country those against whom it is directed1 ,abolitionists are anxious to destroy the prejudice itself2 feeling1 to use the language of another1 that--,it is time to recognize in the humblest portions of society1 partakers of our nature with all its high prerogatives and awful destinies--time to remember that our distinctions are exterior and evanescent1 our resemblance real and permanent--that all is transient but what is moral and spiritual--that the only graces we can carry with us into another world1 are graces of divine implantation1 and that amid the rude incrustations of poverty and ignorance there lurks an imperishable jewel--a ,,soul1 susceptible of the highest spiritual beauty1 destined1 perhaps1 to adorn the celestial abodes1 and to shine for ever in the mediatorial diadem of the ,son of ,god--,take heed that ye despise not one of these little ones4 ,no4 #ac4 ,,the ,,anti-,,slavery ,,examiner4 99 99 99 99 99 ,,can ,,abolitionists ,,vote ,,or ,,take ,,office ,,under ,,the ,,united ,,states ,,constitution8 ,the preservation1 propagation1 and perpetuation of slavery is the vital and animating spirit of the ,national ,government4 ,,new ,,york3 ,,american ,,anti-,,slavery ,,society1 #adb ,,nassau ,,street #ahae4 ,,introduction4 ,the ,american ,anti-,slavery ,society1 at its ,annual ,meeting in ,may1 #ahdd1 adopted the following ,resolution3 ,resolved1 ,that secession from the present ,united ,states government is the duty of every abolitionist2 since no one can take office1 or throw a vote for another to hold office1 under the ,united ,states ,constitution1 without violating his anti-slavery principles1 and rendering himself an abettor of the slaveholder in his sin4 ,the passage of this ,resolution has caused two charges to be brought against the ,society3 ,first1 that it is a no-government body1 and that the whole doctrine of non-resistance is endorsed by this vote3--and secondly1 that the ,society transcended its proper sphere and constitutional powers by taking such a step4 ,the logic which infers that because a man thinks the ,federal ,government bad1 he must necessarily think all government so1 has at least1 the merit and the charm of novelty4 ,there is a spice of arrogance just perceptible1 in the conclusion that the ,constitution of these ,united ,states is so perfect1 that one who dislikes it could never be satisfied with any form of government whatever6 ,were ,o',connell and his fellow ,catholics non-resistants1 because for two hundred years they submitted to exclusion from the ,house of ,lords and the ,house of ,commons1 rather than qualify themselves for a seat by an oath abjuring the ,pope8 ,were the non-juring ,bishops of ,england non-resistants1 when they went down to the grave without taking their seats in the ,house of ,lords1 rather than take an oath denying the ,stuarts and to support the ,house of ,hanover8 ,both might have purchased power at the price of one annual falsehood4 ,there are some in this country who do not seem to think that price at all unreasonable4 ,it were a rare compliment indeed to the non-resistants1 if every exhibition of rigid principle on the part of an individual is to make the world suspect him of leaning towards their faith4 ,the ,society is not opposed to government1 but only to this ,government based upon and acting for slavery4 ,with regard to the second charge1 of exceeding its proper limits and trespassing on the rights of the minority1 it is enough to say1 that the object of the ,american ,anti-,slavery ,society is the entire abolition of slavery in the ,united ,states4 ,of course it is its duty to find out all the sources of pro-slavery influence in the land4 ,it is its right1 it is its duty to try every institution in the land1 no matter how venerable1 or sacred1 by the touchstone of anti-slavery principle2 and if it finds any one false1 to proclaim that fact to the world1 with more or less of energy1 according to its importance in society4 ,it has tried the ,constitution1 and pronounced it unsound4 ,no member's conscience need be injured--,the qualification for membership remains the same1 the belief that slave-holding is a heinous crime--,no new test has been set up--,but the majority of the ,society1 for the time being1 faithful to its duty of trying every institution by the light of the present day--of uttering its opinion on every passing event that touches the slave's welfare1 has seen it to be duty to sound forth its warning1 ,,no ,,union ,,with ,,slaveholders4 ,no one who did not vote for the ,resolution is responsible for it4 ,no one is asked to quit our platform4 ,we1 the majority1 only ask him to extend to our opinions the same toleration that we extend to him1 and agreeing to differ on this point1 work together where we can4 ,we proscribe no man for difference of opinion4 ,it is said1 that having refused in #ahdj1 to say that a man ought to vote1 on the ground that such a resolution would be tyrannical and intolerant1 the ,society is manifestly inconsistent now in taking upon itself to say that no abolitionist can consistently vote4 ,but the inconsistency is only apparent and not real4 ,there may he a thousand reasons why a particular individual ought not to do an act1 though the act be innocent in itself4 ,it would be tyranny therefore in a society which can properly take notice of but one subject1 slavery1 to promulgate the doctrine that all its members ought to do any particular act1 as for instance1 to vote1 to give money1 to lecture1 to petition1 or the like4 ,the particular circumstances and opinions of each one must regulate his actions4 ,all we have a right to ask is1 that he do for the slave's cause as much as he does for any other of equal importance4 ,but when an act is wrong1 it is no intolerance to say to the whole world that it ought not to be done4 ,after the abolitionist has granted that slavery is wrong1 we have the right to judge him by his own principles1 and arraign him for inconsistency that1 so believing1 he helps the slaveholder by his oath4 ,the following pages have been hastily thrown together in explanation of the vote above recited4 ,they make no pretension to a full argument of the topic4 ,i hope that in a short time ,i shall get leisure sufficient to present to our opponents1 unless some one does it for me1 a full statement of the reasons which have led us to this step4 ,i am aware that we non-voters are rather singular4 ,but history1 from the earliest ,christians downwards1 is full of instances of men who refused all connection with government1 and all the influence which office could bestow1 rather than deny their principles1 or aid in doing wrong4 ,yet ,i never heard them called either idiots or over-scrupulous4 ,sir ,thomas ,more need never have mounted the scaffold1 had he only consented to take the oath of supremacy4 ,he had only to tell a lie with solemnity1 as we are asked to do1 and he might not only have saved his life1 but1 as the trimmers of his day would have told him1 doubled his influence4 ,pitt resigned his place as ,prime ,minister of ,england1 rather than break faith with the ,catholics of ,ireland4 ,should ,i not resign a petty ballot rather than break faith with the slave8 ,but ,i was specially glad to find a distinct recognition of the principle upon which we have acted1 applied to a different point1 in the life of that ,patriarch of the ,anti-,slavery enterprise1 ,granville ,sharpe4 ,it is in a late number of the ,edinburgh ,review4 ,while an underclerk in the ,war ,office1 he sympathized with our fathers in their struggle for independence4 ,orders reached his office to ship munitions of war to the revolted colonies4 ,if his hand had entered the account of such a cargo1 it would have contracted in his eyes the stain of innocent blood4 ,to avoid this pollution1 he resigned his place and his means of subsistence at a period of life when be could no longer hope to find any other lucrative employment4 ,as the thoughtful clerk of the ,war ,office takes his hat down from the peg where it has used to hang for twenty years1 methinks ,i hear one of our opponents cry out1 ,friend ,sharpe1 you are absurdly scrupulous4 ,you may innocently aid ,government in doing wrong1 adds another4 ,while ,liberty ,party yelps at his heels1 ,my dear ,sir1 you are quite losing your influence6 ,and indeed it is melancholy to reflect how1 from that moment the mighty underclerk of the ,war ,office767 dwindled into the mere ,granville ,sharpe of history6 the man of whom ,mansfield and ,hargrave were content to learn law1 and ,wilberforce1 philanthropy4 ,one friend proposes to vote for men who shall be pledged not to take office unless the oath to the ,constitution is dispensed with1 and who shall then go on to perform in their offices only such duties as we1 their constituents1 approve4 ,he cites1 in support of his view1 the election of ,o',connell to the ,house of ,commons1 in #ahbh1 ,i believe1 just one year before the ,oath of ,supremacy1 which was the objectionable one to the ,catholics1 was dispensed with4 ,now1 if we stood in the same circumstances as the ,catholics did in #ahbh1 the example would be in point4 ,when the public mind is thoroughly revolutionized1 and ready for the change1 when the billow has reached its height and begins to crest into foam1 then such a measure may bring matters to a crisis4 ,but let us first go through1 in patience1 as ,o',connell did1 our twenty years of agitation4 ,waiving all other objections1 this plan seems to me mere playing at politics1 and an entire waste of effort4 ,it loses our high position as moral reformers2 it subjects us to all that malignant opposition and suspicion of motives which attend the array of parties2 and while thus closing up our access to the national conscience1 it wastes in fruitless caucussing and party tactics1 the time and the effort which should have been directed to efficient agitation4 ,the history of our ,union is lesson enough1 for every candid mind1 of the fatal effects of every1 the least1 compromise with evil4 ,the experience of the fifty years passed under it1 shows us the slaves trebling in numbers2--slaveholders monopolizing the offices and dictating the policy of the ,government2--prostituting the strength and influence of the ,nation to the support of slavery here and elsewhere2--trampling on the rights of the free ,states1 and making the courts of the country their tools4 ,to continue this disastrous alliance longer is madness4 ,the trial of fifty years only proves that it is impossible for free and slave ,states to unite on any terms1 without all becoming partners in the guilt and responsible for the sin of slavery4 ,why prolong the experiment8 ,let every honest man join in the outcry of the ,american ,anti-,slavery ,society1 ,,no ,,union ,,with ,,slaveholders4 ,,wendell ,,phillips4 ,boston1 ,jan4 #ae1 #ahde4 ,,the ,,no-,,voting ,,theory4 ,god never made a ,,citizen1 and no one will escape as a man1 from the sins which he commits as a citizen4 ,can an abolitionist consistently take office1 or vote1 under the ,constitution of the ,united ,states8 #ast4 ,what is an abolitionist8 ,one who thinks slaveholding a sin in all circumstances1 and desires its abolition4 ,of course such an one cannot consistently aid another in holding his slave2--in other words1 ,i cannot innocently aid a man in doing that which ,i think wrong4 ,no amount of fancied good will justify me in joining another in doing wrong1 unless ,i adopt the principle of doing evil that good may come4 #b;d4 ,what do taking office and voting under the ,constitution imply8 ,the ,president swears to execute the office of president1 and to preserve1 protect1 and defend the ,constitution of the ,united ,states4 ,the judges to discharge the duties incumbent upon them agreeably to the constitution and laws of the ,united ,states4 ,all executive1 legislative1 and judicial officers1 both of the several ,states and of the ,general ,government1 before entering on the performance of their official duties1 are bound to take an oath or affirmation1 to support the ,constitution of the ,united ,states4 ,this is what every office-holder expressly promises in so many words4 ,it is a contract between him and the whole nation4 ,the voter1 who1 by voting1 sends his fellow citizen into office as his representative1 knowing beforehand that the taking of this oath is the first duty his agent will have to perform1 does by his vote1 request and authorize him to take it4 ,he therefore1 by voting1 impliedly engages to support the ,constitution4 ,what one does by his agent he does himself4 ,of course no honest man will authorize and request another to do an act which he thinks it wrong to do himself6 ,every voter1 therefore1 is bound to see1 before voting1 whether he could himself honestly swear to support the constitution4 ,now what does this oath of office-holders relate to and imply8 ,it applies1 says ,chief ,justice ,marshall1 in an especial manner1 to their conduct in their official character4 ,judge ,story1 in his ,commentaries on the ,constitution1 speaks of it as a solemn obligation to the due execution of the trusts reposed in them1 and to support the ,constitution4 ,it is universally considered throughout the country1 by common men and by the courts1 as a promise to do what the ,constitution bids1 and to avoid what it forbids4 ,it was in the spirit of this oath1 under which he spake1 that ,daniel ,webster said in ,new ,york1 ,the ,constitution gave it 7slavery7 ,,solemn ,,guaranties4 ,to the full extent of these guaranties we are all bound by the ,constitution4 ,all the stipulations contained in the ,constitution in favor of the slaveholding ,states ought to be fulfilled2 and so far as depends on me1 shall be fulfilled1 in the fulness of their spirit and to the exactness of their letter4 ,it is more than an oath of allegiance2 more than a mere promise that we will not resist the laws4 ,for it is an engagement to support them2 as an officer of government1 to carry them into effect4 ,without such a promise on the part of its functionaries1 how could government exist8 ,it is more than the expression of that obligation which rests on all peaceable citizens to submit to laws1 even though they will not actively support them4 ,for it is the promise which the judge makes1 that he will actually do the business of the courts2 which the sheriff assumes1 that he will actually execute the laws4 ,let it be remarked1 that it is an oath to support the ,constitution--that is1 the whole of it2 there are no exceptions4 ,and let it be remembered1 that by it each one makes a contract with the whole nation1 that he will do certain acts4 #c;d4 ,what is the ,constitution which each voter thus engages to support8 ,it contains the following clauses3 ,art4 #a1 ,sect4 #b4 ,representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several ,states1 which may be included within this ,union1 according to their respective numbers1 which shall be determined by adding to the whole number of free persons1 including those bound to service for a term of years1 and excluding ,indians not taxed1 three fifths of all other persons4 ,art4 #a1 ,sect4 #h4 ,congress shall have power 444 to suppress insurrections4 ,art4 #d1 ,sec4 #b4 ,no person1 held to service or labor in one ,state1 under the laws thereof1 escaping into another1 shall1 in consequence of any law or regulation therein1 be discharged from such service or labor2 but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due4 ,art4 #d1 ,sect4 #d4 ,the ,united ,states shall guarantee to every ,state in this ,union a republican form of government2 and shall protect each of them against invasion2 and1 on application of the legislature1 or of the executive1 7when the legislature cannot be convened7 against domestic violence4 ,the first of these clauses1 relating to representation1 gives to #aj1jjj inhabitants of ,carolina equal weight in the government with #dj1jjj inhabitants of ,massachusetts1 provided they are rich enough to hold #ej1jjj slaves3--and accordingly confers on a slaveholding community additional political power for every slave held among them1 thus tempting them to continue to uphold the system4 ,its result has been1 in the language of ,john ,quincy ,adams1 to make the preservation1 propagation1 and perpetuation of slavery the vital and animating spirit of the ,national ,government2 and again1 to enable a knot of slaveholders to give the law and prescribe the policy of the country4 ,so that since #ahcj slavery1 slaveholding1 slavebreeding1 and slavetrading have formed the whole foundation of the policy of the ,federal ,government4 ,the second and the last articles relating to insurrection and domestic violence1 perfectly innocent in themselves--yet being made with the fact directly in view that slavery exists among us1 do deliberately pledge the whole national force against the unhappy slave if he imitate our fathers and resist oppression--thus making us partners in the guilt of sustaining slavery3 the third is a promise1 on the part of the whole ,north1 to return fugitive slaves to their masters2 a deed which ,god's law expressly condemns1 and which every noble feeling of our nature repudiates with loathing and contempt4 ,these are the clauses which the abolitionist1 by voting or taking office1 engages to uphold4 ,while he considers slaveholding to be sin1 he still rewards the master with additional political power for every additional slave that he can purchase4 ,thinking slaveholding to be sin1 he pledges to the master the aid of the whole army and navy of the nation to reduce his slave again to chains1 should he at any time succeed a moment in throwing them off4 ,thinking slaveholding to be sin1 he goes on1 year after year1 appointing by his vote judges and marshals to aid in hunting up the fugitives1 and seeing that they are delivered back to those who claim them6 ,how beautifully consistent are his principles and his promises6 ,,objections4 ,,objection ,i4 ,allowing that the clause relating to representation and that relating to insurrections are immoral1 it is contended that the article which orders the return of fugitive slaves was not meant to apply to slaves1 but has been misconstrued and misapplied6 ,,answer4 ,the meaning of the other two clauses1 settled as it has been by the unbroken practice and cheerful acquiescence of the ,government and people1 no one has attempted to deny4 ,this also has the same length of practice1 and the same acquiescence1 to show that it relates to slaves4 ,no one denies that the ,government and ,courts have so construed it1 and that the great body of the people have freely concurred in and supported this construction4 ,and further1 ,the ,madison ,papers 7containing the debates of those who framed the ,constitution1 at the time it was made7 settle beyond all doubt what meaning the framers intended to convey4 ,look at the following extracts from those ,papers3 ,tuesday1 ,august #bhth1 #aghg4 ,mr4 ,butler and ,mr4 ,pinckney moved to require fugitive slaves and servants to be delivered up like criminals4 ,mr4 ,wilson4 ,this would oblige the ,executive of the ,state to do it1 at the public expense4 ,mr4 ,sherman saw no more propriety in the public seizing and surrendering a slave or servant1 than a horse4 ,mr4 ,butler withdrew his proposition1 in order that some particular provision might be made1 apart from this article4 ,article #ae1 as amended1 was then agreed to1 nem4 con4--,madison papers1 pp4 #addg-h4 ,wednesday1 ,august #bi1 #aghg4 ,mr4 ,butler moved to insert after ,article #ae1 ,if any person bound to service or labor in any of the ,united ,states1 shall escape into another ,state1 he or she shall not be discharged from such service or labor1 in consequence of any regulations subsisting in the ,state to which they escape1 but shall be delivered up to the person justly claiming their service or labor1--which was agreed to1 nem4 con4--p4 #adef4 ,and again1 after the wording of the above article had been slightly changed1 and the clause newly numbered1 as in the present ,constitution1 we find another statement most clearly showing to what subject the whole was intended to refer3 ,saturday1 ,september #ae1 #aghg4 ,article #d1 ,section #b1 7the third paragraph17 the term legally was struck out2 and the words1 under the laws thereof1 inserted after the word ,state1 in compliance with the wish of some who thought the term legal equivocal1 and favoring the idea that ,,slavery was legal in a moral view4--p4 #aehi4 ,is it not hence evident that ,,slavery was the subject referred to by the whole article8 ,the debates of the ,convention held in the several ,states to ratify the ,constitution1 at the same time show clearly what meaning it was thought the framers had conveyed3--,in ,virginia ,mr4 ,madison said1 ,another clause secures to us that property which we now possess4 ,at present1 if any slave elopes to any of those ,states where slaves are free1 he becomes emancipated by their laws4 ,for the laws of the ,states are uncharitable to one another in this respect4 ,but in this ,constitution1 no person held to service1 or labor1 in one ,state1 under the laws thereof1 escaping into another1 shall1 in consequence of any law or regulation therein1 be discharged from such service or labor2 but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due4 ,this clause was expressly inserted to enable owners of slaves to reclaim them4 ,this is a better security than any that now exists4 ,patrick ,henry1 in reply observed1 ,the clause which had been adduced by the gentleman was no more than this--that a runaway negro could be taken up in ,maryland or ,new ,york4 ,governor ,randolph said1 ,but another clause of the ,constitution proves the absurdity of the supposition4 ,the words of the clause are1 ,no person held to service or labor in one ,state1 c4 ,every one knows that slaves are held to service and labor4 ,if a citizen of this ,state1 in consequence of this clause1 can take his runaway slave in ,maryland1 c4 ,general ,pinckney in ,south ,carolina ,convention observed1 ,we have obtained a right to recover our slaves1 in whatever part of ,america they may take refuge1 which is a right we had not before4 ,in ,north ,carolina1 ,mr4 ,iredell ,begged leave to explain the reason of this clause4 ,in some of the ,northern ,states1 they have emancipated all their slaves4 ,if any of our slaves1 said he1 go there and remain there a certain time1 they would1 by the present laws1 be entitled to their freedom1 so that their masters could not get them again4 ,this would be extremely prejudicial to the inhabitants of the ,southern ,states1 and to prevent it1 this clause is inserted in the ,constitution4 ,though the word slave be not mentioned1 this is the meaning of it4 ,the ,northern delegates1 owing to their particular scruples on the subject of slavery1 did not choose the word slave to be mentioned4 ,but even if ,,two clauses are immoral that is enough for our purpose1 and shews that no honest man should engage to uphold them4 ,who has the right to construe and expound the laws8 ,of course the ,courts of the ,nation4 ,the ,constitution provides 7,article #c1 ,section #b17 that the ,supreme ,court shall be the final and only interpreter of its meaning4 ,what says the ,supreme ,court8 ,that this clause does relate to slaves1 and order their return4 ,all the other courts concur in this opinion4 ,but1 say some1 the courts are corrupt on this question4 ,let us appeal to the people4 ,nine hundred and ninety-nine out of every thousand answer1 that the courts have construed it rightly1 and almost as many cheerfully support it4 ,if the unanimous1 concurrent1 unbroken practice of every department of the ,government1 judicial1 legislative1 and executive1 and the acquiescence of the people for fifty years1 do not prove which is the true construction1 then how and where can such a question ever be settled8 ,if the people and the courts of the land do not know what they themselves mean1 who has authority to settle their meaning for them8 ,if the ,constitution is not what history1 unbroken practice1 and the courts prove that our fathers intended to make it1 and what too1 their descendants1 this nation say they did make it1 and agree to uphold1--who shall decide what the ,constitution is8 ,this is the sense then in which the ,nation understand that the promise is made to them4 ,the ,nation understand that the judge pledges himself to return fugitive slaves4 ,the judge knows this when he takes the oath4 ,and ,paley expresses the opinion of all writers on morals1 as well as the conviction of all honest men1 when he says1 that a promise is binding in that sense in which the promiser thought at the time that the other party understood it4 ,,objection ,,ii4 ,a promise to do an immoral act is not binding3 therefore an oath to support the ,constitution of the ,united ,states1 does not bind one to support any provisions of that instrument which are repugnant to his ideas of right4 ,and an abolitionist1 thinking it wrong to return slaves1 may as an office-holder1 innocently and properly take an oath to support a ,constitution which commands such return4 ,,answer4 ,observe that this objection allows the ,constitution to be pro-slavery1 and admits that there are clauses in it which no abolitionist ought to carry out or support4 ,and observe1 further1 that we all agree1 that a bad promise is better broken than kept--that every abolitionist1 who has before now taken the oath to the ,constitution1 is bound to break it1 and disobey the pro-slavery clauses of that instrument4 ,so far there is no difference between us4 ,but the point in dispute now is1 whether a man1 having found out that certain requirements of the ,constitution are wrong1 can1 after that1 innocently swear to support and obey them1 all the while meaning not to do so4 ,now ,i contend that such loose construction of our promises is contrary alike to honor1 to fair dealing1 and to truthfulness--that it tends to destroy utterly that confidence between man and man which binds society together1 and leads1 in matters of government1 to absolute tyranny4 ,the ,constitution is a series of contracts made by each individual with every other of the fourteen millions4 ,a man's oath is evidence of his assent to this contract4 ,if ,i offer a man the copy of an agreement1 and he1 after reading1 swears to perform it1 have ,i not a right to infer from his oath that he assents to the rightfulness of the articles of that paper8 ,what more solemn form of expressing his assent could he select8 ,a man's oath expresses his conviction of the rightfulness of the actions he promises to do1 as well as his determination to do them4 ,if this be not so1 ,i can have no trust in any man's word4 ,he may take my money1 promise to do what ,i wish in return1 and yet1 keeping my money1 tell me1 on the morrow1 that he shall not keep his promise1 and never meant to1 because the act1 his conscience tells him1 is wrong4 ,who would trust property to such men1 or such maxims in the common affairs of life8 ,shall we not be as honest in the ,senate ,house as on ',change8 ,the ,north makes a contract with the ,south by which she receives certain benefits1 and agrees to render certain services4 ,the benefits she carefully keeps--but the services she refuses to render1 because immoral contracts are not binding6 ,is this fair dealing8 ,it is the rule alike of law and common sense1 that if we are not able1 from any cause1 to furnish the article we have agreed to1 we ought to return the pay we have received4 ,if power is put into our hands on certain conditions1 and we find ourselves unable to comply with those conditions1 we ought to surrender the power back to those who gave it4 ,immoral laws are doubtless void1 and should not be obeyed4 ,but the question is here1 whether one knowing a law to be immoral1 may innocently promise to obey it in order to get into office8 ,the people have settled the conditions on which one may take office4 ,the first is1 that he assent to their ,constitution4 ,is it honest to accept power with the intention at the time of not keeping the conditions8--,the rightfulness of those conditions is not here the question4 ,,objection ,,iii4 ,i swear to support the ,constitution1 as ,i understand it4 ,certain parts of it1 in my opinion1 contradict others and are therefore void4 ,,answer4 ,will any one take the title deed of his house and carry it to the man he bought of1 and let him keep the covenants of that paper as he says he understands them8 ,do we not all recognize the justice of having some third1 disinterested party to judge between two disputants about the meaning of contracts8 ,who ever heard of a contract of which each party was at liberty to keep as much as he thought proper8 ,as in all other contracts1 so in that of the ,constitution1 there is a power provided to affix the proper construction to the instrument1 and that construction both parties are bound to abide by1 or repudiate the whole contract4 ,that power is the ,supreme ,court of the ,united ,states4 ,do we seek the common sense1 practical view of this question8 ,go to the ,exchange and ask any broker how many dollars he will trust any man with1 who avows his right to make promises with the design1 at the time1 of breaking some parts1 and not feeling called upon to state which those parts will be8 ,do you seek the moral view of the point1 which philosophers have taken8 ,paley says1 ,a promise is binding in that sense in which the promiser thought at the time of making that the other party understood it4 ,is there any doubt what meaning the great body of the ,american people attach to the ,constitution and the official oath8 ,they are that party to whom the promise is made4 ,but1 say some1 our lives are notice to the whole people what meaning we attach to the oath1 and we will protest when we swear1 that we do not include in our oath the pro-slavery clauses4 ,you may as well utter the protest now1 as when you are swearing--or at home1 equally as well as within the ,state ,house4 ,for no such protest can be of any avail4 ,the ,chief ,justice stands up to administer to me the oath of some office1 no matter which4 ,sir1 say ,i1 ,i must take that oath with a qualification1 excluding certain clauses4 ,his reply will be1 ,sir1 ,i have no discretion in this matter4 ,i am here merely to administer a prescribed form of oath4 ,if you assent to it1 you are qualified for your station4 ,if you do not1 you cannot enter4 ,i have no authority given me to listen to exceptions4 ,i am a servant--the people are my masters--here is what they require that you support1 not this or that part of the ,constitution1 but 'the ,constitution1' that is1 the whole4 ,baffled here1 ,i turn to the people4 ,i publish my opinions in newspapers4 ,i proclaim them at conventions1 ,i spread them through the country on the wings of a thousand presses4 ,does this avail me8 ,yes1 says ,liberty party1 if after this1 men choose to vote for you1 it is evident they mean you shall take the oath as you have given notice that you understand it4 ,well1 the voters in ,boston1 with this understanding1 elect me to ,congress1 and ,i proceed to ,washington4 ,but here arises a difficulty1--my constituents at home have assented--but when ,i get to ,congress1 ,i find ,i am not the representative of ,boston only1 but of the whole country4 ,the interests of ,carolina are committed to my hands as well as those of ,massachusetts2 ,i find that the contract ,i made by my oath was not with ,boston1 but with the whole nation4 ,it is the nation that gives me the power to declare war and make peace--to lay taxes on cotton1 and control the commerce of ,new ,orleans4 ,the nation prescribed the conditions in #aghi1 when the ,constitution was settled1 and though ,boston may be willing to accept me on other terms1 ,carolina is not willing4 ,boston has accepted my protest1 and says1 ,take office4 ,carolina says1 ,the oath you swear is sworn to me1 as well as to the rest--,i demand the whole bond4 ,in other words1 when ,i have made my protest1 what evidence is there that the nation1 the other party to the contract1 assents to it8 ,there can be none until that nation amends its ,constitution4 ,massachusetts when she accepted that ,constitution1 bound herself to send only such men as could swear to return slaves4 ,if by an underhand compromise with some of her citizens1 she sends persons of other sentiments1 she is perjured1 and any one who goes on such an errand is a partner in the perjury4 ,massachusetts has no right to assent to my protest--she has no right to send representatives1 except on certain conditions4 ,she cannot vary those conditions1 without leave from those whose interests are to be affected by the change1 that is1 the whole nation4 ,those conditions are written down in the ,constitution4 ,do she and ,south ,carolina differ1 as to the meaning8 ,the ,court will decide for them4 ,but1 says the objector1 do you mean to say that ,i swear to support the ,constitution1 not as ,i understand it1 but as some judge understands it8 ,yes1 ,i do--otherwise there is no such thing as law4 ,this right of private judgment1 for which he contends1 exists in religion--but not in ,government4 ,law is a rule prescribed4 ,the party prescribing must have the right to construe his own rule1 otherwise there would be as many laws as there are individual consciences4 ,statutes would be but recommendations if every man was at liberty to understand and obey them as he thought proper4 ,but ,i need not argue this4 ,the absurdity of a ,government that has no right to govern--and of laws which have no fixed meaning--but which each man construes to mean what he pleases and obeys accordingly--must be evident to every one4 ,what more power did the most despotic of the ,english ,stuarts ask1 than the right1 after having sworn to laws1 to break such as their consciences disapproved8 ,it is the essence of tyranny4 ,what is the ,constitution of the ,united ,states8 ,in good old fashioned times we thought we knew1 when we had read it and listened to the court's exposition4 ,but we have improved upon that4 ,the ,liberty party man says1 it is for him what he understands it4 ,john ,c4 ,calhoun1 of course1 has the same right1 and instead of ,liberty regulated by law1 we have liberty regulated by fourteen millions of understandings6 ,the ,liberty party man takes office on conditions1 which1 he says1 are not binding upon him4 ,he gives us notice that he shall use the power as he thinks right1 without any regard to these conditions of his oath4 ,well1 if this is law1 it is good for all4 ,john ,c4 ,calhoun can of course take office with the same broad liberty1 and swear to support the ,constitution as he understands it4 ,he has told us often what that understanding is--to sustain ,slavery4 ,of course having made this public1 if1 after that1 ,carolina sends him1 according to ,liberty party logic1 it is evidence that ,massachusetts assents to his understanding1 and accepts his oath with that meaning6 ,why ,i thought ,i had fathomed the pro-slavery depths of the ,constitution when ,i read over all its wicked clauses--but that is skimming only the surface1 if the ,constitution allows every man1 to whom it commits power to use it1 as he chooses to understand the conditions1 and not as the nation understands them4 ,if with this right1 ,abolitionists may take office and help ,liberty1 we must remember that by the same rule1 slaveholders may take office and lawfully use all their power to help ,slavery4 ,if this be so1 how absurd to keep crying out of this and the other thing it is unconstitutional4 ,away with such logic6 ,if we have a ,constitution1 let us remember ,jefferson's advice1 and not make it waste paper by construction4 ,the man who tampers thus with the sacred obligation of an oath1--swears1 and ,jesuit like1 keeps reserved meanings in his own breast1--does more harm to society by loosening the foundations of morals1 than he would do good1 did his one falsehood free every slave from the ,potomac to the ,del ,norte4 ,,objection ,,iv4 ,the oath does not mean that ,i will positively do what ,i swear to do1 but only that ,i will do it1 or submit to the penalty the law awards4 ,if my actions in office don't suit the nation1 let them impeach me4 ,,answer4 ,that is1 ,john ,tyler may1 without consulting ,congress1 plunge us into war with ,mexico--incur fifty millions of public debt--lose a hundred thousand lives--and the sufficient recompense to this nation will be to impeach ,john ,tyler1 ,esq41 and send him home to his slaves6 ,these are the wise safeguards of ,constitutional liberty6 ,he has faithfully kept it as he understands it4 ,what is a ,russian slave8 ,one who holds life1 property1 and all1 at the mercy of the ,czar's idea of right4 ,does not this description of the power every officer has here1 under our ,constitution1 reduce ,americans to the same condition8 ,but1 is it true that the bearing of the penalty is an excuse for breach of our official oaths8 ,the ,judge who1 in questions of divorce1 has trifled with the sanctity of the marriage tie--who1 in matters of property has decided unjustly1 and taken bribes--in capital cases has so dealt judgment as to send innocent men to the gallows--may cry out1 ,if you don't like me1 impeach me4 ,but will impeachment restore the dead to life1 or the husband to his defamed wife8 ,would the community consider his submission to impeachment as equivalent to the keeping of his oath of office1 and thenceforward view him as an honest1 truth-speaking1 unperjured man8 ,it is idle to suppose so4 ,yet the interests committed to some of our officeholders' keeping1 are more important often than even those which a ,judge controls4 ,and we must remember that men's ideas of right always differ4 ,to admit such a principle into the construction of oaths1 if it enable one man to do much good1 will enable scoundrels who creep into office to do much harm1 according to their consciences4 ,but yet the rule1 if it be admitted1 must be universal4 ,liberty becomes1 then1 matter of accident4 ,,objection ,v4 ,i shall resign whenever a case occurs that requires me to aid in returning a fugitive slave4 ,,answer4 ,the office-holder has promised active obedience to the ,constitution in every exigency which it has contemplated and sought to provide for4 ,if he promised1 not meaning to perform in certain cases1 is he not doubly dishonest8 ,dishonest to his own conscience in promising to do wrong1 and to his fellow-citizens in purposing from the first to break his oath1 as he knew they understood it8 ,if he had sworn1 not regarding anything as immoral which he bound himself to do1 and afterwards found in the oath something against his conscience of which he was not at first aware1 or if by change of views he had come to deem sinful what before he thought right1 then doubtless1 by promptly resigning1 he might escape guilt4 ,but is not the case different1 when among the acts promised are some known at the time to be morally wrong8 ',it is a sin to swear unto sin1' says the poet1 although it be1 as he truly adds1 'a greater sin to keep the sinful oath4' ,the captain has no right to put to sea1 and resign when the storm comes4 ,besides what supports a wicked government more than good men taking office under it1 even though they secretly determine not to carry out all its provisions8 ,the slave balancing in his lonely hovel the chance of escape1 knows nothing of your secret reservations1 your future intentions4 ,he sees only the swarming millions at the ,north ostensibly sworn to restore him to his master1 if he escape a little way4 ,perchance it is your false oath1 which you don't mean to keep1 that makes him turn from the attempt in despair4 ,he knows you only--the world knows only by your actions1 not your intentions1 and those side with his master4 ,the prayer which he lifts to ,heaven1 in his despair1 numbers you rightly among his oppressors4 ,,objection ,,vi4 ,i shall only take such an office as brings me into no connection with slavery4 ,,answer4 ,government is a whole2 unless each in his circle aids his next neighbor1 the machine will stand still4 ,the ,senator does not himself return the fugitive slave1 but he appoints the ,marshal1 whose duty it is to do so4 ,the ,state representative does not himself appoint the ,judge who signs the warrant for the slave's recapture1 but he chooses the ,united ,states ,senator who does appoint that ,judge4 ,the elector does not himself order out the militia to resist domestic violence1 but he elects the ,president1 whose duty requires1 that a case occurring1 he should do so4 ,to suppose that each of these may do that part of his duty that suits him1 and leave the rest undone1 is practical anarchy4 ,it is bringing ourselves precisely to that state which the ,hebrew describes4 ,in those days there was no king in ,israel1 but each man did what was right in his own eyes4 ,this is all consistent in us1 who hold that man is to do right1 even if anarchy follows4 ,how absurd to set up such a scheme1 and miscall it a government1--where nobody governs1 but everybody does as he pleases4 ,,objection ,,vii4 ,as men and all their works are imperfect1 we may innocently support a ,government which1 along with many blessings1 assists in the perpetration of some wrong4 ,,answer4 ,as nobody disputes that we may rightly assist the worst ,government in doing good1 provided we can do so without at the same time aiding it in the wrong it perpetrates1 this must mean1 of course1 that it is right to aid and obey a ,government in doing wrong1 if we think that1 on the whole1 the ,government effects more good than harm4 ,otherwise the whole argument is irrelevant1 for this is the point in dispute2 since every office of any consequence under the ,united ,states ,constitution has some immediate connection with ,slavery4 ,let us see to what lengths this principle will carry one4 ,herod's servants1 then1 were right in slaying every child in ,bethlehem1 from two years old and under1 provided they thought ,herod's ,government1 on the whole1 more a blessing than a curse to ,judea6 ,the soldiers of ,charles ,,ii4 were justified in shooting the ,covenanters on the muirs of ,scotland1 if they thought his rule was better1 on the whole1 for ,england1 than anarchy6 ,according to this theory1 the moment the magic wand of ,government touches our vices1 they start up into virtues6 ,but has ,government any peculiar character or privilege in this respect8 ,oh1 no--,government is only an association of individuals1 and the same rules of morality which govern my conduct in relation to a thousand men1 ought to regulate my conduct to any one4 ,therefore1 ,i may innocently aid a man in doing wrong1 if ,i think that1 on the whole1 he has more virtues than vices4 ,if he gives bread to the hungry six days in the week1 ,i may rightly help him1 on the seventh1 in forging bank notes1 or murdering his father6 ,the principle goes this length1 and every length1 or it cannot be proved to exist at all4 ,it ends at last1 practically1 in the old maxim1 that the subject and the soldier have no right to keep any conscience1 but have only to obey the rulers they serve3 for there are few1 if any1 ,governments this side of ,satan's1 which could not1 in some sense1 be said to do more good than harm4 ,now ,i candidly confess1 that ,i had rather be covered all over with inconsistencies1 in the struggle to keep my hands clean1 than settle quietly down on such a principle as this4 ,it is supposing that we may-- ,to do a great right1 do a little wrong2 a rule1 which the master poet of human nature has rebuked4 ,it is doing evil that good may come--a doctrine1 of which an ,apostle has pronounced the condemnation4 ,and let it be remembered that in dealing with the question of slavery1 we are not dealing with extreme cases4 ,slavery is no minute evil which lynx-eyed suspicion has ferreted out4 ,every sixth man is a slave4 ,the ermine of justice is stained4 ,the national banner clings to the flag-staff heavy with blood4 ,the preservation of slavery1 says our oldest and ablest statesman1 is the vital and animating spirit of the ,national ,government4 ,surely ,,if it be true that a man may justifiably stand connected with a government in which he sees some slight evils--still it is also true1 even then1 that governments may sin so atrociously1 so enormously1 may make evil so much the purpose of their being1 as to render it the duty of honest men to wash their hands of them4 ,i may give money to a friend whose life has some things in it which ,i do not fully approve--but when his nights are passed in the brothel1 and his days in drunkenness1 when he uses his talents to seduce others1 and his gold to pave their road to ruin1 surely the case is changed4 ,i may perhaps sacrifice health by staying awhile in a room rather overheated1 but ,i shall certainly see it to be my duty to rush out1 when the whole house is in full blaze4 ,,objection ,,viii4 ,god intended that society and governments should exist4 ,we therefore are bound to support them4 ,he has conferred upon us the rights of citizenship in this country1 and we cannot escape from the responsibility of exercising them4 ,god made us citizens4 ,,answer4 ,this reminds me of an old story ,i have heard4 ,when the ,legislature were asked to set off a portion of the town of ,dorchester and call it ,south ,boston1 the old minister of the town is said to have objected1 saying1 ,god made it ,dorchester1 and ,dorchester it ought to be4 ,god made us social beings1 it is true1 but society is not necessarily the ,constitution of the ,united ,states6 ,because ,god meant some form of government should exist1 does not at all prove that we are justified in supporting a wicked one4 ,man confers the rights and regulates the duties of citizenship4 ,god never made a citizen1 and no one will escape1 as a man1 from the sins he commits as a citizen4 ,this is the first time that it has ever been held an excuse for sin that we went with the multitude to do evil6 ,certainly we can be under no such responsibility to become and remain citizens1 as will excuse us from the sinful acts which as such citizens we are called to commit4 ,does ,god make obligatory on his creature the support of institutions which require him to do acts in themselves wrong8 ,to suppose so1 were to confound all the rules of ,god's moral kingdom4 ,president ,wayland has lately been illustrating1 and giving his testimony to the principle1 that a combination of men cannot change the moral character of an act1 which is in itself sinful--that the law of morals is binding the same on communities1 corporations1 c4 as on individuals4 ,after describing slavery1 and saying that to hold a man in such a state is wrong--he goes on3 ,i will offer but one more supposition4 ,suppose that any number1 for instance one half of the families in our neighborhood1 should by law enact that the weaker half should be slaves1 that we would exercise over them the authority of masters1 prohibit by law their instruction1 and concert among ourselves means for holding them permanently in their present situation4 ,in what manner would this alter the moral aspect of the case8 ,a law in this case is merely a determination of one party1 in which all unite1 to hold the other party in bondage2 and a compact by which the whole party bind themselves to assist every individual of themselves to subdue all resistance from the other party1 and guaranteeing to each other that exercise of this power over the weaker party which they now possess4 ,now ,i cannot see that this in any respect changes the nature of the parties4 ,they remain1 as before1 human beings1 possessing the same intellectual and moral nature1 holding the same relations to each other and to ,god1 and still under the same unchangeable law1 ,thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself4 ,by the act of holding a man in bondage1 this law is violated4 ,wrong is done1 moral evil is committed4 ,in the former case it was done by the individual2 now it is done by the individual and the society4 ,before1 the individual was responsible only for his own wrong2 now he is responsible both for his own1 and also1 as a member of the society1 for all the wrong which the society binds itself to uphold and render perpetual4 ,the scriptures frequently allude to the fact1 that wrong done by law1 that is by society1 is amenable to the same retribution as wrong done by the individual4 ,thus1 ,psalm #id3bj-bc4 ',shall the throne of iniquity have fellowship with them which frame mischief by a law1 and gather themselves together against the soul of the righteous1 and condemn the innocent blood8 ,but the ,lord is my defence2 and my ,god is the rock of my refuge4 ,and he shall bring upon them their own iniquity1 and shall cut them off in their own wickedness2 yea1 the ,lord our ,god shall cut them off' ,so also ,isaiah #aj3a-d4 ',wo unto them that decree unrighteous decrees1 and that write grievousness which they have prescribed4' c4 ,besides1 persecution for the sake of religious opinion is always perpetrated by law2 but this in no manner affects its moral character4 ,there is1 however1 one point of difference1 which arises from the fact that this wrong has been established by law4 ,it becomes a social wrong4 ,the individual1 or those who preceded him1 may have surrendered their individual right over it to the society4 ,in this case it may happen that the individual cannot act as he might act1 if the law had not been made4 ,in this case the evil can only be eradicated by changing the opinions of the society1 and inducing them to abolish the law4 ,it will however be apparent that this1 as ,i said before1 does not change the relation of the parties either to each other or to ,god4 ,the wrong exists as before4 ,the individual act is wrong4 ,the law which protects it is wrong4 ,the whole society1 in putting the law into execution1 is wrong4 ,before only the individual1 now1 the whole society1 becomes the wrong doer1 and for that wrong1 both the individuals and the society are held responsible in the sight of ,god4 ,if such individual act is wrong1 the man who knowingly does it is surely a sinner4 ,does ,god1 through society1 require men to sin8 ,,objection ,,ix4 ,if not being non-resistants1 we concede to mankind the right to frame ,governments1 which must1 from the very nature of man1 be more or less evil1 the right or duty to support them1 when framed1 necessarily follows4 ,,answer4 ,i do not think it follows at all4 ,mankind1 that is1 any number of them1 have a right to set up such forms of worship as they see fit1 but when they have done so1 does it necessarily follow that ,i am in duty bound to support any one of them1 whether ,i approve it or not8 ,government is precisely like any other voluntary association of individuals--a temperance or anti-slavery society1 a bank or railroad corporation4 ,i join it1 or not1 as duty dictates4 ,if a temperance society exists in the village where ,i am1 that love for my race which bids me seek its highest good1 commands me to join it4 ,so if a ,government is formed in the land where ,i live1 the same feeling bids me to support it1 if ,i innocently can4 ,this is the whole length of my duty to ,government4 ,from the necessity of the case1 and that constitution of things which ,god has ordained1 it follows that in any specified district1 the majority must rule--hence results the duty of the minority to submit4 ,but we must carefully preserve the distinction between submission and obedience --between submission and support4 ,if the majority set up an immoral ,government1 ,i obey those laws which seem to me good1 because they are good--and ,i submit to all the penalties which my disobedience of the rest brings on me4 ,this is alike the dictate of common sense1 and the command of ,christianity4 ,and it must be the true doctrine1 since any other obliges me to obey the majority if they command me to commit murder1 a rule which even the ,tory ,blackstone has denied4 ,of course for me to do anything ,i deem wrong1 is the same1 in quality1 as to commit murder4 ,,objection ,x4 ,but it is said1 your theory results in good men leaving government to the dishonest and wicked4 ,,answer4 ,well1 if to sustain government we must sacrifice honesty1 government could not be in a more appropriate place1 than in the hands of dishonest men4 ,but it by no means follows1 that if ,i go out of government1 ,i leave nothing but dishonest men behind4 ,an act may be sin to me1 which another may sincerely think right--and if so1 let him do it1 till he changes his mind4 ,i leave government in the hands of those whom ,i do not think as clear-sighted as myself1 but not necessarily in the hands of the dishonest4 ,whether it be so in this country now1 is not1 at present1 the question1 but whether it would be so necessarily1 in all cases4 ,the real question is1 what is the duty of those who presume to think that ,god has given them clearer views of duty than the bulk of those among whom they live8 ,don't think us conceited in supposing ourselves a little more enlightened than our neighbors4 ,it is no great thing after all to be a little better than a lynching--mobocratic--slaveholding--debt repudiating community4 ,what then is the duty of such men8 ,doubtless to do all they can to extend to others the light they enjoy4 ,will they best do so by compromising their principles8 by letting their political life give the lie to their life of reform8 ,who will have the most influence1 he whose life is consistent1 or he who says one thing to-day1 and swears another thing to-morrow--who looks one way and rows another8 ,my object is to let men understand me1 and ,i submit that the body of the ,roman people understood better1 and felt more earnestly1 the struggle between the people and the princes1 when the little band of democrats left the city and encamped on ,mons ,sacer1 outside1 than while they remained mixed up and voting with their masters1 shoulder to shoulder4 ,dissolution is our ,mons ,sacer--,god grant that it may become equally famous in the world's history as the spot where the right triumphed4 ,it is foolish to suppose that the position of such men1 divested of the glare of official distinction1 has no weight with the people4 ,if it were so1 ,i am still bound to remember that ,i was not sent into the world to have influence1 but to do my duty according to my own conscience4 ,but it is not so4 ,people do know an honest man when they see him4 7,i allow that this is so rare an event now-a-days1 as almost to justify one in supposing they might have forgotten how he looked47 ,they will give a man credit1 when his life is one manly testimony to the truthfulness of his lips4 ,even ,liberty party1 blind as she is1 has light enough to see that ,consistency is the jewel1 the everything of such a cause as ours4 ,the position of a non-voter1 in a land where the ballot is so much idolized1 kindles in every beholder's bosom something of the warm sympathy which waits on the persecuted1 carries with it all the weight of a disinterested testimony to truth1 and pricks each voter's conscience with an uneasy doubt1 whether after all voting is right4 ,there is constantly a ,mordecai in the gate4 ,i admit that we should strive to have a political influence--for with politics is bound up much of the welfare of the people4 ,but this objection supposes that the ballot box is the only means of political influence4 ,now it is a good thing that every man should have the right to vote4 ,but it is by no means necessary that every man should actually vote1 in order to influence his times4 ,we by no means necessarily desert our social duty when we refuse to take office1 or to confer it4 ,lafayette did better service to the cause of ,french liberty when he retired to ,lagrange and refused to acknowledge ,napoleon1 than he could have done had he stood1 for years1 at the tyrant's right hand4 ,from the silence of that chamber there went forth a voice--from the darkness of that retreat there burst forth a light2 feeble indeed at first1 like the struggling beams of the morning1 but destined like them to brighten into perfect day4 ,this objection1 that we non-voters shall lose all our influence1 confounds the broad distinction between influence and power4 ,influence every honest man must and will have1 in exact proportion to his honesty and ability4 ,god always annexes influence to worth4 ,the world1 however unwilling1 can never get free from the influence of such a man4 ,this influence the possession of office cannot give1 nor the want of it take away4 ,for the exercise of such influence as this1 man is responsible4 ,power we buy of our fellow men at a certain price4 ,before making the bargain it is our duty to see that we do not pay too dear for our whistle4 ,he who buys it at the price of truth and honor1 buys only weakness--and sins beside4 ,of those who go to the utmost verge of honesty in order to reach the seats of worldly power1 and barter a pure conscience for a weighty name1 it may be well said with old ,fuller1 ,they need to have steady heads who can dive into these gulfs of policy1 and come out with a safe conscience4 ,,objection ,,xi4 ,this withdrawing from government is pharisaical--,shall we1 'weak1 sinful men1' one says1 perhaps even more sinful than the slaveholder1 cry out1 ,no ,union with ,slaveholders8 ,such a course is wanting in brotherly kindness4 ,,answer4 ,because we refuse to aid a wrong-doer in his sin1 we by no means proclaim1 or assume1 that we think our whole character better than his4 ,it is neither pharisaical to have opinions1 nor presumptuous to guide our lives by them4 ,if ,i have joined with others in doing wrong1 is it either presumptuous or unkind1 when my eyes are opened1 to refuse to go any further with them in their career of guilt8 ,does love to the thief require me to help him in stealing8 ,yet this is all we refuse to do4 ,we will extend to the slaveholder all the courtesy he will allow4 ,if he is hungry1 we will feed him2 if he is in want1 both hands shall be stretched out for his aid4 ,we will give him full credit for all the good that he does1 and our deep sympathy in all the temptations under whose strength he falls4 ,but to help him in his sin1 to remain partners with him in the slave-trade1 is more than he has a right to ask4 ,he would be a strange preacher who should set out to reform his circle by joining in all their sins6 ,it is a principle similar to that which the tipsy ,duke of ,norfolk acted on1 when seeing a drunken friend in the gutter1 he cried out1 ,my dear fellow1 ,i can't help you out1 but ,i'll do better1 ,i'll lie down by your side4 ,,objection ,,xii4 ,but consider1 the abstaining from all share in ,government will leave bad men to have everything their own way--admit ,texas--extend slavery1 c4 c4 ,,answer4 ,that is no matter of mine4 ,god1 the great conservative power of the ,universe1 when he established the right1 saw to it that it should always be the safest and best4 ,he never laid upon a poor finite worm the staggering load of following out into infinity the complex results of his actions4 ,we may rest on the bosom of ,infinite ,wisdom1 confident that it is enough for us to do justice1 he will see to it that happiness results4 ,,objection ,,xiii4 ,but the same conscientious objection against promising your support to government1 ought to lead you to avoid actually giving your support to it by paying taxes or sueing in the courts4 ,,answer4 ,this is what logicians call a reductio ad absurdum3 an attempt to prove our principle unsound by showing that1 fairly carried out1 it leads to an absurdity4 ,but granting all it asks1 it does not saddle us with any absurdity at all4 ,it is perfectly possible to live without petitioning1 sueing1 or holding stocks4 ,thousands in this country have lived1 died1 and been buried1 without doing either4 ,and does it load us with any absurdity to prove that we shall be obliged to do from principle1 what the majority of our fellow-citizens do from choice8 ,we lawyers may think it is an absurdity to say a man can't sue1 for1 like the ,apostle at ,ephesus1 it touches our craft1 but that don't go far to prove it4 ,then1 as to taxes1 doubtless many cases might be imagined1 when every one would allow it to be our duty to resist the slightest taxation1 did ,christianity allow it1 with war to the hilt4 ,if such cases may ever arise1 why may not this be one8 ,until ,i become an ,irishman1 no one will ever convince me that ,i ought to vote1 by proving that ,i ought not to pay taxes6 ,suppose all these difficulties do really encompass us1 it will not be the first time that the doing of one moral duty has revealed a dozen others which we never thought of4 ,the child has climbed the hill over his native village1 which he thought the end of the world1 and lo6 there are mountains beyond6 ,he won't remedy the matter by creeping back to his cradle and disbelieving in mountains6 ,but then1 is there any such inconsistency in non-voters sueing and paying taxes8 ,look at it4 ,a4 and ,b4 have agreed on certain laws1 and appointed ,c4 to execute them4 ,a4 owes me1 who am no party to the contract1 a just debt1 which his laws oblige him to pay4 ,do ,i acknowledge the rightfulness of his relation to ,b4 and ,c4 by asking ,c4 to use the power given him1 in my behalf8 ,it appears to me that ,i do not4 ,i may surely ask ,a4 to pay me my debt--why not then ask the keeper1 whom he has appointed over himself1 to make him do so8 ,i am a prisoner among pirates4 ,the mate is abusing me in some way contrary to their laws4 ,do ,i recognize the rightfulness of the ,captain's authority1 by asking him to use the power the mate has consented to give him1 to protect me8 ,it seems to me that ,i do not necessarily endorse the means by which a man has acquired money or power1 when ,i ask him to use either in my behalf4 ,an alien does not recognize the rightfulness of a government by living under it4 ,it has always been held that an ,english subject may swear allegiance to an usurper and yet not be guilty of treason to the true king4 ,because he may innocently acknowledge the king de facto 7the king in deed17 without assuming him to be king de jure 7king by right47 ,the distinction itself is as old as the time of ,edward the ,first4 ,the principle is equally applicable to suits4 ,it has been universally acted on and allowed4 ,the ,catholic1 who shrank from acknowledging the heretical ,government of ,england1 always1 ,i believe1 sued in her courts4 ,who could convince a common man1 that by sueing in ,constantinople or ,timbuctoo1 he does an act which makes him responsible for the character of those governments8 ,then1 as for taxes4 ,it is only our voluntary acts for which we are responsible4 ,and when did government ever trust tax-paying to the voluntary good will of its subjects8 ,when it does so1 ,i1 for one1 will refuse to pay4 ,when did any sane man conclude that our ,saviour's voluntary payment of a tax acknowledged the rightfulness of ,rome's authority over ,judea8 ,the ,states1 says ,chief ,justice ,marshall1 have only not to elect ,senators1 and this government expires without a struggle4 ,every ,november1 then1 we create the government anew4 ,now1 what instinct will tell a common-sense man1 that the act of a sovereign1--voting--which creates a wicked government1 is1 essentially the same as the submission of a subject1--tax-paying1--an act done without our consent4 ,it should be remembered1 that we vote as sovereigns1--we pay taxes as subjects4 ,who supposes that the humble tax-payer of ,austria1 who does not1 perhaps1 know in what name the charter of his bondage runs1 is responsible for the doings of ,metternich8 ,and what sane man likens his position to that of the voting sovereign of the ,united ,states8 ,my innocent acts may1 through others' malice1 result in evil4 ,in that case1 it will be for my best judgment to determine whether to continue or cease them4 ,they are not thereby rendered essentially sinful4 ,for instance1 ,i walk out on ,sabbath morning4 ,the priest over the way will exclaim1 ,sabbath-breaker1 and the infidel will delude his followers1 by telling them ,i have no regard for ,christianity4 ,still1 it will be for me to settle which1 in present circumstances1 is best1--to remain in1 and not be misconstrued1 or to go out and bear a testimony against the superstitious keeping of the day4 ,different circumstances will dictate different action on such a point4 ,i may often be the occasion of evil when ,i am not responsible for it4 ,many innocent acts occasion evil1 and in such case all ,i am bound to ask myself before doing such innocent act1 is1 ,shall ,i occasion1 on the whole1 more harm or good4 ,there are many cases where doing a duty even1 we shall occasion evil and sin in others4 ,to save a slaveholder from drowning1 when we know he has made a will freeing his slaves1 would put off1 perhaps forever1 their emancipation1 but of course that is not my fault4 ,this making a man responsible for all the evil his acts1 incidentally1 without his will1 occasion1 reminds me of that principle of ,turkish law which ,dr4 ,clarke mentions1 in his travels1 and which they call homicide by an intermediate cause4 ,the case he relates is this3 ,a young man in love poisoned himself1 because the girl's father refused his consent to the marriage4 ,the ,cadi sentenced the father to pay a fine of #hj1 saying if you had not had a daughter1 this young man had not loved2 if he had not loved1 he had never been disappointed2 if not disappointed1 he would never have taken poison4 ,it was the same ,cadi possibly1 who sentenced the island of ,samos to pay for the wrecking of a vessel1 on the principle that if the island had not been in the way1 the vessel would never have been wrecked6 ,then of taxes on imports4 ,buying and selling1 and carrying from country to country1 is good and innocent4 ,but government1 if ,i trade here1 will take occasion to squeeze money out of me4 ,very well4 ,i shall deliberate whether ,i will cease trading1 and deprive them of the opportunity1 or go on and use my wealth to reform them4 ',tis a question of expediency1 not of right1 which my judgment1 not my conscience1 must settle4 ,an act of mine1 innocent in itself1 and done from right motives1 no after act of another's can make a sin4 ,to import1 is rightful4 ,after-taxation1 against my consent1 cannot make it wrong4 ,neither am ,i obliged to smuggle1 in order to avoid it4 ,i include in these remarks1 all taxes1 whether on property1 or imports1 or railroads4 ,a chemist1 hundreds of years ago1 finds out how to temper steel4 ,the art is useful for making knives1 lancets1 and machinery4 ,but he knows that the bad will abuse it by making swords and daggers4 ,is he responsible8 ,certainly not4 ,similar to this is trading in ,america1--knowing government will thus have an opportunity to increase its revenue4 ,but suppose the chemist to see two men fighting1 one has the other down1--to the first our chemist presents a finely tempered dagger4 ,such is voting under the ,united ,states ,constitution--appointing an officer to help the oppressor4 ,the difference between voting and tax-paying is simply this3 ,i may do an act right in itself1 though ,i know some evil will result4 ,paul was bound to preach the gospel to the ,jews1 though he knew some of them would thereby be led to add to their sins by cursing and mobbing him4 ,so ,i may locate property in ,philadelphia1 trade there1 and ride on its railroads1 though ,i know government will1 without my consent1 thereby enrich itself4 ,other things being equal1 of course ,i shall not allow it the opportunity4 ,but the advantages and good results of my doing so1 may be such as would make it my duty there to live and trade1 even subject to such an evil4 ,but on the other hand1 ,i may not do an act wrong in itself to secure any amount of fancied good4 ,now1 appointing a man by my vote to a pro-slavery office1 7and such is every one under the ,united ,states ,constitution17 is wrong in itself1 and no other good deeds which such officer may do1 will justify an abolitionist in so appointing him4 ,let it not be said1 that this reasoning will apply to voting--that voting is the right of every human being1 7which ,i grant only for the sake of argument17 and innocent in itself4 ,voting under our ,constitution is appointing a man to swear to protect1 and actually to protect slavery4 ,now1 appointing agents generally is the right of every man1 and innocent in itself1 but appointing an agent to commit a murder is sin4 ,i trade1 and government taxes me2 do ,i authorize it8 ,no4 ,i vote1 and the marshal whom my agent appoints1 returns a slave to ,south ,carolina4 ,do ,i authorize it8 ,yes4 ,i knew it would be his sworn duty1 when ,i voted2 and ,i assented to it1 by voting under the ,constitution which makes it his duty4 ,if ,i trade1 it is said1 ,i may foresee that government will be helped by the taxes ,i pay1 therefore ,i ought not to trade4 ,but ,i do not trade for the purpose of paying taxes6 ,and if ,i am to be charged with all the foreseen results of my actions1 then ,garrison is responsible for the ,boston mob6 ,the reason why ,i am responsible for the pro-slavery act of a ,united ,states officer1 for whom ,i have voted1 is this3 ,i must be supposed to have intended that which my agent is bound by his contract with me 7that is1 his oath of office7 to do4 ,allow me to request our opposers to keep distinctly in view the precise point in debate4 ,this is not whether ,massachusetts can rightfully trade and make treaties with ,south ,carolina1 although she knows that such a course will result in strengthening a wrongdoer4 ,such are most of the cases which they consider parallel to ours1 and for permitting which they charge us with inconsistency4 ,but the question really is1 whether ,massachusetts can join hands and strength with ,south ,carolina1 for the express and avowed purpose of sustaining ,slavery4 ,this she does in the ,constitution4 ,for he who swears to support an instrument of twelve clauses1 swears to support one as well as another1--and though one only be immoral1--still he swears to do an immoral act4 ,now1 my conviction is1 which fire will not burn out of me1 that to return fugitive slaves is sin--to promise so to do1 and not do it1 is1 if possible1 baser still2 and that any conjunction of circumstances which makes either necessary1 is of the ,devil1 and not of ,god4 ,,objection ,,xiv4 ,duty requires of a non-voter to quit the country1 and go where his taxes will not help to build up slavery4 ,,answer4 ,god gave me my birth here4 ,because bad men about me play such tricks before high ,heaven1 as make the angels weep1 does it oblige me to quit8 ,i have as good right here as they4 ,if they choose to leave1 let them--,i ,shall remain4 ',twould be a pretty thing1 indeed1 if1 as often as ,i found myself next door to a bad man1 who would bring up his children to steal my apples and break my windows1 ,i were obliged to take the temptation away by cutting down all my apple trees and moving my house further west1 into the wilderness4 ,this would be1 in good ,john ,wesley's phrase1 giving up all the good times to the devil1 with a witness4 ,,objection ,,xv4 ,society has the right to prescribe the terms1 upon the expressed or implied agreement to comply with which a person may reside within its limits4 ,,answer4 ,this principle ,i utterly deny4 ,all that ,society has a right to demand is peaceful submission to its exactions3--consent they have neither the power nor the right to exact or to imply4 ,twenty men live on a lone island4 ,nineteen set up a government and say1 every man who lives there shall worship idols4 ,the twentieth submits to all their laws1 but refuses to commit idolatry4 ,have they the right to say1 ,do so1 or quit2 or1 to say1 ,if you stay1 we will consider you as impliedly worshipping idols8 ,doubtless they have the power1 but the majority have no rights1 except those which justice sanctions4 ,will the objector show me the justice of his principle8 ,i was born here4 ,i ask no man's permission to remain4 ,all that any man or body of men have a right to infer from my staying here1 is that1 in doing this innocent act1 ,i think1 that on the whole1 ,i am effecting more good than harm4 ,lawyers say1 ,i cannot find this right laid down in the books4 ,that will not trouble me4 ,some old play has a character in it who never ties his neckcloth without a warrant from ,mr4 ,justice ,overdo4 ,i claim no relationship to that very scrupulous individual4 ,,objection ,,xvi4 ,these clauses1 to which you refer1 are inconsistent with the ,preamble of the ,constitution1 which describes it as made to establish justice and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity3 ,and as1 when two clauses of the same instrument are inconsistent1 one must yield and be held void--we hold these three clauses void4 ,,answer4 ,a specific clause is not to be held void on account of general terms1 such as those of the preamble4 ,it is rather to be taken as an exception1 allowed and admitted at the time1 to those general terms4 ,again4 ,you say they are inconsistent4 ,but the ,courts and the ,people do not think so4 ,now they1 being the majority1 settle the law4 ,the question then is1 whether the law being settled1--and according to your belief settled immorally1--you will volunteer your services to execute it and carry it into effect8 ,this you do by becoming an officeholder4 ,it seems to me this question can receive but one answer from honest men4 ,,last ,,of ,,all1 ,,the ,,objector ,,cries ,,out1 ,the ,constitution may be amended1 and ,i shall vote to have it changed4 ,,answer4 ,but at present it is necessary to swear to support it as it is4 ,what the ,constitution may become1 a century hence1 we know not2 we speak of it as it is1 and repudiate it as it is4 ,how long may one promise to do evil1 in hope some time or other to get the power to do good8 ,we will not brand the ,constitution of the ,united ,states as pro-slavery1 after--it had ceased to be so6 ,this objection reminds me of ,miss ,martineau's story of the little boy1 who hurt himself1 and sat crying on the sidewalk4 ,don't cry6 said a friend1 it won't hurt you tomorrow4--,well then1 said the child1 ,i won't cry tomorrow4 ,we come then1 it seems to me1 back to our original conclusion3 that the man who swears to support the ,constitution1 swears to support the whole of it1 pro-slavery clauses and all1--that he swears to support it as it is1 not as it hereafter may become1--that he swears to support it in the sense given to it by the ,courts and the ,nation1 not as he chooses to understand it1--and that the ,courts and the ,nation expect such an one in office to do his share toward the suppression of slave1 as well as other1 insurrections1 and to aid the return of fugitive slaves4 ,after an abolitionist has taken such an oath1 or by his vote sent another to take it for him1 ,i do not see how he can look his own principles in the face4 ,thou that preachest a man should not steal1 dost thou lie8 ,we who call upon the slaveholder to do right1 no matter what the consequences or the cost1 are certainly bound to look well to our own example4 ,at least we can hardly expect to win the master to do justice by setting him an example of perjury4 ,it is almost an insult in an abolitionist1 while not willing to sacrifice even a petty ballot for his principles1 to demand of the slaveholder that he give up wealth1 home1 old prejudices and social position at their call4 ,,extracts ,,from ,j4,q4 ,,adams4 ,the benefits of the ,constitution of the ,united ,states1 were the restoration of credit and reputation1 to the country--the revival of commerce1 navigation1 and ship building--the acquisition of the means of discharging the debts of the ,revolution1 and the protection and encouragement of the infant and drooping manufactures of the country4 ,all this1 however1 as is now well ascertained1 was insufficient to propitiate the rulers of the ,southern ,states to the adoption of the ,constitution4 ,what they specially wanted was protection4 ,protection from the powerful and savage tribes of ,indians within their borders1 and who were harassing them with the most terrible of wars--and protection from their own negroes--protection from their insurrections--protection from their escape--protection even to the trade by which they were brought into this country--protection1 shall ,i not blush to say1 protection to the very bondage by which they were held4 ,yes6 it cannot be denied--the slaveholding lords of the ,south prescribed1 as a condition of their assent to the ,constitution1 three special provisions to secure the perpetuity of their dominion over their slaves4 ,the first was the immunity for twenty years of preserving the ,african slave-trade2 the second was the stipulation to surrender fugitive slaves--an engagement positively prohibited by the laws of ,god1 delivered from ,sinai2 and thirdly1 the exaction1 fatal to the principles of popular representation1 of a representation for slaves--for articles of merchandise1 under the name of persons4 ,in outward show1 it is a representation of persons in bondage2 in fact1 it is a representation of their masters1--the oppressor representing the oppressed4--,is it in the compass of human imagination to devise a more perfect exemplification of the art of committing the lamb to the tender custody of the wolf8--,the representative is thus constituted1 not the friend1 agent and trustee of the person whom he represents1 but the most inveterate of his foes4 ,to call government thus constituted a democracy1 is to insult the understanding of mankind4 ,it is doubly tainted with the infection of riches and of slavery4 ,there is no name in the language of national jurisprudence that can define it--no model in the records of ancient history1 or in the political theories of ,aristotle1 with which it can be likened4 ,here is one class of men1 consisting of not more than one-fortieth part of the whole people1 not more than one-thirtieth part of the free population1 exclusively devoted to their personal interests identified with their own as slaveholders of the same associated wealth1 and wielding by their votes1 upon every question of government or of public policy1 two-fifths of the whole power of the ,house4 ,in the ,senate of the ,union1 the proportion of the slaveholding power is yet greater4 ,its operation upon the government of the nation is1 to establish an artificial majority in the slave representation over that of the free people1 in the ,american ,congress1 and thereby to make the ,,preservation1 ,,propagation1 ,,and ,,perpetuation ,,of ,,slavery ,,the ,,vital ,,and ,,animating ,,spirit ,,of ,,the ,,national ,,government4--,the result is seen in the fact that1 at this day1 the ,president of the ,united ,states1 the ,president of the ,senate1 the ,speaker of the ,house of ,representatives1 and five out of nine of the ,judges of the ,supreme ,judicial ,courts of the ,united ,states1 are not only citizens of slaveholding ,states1 but individual slaveholders themselves4 ,so are1 and constantly have been1 with scarcely an exception1 all the members of both ,houses of ,congress from the slaveholding ,states2 and so are1 in immensely disproportionate numbers1 the commanding officers of the army and navy2 the officers of the customs2 the registers and receivers of the land offices1 and the post-masters throughout the slaveholding ,states4 ,fellow-citizens1--with a body of men thus composed1 for legislators and executors of the laws1 what will1 what must be1 what has been your legislation8 ,the numbers of freemen constituting your nation are much greater than those of the slaveholding ,states1 bond and free4 ,you have at least three-fifths of the whole population of the ,union4 ,your influence on the legislation and the administration of the ,government ought to be in the proportion of three to two4 ,but how stands the fact8 ,besides the legitimate portion of influence exercised by the slaveholding ,states by the measure of their numbers1 here is an intrusive influence in every department1 by a representation1 nominally of persons1 but really of property1 ostensibly of slaves1 but effectively of their masters1 overbalancing your superiority of numbers1 adding two-fifths of supplementary power to the two-fifths fairly secured to them by the compact1 ,,controlling ,,and ,,overruling ,,the ,,whole ,,action ,,of ,,your ,,government ,,and ,,home ,,and ,,abroad1 and warping it to the sordid private interest and oppressive policy of #cjj1jjj owners of slaves4 ,in the ,articles of ,confederation1 there was no guaranty for the property of the slaveholder--no double representation of him in the ,federal councils--no power of taxation--no stipulation for the recovery of fugitive slaves4 ,but when the powers of government came to be delegated to the ,union1 the ,south--that is1 ,south ,carolina and ,georgia--refused their subscription to the parchment1 till it should be saturated with the infection of slavery1 which no fumigation could purify1 no quarantine could extinguish4 ,the freemen of the ,north gave way1 and the deadly venom of slavery was infused into the ,constitution of freedom4 ,its first consequence has been to invert the first principle of ,democracy1 that the will of the majority shall rule the land4 ,by means of the double representation1 the minority command the whole1 and a ,,knot ,,of ,,slaveholders ,,give ,,the ,,law ,,and ,,prescribe ,,the ,,policy ,,of ,,the ,,country4 ,,the ,,anti-,,slavery ,,examiner4 ,,address ,,to ,,the ,,friends ,,of ,,constitutional ,,liberty1 ,,on ,,the ,,violation ,,by ,,the ,,united ,,states ,,house ,,of ,,representatives ,,of ,,the ,,right ,,of ,,petition ,,at ,,the ,,executive ,,committee ,,of ,,the ,,american ,,anti-,,slavery ,,society4 ,,new ,,york3 ,,published ,,by ,,the ,,american ,,anti-,,slavery ,,society1 ,,no4 #adc ,,nassau ,,street4 #ahdj4 ,this ,no4 contains #a sheet4--,postage1 under #ajj miles1 #a-a_/b ct4 over #ajj1 #b-a_/b cts4 ,please ,read and circulate4 ,,address4 ,,to ,,the ,,friends ,,of ,,constitutional ,,liberty3-- ,there was a time1 fellow citizens1 when the above address would have included the ,,people ,,of ,,the ,,united ,,states4 ,but1 alas6 the freedom of the press1 freedom of speech1 and the right of petition1 are now hated and dreaded by our ,southern citizens1 as hostile to the perpetuity of human bondage2 while1 by their political influence in the ,federal ,government1 they have induced numbers at the ,north to unite with them in their sacrilegious crusade against these inestimable privileges4 ,on the #bhth ,january last1 the ,house of ,representatives1 on motion of ,mr4 ,johnson1 from ,maryland1 made it a standing ,,rule of the ,house that no petition1 memorial1 resolution1 or other paper1 praying the abolition of slavery in the ,district of ,columbia1 or any ,state or ,territory of the ,united ,states1 in which it now exists1 ,,shall ,,be ,,received ,,by ,,the ,,house1 ,,or ,,entertained ,,in ,,any ,,way ,,whatever4 ,thus has the ,,right ,,of ,,petition been immolated in the very ,temple of ,liberty1 and offered up1 a propitiatory sacrifice to the demon of slavery4 ,never before has an outrage so unblushingly profligate been perpetrated upon the ,federal ,constitution4 ,yet1 while we mourn the degeneracy which this transaction evinces1 we behold1 in its attending circumstances1 joyful omens of the triumph which awaits our struggle with the hateful power that now perverts the ,general ,government into an engine of cruelty and loathsome oppression4 ,before we congratulate you on these omens1 let us recall to your recollection the steps by which the enemies of human rights have advanced to their present rash and insolent defiance of moral and constitutional obligation4 ,in #ahca1 a newspaper was established in ,boston1 for the purpose of disseminating facts and arguments in favor of the duty and policy of immediate emancipation4 ,the ,legislature of ,georgia1 with all the recklessness of despotism1 passed a law1 offering a reward of #ejjj1 for the abduction of the ,editor1 and his delivery in ,georgia4 ,as there was no law1 by which a citizen of ,massachusetts could be tried in ,georgia1 for expressing his opinions in the capital of his own ,state1 this reward was intended as the price of ,,blood4 ,do you start at the suggestion8 ,remember the several sums of #be1jjj1 of #ej1jjj1 and of #ajj1jjj1 offered in ,southern papers for kidnapping certain abolitionists4 ,remember the horrible inflictions by ,southern ,lynch clubs4 ,remember the declaration1 in the ,united ,states ,senate1 by the brazen-fronted ,preston1 that1 should an abolitionist be caught in ,carolina1 he would be ,,hanged4 ,but1 as the ,slaveholders could not destroy the lives of the ,abolitionists1 they determined to murder their characters4 ,hence1 the ,president of the ,united ,states was induced1 in his ,message of #ahce1 to ,congress1 to charge them with plotting the massacre of the ,southern planters2 and even to stultify himself1 by affirming that1 for this purpose1 they were engaged in sending1 by mail1 inflammatory appeals to the slaves--sending papers to men who could not read them1 and by a conveyance through which they could not receive them6 ,he well knew that the papers alluded to were appeals on the immorality of converting men1 women1 and children1 into beasts of burden1 and were sent to the masters1 for their consideration4 ,the masters in ,charleston1 dreading the moral influence of these appeals on the conscience of the slaveholding community1 forced the ,post ,office1 and made a bonfire of the papers4 ,the ,post ,master ,general1 with the sanction of the ,president1 also hastened to their relief1 and1 in violation of oaths1 and laws1 and the constitution1 established ten thousand censors of the press1 each one of whom was authorized to abstract from the mail every paper which he might think too favorable to the rights of man4 ,for more than twenty years1 petitions have been presented to ,congress1 for the abolition of slavery in the ,district of ,columbia4 ,the right to present them1 and the power of ,congress to grant their prayer1 were1 until recently1 unquestioned4 ,but the rapid multiplication of these petitions alarmed the slaveholders1 and1 knowing that they tended to keep alive at the ,north1 an interest in the slave1 they deemed it good policy to discourage and1 if possible1 suppress all such applications4 ,hence ,mr4 ,pinckney's famous resolution1 in #ahcf1 declaring1 that all petitions1 or papers1 relating in any way1 or to any extent whatever to the subject of slavery1 shall1 without being printed or referred1 be laid on the table2 and no further action1 whatever shall be had thereon6 ,the peculiar atrocity of this resolution was1 that it not merely trampled upon the rights of the petitioners1 but took from each member of the ,house his undoubted privilege1 as a legislator of the ,district1 to introduce any proposition he might think proper1 for the protection of the slaves4 ,in every ,slave ,state there are laws affording1 at least1 some nominal protection to these unhappy beings2 but1 according to this resolution1 slaves might be flayed alive in the streets of ,washington1 and no representative of the people could offer even a resolution for inquiry4 ,and this vile outrage upon constitutional liberty was avowedly perpetrated to repress agitation1 to allay excitement1 and re-establish harmony and tranquillity among the various sections of the ,union66 ,but this strange opiate did not produce the stupefying effects anticipated from it4 ,in #ahcf1 the petitioners were only #cg1jjj--the next session they numbered #aaj1jjj4 ,mr4 ,hawes1 of ,ky41 now essayed to restore tranquillity1 by gagging the uneasy multitude2 but1 alas6 at the next ,congress1 more than #cjj1jjj petitioners carried new terror to the hearts of the slaveholders4 ,the next anodyne was prescribed by ,mr4 ,patton1 of ,va41 but its effect was to rouse from their stupor some of the ,northern ,legislatures1 and to induce them to denounce his remedy as a usurpation of power1 a violation of the ,constitution1 subversive of the fundamental principles of the government1 and at war with the prerogatives of the people4#aje ,it was now supposed that the people most be drugged by a northern man1 and ,atherton was found a fit instrument for this vile purpose2 but the dose proved only the more nauseous and exciting from the foul hands by which it was administered4 ,footnote #aje3 ,resolutions of ,massachusetts and ,connecticut1 ,april and ,may1 #ahch4 ,in these various outrages1 although all action on the petitions was prohibited1 the papers themselves were received and laid on the table1 and therefore it was contended1 that the right of petition had been preserved inviolate4 ,but the slaveholders1 maddened by the failure of all their devices1 and fearing the influence which the mere sight of thousands and tens of thousands of petitions in behalf of liberty1 would exert1 and1 taking advantage of the approaching presidential election to operate upon the selfishness of some northern members1 have succeeded in crushing the right of petition itself4 ,that you may be the more sensible1 fellow citizens1 of the exceeding profligacy of the late ,,rule and of its palpable violation of both the spirit and the letter of the ,constitution1 which those who voted for it had sworn to support1 suffer us to recall to your recollection a few historical facts4 ,the framers of the ,federal ,constitution supposed the right of petition too firmly established in the habits and affections of the people1 to need a constitutional guarantee4 ,their omission to notice it1 roused the jealousy of some of the ,state conventions1 called to pass upon the constitution4 ,the ,virginia convention proposed1 as an amendment1 that every freeman has a right to petition1 or apply to the ,legislature1 for a redress of grievances4 ,and this amendment1 with others1 was ordered to be forwarded to the different ,states1 for their consideration4 ,the ,conventions of ,north ,carolina1 ,new ,york1 and ,rhode ,island1 were held subsequently1 and1 of course1 had before them the ,virginia amendment4 ,the ,north ,carolina ,convention adopted a declaration of rights1 embracing the very words of the proposed amendment2 and this declaration was ordered to be submitted to ,congress1 before that ,state would enter the ,union4 ,the ,conventions of ,new ,york and of ,rhode ,island incorporated in their certificates of ratification1 the assertion that ,every person has a right to petition or apply to the legislature for a redress of grievances--using the ,virginia phraseology1 merely substituting the word person for freeman1 thus claiming the right of petition even for slaves2 while ,virginia and ,north ,carolina confined it to freemen4 ,the first ,congress1 assembled under the ,constitution1 gave effect to the wishes thus emphatically expressed1 by proposing1 as an amendment1 that ,congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion1 or prohibiting the free exercise thereof1 or abridging the freedom of the press1 or the right of the people peaceably to assemble1 and to petition ,government for a redress of grievances4 ,this amendment was duly ratified by the ,states1 and when members of ,congress swear to support the ,constitution of the ,united ,states1 they are as much bound by their oath to refrain from abridging the right of petition1 as they are to fulfil any other constitutional obligation4 ,and will the slaveholders and their abettors1 dare to maintain that they have not foresworn themselves1 because they have abridged the right of the people to petition for a redress of grievances1 by a ,,rule of the ,house1 and not by a law8 ,if so1 they may by a ,,rule require every member1 on taking his seat1 to subscribe the creed of a particular church1 and then call their ,maker to witness that they are guiltless of making a law respecting an establishment of religion1 or prohibiting the free exercise thereof4 ,the right to petition is one thing1 and the disposition of a petition after it is received1 is another4 ,but the new rule makes no disposition of the petitions2 it ,,prohibits ,,their ,,reception2 they may not be brought into the legislative chamber4 ,hundreds of thousands of the people are debarred all access to their representatives1 for the purpose of offering them a prayer4 ,it is said that the manifold abominations perpetrated in the ,district are no grievances to the petitioners1 and therefore they have no right to ask for their removal4 ,but the right guaranteed by the ,constitution1 is a right to ask for the redress of grievances1 whether personal1 social1 or moral4 ,and who1 except a slaveholder1 will dare to contend that it is no grievance that our agents1 our representatives1 our servants1 in our name and by our authority1 enact laws erecting and licensing markets in the ,capital of the ,republic1 for the sale of human beings1 and converting free men into slaves1 for no other crime1 than that of being too poor to pay ,united ,states' officers the ,,jail ,,fees accruing from an iniquitous imprisonment8 ,again1 it is pretended that the objects prayed for1 are palpably unconstitutional1 and that therefore the petitions ought not to be received4 ,and by what authority are the people deprived of their right to petition for any object which a majority of either ,house of ,congress1 for the time being1 may please to regard as unconstitutional8 ,if this usurpation be submitted to1 it will not be confined to abolition petitions4 ,it is well known that most of the slaveholders now insist1 that all protecting duties are unconstitutional1 and that on account of the tariff the ,union was nearly rent by the very men who are now horrified by the danger to which it is exposed by these petitions6 ,should our ,northern ,manufacturers again presume to ask ,congress to protect them from foreign competition1 the ,southern members will find a precedent1 sanctioned by ,northern votes1 for a rule that no petition1 memorial1 resolution1 or other paper1 praying for the ,,imposition ,,of ,,duties ,,for ,,the ,,encouragement ,,of ,,manufactures1 shall be received by the ,house1 or entertained in any way whatever4 ,it does indeed1 require ,southern arrogance1 to maintain that1 although ,congress is invested by the ,constitution with exclusive jurisdiction1 in all cases whatsoever1 over the ,district of ,columbia1 yet that it would be so palpably unconstitutional to abolish the slave-trade1 and to emancipate the slaves in the ,district1 that petitions for these objects ought not to be received4 ,yet this is asserted in that very ,house1 on whose minutes is recorded a resolution1 in #ahaf1 appointing a committee1 with power to send for persons and papers1 to inquire into the existence of an inhuman and illegal traffic in slaves1 carried on1 in and through the ,district of ,columbia1 and report whether any1 and what means are necessary for putting a stop to the same3 and another1 in #ahbi1 instructing the ,committee on the ,district of ,columbia to inquire into the expediency of providing by law1 for the gradual abolition of slavery in the ,district4 ,in the very first ,congress assembled under the ,federal ,constitution1 petitions were presented1 asking its interposition for the mitigation of the evils1 and final abolition of the ,african slave-trade1 and also praying it1 as far as it possessed the power1 to take measures for the abolition of slavery4 ,these petitions excited the wrath and indignation of many of the slave-holding members1 yet no one thought of refusing to receive them4 ,they were referred to a select committee1 at the instance of ,mr4 ,madison1 himself1 who entered into a critical review of the circumstances respecting the adoption of the ,constitution1 and the ideas upon the limitation of the powers of ,congress to interfere in the regulation of the commerce of slaves1 and showed that they undoubtedly were not precluded from interposing in their importation2 and generally to regulate the mode in which every species of business shall be transacted4 ,he adverted to the western country1 and the ,cession of ,georgia1 in which ,congress have certainly the power to regulate the subject of slavery2 which shows that gentlemen are mistaken in supposing1 that ,congress cannot constitutionally interfere in the business1 in any degree1 whatever4 ,he was in favor of committing the petition1 and justified the measure by repeated precedents in the proceedings of the ,house4--,u4,s4 ,gazette1 #agth ,feb41 #agij4 ,here we find one of the earliest and ablest expounders of the ,constitution1 maintaining the power of ,congress to regulate the subject of slavery in the national territories1 and urging the reference of abolition petitions to a special committee4 ,the committee made a report2 for which1 after a long debate1 was substituted a declaration1 by the ,house1 that ,congress could not abolish the slave trade prior to the year #ahjh1 but had a right so to regulate it as to provide for the humane treatment of the slaves on the passage2 and that ,congress could not interfere in the emancipation or treatment of slaves in the ,states4 ,this declaration gave entire satisfaction1 and no farther abolition petitions were presented1 till after the ,district of ,columbia had been placed under the exclusive jurisdiction of the ,general ,government4 ,you all remember1 fellow citizens1 the wide-spread excitement which a few years since prevailed on the subject of ,,sunday ,,mails4 ,instead of attempting to quiet the agitation1 by outraging the rights of the petitioners1 ,congress referred the petitions to a committee1 and made no attempt to stifle discussion4 ,why1 then1 we ask1 with such authorities and precedents before them1 do the slaveholders in ,congress1 regardless of their oaths1 strive to gag the friends of freedom1 under pretence of allaying agitation8 ,because conscience does make cowards of them all--because they know the accursed system they are upholding will not bear the light--because they fear1 if these petitions are discussed1 the abominations of the ,american slave trade1 the secrets of the prison-houses in ,washington and ,alexandria1 and the horrors of the human shambles licensed by the authority of ,congress1 will be exposed to the score and indignation of the civilized world4 ,unquestionably the late ,,rule surpasses1 in its profligate contempt of constitutional obligation1 any act in the annals of the ,federal ,government4 ,as such it might well strike every patriot with dismay1 were it not that attending circumstances teach us that it is the expiring effort of desperation4 ,when we reflect on the past subserviency of our northern representatives to the mandates of the slaveholders1 we may well raise1 on the present occasion1 the shout of triumph1 and hail the vote on the recent ,,rule as the pledge of a glorious victory4 ,suffer us to recall to your recollection the majorities by which the successive attempts to crush the right of petition and the freedom of debate have been carried4 ,pinckney's ,gag was passed ,may1 #ahcf1 by a majority of #ea ,hawes's ,jan4 #ahcg1 #eh ,patton's ,dec4 #ahcg1 #dh ,atherton's ,dec4 #ahch1 #dh ,,johnson's ,jan4 #ahdj1 #f ,surely1 when we find the majority against us reduced from #eh to #f1 we need no new incentive to perseverance4 ,another circumstance which marks the progress of constitutional liberty1 is the gradual diminution in the number of our northern serviles4 ,the votes from the free ,states in favor of the several gags were as follows3-- ,for ,pinckney's #fb ,for ,hawes's #gj ,for ,patton's #eb ,for ,atherton's #di ,for ,,johnson's #bh ,there is also another cheering fact connected with the passage of the ,,rule which deserves to be noticed4 ,heretofore the slaveholders have uniformly1 by enforcing the previous question1 imposed their several gags by a silent vote4 ,on the present occasion they were twice baffled in their efforts to stifle debate1 and were1 for days together1 compelled to listen to speeches on a subject which they have so often declared should not be discussed4 ,a base strife for southern votes has hitherto1 to no small extent1 enlisted both the political parties at the north in the service of the slaveholders4 ,the late unwonted independence of northern politicians1 and the deference paid by them to the wishes of their own constituents1 in preference to those of their southern colleagues1 indicates the advance of public opinion4 ,no less than #di northern members of the administration party voted for the ,atherton gag1 while only #bg dared to record their names in favor of ,johnson's2 and of the representation of ,,six ,states1 every vote was given against the rule1 without distinction of party4 ,the tone in which opposite political journals denounce the late outrage may warn the slaveholders that they will not much longer hold the north in bonds4 ,the leading administration paper in the city of ,new ,york regards the ,,rule with utter abhorrence2 while the official paper of the opposition1 edited by the state printer1 trusts that the names of the recreant northerners who voted for it may be handed down to eternal infamy and execration4 ,the advocates of abolition are no longer consigned to unmitigated contempt and obloquy4 ,passing by the various living illustrations of our remark1 we appeal for our proofs to the dead4 ,the late ,,william ,,leggett1 the editor of a ,democratic ,journal in the city of ,new ,york1 was denounced1 in #ahce1 by the ,democratic ,republican ,general ,committee1 for his abolition doctrines4 ,far from faltering in his course1 on account of the censure of his own party1 he exclaimed1 with a presentiment almost amounting to prophecy1 ,the stream of public opinion now sets against us1 but it is about to turn1 and the regurgitation will be tremendous4 ,proud in that day may well be the man who can float in triumph on the first refluent wave1 swept onward by the deluge which he himself1 in advance of his fellows1 had largely shared in occasioning4 ,such be my fate2 and1 living or dying1 it will in some measure be mine4 ,i have written my name in ineffaceable letters on the abolition record4 ,and he did live to behold the first swelling of the refluent wave4 ,the denounced abolitionist was honored by a democratic ,president with a diplomatic mission2 and since his death1 the resolution condemning him has been ,,expunged from the minutes of the democratic committee4 ,of the many victims of the recent awful calamity in our waters1 what name has been most frequently uttered by the pulpit and the press in the accents of lamentation and panegyric8 ,on whose tomb have freedom1 philanthropy1 and letters been invoked to strew their funeral wreaths8 ,all who have heard of the loss of the ,lexington are familiar with the name of ,,charles ,,follen4 ,and who was he8 ,one of the men officially denounced by ,president ,jackson as a gang of miscreants1 plotting insurrection and murder--and1 recently1 a member of the ,executive ,committee of the ,american ,anti-,slavery ,society4 ,let us then1 fellow citizens1 in view of all these things1 thank ,god and take courage4 ,we are now contending1 not merely for the emancipation of our unhappy fellow men1 kept in bondage under the authority of our own representatives--not merely for the overthrow of the human shambles erected by ,congress on the national domain--but also for the preservation of those great constitutional rights which were acquired by our fathers1 and are now assailed by the slaveholders and their northern auxiliaries4 ,that you may remember these auxiliaries and avoid giving them new opportunities of betraying your rights1 we annex a list of their dishonored names4 ,the following twenty-eight members from the ,free ,states voted in the affirmative on the recent ,,gag ,,rule4 ,,maine4 ,virgil ,d4 ,parris ,albert ,smith ,,new ,,hampshire4 ,charles ,g4 ,atherton ,edmund ,burke ,ira ,a4 ,eastman ,tristram ,shaw ,,new ,,york4 ,nehemiah ,h4 ,earle ,john ,fine ,nathaniel ,jones ,governeur ,kemble ,james de la ,montayne ,john ,h4 ,prentiss ,theron ,r4 ,strong ,,pennsylvania4 ,john ,davis ,joseph ,fornance ,james ,gerry ,george ,m',cullough ,david ,petriken ,william ,s4 ,ramsey ,,ohio4 ,d4,p4 ,leadbetter ,william ,medill ,isaac ,parrish ,george ,sweeney ,jonathan ,taylor ,john ,b4 ,weller ,,indiana4 ,john ,davis ,george ,h4 ,proffit ,,illinois4 ,john ,reynolds4 ,let us turn to our more immediate representatives1 and we trust more faithful servants4 ,our ,state ,legislatures will not refuse to hear our prayers4 ,let us petition them immediately to rebuke the treason by which the ,constitution has been surrendered into the hands of the slaveholders--let us implore them to demand from ,congress1 in the name of the free ,states1 that they shall neither destroy nor abridge the right of petition--a right without which our government would be converted into a despotism4 ,we call on you1 fellow citizens of every religious faith and party name1 to unite with us in guarding the citadel of our country's freedom4 ,if there are any who will not co-operate with us in laboring for the emancipation of the slave1 surely there are none who will stand aloof from us while contending for the liberty of themselves1 their children1 and their children's children4 ,to the rescue1 then1 fellow citizens6 and1 trusting in ,,him without whom all human effort is weakness1 let us not doubt that our faithful endeavors to preserve the rights ,,he has given us will1 through ,,his blessing1 be crowned with success4 ,,arthur ,,tappan1 ,,james ,g4 ,,birney1 ,,joshua ,,leavitt1 ,,lewis ,,tappan1 ,,samuel ,e4 ,,cornish1 ,,simeon ,s4 ,,jocelyn1 ,,la ,,roy ,,sunderland1 ,,theodore ,s4 ,,wright1 ,,duncan ,,dunbar1 ,,james ,s4 ,,gibbons1 ,,henry ,b4 ,,stanton ,executive ,committee of the ,american ,anti-,slavery ,society4 ,new ,york1 ,february #ac1 #ahdj4