,,the ,,gospels ,,in ,,the ,,second ,,century ,,an ,,examination ,,of ,,the ,,critical ,,part ,,of ,a ,,work ,,entitled ',,supernatural ,,religion' ,,by ,w4 ,,sanday1 ,m4,a4 ,rector of ,barton-on-the-,heath1 ,warwickshire2 and late ,fellow of ,trinity ,college1 ,oxford4 ,author of a ,work on the ,fourth ,gospel4 ,,london3 #ahgf4 ,i had hoped to inscribe in this book the revered and cherished name of my old head master1 ,,dr4 ,,pears of ,repton4 ,his consent had been very kindly and warmly given1 and ,i was just on the point of sending the dedication to the printers when ,i received a telegram naming the day and hour of his funeral4 ,his health had for some time since his resignation of ,repton been seriously failing1 but ,i had not anticipated that the end was so near4 ,all who knew him will deplore his too early loss1 and their regret will be shared by the wider circle of those who can appreciate a life in which there was nothing ignoble1 nothing ungenerous1 nothing unreal4 ,i had long wished that he should receive some tribute of regard from one whom he had done his best by precept1 and still more by example1 to fit and train for his place and duty in the world4 ,this pleasure and this honour have been denied me4 ,i cannot place my book1 as ,i had hoped1 in his hand1 but ,i may still lay it reverently upon his tomb4 ,,contents ,,chap4 ,i4 ,,introductory ,,ii4 ,,on ,,quotations ,,generally ,,in ,,the ,,early ,,christian ,,writers ,,iii4 ,,the ,,apostolic ,,fathers ,,iv4 ,,justin ,,martyr ,v4 ,,hegesippus--,,papias ,,vi4 ,,the ,,clementine ,,homilies ,,vii4 ,,basilides ,,and ,,valentinus ,,viii4 ,,marcion ,,ix4 ,,tatian--,,dionysius ,,of ,,corinth ,x4 ,,melito--,,apollinaris--,,athenagoras-- ,,the ,,epistle ,,of ,,vienne ,,and ,,lyons ,,xi4 ,,ptolomaeus ,,and ,,heracleon--,,celsus--,,the ,,muratorian ,,fragment ,,xii4 ,,the ,,external ,,evidence ,,for ,,the ,,fourth ,,gospel ,,xiii4 ,,on ,,the ,,state ,,of ,,the ,,canon ,,in ,,the ,,last ,,quarter ,,of ,,the ,,second ,,century ,,xiv4 ,,conclusion ,,endnotes ,,appendix4 ,,supplemental ,,note ,,on ,,the ,,reconstruction ,,of ,,marcion',s ,,gospel ,,indices ,,preface4 ,it will be well to explain at once that the following work has been written at the request and is published at the cost of the ,christian ,evidence ,society1 and that it may therefore be classed under the head of ,apologetics4 ,i am aware that this will be a drawback to it in the eyes of some1 and ,i confess that it is not altogether a recommendation in my own4 ,ideally speaking1 ,apologetics ought to have no existence distinct from the general and unanimous search for truth1 and in so far as they tend to put any other consideration1 no matter how high or pure in itself1 in the place of truth1 they must needs stand aside from the path of science4 ,but1 on the other hand1 the question of true belief itself is immensely wide4 ,it is impossible to approach what is merely a branch of a vast subject without some general conclusions already formed as to the whole4 ,the mind cannot1 if it would1 become a sheet of blank paper on which the writing is inscribed by an external process alone4 ,it must needs have its praejudicia-- i4e4 judgments formed on grounds extrinsic to the special matter of enquiry--of one sort or another4 ,accordingly we find that an absolutely and strictly impartial temper never has existed and never will4 ,if it did1 its verdict would still be false1 because it would represent an incomplete or half-suppressed humanity4 ,there is no question that touches1 directly or indirectly1 on the moral and spiritual nature of man that can be settled by the bare reason4 ,a certain amount of sympathy is necessary in order to estimate the weight of the forces that are to be analysed3 yet that very sympathy itself becomes an extraneous influence1 and the perfect balance and adjustment of the reason is disturbed4 ,but though impartiality1 in the strict sense1 is not to be had1 there is another condition that may be rightly demanded--resolute honesty4 ,this ,i hope may be attained as well from one point of view as from another1 at least that there is no very great antecedent reason to the contrary4 ,in past generations indeed there was such a reason4 ,strongly negative views could only be expressed at considerable personal risk and loss4 ,but now1 public opinion is so tolerant1 especially among the reading and thinking classes1 that both parties are practically upon much the same footing4 ,indeed for bold and strong and less sensitive minds negative views will have an attraction and will find support that will go far to neutralise any counterbalancing disadvantage4 ,on either side the remedy for the effects of bias must be found in a rigorous and searching criticism4 ,if misleading statements and unsound arguments are allowed to pass unchallenged the fault will not lie only with their author4 ,it will be hardly necessary for me to say that the ,christian ,evidence ,society is not responsible for the contents of this work1 except in so far as may be involved in the original request that ,i should write it4 ,i undertook the task at first with some hesitation1 and ,i could not have undertaken it at all without stipulating for entire freedom4 ,the ,society very kindly and liberally granted me this1 and ,i am conscious of having to some extent availed myself of it4 ,i have not always stayed to consider whether the opinions expressed were in exact accordance with those of the majority of ,christians4 ,it will be enough if they should find points of contact in some minds1 and the tentative element in them will perhaps be the more indulgently judged now that the reconciliation of the different branches of knowledge and belief is being so anxiously sought for4 ,the instrument of the enquiry had to be fashioned as the enquiry itself went on1 and ,i suspect that the consequences of this will be apparent in some inequality and incompleteness in the earlier portions4 ,for instance1 ,i am afraid that the textual analysis of the quotations in ,justin may seem somewhat less satisfactory than that of those in the ,clementine ,homilies1 though ,justin's quotations are the more important of the two4 ,still ,i hope that the treatment of the first may be1 for the scale of the book1 sufficiently adequate4 ,there seemed to be a certain advantage in presenting the results of the enquiry in the order in which it was conducted4 ,if time and strength are allowed me1 ,i hope to be able to carry several of the investigations that are begun in this book some stages further4 ,i ought perhaps to explain that ,i was prevented by other engagements from beginning seriously to work upon the subject until the latter end of ,december in last year4 ,the first of ,dr4 ,lightfoot's articles in the ,contemporary ,review had then appeared4 ,the next two articles 7on the ,silence of ,eusebius and the ,ignatian ,epistles7 were also in advance of my own treatment of the same topics4 ,from this point onwards ,i was usually the first to finish1 and ,i have been compelled merely to allude to the progress of the controversy in notes4 ,seeing the turn that ,dr4 ,lightfoot's review was taking1 and knowing how utterly vain it would be for any one else to go over the same ground1 ,i felt myself more at liberty to follow a natural bent in confining myself pretty closely to the internal aspect of the enquiry4 ,my object has been chiefly to test in detail the alleged quotations from our ,gospels1 while ,dr4 ,lightfoot has taken a wider sweep in collecting and bringing to bear the collateral matter of which his unrivalled knowledge of the early ,christian literature gave him such command4 ,it will be seen that in some cases1 as notably in regard to the evidence of ,papias1 the external and the internal methods have led to an opposite result2 and ,i shall look forward with much interest to the further discussion of this subject4 ,i should be sorry to ignore the debt ,i am under to the author of ',supernatural ,religion' for the copious materials he has supplied to criticism4 ,i have also to thank him for his courtesy in sending me a copy of the sixth edition of his work4 ,my obligations to other writers ,i hope will be found duly acknowledged4 ,if ,i were to single out the one book to which ,i owed most1 it would probably be ,credner's ',beitrage zur ,einleitung in die ,biblischen ,schriften1' of which ,i have spoken somewhat fully in an early chapter4 ,i have used a certain amount of discretion and economy in avoiding as a rule the works of previous apologists 7such as ,semisch1 ,riggenbach1 ,norton1 ,hofstede de ,groot7 and consulting rather those of an opposite school in such representatives as ,hilgenfeld and ,volkmar4 ,in this way1 though ,i may very possibly have omitted some arguments which may be sound1 ,i hope ,i shall have put forward few that have been already tried and found wanting4 ,as ,i have made rather large use of the argument supplied by text- criticism1 ,i should perhaps say that to the best of my belief my attention was first drawn to its importance by a note in ,dr4 ,lightfoot's work on ,revision4 ,the evidence adduced under this head will be found1 ,i believe1 to be independent of any particular theory of text-criticism4 ,the idea of the ,analytical ,index is taken1 with some change of plan1 from ,volkmar4 ,it may serve to give a sort of coup d'oeil of the subject4 ,it is a pleasure to be able to mention another form of assistance from which it is one of the misfortunes of an anonymous writer to find himself cut off4 ,the proofs of this book have been seen in their passage through the press by my friend the ,rev4 ,a4,j4 ,mason1 ,fellow of ,trinity ,college1 ,cambridge1 whose exact scholarship has been particularly valuable to me4 ,on another side than that of scholarship ,i have derived the greatest benefit from the advice of my friend ,james ,beddard1 ,m4,b41 of ,nottingham1 who was among the first to help me to realise1 and now does not suffer me to forget1 what a book ought to be4 ,the ,index of ,references to the ,gospels has also been made for me4 ,the chapter on ,marcion has already appeared1 substantially in its present form1 as a contribution to the ,fortnightly ,review4 ,,barton-,,on-,,the-,,heath1 ,,shipston-,,on-,,stour1 ,november1 #ahge4 ,greek epigraph3 ,ta de panta elenchoumena hupo tou photos phaneroutai pan gar to phaneroumenon phos estin4 ,,chapter ,i4 ,,introductory4 ,it would be natural in a work of this kind1 which is a direct review of a particular book1 to begin with an account of that book1 and with some attempt to characterise it4 ,such had been my own intention1 but there seems to be sufficient reason for pursuing a different course4 ,on the one hand1 an account of a book which has so recently appeared1 which has been so fully reviewed1 and which has excited so much attention1 would appear to be superfluous2 and1 on the other hand1 as the character of it has become the subject of somewhat sharp controversy1 and as controversy-- or at least the controversial temper--is the one thing that ,i wish to avoid1 ,i have thought it well on the whole to abandon my first intention1 and to confine myself as much as possible to a criticism of the argument and subject-matter1 with a view to ascertain the real facts as to the formation of the ,canon of the four ,gospels4 ,i shall correct1 where ,i am able to do so1 such mistakes as may happen to come under my notice and have not already been pointed out by other reviewers1 only dilating upon them where what seem to be false principles of criticism are involved4 ,on the general subject of these mistakes--misleading references and the like--,i think that enough has been said ,endnote #b3a4 ,much is perhaps charged upon the individual which is rather due to the system of theological training and the habits of research that are common in ,england at the present day4 ,inaccuracies no doubt have been found1 not a few4 ,but1 unfortunately1 there is only one of our seats of learning where--in theology at least--the study of accuracy has quite the place that it deserves4 ,our best scholars and ablest men--with one or two conspicuous exceptions--do not write1 and the work is left to be done by littrateurs and clergymen or laymen who have never undergone the severe preliminary discipline which scientific investigation requires4 ,thus a low standard is set2 there are but few sound examples to follow1 and it is a chance whether the student's attention is directed to these at the time when his habits of mind are being formed4 ,again1 it was claimed for ',supernatural ,religion' on its first appearance that it was impartial4 ,the claim has been indignantly denied1 and1 ,i am afraid ,i must say1 with justice4 ,any one conversant with the subject 7,i speak of the critical portion of the book7 will see that it is deeply coloured by the author's prepossessions from beginning to end4 ,here again he has only imbibed the temper of the nation4 ,perhaps it is due to our political activity and the system of party-government that the spirit of party seems to have taken such a deep root in the ,english mind4 ,an ,englishman's political opinions are determined for him mainly 7though sometimes in the way of reaction7 by his antecedents and education1 and his opinions on other subjects follow in their train4 ,he takes them up with more of practical vigour and energy than breadth of reflection4 ,there is a contagion of party-spirit in the air4 ,and thus advocacy on one side is simply met by advocacy on the other4 ,such has at least been hitherto the history of ,english thought upon most great subjects4 ,we may hope that at last this state of things is coming to an end4 ,but until now1 and even now1 it has been difficult to find that quiet atmosphere in which alone true criticism can flourish4 ,let it not be thought that these few remarks are made in a spirit of censoriousness4 ,they are made by one who is only too conscious of being subject to the very same conditions1 and who knows not how far he may need indulgence on the same score himself4 ,how far his own work is tainted with the spirit of advocacy it is not for him to say4 ,he knows well that the author whom he has set himself to criticise is at least a writer of remarkable vigour and ability1 and that he cannot lay claim to these qualities2 but he has confidence in the power of truth--whatever that truth may be-- to assert itself in the end4 ,an open and fair field and full and free criticism are all that is needed to eliminate the effects of individual strength or weakness4 ',the opinions of good men are but knowledge in the making'--especially where they are based upon a survey of the original facts4 ,mistakes will be made and have currency for a time4 ,but little by little truth emerges2 it receives the suffrages of those who are competent to judge2 gradually the controversy narrows2 parts of it are closed up entirely1 and a solid and permanent advance is made4 99 99 99 99 99 ,the author of ',supernatural ,religion' starts from a rigid and somewhat antiquated view of ,revelation--,revelation is 'a direct and external communication by ,god to man of truths undiscoverable by human reason4 ,the divine origin of this communication is proved by miracles4 ,miracles are proved by the record of ,scripture1 which1 in its turn1 is attested by the history of the ,canon4--,this is certainly the kind of theory which was in favour at the end of the last century1 and found expression in works like ,paley's ,evidences4 ,it belongs to a time of vigorous and clear but mechanical and narrow culture1 when the philosophy of religion was made up of abrupt and violent contrasts2 when ,christianity 7including under that name the ,old ,testament as well as the ,new7 was thought to be simply true and all other religions simply false2 when the revelation of divine truth was thought to be as sudden and complete as the act of creation2 and when the presence of any local and temporary elements in the ,christian documents or society was ignored4 ,the world has undergone a great change since then4 ,a new and far- reaching philosophy is gradually displacing the old4 ,the ,christian sees that evolution is as much a law of religion as of nature4 ,the ,ethnic1 or non-,christian1 religions are no longer treated as outside the pale of the ,divine government4 ,each falls into its place as part of a vast divinely appointed scheme1 of the character of which we are beginning to have some faint glimmerings4 ,other religions are seen to be correlated to ,christianity much as the other tentative efforts of nature are correlated to man4 ,a divine operation1 and what from our limited human point of view we should call a special divine operation1 is not excluded but rather implied in the physical process by which man has been planted on the earth1 and it is still more evidently implied in the corresponding process of his spiritual enlightenment4 ,the deeper and more comprehensive view that we have been led to take as to the dealings of ,providence has not by any means been followed by a depreciation of ,christianity4 ,rather it appears on a loftier height than ever4 ,the spiritual movements of recent times have opened men's eyes more and more to its supreme spiritual excellence4 ,it is no longer possible to resolve it into a mere 'code of morals4' ,the ,christian ethics grow organically out of the relations which ,christianity assumes between ,god and man1 and in their fulness are inseparable from those relations4 ,the author of ',supernatural ,religion' speaks as if they were separable1 as if a man could assume all the ,christian graces merely by wishing to assume them4 ,but he forgets the root of the whole ,christian system1 ',except ye be converted and become as little children1 ye shall in no case enter into the kingdom of heaven4' ,the old idea of the ,aufklrung that ,christianity was nothing more than a code of morals1 has now long ago been given up1 and the self-complacency which characterised that movement has for the most part1 though not entirely1 passed away4 ,the nineteenth century is not in very many quarters regarded as the goal of things4 ,and it will hardly now be maintained that ,christianity is adequately represented by any of the many sects and parties embraced under the name4 ,when we turn from even the best of these1 in its best and highest embodiment1 to the picture that is put before us in the ,gospels1 how small does it seem6 ,we feel that they all fall short of their ideal1 and that there is a greater promise and potentiality of perfection in the root than has ever yet appeared in branch or flower4 ,no doubt theology follows philosophy4 ,the special conception of the relation of man to ,god naturally takes its colour from the wider conception as to the nature of all knowledge and the relation of ,god to the universe4 ,it has been so in every age1 and it must needs be so now4 ,some readjustment1 perhaps a considerable readjustment1 of theological and scientific beliefs may be necessary4 ,but there is1 ,i think1 a strong presumption that the changes involved in theology will be less radical than often seems to be supposed4 ,when we look back upon history1 the world has gone through many similar crises before4 ,the discoveries of ,darwin and the philosophies of ,mill or ,hegel do not mark a greater relative advance than the discoveries of ,newton and the philosophies of ,descartes and ,locke4 ,these latter certainly had an effect upon theology4 ,at one time they seemed to shake it to its base2 so much so that ,bishop ,butler wrote in the ,advertisement to the first edition of his ,analogy that 'it is come to be taken for granted that ,christianity is not so much as a subject of inquiry2 but that it is now at length discovered to be fictitious4' ,yet what do we see after a lapse of a hundred and forty years8 ,it cannot be said that there is less religious life and activity now than there was then1 or that there has been so far any serious breach in the continuity of ,christian belief4 ,an eye that has learnt to watch the larger movements of mankind will not allow itself to be disturbed by local oscillations4 ,it is natural enough that some of our thinkers and writers should imagine that the last word has been spoken1 and that they should be tempted to use the word ',truth' as if it were their own peculiar possession4 ,but ,truth is really a much vaster and more unattainable thing4 ,one man sees a fragment of it here and another there2 but1 as a whole1 even in any of its smallest subdivisions1 it exists not in the brain of any one individual1 but in the gradual1 and ever incomplete but ever self-completing1 onward movement of the whole4 ',if any man think that he knoweth anything1 he knoweth nothing yet as he ought to know4' ,the forms of ,christianity change1 but ,christianity itself endures4 ,and it would seem as if we might well be content to wait until it was realised a little less imperfectly before we attempt to go farther afield4 ,yet the work of adaptation must be done4 ,the present generation has a task of its own to perform4 ,it is needful for it to revise its opinions in view of the advances that have been made both in general knowledge and in special theological criticism4 ,in so far as ',supernatural ,religion' has helped to do this1 it has served the cause of true progress2 but its main plan and design ,i cannot but regard as out of date and aimed in the air4 ,the ,christian miracles1 or what in our ignorance we call miracles1 will not bear to be torn away from their context4 ,if they are facts we must look at them in strict connection with that ,ideal ,life to which they seem to form the almost natural accompaniment4 ,the ,life itself is the great miracle4 ,when we come to see it as it really is1 and to enter1 if even in some dim and groping way1 into its inner recesses1 we feel ourselves abashed and dumb4 ,yet this self-evidential character is found in portions of the narrative that are quite unmiraculous4 ,these1 perhaps1 are in reality the most marvellous1 though the miracles themselves will seem in place when their spiritual significance is understood and they are ranged in order round their common centre4 ,doubtless some elements of superstition may be mixed up in the record as it has come down to us4 ,there is a manifest gap between the reality and the story of it4 ,the ,evangelists were for the most part ',jews who sought after a sign4' ,something of this wonder-seeking curiosity may very well have given a colour to their account of events in which the really transcendental element was less visible and tangible4 ,we cannot now distinguish with any degree of accuracy between the subjective and the objective in the report4 ,but that miracles1 or what we call such1 did in some shape take place1 is1 ,i believe1 simply a matter of attested fact4 ,when we consider it in its relation to the rest of the narrative1 to tear out the miraculous bodily from the ,gospels seems to me in the first instance a violation of history and criticism rather than of faith4 ,still the author of ',supernatural ,religion' is1 no doubt1 justified in raising the question1 ,did miracles really happen8 ,i only wish to protest against the idea that such a question can be adequately discussed as something isolated and distinct1 in which all that is necessary is to produce and substantiate the documents as in a forensic process4 ,such a 'world-historical' event 7if ,i may for the moment borrow an expressive ,germanism7 as the founding of ,christianity cannot be thrown into a merely forensic form4 ,considerations of this kind may indeed enter in1 but to suppose that they can be justly estimated by themselves alone is an error4 ,and it is still more an error to suppose that the riddle of the universe1 or rather that part of the riddle which to us is most important1 the religious nature of man and1 the objective facts and relations that correspond to it1 can all be reduced to some four or five simple propositions which admit of being proved or disproved by a short and easy ,q4,e4,d4 ,it would have been a far more profitable enquiry if the author had asked himself1 ,what is ,revelation8 ,the time has come when this should be asked and an attempt to obtain a more scientific definition should be made4 ,the comparative study of religions has gone far enough to admit of a comparison between the ,ethnic religions and that which had its birth in ,palestine--the religion of the ,jews and ,christians4 ,obviously1 at the first blush1 there is a difference3 and that difference constitutes what we mean by ,revelation4 ,let us have this as yet very imperfectly known quantity scientifically ascertained1 without any attempt either to minimise or to exaggerate4 ,i mean1 let the field which ,mr4 ,matthew ,arnold has lately been traversing with much of his usual insight but in a light and popular manner1 be seriously mapped out and explored4 ,pioneers have been at work1 such as ,dr4 ,kuenen1 but not perhaps quite without a bias3 let the same enquiry be taken up so widely as that the effects of bias may be eliminated2 and instead of at once accepting the first crude results1 let us wait until they are matured by time4 ,this would be really fruitful and productive1 and a positive addition to knowledge2 but reasoning such as that in ',supernatural ,religion' is vitiated at the outset1 because it starts with the assumption that we know perfectly well the meaning of a term of which our actual conception is vague and indeterminate in the extreme--,divine ,revelation4 ,endnote #aj3a ,with these reservations as to the main drift and bearing of the argument1 we may however meet the author of ',supernatural ,religion' on his own ground4 ,it is a part of the question--though a more subordinate part apparently than he seems to suppose--to decide whether miracles did or did not really happen4 ,even of this part too it is but quite a minor subdivision that is included in the two volumes of his work that have hitherto appeared4 ,in the first place1 merely as a matter of historical attestation1 the ,gospels are not the strongest evidence for the ,christian miracles4 ,only one of the four1 in its present shape1 is claimed as the work of an ,apostle1 and of that the genuineness is disputed4 ,the ,acts of the ,apostles stand upon very much the same footing with the ,synoptic ,gospels1 and of this book we are promised a further examination4 ,but we possess at least some undoubted writings of one who was himself a chief actor in the events which followed immediately upon those recorded in the ,gospels2 and in these undoubted writings ,st4 ,paul certainly shows by incidental allusions1 the good faith of which cannot be questioned1 that he believed himself to be endowed with the power of working miracles1 and that miracles1 or what were thought to be such1 were actually wrought both by him and by his contemporaries4 ,he reminds the ,corinthians that 'the signs of an ,apostle were wrought among them 444 in signs1 and wonders1 and mighty deeds' 7,greek3 en saemeious kai terasi kai dunamesi--the usual words for the higher forms of miracle-- #b ,cor4 xii4 #ab74 ,he tells the ,romans that 'he will not dare to speak of any of those things which ,christ hath not wrought in him1 to make the ,gentiles obedient1 by word and deed1 through mighty signs and wonders1 by the power of the ,spirit of ,god' 7,greek3 en dunamei saemeion kai teraton1 en dunamei pneumator ,theou1 ,rom4 xv4 #ah1 #ai7 ,he asks the ,galatians whether 'he that ministereth to them the ,spirit1 and worketh miracles ,greek3 ho energon dunameis among them1 doeth it by the works of the law1 or by the hearing of faith8' 7,gal4 iii4 #e74 ,in the first ,epistle to the ,corinthians1 he goes somewhat elaborately into the exact place in the ,christian economy that is to be assigned to the working of miracles and gifts of healing 7#a ,cor4 xii4 #aj1 #bh1 #bi74 ,besides these allusions1 ,st4 ,paul repeatedly refers to the cardinal miracles of the ,resurrection and ,ascension2 he refers to them as notorious and unquestionable facts at a time when such an assertion might have been easily refuted4 ,on one occasion he gives a very circumstantial account of the testimony on which the belief in the ,resurrection rested 7#a ,cor4 xv4 #d-h74 ,and1 not only does he assert the ,resurrection as a fact1 but he builds upon it a whole scheme of doctrine3 ',if ,christ be not risen1' he says1 'then is our preaching vain1 and your faith is also vain4' ,we do not stay now to consider the exact philosophical weight of this evidence4 ,it will be time enough to do this when it has received the critical discussion that may be presumed to be in store for it4 ,but as external evidence1 in the legal sense1 it is probably the best that can be produced1 and it has been entirely untouched so far4 ,again1 in considering the evidence for the age of the ,synoptic ,gospels1 that which is derived from external sources is only a part1 and not perhaps the more important part1 of the whole4 ,it points backwards indeed1 and we shall see with what amount of force and range4 ,but there is still an interval within which only approximate conclusions are possible4 ,these conclusions need to be supplemented from the phenomena of the documents themselves4 ,in the relation of the ,gospels to the growth of the ,christian society and the development of ,christian doctrine1 and especially to the great turning-point in the history1 the taking of ,jerusalem1 there is very considerable internal evidence for determining the date within which they must have been composed4 ,it is well known that many critics1 without any apologetic object1 have found a more or less exact criterion in the eschatological discourses 7,matt4 xxiv1 ,mark xiii1 ,luke xxi4 #e-cf71 and to this large additions may be made4 ,as ,i hope some day to have an opportunity of discussing the whole question of the origin and composition of the ,synoptic ,gospels1 ,i shall not go into this at present3 but in the mean time it should be remembered that all these further questions lie in the background1 and that in tracing the formation of the ,canon of the ,gospels the whole of the evidence for miracles--even from this ab extra point of view--is very far from being exhausted4 ,there is yet another remaining reason which makes the present enquiry of less importance than might be supposed1 derived from the particular way in which the author has dealt with this external evidence4 ,in order to explain the prima facie evidence for our canonical ,gospels1 he has been compelled to assume the existence of other documents containing1 so far as appears1 the same or very similar matter4 ,in other words1 instead of four ,gospels he would give us five or six or seven4 ,i do not know that1 merely as a matter of policy1 and for apologetic purposes only1 the best way to refute his conclusion would not be to admit his premisses and to insist upon the multiplication of the evidence for the facts of the ,gospel history which his argument would seem to involve4 ,i mention this however1 not with any such object1 but rather to show that the truth of ,christianity is not intimately affected1 and that there are no such great reasons for partiality on one side or on the other4 ,i confess that it was a relief to me when ,i found that this must be the case4 ,i do not think the time has come when the central question can be approached with any safety4 ,rough and ready methods 7such as ,i am afraid ,i must call the first part of ',supernatural ,religion'7 may indeed cut the ,gordian knot1 but they do not untie it4 ,a number of preliminary questions will have to be determined with a greater degree of accuracy and with more general consent than has been done hitherto4 ,the ,jewish and ,christian literature of the century before and of the two centuries after the birth of ,christ must undergo a more searching examination1 by minds of different nationality and training1 both as to the date1 text1 and character of the several books4 ,the whole balance of an argument may frequently be changed by some apparently minute and unimportant discovery2 while1 at present1 from the mere want of consent as to the data1 the state of many a question is necessarily chaotic4 ,it is far better that all these points should be discussed as disinterestedly as possible4 ,no work is so good as that which is done without sight of the object to which it is tending and where the workman has only his measure and rule to trust to4 ,i am glad to think that the investigation which is to follow may be almost1 if not quite1 classed in this category2 and ,i hope ,i may be able to conduct it with sufficient impartiality4 ,unconscious bias no man can escape1 but from conscious bias ,i trust ,i shall be free4 ,,chapter ,,ii4 ,,on ,,quotations ,,generally ,,in ,,the ,,early ,,christian ,,writers4 ,the subject then proposed for our investigation is the extent to which the canonical ,gospels are attested by the early ,christian writers1 or1 in other words1 the history of the process by which they became canonical4 ,this will involve an enquiry into two things2 first1 the proof of the existence of the ,gospels1 and1 secondly1 the degree of authority attributed to them4 ,practically this second enquiry must be very subordinate to the first1 because the data are much fewer2 but it too shall be dealt with1 cursorily1 as the occasion arises1 and we shall be in a position to speak upon it definitely before we conclude4 ,it will be convenient to follow the example that is set us in ',supernatural ,religion1' and to take the first three1 or ,synoptic1 ,gospels separately from the fourth4 99 99 99 99 99 ,at the outset the question will occur to us1 ,on what principle is the enquiry to be conducted8 ,what sort of rule or standard are we to assume8 ,in order to prove either the existence or the authority of the ,gospels1 it is necessary that we should examine the quotations from them1 or what are alleged to be quotations from them1 in the early writers4 ,now these quotations are notoriously lax4 ,it will be necessary then to have some means of judging1 what degree and kind of laxity is admissible2 what does1 and what does not1 prevent the reference of a quotation to a given source4 ,the author of ',supernatural ,religion1' indeed1 has not felt the necessity for this preliminary step4 ,he has taken up1 as it were1 at haphazard1 the first standard that came to his hand2 and1 not unnaturally1 this is found to be very much the standard of the present literary age1 when both the mechanical and psychological conditions are quite different from those that prevailed at the beginning of the ,christian era4 ,he has thus been led to make a number of assertions which will require a great deal of qualification4 ,the only sound and scientific method is to make an induction 7if only a rough one7 respecting the habit of early quotation generally1 and then to apply it to the particular cases4 ,here there will be three classes of quotation more or less directly in point3 7#a7 the quotations from the ,old ,testament in the ,new2 7#b7 the quotations from the ,old ,testament in the same early writers whose quotations from the ,new ,testament are the point in question2 7#c7 quotations from the ,new ,testament1 and more particularly from the ,gospels1 in the writers subsequent to these1 at a time when the ,canon of the ,gospels was fixed and we can be quite sure that our present ,gospels are being quoted4 ,this method of procedure however is not by any means so plain and straightforward as it might seem4 ,the whole subject of ,old ,testament quotations is highly perplexing4 ,most of the quotations that we meet with are taken from the ,,lxx version2 and the text of that version was at this particular time especially uncertain and fluctuating4 ,there is evidence to show that it must have existed in several forms which differed more or less from that of the extant ,,mss4 ,it would be rash therefore to conclude at once1 because we find a quotation differing from the present text of the ,,lxx1 that it differed from that which was used by the writer making the quotation4 ,in some cases this can be proved from the same writer making the same quotation more than once and differently each time1 or from another writer making it in agreement with our present text4 ,but in other cases it seems probable that the writer had really a different text before him1 because he quotes it more than once1 or another writer quotes it1 with the same variation4 ,this however is again an uncertain criterion2 for the second writer may be copying the first1 or he may be influenced by an unconscious reminiscence of what the first had written4 ,the early ,christian writers copied each other to an extent that we should hardly be prepared for4 ,thus1 for instance1 there is a string of quotations in the first ,epistle of ,clement of ,rome 7cc4 xiv1 xv7--,ps4 xxxvii4 #cf-ch2 ,is4 xxix4 #ac2 ,ps4 lxii4 #d1 lxxviii4 #cf1 #cg1 xxxi1 #ai1 xii4 #c-f2 and these very quotations in the same order reappear in the ,alexandrine ,clement 7,strom4 iv4 #f74 ,clement of ,alexandria is indeed fond of copying his ,roman namesake1 and does so without acknowledgment4 ,tertullian and ,epiphanius in like manner drew largely from the works of ,irenaeus4 ,but this confuses evidence that would otherwise be clear4 ,for instance1 in ,eph4 iv4 #h ,st4 ,paul quotes ,ps4 lxviii4 #ai1 but with a marked variation from all the extant texts of the ,,lxx4 ,thus3-- ,ps4 lxviii4 #ah 7#ai74 ,greek3 ,anabas eis hupsos aechmaloteusas aichmalosian1 elabes domata en anthropon4 ,greek3 ,aechmaloteusen 444 en anthropon ,hebrew3 alef1 perhaps from assimilation to ,n4,t4 ,eph4 iv4 #h4 ,greek3 ,anabas eis hupsos aechmaltoteusen aichmalosian1 kai edoke domata tois anthropois4 ,greek3 kai om4 ,hebrew3 alef'#a1 ,a ,c'#b ,d'#a1 c4 ,it4 ,vulg4 ,memph4 c42 ins4 ,b ,c'#c ,d'#c ,hebrew3 alef'#d1 c4 ,now we should naturally think that this was a very free quotation--so free that it substitutes 'giving' for 'receiving4' ,a free quotation perhaps it may be1 but at any rate the very same variation is found in ,justin 7,dial4 #ci74 ,and1 strange to say1 in five other passages which are quoted variantly by ,st4 ,paul1 ,justin also agrees with him1 ,endnote #ah3a though cases on the other hand occur where ,justin differs from ,st4 ,paul or holds a position midway between him and the ,,lxx 7e4g4 #a ,cor4 i4 #ai compared with ,just4 ,dial4 cc4 #abc1 #cb1 #gh1 where will be found some curious variations1 agreement with ,,lxx1 partial agreement with ,,lxx1 partial agreement with ,st4 ,paul74 ,now what are we to say to these phenomena8 ,have ,st4 ,paul and ,justin both a variant text of the ,,lxx1 or is ,justin quoting mediately through ,st4 ,paul8 ,probability indeed seems to be on the side of the latter of these two alternatives1 because in one place 7,dial4 cc4 #ie1 #if7 ,justin quotes the two passages ,deut4 xxvii4 #bf and ,deut4 xxi4 #bc consecutively1 and applies them just as they are applied in ,gal4 iii4 #aj1 #ac ,endnote #ah3b4 ,on the other hand1 it is somewhat strange that ,justin nowhere refers to the ,epistles of ,st4 ,paul by name1 and that the allusions to them in the genuine writings1 except for these marked resemblances in the ,old ,testament quotations1 are few and uncertain4 ,the same relation is observed between the ,pauline ,epistles and that of ,clement of ,rome4 ,in two places at least ,clement agrees1 or nearly agrees1 with ,st4 ,paul1 where both differ from the ,,lxx2 in c4 xiii 7,greek3 ho kanchomenos en ,kurio kanchastho2 compare #a ,cor4 i4 #ca1 #b ,cor4 x1 #af71 and in c4 xxxiv 7,greek3 ophthalmhos ouk eiden k4t4l42 compare #a ,cor4 ii4 #i74 ,again1 in c4 xxxvi ,clement has the ,greek3 puros phloga of ,heb4 i4 #g for ,greek3 pur phlegon of the ,,lxx4 ,the rest of the parallelisms in ,clement's ,epistle are for the most part with ,clement of ,alexandria1 who had evidently made a careful study of his predecessor4 ,in one place1 c4 liii1 there is a remarkable coincidence with ,barnabas 7,greek3 ,mousae ,mousae katabaethi to tachos k4t4l42 compare ,barn4 cc4 iv and xiv74 ,in the ,epistle of ,barnabas itself there is a combined quotation from ,gen4 xv4 #f1 xvii4 #e1 which has evidently and certainly been affected by ,rom4 iv4 #aa4 ,on the whole we may lean somewhat decidedly to the hypothesis of a mutual study of each other by the ,christian writers1 though the other hypothesis of the existence of different versions 7whether oral and traditional or in any shape written7 cannot be excluded4 ,probably both will have to be taken into account to explain all the facts4 ,another disturbing influence1 which will affect especially the quotations in the ,gospels1 is the possibility1 perhaps even probability1 that many of these are made1 not directly from either ,hebrew or ,,lxx1 but from or through ,targums4 ,this would seem to be the case especially with the remarkable applications of prophecy in ,st4 ,matthew4 ,it must be admitted as possible that the ,evangelist has followed some ,jewish interpretation that seemed to bear a ,christian construction4 ,the quotation in ,matt4 ii4 #f1 with its curious insertion of the negative 7,greek3 oudamos elachistae for ,greek3 oligostos71 reappears identically in ,justin 7,dial4 c4 #gh74 ,we shall probably have to touch upon this quotation when we come to consider ,justin's relations to the canonical ,gospels4 ,it certainly seems upon the face of it the more probable supposition that he has here been influenced by the form of the text in ,st4 ,matthew1 but he may be quoting from a ,targum or from a peculiar text4 ,any induction1 then1 in regard to the quotations from the ,,lxx version will have to be used with caution and reserve4 ,and yet ,i think it will be well to make such an induction roughly1 especially in regard to the ,apostolic ,fathers whose writings we are to examine4 99 99 99 99 99 ,the quotations from the ,old ,testament in the ,new have1 as it is well known1 been made the subject of a volume by ,mr4 ,mc,calman ,turpie ,endnote #bj3a1 which1 though perhaps not quite reaching a high level of scholarship1 has yet evidently been put together with much care and pains1 and will be sufficient for our purpose4 ,the summary result of ,mr4 ,turpie's investigation is this4 ,out of two hundred and seventy-five in all which may be considered to be quotations from the ,old ,testament1 fifty-three agree literally both with the ,,lxx and the ,hebrew1 ten with the ,hebrew and not with the ,,lxx1 and thirty-seven with the ,,lxx and not with the ,hebrew1 making in all just a hundred that are in literal 7or nearly literal1 for slight variations of order are not taken into account7 agreement with some still extant authority4 ,on the other hand1 seventy-six passages differ both from the ,hebrew and ,,lxx where the two are together1 ninety-nine differ from them where they diverge1 and besides these1 three1 though introduced with marks of quotation1 have no assignable original in the ,old ,testament at all4 ,leaving them for the present out of the question1 we have a hundred instances of agreement against a hundred and seventy-five of difference2 or1 in other words1 the proportion of difference to agreement is as seven to four4 ,this however must be taken with the caution given above2 that is to say1 it must not at once be inferred that because the quotation differs from extant authority therefore it necessarily differs from all non-extant authority as well4 ,it should be added that the standard of agreement adopted by ,mr4 ,turpie is somewhat higher than would be naturally held to be sufficient to refer a passage to a given source4 ,his lists must therefore be used with these limitations4 ,turning to them1 we find that most of the possible forms of variation are exemplified within the bounds of the ,canon itself4 ,i proceed to give a few classified instances of these4 ,greek3 ,alpha symbol ,paraphrase4 ,many of the quotations from the ,old ,testament in the ,new are highly paraphrastic4 ,we may take the following as somewhat marked examples3 ,matt4 ii4 #f1 xii4 #ah-ba1 xiii4 #ce1 xxvii4 #i1 #aj2 ,john viii4 #ag1 xii4 #dj1 xiii4 #ah2 #a ,cor4 xiv4 #ba2 #b ,cor4 ix4 #g4 ,matt4 xxvii4 #i1 #aj would perhaps mark an extreme point in freedom of quotation ,endnote #ba3a1 as will be seen when it is compared with the original3-- ,matt4 xxvii4 #i4 #aj4 ,greek3 tote eplaerothae to phaethen dia tou prophaetou ,hieremiou legontos ,kai elabon ta triakonta arguria1 taen timaen tou tetimaemenou on etimaesanto apo nion ,israael1 kai edokan auta eis ton argon tou kerameos1 katha sunetaxen moi ,kurios4 ,zech4 xi4 #ac4 ,greek3 ,kathes autous eis to choneutaerion1 kai schepsomai ei dokimon estin1 de tropon edokiamistheaen huper aotuon4 ,kai elabon tous triakonta argurous kai enebalon autous eis oikon ,kuriou eis to choneutaerion4 ,it can hardly be possible that the ,evangelist has here been influenced by any ,targum or version4 ,the form of his text has apparently been determined by the historical event to which the prophecy is applied4 ,the sense of the original has been entirely altered4 ,there the prophet obeys the command to put the thirty pieces of silver1 which he had received as his shepherd's hire1 into the treasury ,greek3 choneutaerion4 ,here the hierarchical party refuse to put them into the treasury4 ,the word 'potter' seems to be introduced from the ,hebrew4 ,greek3 ,beta symbol ,quotations from ,memory4 ,among the numerous paraphrastic quotations1 there are some that have specially the appearance of having been made from memory1 such as ,acts vii4 #cg2 ,rom4 ix4 #i1 #ag1 #be1 #cc1 x4 #f-h1 xi4 #c1 xii4 #ai1 xiv4 #aa2 #a ,cor4 i4 #ai1 ii4 #i2 ,rev4 ii4 #bg4 ,of course it must always be a matter of guess-work what is quoted from memory and what is not1 but in these quotations 7and in others which are ranged under different heads7 there is just that general identity of sense along with variety of expression which usually characterises such quotations4 ,a simple instance would be-- ,rom4 ix4 #be4 ,greek3 hos kai en to ,osaee legei ,kaleso ton out laon mou laon mou kai taen ouk aegapaemenaen haegapaemenaen4 ,hosea ii4 #bc4 ,greek3 ,kai agapaeso taen ouk aegapaemenaen1 kai ero to ou lao mou ,daos mou ei se4 ,greek3 ,gamma symbol ,paraphrase with ,compression4 ,there are many marked examples of this2 such as ,matt4 xxii4 #bd 7par472 ,mark iv4 #ab2 ,john xii4 #ad1 #ae2 ,rom4 iii4 #ae-ag1 x4 #ae2 ,heb4 xii4 #bj4 ,take the first3-- ,matt4 xxii4 #bd4 ,greek3 ,mousaes eipen ,ean tis apothanae mae echon tekna1 epigambreusei o adelphos autou taen gunaika autou kai anastaesei sperma to adelpho autou4 ,deut4 xxv4 #e4 ,greek3 ,ean de katoikosin adelphoi epi to auto1 kai apothanae eis ex auton1 sperma de mae ae auto1 ouk estai ae gunae tou tethnaekotos exo andri mae engizonti o adelphos tou andros autaes eiseleusetai pros autaen kai laepsetai autaen eauto gunaika kai sunoikaesei autae4 ,it is highly probable that all the examples given under this head are really quotations from memory4 ,greek3 ,delta symbol ,paraphrase with ,combination of ,passages4 ,this again is common2 e4g4 ,luke iv4 #ai2 ,john xv4 #be1 xix4 #cf2 ,acts xiii4 #bb2 ,rom4 iii4 #aa-ah1 ix4 #cc1 xi4 #h2 #a ,pet4 ii4 #bd4 ,the passage ,rom4 iii4 #aa-ah is highly composite1 and reminds us of long strings of quotations that are found in some of the ,fathers2 it is made up of ,ps4 xiv4 #a1 #b1 v4 #i1 cxl4 #c1 x4 #g1 ,is4 lix4 #g1 #h1 ,ps4 xxxvi4 #a4 ,a shorter example is-- ,rom4 ix4 #cc4 ,greek3 ,kathos gegraptai ,idou tithaemi en ,sion lithon proskommatos kai petran skandalou1 kai o pisteuon ep auto ou kataischunthaesetai4 ,is4 viii4 #ad4 ,greek3 kai ouch hos lithou proskammati sunantaesesthe1 oude os petras ptomati4 ,is4 xxviii4 #af4 ,greek3 ,idou ego emballo eis ta themelia ,sion lithon4441 kai o pisteuon ou mae kataischunthae4 ,this fusion of passages is generally an act of 'unconscious celebration4' ,if we were to apply the standard assumed in ',supernatural ,religion1' it would be pronounced impossible that this and most of the passages above could have the originals to which they are certainly to be referred4 ,greek3 ,epsilon symbol ,addition4 ,a few cases of addition may be quoted1 e4g4 ,greek3 mae aposteraesaes inserted in ,mark x4 #ai1 ,greek3 kai eis thaeran in ,rom4 xi4 #i4 ,greek3 ,zeta symbol ,change of ,sense and ,context4 ,but little regard--or what according to our modern habits would be considered little regard--is paid to the sense and original context of the passage quoted2 e4g4 in ,matt4 viii4 #ag the idea of healing disease is substituted for that of vicarious suffering1 in ,matt4 xi4 #aj the persons are altered 7,greek3 sou for ,greek3 mou71 in ,acts vii4 #dc we find ,greek3 ,babylonos for ,greek3 ,damaskos1 in #b ,cor4 vi4 #ag ',i will receive you' is put for ',i will go before you1' in ,heb4 i4 #g ',he maketh ,his angels spirits' for ',he maketh the winds ,his messengers4' ,this constant neglect of the context is a point that should be borne in mind4 ,greek3 ,eta symbol ,inversion4 ,sometimes the sense of the original is so far departed from that a seemingly opposite sense is substituted for it4 ,thus in ,matt4 ii4 #f ,greek3 oudamos elachistae oligostos of ,mic4 v4 #b1 in ,rom4 xi4 #bf ,greek3 ek ,sion heneken ,sion ,,lxx 'to ,sion' ,heb4 of ,is4 lix4 #bj1 in ,eph4 iv4 #h ,greek3 hedoken domata helabes domata of ,ps4 lxvii4 #ai4 ,greek3 ,theta symbol ,different ,form of ,sentence4 ,the grammatical form of the sentence is altered in ,matt4 xxvi4 #ca 7from aorist to future71 in ,luke viii4 #aj 7from oratio recta to oratio obliqua71 and in #a ,pet4 iii4 #aj-ab 7from the second person to the third74 ,this is a kind of variation that we should naturally look for4 ,greek3 ,iota symbol ,mistaken ,ascriptions or ,nomenclature4 ,the following passages are wrongly assigned3--,mal4 iii4 #a to ,isaiah according to the correct reading of ,mark i4 #b1 and ,zech4 xi4 #ac to ,jeremiah in ,matt4 xxvii4 #i1 #aj2 ,abiathar is apparently put for ,abimelech in ,mark ii4 #bf2 in ,acts vii4 #af there seems to be a confusion between the purchase of ,machpelah near ,hebron by ,abraham and ,jacob's purchase of land from ,hamor the father of ,shechem4 ,these are obviously lapses of memory4 ,greek3 ,kappa symbol ,quotations of ,doubtful ,origin4 ,there are a certain number of quotations1 introduced as such1 which can be assigned directly to no ,old ,testament original2 ,matt4 ii4 #bc 7,greek3 ,nazoraios klaethaesetai71 #a ,tim4 v4 #ah 7'the labourer is worthy of his hire'71 ,john vii4 #ch 7'out of his belly shall flow rivers of living water'71 #db 7,christ should be born of ,bethlehem where ,david was71 ,eph4 v4 #ad 7',awake thou that sleepest'74 ,endnote #be3a ,it will be seen that1 in spite of the reservations that we felt compelled to make at the outset1 the greater number of the deviations noticed above can only be explained on a theory of free quotation1 and remembering the extent to which the ,jews relied upon memory and the mechanical difficulties of exact reference and verification1 this is just what before the fact we should have expected4 99 99 99 99 99 ,the ,old ,testament quotations in the canonical books afford us a certain parallel to the object of our enquiry1 but one still nearer will of course be presented by the ,old ,testament quotations in those books the ,new ,testament quotations in which we are to investigate4 ,i have thought it best to draw up tables of these in order to give an idea of the extent and character of the variation4 ,in so tentative an enquiry as this1 the standard throughout will hardly be so fixed and accurate as might be desirable2 the tabular statement therefore must be taken to be approximate1 but still ,i think it will be found sufficient for our purpose2 certain points come out with considerable clearness1 and there is always an advantage in drawing data from a wide enough area4 ,the quotations are ranged under heads according to the degree of approximation to the text of the ,,lxx4 ,in cases where the classification has seemed doubtful an indicatory mark 77 has been used1 showing by the side of the column on which it occurs to which of the other two classes the instance leans4 ,all cases in which this sign is used to the left of the middle column may be considered as for practical purposes literal quotations4 ,it may be assumed1 where the contrary is not stated1 that the quotations are direct and not of the nature of allusions2 the marks of quotation are generally quite unmistakeable 7,greek3 gegraptai1 legei1 eipen1 c74 ,brief notes are added in the margin to call attention to the more remarkable points1 especially to the repetition of the same quotation in different writers and to the apparent bearing of the passage upon the general habit of quotation4 ,taking the ,apostolic ,fathers in order1 we come first to-- ,clement of ,rome 7#a ,ep4 ad ,cor47 ,exact4 ,slightly ,variant4 ,remarks4 ,variant4 #c ,deut4 #cb4ad1ae4 also in ,justin1 ,is4 #c4e4 al4 differently4 ,is4 #ei4 #ad1 al4 #c4 ,wisd4 #b4bd4 #d4 ,gen4 #d4c-h4 ,acts #g4bg1 ,ex4 #b4ad more exactly4 #f4 ,gen4 #b4bc4 #h4 ,ezek4 #cc4aa ,ezek4 #ah4cj from ,apocryphal ,ps4 #ajc4aj1aa4 or interpolated ,jer4 #c4ai1bb4 ,ezekiel8 ,is4 #a4ah4 #h4 ,is4 #a4af-bj4 #aj4 ,gen4 #ab4a-c4 ,gen4 #ac4ad-af4 ,gen4 #ae4e1f4 #ab4 ,josh4 #b4c-ai4 compression and paraphrase4 #ac4 #a ,sam4 #b1aj4 similarly ,jer4 #i4bc1bd4 ,st4 ,paul1 #a ,cor4 #a4ca1 #b ,cor4 #ac4 ,is4 #df4b4 #aj4ag4 #ad4 ,prov4 #b4ba1 from memory8 #bb4 v4l4 7,ps4 #cg4 #ci47 #ad4 ,ps4 #cg4ce-ch4 ,matt4 #ae4h1 ,mark #ae4 ,is4 #bi4ac499 #g4f1 with par- #ae4,ps4 #gh4cf1cg499ae4 ,ps4 #fb4d499 tial similarity1 ,ps4 #ca4ai499 ,clem4 ,alex41 ,ps4 #ab4c-f499 following ,clem4 ,rom4 #af4 ,is4 #ec4a-ab4 quoted in full by #af4 ,ps4 #bb4f-h4 ,justin1 also by #ag4 ,gen4 #ah4bg4 other writers with text slightly different from ,clement4 #ag4 ,job #a4a1 v4l4 ,job #ad4d1e1 v4l4,clem4 ,alex4 similarly4 #ag4 ,num4 #ab4g4 ,ex4 #c4aa2 #d-aj4 ,greek3 ego de ,assumptio ,mosis1 eimi atmis apo ,hilg41 ,eldad kuthras4 and ,modad1 ,lft4 #ah4 ,ps4 #hi4ba1v4l4,clem4 ,alex4 as #a ,sam4 #ac4ad4 ,,lxx4 #ah4 ,ps4 #ea4a-ag4 #bj4 ,job #ch4aa4 #ba4 ,prov4 #ae4bg4 ,clem4 ,alex4 similarly2 from memory8 ,greek3 #bb4 ,ps4 #cd4aa-ag4 legei gar pou4 #bc4 ,greek3 from an ,apo- palaiporoi eisin cryphal book1 oi dipsuchoi ,ass4 ,mos4 or k4t4l4 ,eld4 and ,mod4 #bc4 ,is4 #ac4bb4 composition and ,mal4 #c4a4 compression4 #bf4 ,ps4 #bh4g4 composition ,ps4 #c-e4 from memory8 ,greek3 legei gar pou4 #bg4 ,wisd4 #ab4ab4 from memory8 ,wisd4 #aa4bb4 cp4 ,eph4 #a4ai4 ,p#bg4 ,ps4 #ai4a-c4 #bh4 ,ps4 #aci4g-aj4 from memory8 ,greek3 legei gar pou4 #bi4 ,deut4 #cb4h1i4 #bi4 ,deut4 #d4cd4 from memory8 ,deut4 #ad4b4 or from an ,num4 #ah4bg4 ,apocryphal #b ,chron4 #ca4 ,book8 #ad4 ,ezek4 #dh4ab4 #cj4 ,prov4 #c4cd4 #cj4 ,job4 #aa4b1c4 ,,lxx1 not ,heb4 #cb4 ,gen4 #ae4e 7,gen4 #bb4ag4 ,gen4 #bf4d47 #cc4 ,gen4 #a4bf-bh47omissions47 #cd4 ,is4 #dj4aj4 composition ,is4 #fb4aa4 from memory8 ,prov4 #bd4ab4 ,clem4 ,alex4 after ,clem4 ,rom4 #cd4 ,dan4 #g4aj4 curiously ,is4 #f4c4 repeated transposition2 see ,lightfoot1 ad4 loc4 #bd4 ,is4 #fd4d4 so in #a ,cor4 #b4i4 #ce4 ,ps4 #ej4af-bc4 #cf4 ,ps4#ajd4d1v4l4 ,heb4 #a4g4 #cf4 ,ps4 #b4g1h4 ,heb4 #a4e4 ,acts ,ps4 #aaj4a #ac4cc4 #ci4 ,job #d4af-e4e 7,job #ae4ae7 #db4 ,is4 #fj4ag4 from memory8 ,greek3 legei gar pou4 #df4 ,greek3 from ,apocryphal ,kollasthe tois book1 or ,ecclus4 agiois hoti oi vi4 #cd8 ,clem4 kollomenoi ,alex4 autois hagiasthaesontai #df4 ,ps4 #ah4bf1bg4 context ignored4 #dh4 ,ps4 #aah1ai1bj4 ,clem4 ,alex4 loosely4 #ej4 ,is4 #bf4bj4 ,ezek4 #cg4ab4 from memory8 #ej4 ,ps4 #cb4 #a1b4 #eb4 ,ps4 #fi4ca1cb4 #eb4 ,ps4 #ej4ad1ae4 ,ps4 #ea4ag4 #ec4 ,deut4#i4ab-ad4 ,barnabas ,ex4 #cb4g1h4 similarly4 #aa1ca1cb4 ,compression4 #ed4 ,ps4 #bda4 #ef4 ,ps4 #aah4ah4 ,prov4 #c4ab4 ,ps4 #ada4e4 #ef4 ,job #e4ag-bf1 v4l4 #eg4 ,prov4 #a4bc- #ca4 99,footnote3 ,the quotations in this chapter are continuous1 and are also found in ,clement of ,alexandria4 ,it will be observed that the longest passages are among those that are quoted with the greatest accuracy 7e4g4 ,gen4 xiii4 #ad-af2 ,job v4 #ag-bf2 ,ps4 xix4 #a-c1 xxii4 #f-h1 xxxiv4 #aa-ag1 li4 #a-ag2 ,prov4 i4 #bc-ca2 ,is4 i4 #af-bj1 liii4 #a-ab74 ,others1 such as ,gen4 xii4 #a-c1 ,deut4 ix4 #ab-ad1 ,job iv4 #af-v4 #e1 ,ps4 xxxvii4 #ce-ch1 l4 #af-bc1 have only slight variations4 ,there are only two passages of more than three consecutive verses in length that present wide divergences4 ,these are1 ,ps4 cxxxix4 #g-aj1 which is introduced by a vague reference ,greek3 legei gar pou and is evidently quoted from memory1 and the historical narration ,josh4 ii4 #c-ai4 ,this is perhaps what we should expect3 in longer quotations it would be better worth the writer's while to refer to his cumbrous manuscript4 ,these purely mechanical conditions are too much lost sight of4 ,we must remember that the ancient writer had not a small compact reference ,bible at his side1 but1 when he wished to verify a reference1 would have to take an unwieldy roll out of its case1 and then would not find it divided into chapter and verse like our modern books but would have only the columns1 and those perhaps not numbered1 to guide him4 ,we must remember too that the memory was much more practised and relied upon in ancient times1 especially among the ,jews4 ,the composition of two or more passages is frequent1 and the fusion remarkably complete4 ,of all the cases in which two passages are compounded1 always from different chapters and most commonly from different books1 there is not1 ,i believe1 one in which there is any mark of division or an indication of any kind that a different source is being quoted from4 ,the same would hold good 7with only a slight and apparent exception7 of the longer strings of quotations in cc4 viii1 xxix1 and 7from ,greek3 aegapaesan to ,greek3 en auto7 in c4 xv4 ,but here the question is complicated by the possibility1 and in the first place at least perhaps probability1 that the writer is quoting from some apocryphal work no longer extant4 ,it may be interesting to give one or two short examples of the completeness with which the process of welding has been carried out4 ,thus in c4 xvii1 the following reply is put into the mouth of ,moses when he receives his commission at the burning bush1 ,greek3 tis eimi ego hoti me pempeis2 ego de eimi ischnophonos kai braduglossos4 ,the text of ,exod4 iii4 #aa is ,greek3 tis eimi ego1 oti poreusomai2 the rest of the quotation is taken from ,exod4 iv4 #aj4 ,in c4 xxxiv ,clement introduces 'the ,scripture' as saying1 ,greek3 ,muriai muriades pareistaekeisan auto kai chiliai chiliades eleitourgoun auto kai ekekragon agios1 agios1 agios1 ,kurios ,sabaoth1 plaeraes pasa hae ktisis taes doxaes autou4 ,the first part of this quotation comes from ,dan4 vii4 #aj2 the second1 from ,greek3 kai ekekragon1 which is part of the quotation1 from ,is4 vi4 #c4 ,these examples have been taken almost at random2 the others are blended quite as thoroughly4 ,some of the cases of combination and some of the divergences of text may be accounted for by the assumption of lost apocryphal books or texts2 but it would be wholly impossible1 and in fact no one would think of so attempting to account for all4 ,there can be little doubt that ,clement quotes from memory1 and none that he quotes at times very freely4 ,we come next to the so-called ,epistle of ,barnabas1 the quotations in which ,i proceed to tabulate in the same way3-- ,barnabas4 ,exact4 ,slightly ,variant4 ,remarks4 ,variant4 #b4 ,is4 #a4aa-ad4 note for exactness4 #b4 ,jer4 #g4bb1bc4 combination ,zec4 #h4ag4 from memory8 ,ps4 #ea4ai4 strange addition4 #c4 ,is4 #eh4d1 #e4 ,is4 #eh4f-aj4 #d4 ,dan4 #g4bd very ,dan4 #g4g1 #h4 divergent4 ,ex4 #cd4bh4 combination ,ex4 #ca4ah4 from memory8 #d4 ,deut4 #i4ab4 see below4 7,ex4 #cb4g74 ,is4 #e4ba4 #e4 ,is4 #ed4e1g4 text of ,cod4 ,a4 7omissions47 #e4 ,prov4 #a4ag4 ,gen4 #a4bf4 #e4 ,zech4 #ac4g4 text of ,a4 7,hilg47 ,matt4 #bf4c4 ,ps4 #bb4ba4 from memory8 #e4 ,ps4 #aai4abj4 paraphrastic ,ps4 #bb4ag4 combination from memory8 ,is4 #ej4 #f1g4 7omissions47 ditto4 #f4 ,is4 #ej4h1i4 ditto4 #f4 ,is4 #bh4af4 first clause exact1 second variant2 in ,n4,t4 quotations1 first variant1 second exact4 ,is4 #ej4g4 note repetition1 nearer to ,,lxx4 #f4 ,ps4 #aah4bb4 so ,matt4 #ba4db2 #a ,pet4 #aa4g4 #f4 ,ps4 #bb4ag #f4 ,ps4 #aah4bd4 from memory8 7order74 note repetition1 nearer to ,,lxx4 ,ps4 #aah4ab4 ,ps4 #bb4ai4 ,is4 #c4i1 #aj4 ,ex4 #cc4a4 from memory8 ,gen4 #a4bf4 note repetition1 ,gen4 #a4bh4 further from ,,lxx4 ,ezek4 #aa4ai2 paraphrastic4 #cf4bf4 ,ps4 #da4c4 ,ps4 #bb4bc4 different version8 ,gen4 #a4bf1 #bh4 paraphrastic fusion4 #g4 ,lev4 #bc4bi4 paraphrastic4 ,lev4 #af4g1 sqq4with apocryphal ,lev4 #af4g4 sqq4 addition2 cp4 ,just4 and ,tert4 #i4 ,ps4 #ah4dd4 #i4 ,is4 #cc4ac4 #i4 ,jer4 #d4d4 ,jer4 #g4b4 ,ps4 #cd4ac4 ,is4 #a4b4 but with additions4 ,is4 #a4aj4 from memory8 ,greek3 archontes toutou for ,gr4 a4 ,zodomon4 ,is4 #dj4c4 addition4 ,jer4 #d4c 1#d4 repetition1 ,jer4 #g4bf4 nearer to ,,lxx4 ,jer4 #i4bf4 ,gen4 #ag4bf1 #bg2;inferred sense cf4 #ad4ad4 merely1 but with marks of quotation4 #aj4 ,lev4 #aa1 selected examples1 ,deut4 #ad4 but with examples of quotation4 ,deut4 #d4a4 #aj4 ,ps4 #a4a4 ,lev4 #aa4c4 #aa4 ,jer4 #b4ab1 #ac4 ,is4 #af4a1 #b4 ,greek3 ,zina for ,greek3 ,zion4 #aa4 ,is4 #de4 #b1 #c4 ,greek3 gnosae ,a4 7,greek3 gnosin ,barn41 but in other points more divergent4 ,is4 #cc4af-ah4 omissions4 #aa4 ,ps4 #a4c-f4 note for exactness4 #aa4 ,zeph4 #c4ai4 markedly diverse4 ,ezek4 #dg4ab4 ditto4 #ab4 ,is4 #fe4b4 #ab4 ,num4 #ba4i1 apparently a sqq4 quotation4 ,deut4 #bg4ae4 from memory8 ,ex4 #ag4ad4 #ab4 ,ps4 #aaj4a4 #ab4 ,is4 #de4a4 ,greek3 kurio for ,greek3 kuro4 #ac4 ,gen4#be4ba1bc4 #ac4 ,gen4 #dh4aa-ai4very paraphrastic4 ,gen4 #ae4f2 combination2 cf4 #ag4e4 ,rom4 #d4aa4 #ad4 ,ex4 #bd4ah4 note addition of ,greek3 naesteuon4 ,ex4 #ca4ah4 note also for additions4 #ad4 ,deut4 #i4ab- repetition with #ag4 similar variation4 7,ex4 #cb4g47 note reading of ,a4 #ad4 ,is4 #db4f1g4 ,greek3 pepedaemenous for ,greek3 dedemenous 7kai om4 ,a474 ,is4 #di4f1g4 ,is4 #fa4 #a1b4 ,luke4 #d4ah1ai diverges4 #ae4 ,ex4 #bj4h2 paraphrastic1 ,deut4 #e4ab4 with addition4 ,jer4 #ag4bd1be4very paraphrastic4 ,gen4 #b4b4 ,ps4 #ij4d4 ,greek3 saemeron for ,greek3 exthes4 #ae4 ,is4 #a4ac4 #af4 ,is4 #dj4ab4 omissions4 ,is4 #ff4a4 #af4 ,is4 #di4ag4 completely paraphrastic4 ,dan4 #i4bd4 ditto4 #be1 #bg4 ,the same remarks that were made upon ,clement will hold also for ,barnabas1 except that he permits himself still greater licence4 ,the marginal notes will have called attention to his eccentricities4 ,he is carried away by slight resemblances of sound2 e4g4 he puts ,greek3 himatia for ,greek3 iamata ,endnote #cd3a1 ,greek3 ,zina for ,greek3 ,zion1 ,greek3 ,kurio for ,greek3 ,kuro4 ,he not only omits clauses1 but also adds to the text freely2 e4g4 in ,ps4 li4 #ai he makes the strange insertion which is given in brackets1 ,greek3 ,thusia to ,theo kardia suntetrimmenae1 osmae euodias to kurio kardia doxasousa ton peplakota autaen4 ,he has also added words and clauses in several other places4 ,there can be no question that he quotes largely from memory2 several of his quotations are repeated more than once 7,deu4 ix4 #ab2 ,is4 l4 #g2 ,ps4 xxii4 #ag2 ,gen4 i4 #bh2 ,jer4 iv4 #d72 and of these only one1 ,deut4 ix4 #ab1 reappears in the same form4 ,often he gives only the sense of a passage2 sometimes he interprets1 as in ,is4 i4 #aj1 where he paraphrases ,greek3 archontes ,sodomon by the simpler ,greek3 archontes tou laou toutou4 ,he has curiously combined the sense of ,gen4 xvii4 #bf1 #bg with ,gen4 xiv4 l#d--;in the pursuit of the four kings1 it is said that ,abraham armed his servants three hundred and eighteen men2 ,barnabas says that he circumcised his household1 in all three hundred and eighteen men4 ,in several cases a resemblance may be noticed between ,barnabas and the text of ,cod4 ,a1 but this does not appear consistently throughout4 ,it may be well to give a few examples of the extent to which ,barnabas can carry his freedom of quotation4 ,instances from the ,book of ,daniel should perhaps not be given1 as the text of that book is known to have been in a peculiarly corrupt and unsettled state2 so much so that1 when translation of ,theodotion was made towards the end of the second century1 it was adopted as the standard text4 ,barnabas also combines passages1 though not quite to such an extent or so elaborately as ,clement1 and he too inserts no mark of division4 ,we will give an example of this1 and at the same time of his paraphrastic method of quotation3-- ,barnabas c4 ix4 ,greek3 kai ti legei2 ,peritmaethaete to sklaeron taes kardias humon1 kai ton trachaelon humon ou mae sklaerunaete4 ,jer4 iv4 #c1 #d and vii4 #bf4 ,greek3 ,peritmaethaete to theo humon1 kai peritemesthe taen sklaerokardian humon 444 kai esklaerunan ton trachaelon auton444 ,a similar case of paraphrase and combination1 with nothing to mark the transition from one passage to the other1 would be in c4 xi1 ,jer4 ii4 #ab1 #ac and ,is4 xvi4 #a1 #b4 ,for paraphrase we may take this1 from the same chapter3-- ,barnabas c4 xi4 ,greek3 kai palin heteros prophaetaes legei ,kai aen hae gae ,iakob epainoumenae para pasan taen gaen4 ,zeph4 iii4 #ai4 ,greek3 kai thaesomai autous eis kauchaema kai onomastous en pasae tae gae4 ,barnabas c4 xv4 ,greek3 autous de moi marturei legon ,idou saemeron haemera estai hos chilia etae4 ,ps4 xc4 #d ,greek3 hoti chilia etae en ophthalmois sou hos hae haemera hae echthes haetis diaelthe4 ,a very curious instance of freedom is the long narrative of ,jacob blessing the two sons of ,joseph in c4 xiii 7compare ,gen4 xlviii4 #aa-ai74 ,we note here 7and elsewhere7 a kind of dramatic tendency1 a fondness for throwing statements into the form of dialogue rather than narrative4 ,as a narrative this passage may be compared with the history of ,rahab and the spies in ,clement4 ,and yet1 in spite of all this licence in quotation1 there are some rather marked instances of exactness2 e4g4 ,is4 i4 #aa-ad in c4 ii1 the combined passages from ,ps4 xxii4 #ag1 cxvii4 #ab1 xxii4 #ai in c4 vi1 and ,ps4 i4 #c-f in c4 xi4 ,it should also be remembered that in one case1 ,deut4 ix4 #ab in cc4 iv and xiv1 the same variation is repeated and is also found in ,justin4 ,it tallies with what we should expect1 supposing the writings attributed to ,ignatius 7the seven ,epistles7 to be genuine1 that the quotations from the ,old as well as from the ,new ,testament in them are few and brief4 ,a prisoner1 travelling in custody to the place of execution1 would naturally not fill his letters with long and elaborate references4 ,the quotations from the ,old ,testament are as follows3-- ,exact4 ,slightly ,variant4 ,remarks4 variant4 ,ad ,eph4 #e4 ,prov4 #c4cd ,james4 #d4f1 #a ,pet4 #e4e1 as ,ignatius4 ,ad ,magn4 #ab4 ,prov4 #ah4ag4 ,ad ,trall4 #h4 ,is4 #eb4e4 ,the ,epistle to the ,ephesians is found also in the ,syriac version4 ,the last quotation from ,isaiah1 which is however not introduced with any express marks of reference1 is very freely given4 ,the original is1 ,greek3 tade legei kurios1 di' humas dia pantos to onoma mou blasphaemeitai en tois ethnesi1 for which ,ignatius has1 ,greek3 ouai gar di' ou epi mataiotaeti to onoma mou epi tinon blasphaemeitai4 ,the ,epistle of ,polycarp to the ,philippians and the ,martyrium ,s4 ,ignatii contain the following quotations3-- ,exact4 ,slightly ,variant4 ,remarks4 variant4 ,polycarp1 #b4 ,ps4 #b4aa4 ,ad4 ,phil4 #aj4 ,tob4 #d4aa4 #ab4 ,ps4 #d4d2 in ,latin but through version only4 ,eph4 #d4bf4 ,mart4 ,s4 ,ign4 #b4 ,lev4 #bf4ab4 #f4 ,prov4 #aj4bd4 ,the quotation from ,leviticus differs widely from the original1 ,greek3 ,kai emperipataeso en humin kai esomai humon theos kai humeis esesthe moi laos1 for which we read1 ,greek3 gegraptai gar ,enoikaeso en autois kai emperipataeso4 ,the quotations from the ,clementine ,homilies may be thus presented3-- ,exact4 ,slightly ,variant4 ,remarks4 ,hom4 #c4 #ah4 ,deut4 #cb4g4 #ci4 ,gen4 #ah4ba4 ,gen4 #c4bb4 #ci4 ,gen #f4f4 ,gen4 #h4ba4 omission4 ,gen4 #bb4a4 #db4 ,gen4 #c4c4 #dc4 ,gen4 #f4f4 #dc4 ,gen4 #bb4a4 not quite as above4 ,gen4 #ah4ba4 as above4 ,gen4 #ae4ac-af4 v4l4 comp4 text of ,a2 note for exactness4 #dd4 ,gen4 #ah4ba4 as ,,lxx4 #de4 ,num4 #aa4cd ,greek3 bounoun 7al47 epithumion for ,greek3 mnaemata taes epithumas4 #dg4 ,deut4 #cd4d1e4 #di4 ,gen4 #di4aj4 cf4 ,credner1 ,beit4 #b4ec4 ,hom4 #aa4 #bb4 ,gen4 #a4a4 ,hom4 #af4 #f4 ,gen4 #c4bb4 twice with slightly different order4 ,gen4 #c4e4 #f4 ,ex4 #bb4bh4 #f4 ,deut4 #d4cd4 8mem4 ,greek3 allothi tou gegraptai4 ,jer4 #aj4aa4 ,deut4 #ac4f4 8mem4 ,greek3 allae pou4 ,josh4 #bc4g4 ,deut4 #aj4ag4 ,ps4 #ce4aj4 ,ps4 #ej4a4 ,ps4 #hb4a4 ,deut4 #aj4ad4 ,deut4 #d4ci4 ,deut4 #aj4ag4 repeated as above4 ,deut4 #aj4ag4 very paraphrastic4 ,hom4 #af4 #f4 ,deut4 #d4ci4 #g4 ,deut4 #f4ac4 ,deut4 #f4d4 #h4 ,josh4 #bc4g4 as above4 #h4 ,exod4 #bb4ah ,jer4 #aj4aa4 ,gen4 #a4a4 ,ps4 #ai4b4 #h4 ,ps4 #ajb4bf4 ,gen4 #a4bf4 #ac4 ,deut4 #ac4a-c1 very free4 #i1 #e1 #c4 ,hom4 #ag4 #ah4 ,num4 #ab4f4 paraphrastic ,ex4 #cc4aa4 combination4 ,hom4 #ah4 #ag4 ,is4 #dj4bf1bg4 free quotation4 ,deut4 #cj4ac4 ditto4 #ah4 ,is4 #a4c4 ,is4 #a4d4 ,the example of the ,clementine ,homilies shows conspicuously the extremely deceptive character of the argument from silence4 ,all the quotations from the ,old ,testament found in them are taken from five ,homilies 7iii1 xi1 xvi1 xvii1 xviii7 out of nineteen1 although the ,homilies are lengthy compositions1 filling1 with the translation and various readings1 four hundred and fourteen large octavo pages of ,dressel's edition ,endnote #ch3a4 ,of the whole number of quotations all but seven are taken from two ,homilies1 iii and xvi4 ,if ,hom4 xvi and ,hom4 xviii had been lost1 there would have been no evidence that the author was acquainted with any book of the ,old ,testament besides the ,pentateuch2 and1 if the five ,homilies had been lost1 there would have been nothing to show that he was acquainted with the ,old ,testament at all4 ,yet the loss of the two ,homilies would have left a volume of three hundred and seventy-seven pages1 and that of the five a volume of three hundred and fifteen pages4 ,in other words1 it is possible to read three hundred and fifteen pages of the ,homilies with five breaks and come to no quotation from the ,old ,testament at all1 or three hundred and fifteen pages with only two breaks and come to none outside the ,pentateuch4 ,but the reduced volume that we have supposed1 containing the fourteen ,homilies1 would probably exceed in bulk the whole of the extant ,christian literature of the second century up to the time of ,irenaeus1 with the single exception of the works of ,justin2 it will therefore be seen how precarious must needs be any inference from the silence1 not of all these writings1 but merely of a portion of them4 ,for the rest1 the quotations in the ,homilies may be said to observe a fair standard of exactness1 one apparently higher than that in the genuine ,epistle of ,clement to the ,corinthians2 at the same time it should be remembered that the quotations in the ,homilies are much shorter1 only two reaching a length of three verses1 while the longest quotations in the ,epistle are precisely those that are most exact4 ,the most striking instance of accuracy of quotation is perhaps ,gen4 xv4 #ac-af in ,hom4 iii4 #dc4 ,on the other hand1 there is marked freedom in the quotations from ,deut4 iv4 #cd1 x4 #ag1 xiii4 #a-c1 xiii4 #f4 xxx4 #ae1 ,is4 xl4 #bf1 #bg1 and the combined passage1 ,num4 xii4 #f and ,ex4 xxiii4 #aa4 ,there are several repetitions1 but these occur too near to each other to permit of any inference4 ,our examination of the ,old ,testament quotations in ,justin is greatly facilitated by the collection and discussion of them in ,credner's ,beitrge ,endnote #ci3a1 a noble example of that true patient work which is indeed the reverse of showy1 but forms the solid and well-laid foundation on which alone genuine knowledge can be built4 ,credner has collected and compared in the most elaborate manner the whole of ,justin's quotations with the various readings in the ,,mss4 of the ,,lxx2 so that we may state our results with a much greater confidence than in any other case 7except perhaps ,clement of ,rome1 where we have the equally accurate and scholarly guidance of ,dr4 ,lightfoot ,endnote #dj3a7 that we are not led astray by imperfect materials4 ,i have availed myself freely of ,credner's collection of variants1 indicating the cases where the existence of documentary 7or1 in some places1 inferential7 evidence for ,justin's readings has led to the quotation being placed in a different class from that to which it would at first sight seem to belong4 ,i have also1 as hitherto1 not assumed an absolutely strict standard for admission to the first class of 'exact' quotations4 ,many of ,justin's quotations are very long1 and it seemed only right that in these the standard should be somewhat1 though very slightly1 relaxed4 ,the chief point that we have to determine is the extent to which the writers of the first century were in the habit of freely paraphrasing or quoting from memory1 and it may as a rule be assumed that all the instances in the first class and most 7not quite all7 of those in the second do not admit of such an explanation4 ,i have been glad in every case where a truly scientific and most impartial writer like ,credner gives his opinion1 to make use of it instead of my own4 ,i have the satisfaction to think that whatever may be the value of the other sections of this enquiry1 this at least is thoroughly sound1 and based upon a really exhaustive sifting of the data4 ,the quotations given below are from the undoubted works of ,justin1 the ,dialogue against ,tryphon and the ,first ,apology2 the ,second ,apology does not appear to contain any quotations either from the ,old or ,new ,testament4 ,exact4 ,slightly ,variant4 ,remarks4 variant4 ,apol4 #a4ei1 ,gen4 #a4a-c4 ,dial4 #fb1 ,gen4 #a4 #bf-bh4 ,dial4 #ajb1 ,gen4 free quotation #c4ae4 7,credner74 ,d4#fb1 ,gen4 #c4bb4 ,d4#abg1 ,gen4 #g4af4 ,d4#aci1 ,gen4 #i4 #bd-bg4 ,d4#abg1 ,gen4 #aa4e4 free quotation 7,cr47 ,d4#ajb1 ,gen4 #aa4f4 ,d4#ib1 ,gen4 #ae4f4 free quotation 7,cr47 ,dial4#aj1 ,gen4 #ag4ad4 ,d4#abg1 ,gen4 #ag4bb4 ,d4#ef1 ,gen4 #ah4 ver4 #b repeated #a1 #b4 similarly4 ,gen4 #ah4 #ac1 #ad4 repeated1 slightly more ,gen4 #ah4 #af-bc1 divergent4 #cc4 ,gen4 #ai4 #a1 #aj1 #af-bh 7om4 #bf74 marked exactness in the whole passage4 ,d4#ef1 ,gen4 #ba4 #i-ab4 ,d4#abj1 ,gen4 #bf4d4 ,d4#eh1 ,gen4 #bh4 #aj-ab4 ,d4#eh1 7v4l47 ,gen4 #bh4 #ac-ai4 7v4l47 ,gen4 #ca4 #aj-ac4 ,d4#ei1 ,gen4 #ce4a4 free quotation 7,cr47 ,d4#eh1 ,gen4 #ce4 #f-aj 7v4l47 ,d4 #eb1 ,gen4 #di4 repeated #h-ab4 similarly4 ,d4 #ei1 ,ex4 #b4 #bc4 ,d4 #fj1 ,ex4 #c4b-d4 ,a4#a4 #fb1 ,ex4 #c4 #e4 from memory 7,cr47 ,d4 #ei1 ,ex4 #c4 #af4 ,a4 #a4fc1 ,ex4 #c4af ver4#af freely 7ter71 #ag4 quoted 7,cr47 ,greek3 eirae- tai pou4 ,d4 #abf1 ,ex4#f4b-d4 ,d4 #di1 ,ex4 #ag4af4 free quotation 7,cr47 ,d4 #id1 ,ex4 #bj4d4 ditto 7,cr47 ,d4 #ge1 ,ex4 #bc4bj1 from ,lectionary #ba4 7,cr47 ,d4#af1 ,lev4 #bf4dj1 ,d4 #bj1 ,ex4 #cb4 #f4 free 7,cr47 #da 7v4l47 ,d4 #abf1 ,num4 #aa4 #bc4 ,a4#a4fj 7or4 obl471 free 7,cr47 ,d4 #id1 ,num4 #ba4 #h1i4 ,d4 #ajf1 ,num4 #bd4 through ,targum #ag4 7,cr47 ,d4 #af1 ,deut4 #aj4 from memory #af1 #ag4 7,cr47 ,d4#if1 ,deut4 #ba4bc4 both precisely ,deut4 #bg4bf4 as ,st4 ,paul in ,galatians1 and quoted thence 7,cr47 ,d4 #abf1 ,deut4 #ca4 #b1 #c 7v4l47 ,d4 #gd1 ,deut4 #ca4 #af-ah 7v4l47 ,d4 #aca1 ,deut4 #cb4 #g-i 7tr47 ,d4#bj1 ,deut4 #cb4ae4 ,d4 #aai1 ,deut4 #cb4 ,targum 7,cr47 #af-bc4 ,d4 #acj1 ,deut4 #cb4 #dc 7v4l47 ,d4 #ia1 ,deut4 #cc4 #ac-ag4 ,a4#a4 #dj1 ,ps4 #a and parts repeated4 #b entire4 ,d4#ig1 ,ps4 #c4 #e1 #f4 repeated1 more freely4 ,d4#aad1 ,ps4 #h4d4 ,d4#bg1 ,ps4 #ad4c4 ,d4#bh1 ,ps4#ah4dd1de4 ,d4 #fd1 ,ps4#ai4f perhaps from 7,a4#a4dj1 vv4#a-e74 different ,,mss41 see ,credner4 ,d4#ig ff41 ,ps4 #bb4 quoted as #a-bc4 whole ,psalm 7bis74 ,d4#acc ff41 ,ps4 #bd entire4 ,d4#ada1 ,ps4 #cb4 #b4 ,d4#ch1 ,ps4 #de4a-ag4 parts repeated4 ,d4#cg1 ,ps4 #dg4f-i4 ,d4#bb1 ,ps4 #di entire4 ,d4#cd from ,eph4 #d4h1 ,d4#cg ,ps4 #fh4h4 ,targum4 ,d4#cd1 ,ps4 #gb entire4 ,d4 #abd1 ,ps4 #hb entire4 ,d4#gc1 ,ps4 #if note ,christian entire4 interpolation in ver4 #aj4 ,d4#cg1 ,ps4 #ii entire4 ,d4 #hc1 ,ps4 #aaj4 from memory ,d4#cb1 ,ps4 #aaj #a-d4 7,cr47 entire4 ,d4#aaj1 ,ps4 #abh4c4 from memory ,d4#he1 ,ps4 #adh4 7,cr47 #a1 #b4 ,a4#a4 #cg1 ,is4 #a4 #c1 #d4 ,a4#a4 #dg1 ,is4 #a4g sense only 7,jer4 #b4ae74 7,cr47 ,d4#adj 7,a4#a4 #ec71 ,is4 #a4i4 ,a4#a4 #cg1 ,is4 #a4 from memory #aa-ad4 7,cr47 ,a4#a4 #dd 7#fa71 ,is4 omissions4 #a4af-cj4 ,d4#hb1 ,is4 #a4 #bc4 from memory ,a4#a4 #ci1 ,is4 #b4 7,cr47 #c1d4 ,d4#ace1 ,is4 #b4 #e1f4 ,targum 7,cr47 ,d4 #acc1 ,is4 #c4 #i-ae 7v4l47 ,d4#bg1 ,is4 #c4af4 free quotation 7,cr47 ,d4#acc1 ,is4 #e4 #ah- repeated4 #be 7v4l47 ,d4#dc 7#ff71 ,is4 #g4 repeated1 with #aj-ag 7v4l47 slight variation4 ,a4#a4ce1 ,is4 #i4f4 free 7,cr47 ,d4#hg1 ,is4 #aa4a-c4 ,a4#a4cb1 ,is4 #aa4a2 free combination ,num4 #bd4ag4 7,cr47 ,d4#abc1 ,is4 #ad4a4 ,d4#abc1 ,is4 #ai4bd1 #be4 ,d4#gh1 ,is4 #bi4ac1ad4 repeated 7v4l71 partly from memory4 ,d4#gi1 ,is4 #cj4a-e4 ,d4#gj1 ,is4#cc4ac-ai4 ,d4#fi1 ,is4 #ce4a-g4 ,a4#a4dh1 ,is4 #ce4e1f4;free2 cf4 ,matt4 #aa4e 7var47 ,d4#ej1 ,is4 #ci4 #h1 #dj4a-ag4 ,d4#abe ,is4#db4a-d4 cf4 ,matt4 #ab4 ,d4#ace #ag-ba1 ,targum 7,cr47 ,d4#fe1 ,is4 #db4f-ac 7v4l47 ,d4#abb1 ,is4 #db4af4 free 7,cr47 ,d4#abc1 ,is4 #db4ai1 #bj4 ,d4#abb1 ,is4 #dc4aj4 ,a4#a4eb1 ,is4 #de4 cf4 ,rom4 #ad4aa4 #bd 7v4l47 ,d4#aba1 ,is4 #di4f 7v4l47 ,d4#abb1 ,is4 #di4h 7v4l47 ,d4#ajb1 ,is4 #ej4d4 ,a4#a4ch1 ,is4 #ej4 ,barn41 ,tert41 #f-h4 ,cypr4 ,d4#aa1 ,is4 #ea4d1 #e4 ,d4#ag1 ,is4 #eb4e 7v4l47 ,d4#ab1 ,is4 #e #b1 #aj-ae1 #ec4a-ab1 #ed4a-f4 ,a4#a4 #ej1 ,is4 #eb4 #ac-ec4ab4 ,d4#ach1 ,is4 #ed4i4 very free4 ,d4#ad1 ,is4 #ee4c-ac4 ,d4#ab1 ,is4 #ee4 #c-e4;from memory 7,cr47 ,d4#af1 ,is4#eg4a-d4 repeated4 ,d4#ae1 ,is4#eh4a-aa ,greek3 7v4l47 himatia for ,greek3 iamata2 so ,barn41 ,tert1 ,cyp41 ,amb41 ,aug4 ,d4#bg1 ,is4 #eh4 #ac1 #ad4 ,d4#bf1 ,is4 #fb4aj- ,greek3 #aj-fc4f4 susseismon for ,greek3 sussaemon4 ,d4#be1 ,is4 #fc4ae- #ai1 #fd4a-ab4 ,d4#bd1 ,is4 #fe4 #a-c4 ,a4#a4di1 ,is4 #fe4 from memory #a-c4 7,cr47 ,d4#acf1 ,is4 #fe4h4 ,d4#ace1 ,is4 #fe4i-ab ,d4#ha1 ,is4 #fe4ag-be ,d4#bb1 ,is4 #ff4a4 from memory 7,cr47 ,d4#he1 ,is4 #ff4e-aa4 ,d4#dd1 ,is4 #ff4 #bd from memory 7ter74 7,cr47 ,d4#aad1 ,jer4 #b4ac2 as from ,is4 #af4a2 ,jeremiah1 ,jer4 #c4h4 traditional combination2 cf4 ,barn4 #b4 ,d4#bh1 ,jer4 #d4c1 #d 7v4l47 ,d4#bc1 ,jer4 #g4ba1bb4;free quotation 7,cr47 ,d4 #bh1 ,jer4 #i4be1bf;,a4#a4ec1 ,jer4 #i4bf4quoted freely as from ,isaiah4 ,d4#gb1 ,jer4 #aa4ai4 omissions4 ,d4 #gh1 ,jer4 #ca4ae so ,matt4 #b4ah 7#ch4ae1 ,,lxx74 through ,targum 7,cr47 ,d4#abc1 ,jer4 #ca4bg free quotation 7#ch4 #bg74 7,cr47 ,d4#aa1 ,jer4 #ca4ca1 #cb 7#ch4ca1 #cb74 ,d4#gb4 a passage quoted as from ,jeremiah1 which is not recognisable in our present texts4 ,d4 #hb1 ,ezek4 #c4 free quotation #ag-ai4 7,cr47 ,d4#de ,ezek4 #ad4 repeated #dd #bj2 cf4 #ad1 similarly and #adj #af1 #ah4 equally divergent from ,,lxx4 ,d4#gg1 ,ezek4 #af4 #c4 ,d4#ba1 ,ezek4 #bj4 #ai-bf4 ,d4#abc1 ,ezek4 #cf4 #ab4 ,a4#a4eb1 ,ezek4 very free 7,cr47 #cg4 #g4 ,footnote3 ,justin has in ,dial4 #ca 7also in ,apol4 #a4 #ea1 ver4 #ac1 from memory7 a long quotation from ,daniel1 ,dan4 #g4 #i-bh2 his text can only be compared with a single ,,ms4 of the ,,lxx1 ,codex ,chisianus2 from this it differs considerably1 but many of the differences reappear in the version of ,theodotion2 #g4 #aj1 #ac are also similarly quoted in ,rev41 ,mark1 ,clem4 ,rom4 ,exact4 ,slightly ,variant4 ,remarks4 variant4 ,d4#ai1 ,hos4 #a4i4 ,d4#ajb1 ,hos4#aj4f4 referred to trial before ,herod 7,cr47 ,d4#hg1 ,joel #b4bh4 from memory 7,cr47 ,d4 #bb1 ,amos #e4ah-f4 #g 7v4l47 ,d4 #ajg1 ,jonah #d4 #aj-aa 7v4l4 ,heb47 ,d4 #aji1 ,micah #d4 divergent from #a-g 7,heb487 ,,lxx4 ,a4#a4cd ,micah #e4b4 precisely as ,d4#gh ,matt4 #b4f4 ,a4#a4eb1 ,zech4 #b4f4 free quotations ,d4 #acg1 ,zech4 #b4 #h4 7,cr47 ,d4 #aae1 ,zach4 #b4 ,d4 #gi1 ,zech4 #c4 freely 7,cr47 #aj-c4 #b 7,heb487 #a1 #b4 ,d4#ajf1 ,zach4 #f4ab4 ,a4#a4eb1 ,zech4 #ab4 repeated di- #aa1ab1aj4 versely note reading of ,christian ori- gin 7,cr47 in ver4 #aj3 so ,john #ai4cg2 cp4 ,rev4 #a4g4 ,d4#dc1 ,zech4 #ac4 #g4 diversely in ,matt4 #bf4ca1 proof that ,justin is not dependent on ,matthew 7,cr47 ,d4#bh1 #da1 ,mal4 #a4 ,d4 #aag1 ,mal4 #a4 #aj-ab 7v4l47 #aj-ab4 ,d4#fb1 ,joshua #e4 omissions4 #ac-ae2 #f4a1 #b 7v4l47 ,d4#aah1 #b ,sam4 #g4 from memory #ad-af4 7,cr47 ,d4#ci1 #a ,kings #ai4 freely 7,cr472 #ad1 #ae1 #ah4 cf4 ,rom4 #aa4c4 ,a4#a4ee1 ,lam4 #d4 #bj 7v4l47 ,d4#gi1 ,job #a4f4 sense only 7,cr47 ,d4#fa1 ,prov4 #h4 coincidence #ba-cf4 with ,ire- naeus4 ,footnote3 ,d4 #gb a passage ostensibly from ,ezra1 but probably an apocryphal addition1 perhaps from ,preaching of ,peter2 same quotation in ,lactantius4 ,it is impossible not to be struck with the amount of matter that ,justin has transferred to his pages bodily4 ,he has quoted nine ,psalms entire1 and a tenth with the statement 7twice repeated7 that it is given entire1 though really he has only quoted twenty- three verses4 ,the later chapters of ,isaiah are also given with extraordinary fulness4 ,these longer passages are generally quoted accurately4 ,if ,justin's text differs from the received text of the ,,lxx1 it is frequently found that he has some extant authority for his reading4 ,the way in which ,credner has drawn out these varieties of reading1 and the results which he obtained as to the relations and comparative value of the different ,,mss41 form perhaps the most interesting feature of his work4 ,the more marked divergences in ,justin may be referred to two causes2 7#a7 quotation from memory1 in which he indulges freely1 especially in the shorter passages1 and more in the ,apology than in the ,dialogue with ,tryphon2 7#b7 in ,messianic passages the use of a ,targum1 not immediately by ,justin himself but in some previous document from which he quotes1 in order to introduce a more distinctly ,christian interpretation2 the coincidences between ,justin and other ,christian writers show that the text of the ,,lxx had been thus modified in a ,christian sense1 generally through a closer comparison with and nearer return to the ,hebrew1 before his time4 ,the instances of free quotation are not perhaps quite fully given in the above list1 but it will be seen that though they form a marked phenomenon1 still more marked is the amount of exactness4 ,any long1 not ,messianic1 passage1 it appears to be the rule with ,justin to quote exactly4 ,among the passages quoted freely there seem to be none of greater length than four verses4 ,the exactness is especially remarkable in the plain historical narratives of the ,pentateuch and the ,psalms1 though it is also evident that ,justin had the ,,ms4 before him1 and referred to it frequently throughout the quotations from the latter part of ,isaiah4 ,through following the arrangement of ,credner we have failed to notice the cases of combination2 these however are collected by ,dr4 ,westcott 7,on the ,canon1 p4 #aef74 ,the most remarkable instance is in ,apol4 i4 #eb1 where six different passages from three separate writers are interwoven together and assigned bodily to ,zechariah4 ,there are several more examples of mistaken ascription4 99 99 99 99 99 ,the great advantage of collecting the quotations from the ,old ,testament is that we are enabled to do so in regard to the very same writers among whom our enquiry is to lie4 ,we can thus form a general idea of their idiosyncracies1 and we know what to expect when we come to examine a different class of quotations4 ,there is1 however1 the element of uncertainty of which ,i have spoken above4 ,we cannot be quite clear what text the writer had before him4 ,this difficulty also exists1 though to a less degree1 when we come to consider quotations from the ,new ,testament in writers of an early date whom we know to have used our present ,gospels as canonical4 ,the text of these ,gospels is so comparatively fixed1 and we have such abundant materials for its reconstruction1 that we can generally say at once whether the writer is quoting from it freely or not4 ,we have thus a certain gain1 though at the cost of the drawback that we can no longer draw an inference as to the practice of individuals1 but merely attain to a general conclusion as to the habits of mind current in the age4 ,this too will be subject to a deduction for the individual bent and peculiarities of the writer4 ,we must therefore1 on the whole1 attach less importance to the examples under this section than under that preceding4 ,i chose two writers to be the subject of this examination almost1 ,i may say1 at random1 and chiefly because ,i had more convenient access to their works at the time4 ,the first of these is ,irenaeus1 that is to say the portions still extant in the ,greek of his ,treatise against ,heresies1 ,endnote #di3a and the second ,epiphanius4 ,irenaeus is described by ,dr4 ,tregelles 'as a close and careful quoter in general from the ,new ,testament' ,endnote #di3b4 ,he may therefore be taken to represent a comparatively high standard of accuracy4 ,in the following table the quotations which are merely allusive are included in brackets3-- ,exact4 ,slightly ,variant4 ,remarks4 variant4 ,i4 ,praef4 ,matt4 #aj4bf4 ,i4#c4b1,matt4 #e4ah4 quoted from ,gnostics ,i4#c1 #c1 ,mark #e4ca4 ,gnostics4 ,i4#c4e1 ,luke #ad4bg4 ,valentinians4 ,i4#c4e1 ,mark #aj4 the same4 ,i4#c4e1 ,matt4 #aj4cd4 #ba 7v4l47 the same4 ,i4#c4e1 ,luke #c4ag4 the same4 ,i4#d4c1 ,matt4 #aj4h4 ,i4#f4a1 ,matt4 #e4 #ac1 #ad1 al4 ,i4#g4d1 ,matt4 #h4i4 the same4 ,luke #g4h4 ,i4#h4b1 ,matt4 #bg4df4,valentinians4 ,i4#h4b4 ,matt4 #bf4ch4 the same4 ,i4#h4b1 ,matt4 the same4 #bf4ci4 ,i4#h4b1 ,john #ab4bg4 the same4 ,i4#h4c1 ,luke the same4 #i4eg1eh4 ,i4#h4c1 ,luke the same4 #i4fa1fb4 ,i4#h4c1 ,luke the same4 #i4fj4 ,i4#h4c1 ,luke #ai4e4 the same4 ,i4#h4d1 ,luke #ae1d4 the same4 ,i4#h4d1 ,luke the same4 #ae4h1 al4 ,i4#h4d1 ,luke #b4bh4 the same4 ,i4#h4d41 ,luke the same4 #f4cf1 al4 ,i4#h4d1 ,luke #g4ce the same4 7v4l47 ,i4#h4e1 ,john #a4a1b4 the same4 ,i4#h4e1 ,john #a4c the same4 7v4l47 ,i4#h4e1 ,john #a4d4 the same4 7v4l47 ,i4#h4e1 ,john #a4e4 the same4 ,i4#h4e1 ,john #a4ad4 ,i4#h4e1 ,john #a4ad4 the same verse rep- eated dif- ferently4 ,i4#ad4a4 ,matt4 ,marcus4 #ah4aj1;al4 ,i4#af4a1 ,luke ,marcosians4 #ae4h1;al4 ,i4#af4c1 ,matt4 the same4 #ab1dc1;al4 ,i4#bj4b1 ,luke the same4 #b4di4 ,i4#bj4b1 ,mark #aj4ah4'memoriter'- ,stieren2 but comp4 ,clem4 ,hom4 and and ,justin4 ,i4#bj4b1 ,matt4 ,marcosians4 #ba4bc4 ,i4#bj4b1 ,luke #ai4db4the same4 ,i4#bj4b1 ,matt4 the same4 #aa4bh 78 om474 ,i4#bj4c1 ,luke #aj4ba4the same2 7,matt4 #aa4be v4l41 comp4 #be47 ,marcion1 ,clem4 ,hom41 ,justin1 c4 ,i4#ba4b1 ,luke #ab4ej4,marcosians4 ,i4#ba4b1 ,mark ,marcosians4 #aj4cf4 ,,iii4#aa4h1 ,john #a4a-c 7874 ,,iii4#aa4h1 ,matt4 #a4a1ah 7v4l47 ,,iii4#aa4h1 ,mark omissions4 #a4a1b4 ,,iii4#bb4b1 ,john #d4f4 ,,iii4#bb4b1 ,matt4 #bf4ch4 ,,iv4#bf4a1 ,matt4 ,,iv4#dj4c1 #ac4ch4 ,,iv4#dj4c1 ,matt4 #ac4be4 ,v4#ag4d1 ,matt4 #c4aj4 ,v4#cf4b1 ,john #ad4b 7or obl47 ,fragm4 #ad1 ,matt4 #ae4ag4 ,on the whole these quotations of ,irenaeus seem fairly to deserve the praise given to them by ,dr4 ,tregelles4 ,most of the free quotations1 it will be seen1 belong not so much to ,irenaeus himself1 as to the writers he is criticising4 ,in some places 7e4g4 iv4 #f4 #a1 which is found in the ,latin only7 he expressly notes a difference of text4 ,in this very place1 however1 he shows that he is quoting from memory1 as he speaks of a parallel passage in ,st4 ,mark which does not exist4 ,elsewhere there can be little doubt that either he or the writer before him quoted loosely from memory4 ,thus ,luke xii4 #ej is given as ,greek3 allo baptisma echo baptisthaenai kai panu epeigomai eis auto for ,greek3 baptisma de echo baptisthaenai kai pos sunechomai heos hotou telesthae4 ,the quotation from ,matt4 viii4 #i is represented as ,greek3 kai gar ego hupo taen emautou exousian echo stratiotas kai doulous kai ho ean prostaxo poiousi1 which is evidently free2 those from ,matt4 xviii4 #aj1 xxvii4 #df1 ,luke ix4 #eg1 #eh1 #fa1 #fb1 xiv4 #bg1 xix4 #db1 ,john i4 #e1 #ad 7where however there appears to be some confusion in the text of ,irenaeus71 xiv4 #b1 also seem to be best explained as made from memory4 ,the list given below1 of quotations from the ,gospels in the ,panarium or ',treatise against ,heresies' of ,epiphanius ,endnote #eb3a1 is not intended to be exhaustive4 ,it has been made from the shorter index of ,petavius1 and being confined to the 'praecipui loci' consists chiefly of passages of substantial length and entirely 7,i believe7 of express quotations4 ,it has been again necessary to distinguish between the quotations made directly by ,epiphanius himself and those made by the heretical writers whose works he is reviewing4 ,exact4 ,slightly ,variant4 ,remarks4 ,variant4 #dbf;,a1 ,matt4 #a4a2 ,matt4 #a4ah1 7v4l47 #dbf;,,bc1 ,matt4 abridged1 diver- #a4ah-be4 gent in middle4 #dcj;,b1 ,matt4 #b4ac4 ,porphyry ,celsus4 #dd;,c1 ,matt4 #e4cd1cg #ei;,c1 ,matt4 #e4ag1ah4 #ahj;,b1 ,matt4 #e4ah4 ,valentinians4 #bbf;,a1 ,matt4 #e4de4 #gb;,a1 ,matt4 #g4f4 ,basilidians4 #djd;,c1 ,matt4 #g4ae4 #fg;,c4 ,matt4 #h4aa4 #fej;,b4 ,matt4 #h4bh-cd 7par47 #cjc;,a1 ,matt4 ,marcion4 #i4ag1af4 #ga;,b1 ,matt4 #aj4cc4 ,basilidians4 #bgd;,b1 ,matt4 #aj4af4 #hh;,a1 ,matt4 #aa4g4 #adc;,b1 ,matt4 ,gnostics4 #aa4ah4 #bed;,b1 ,matt4 ,marcosians4 #aa4bh4 #aci;,,ab1 ,matt4 ,ebionites4 #ab4dh sqq4 7v4l47 #agd;,c1 ,matt4 #aj4bf4 #dfd;,b1 ,matt4 ,theodotus4 #ab4ca1cb4 #cc;,a1 ,matt4 #bc4e4 #bah;,d1 ,matt4 #ae4d-f,ptolemaeus4 7or4 obl47 #dij;,c1 ,matt4 #ae4bj4 ,mark #g4ba1bb4 #dij;,a1 ,matt4 #ah4h4 compression ,mark #i4dc4 #fgi;,,bc1 ,matt4 ,manes4 #ac4bd-cj1cg-ci4 #aeb;,b1 ,matt4 #e4bg4 #ei;,,cd1 ,matt4 #ai4aj-ab4 #ei;,d1 ,matt4 #ai4f4 #ha;,a1 ,matt4 #ai4ab4 #ig;,d1 ,matt4 #bb4cj4 #cf;,,bc1 ,matt4 #bc4 remarkable compo- #bc1be2 #bc4ah-bj4 sition1 probably from memory4 7#e4ce72 ,mark #g4aa-ac2 ,matt4 #bc4ae4 #bbf;,a1 ,matt4 #bc4bi2;composition4 ,luke #aa4dg4 #bha;,a1 ,matt4 #bc4ce4 #ejh;,c1 ,matt4 #be4cd4 #adf;,,ab1 ,matt4 #bf4 narrative4 #ag1ah2 ,mark #ad4 #ab-ad2 ,luke #bb4 #i-aa4 #bgi;,d1 ,matt4 #bf4bd4 #cij;,b1 ,matt4 #ba4cc1 par4 #ej;,a1 ,matt4 #bh4ai4 #dbg;,b1 ,mark #a4a1b4 7v4#a47 #dbh;,c1 ,mark #a4d4 #deg;,d1 ,mark #c4bi2 singular ,matt4 #ab4ca2 composition4 ,luke #ab4aj4 #djj;,d1 ,matt4 #ai4f2 ,mark #aj4i4 #fej;,c1 ,matt4 #h4 narrative4 #bh-cd2 ,mark #e4 #a-bj2 ,luke #h4 #bf-ci4 ,these last five quotations have already been given under ,irenaeus1 whom ,epiphanius is transcribing4 #dfd;,d1 ,luke #ab4i2 composition4 ,matt4 #aj4cc4 #aha;,b1 ,luke #ad4bg4 ,valentians4 #dja;,a1 ,luke #ba4cd4 #adc;,c1 ,luke #bd4db4 7v4 #a47 #cdi;,c1 ,luke #bd4 ,marcion4 #ch1ci #chd;,b1 ,john #a4a-c4 #adh;,a1 ,john #a4bc4 #adh;,b1 ,john #b4af1ag4 #hi;,c1 ,john #c4ab4 ,gnostics4 #bgd;,a1 ,john #c4ad #ei;,c1 ,john #e4df4 #afb;,b1 ,john #e4h4 #ff;,c1 ,john #e4ag4 #iai;,a1 ,john #e4ah4 #aag;,d1 ,john #f4ae4 #hi;,d1 ,john #f4ec4 the same4 #bgi;,d1 ,john #f4gj4 #bgi;,b1 ,john #h4dd4 #dfc;,d1 ,john #h4dj4 ,theodotus4 #adh;,b1 ,john #ab4da4 #aec;,a1 ,john #ab4bb4 #ge;,c1 ,john #ad4f4 #iai;,c1 ,john #ad4aj4 #iba;,d1 ,john #ag4c4 #bgi;,d1 ,john #ag4aa1ab4 #aai;,d1 ,john #ah4cf4 ,it is impossible here not to notice the very large amount of freedom in the quotations4 ,the exact quotations number only fifteen1 the slightly variant thirty-seven1 and the markedly variant forty4 ,by far the larger portion of this last class and several instances in the second it seems most reasonable to refer to the habit of quoting from memory4 ,this is strikingly illustrated by the passage #aag ,d1 ,where the retreat of ,jesus and ,his disciples to ,ephraim is treated as a consequence of the attempt 'to make ,him king' 7,john vi4 #ae71 though in reality it did not take place till after the raising of ,lazarus and just before the ,last ,passover 7see ,john xi4 #ed74 ,a very remarkable case of combination is found in #cf ,,bc1 where a single quotation is made up of a cento of no less than six separate passages taken from all three ,synoptic ,gospels and in the most broken order4 ,fusions so complete as this are usually the result of unconscious acts of the mind1 i4e4 of memory4 ,a curious instance of the way in which the ,synoptic parallels are blended together in a compound which differs from each and all of them is presented in #dcg ,d 7,greek3 to blasphaemounti eis to pneuma to hagion ouk aphethaesetai auto oute en to nun aioni oute en to mellonti74 ,another example of ,epiphanius' manner in skipping backwards and forwards from one ,synoptic to another may be seen in #bah ,d1 which is made up of ,matt4 xv4 #d-i and ,mark vii4 #f-ac4 ,a strange mistake is made in #dbh ,d1 where ,greek3 paraekolouthaekoti is taken with ,greek3 tois autoptais kai hupaeretais tou logou4 ,many kinds of variation find examples in these quotations of ,epiphanius1 to some of which we may have occasion to allude more particularly later on4 ,it should be remembered that these are not by any means selected examples4 ,neither ,irenaeus nor ,epiphanius are notorious for free quotation--,irenaeus indeed is rather the reverse4 ,probably a much more plentiful harvest of variations would have been obtained e4g4 from ,clement of ,alexandria1 from whose writings numerous instances of quotation following the sense only1 of false ascription1 of the blending of passages1 of quotations from memory1 are given in the treatise of ,bp4 ,kaye ,endnote #ef3a4 ,dr4 ,westcott has recently collected ,endnote #ef3b the quotations from ,chrysostom ,on the ,priesthood1 with the result that about one half present variations from the ,apostolic texts1 and some of these variations1 which he gives at length1 are certainly very much to the point4 ,i fear we shall have seemed to delay too long upon this first preliminary stage of the enquiry1 but it is highly desirable that we should start with a good broad inductive basis to go upon4 ,we have now an instrument in our hands by which to test the alleged quotations in the early writers2 and1 rough and approximate as that instrument must still be admitted to be1 it is at least much better than none at all4 ,,chapter ,,iii4 ,,the ,,apostolic ,,fathers4 ,to go at all thoroughly into all the questions that may be raised as to the date and character of the ,christian writings in the early part of the second century would need a series of somewhat elaborate monographs1 and1 important as it is that the data should be fixed with the utmost attainable precision1 the scaffolding thus raised would1 in a work like the present1 be out of proportion to the superstructure erected upon it4 ,these are matters that must be decided by the authority of those who have made the provinces to which they belong a subject of special study3 all we can do will be to test the value of the several authorities in passing4 ,in regard to ,clement of ,rome1 whose ,first 7genuine7 ,epistle to the ,corinthians is the first writing that meets us1 the author of ',supernatural ,religion' is quite right in saying that 'the great mass of critics 444 assign the composition of the ,epistle to the end of the first century 7,a4,d4 #ie-ajj7' ,endnote #eh3a4 ,there is as usual a right and a left wing in the array of critics4 ,the right includes several of the older writers2 among the moderns the most conspicuous figure is the ,roman ,catholic ,bishop ,hefele4 ,tischendorf also1 though as it is pointed out somewhat inconsistently1 leans to this side4 ,according to their opinion the ,epistle would be written shortly before ,a4,d4 #gj4 ,on the left1 the names quoted are ,volkmar1 ,baur1 ,scholten1 ,stap1 and ,schwegler ,endnote #ei3a4 ,baur contents himself with the remark that the ,epistle to the ,corinthians1 'as one of the oldest documents of ,christian antiquity1 might have passed without question as a writing of the ,roman ,clement1' had not this ,clement become a legendary person and had so many spurious works palmed off upon him ,endnote #ei3b4 ,but it is surely no argument to say that because a certain number of extravagant and spurious writings are attributed to ,clement1 therefore one so sober and consistent with his position1 and one so well attested as this1 is not likely to have been written by him4 ,the contrary inference would be the more reasonable1 for if ,clement had not been an important person1 and if he had left no known and acknowledged writings1 divergent parties in the ,church would have had no reason for making use of his name4 ,but arguments of this kind cannot have much weight4 ,probably not one half of the writings attributed to ,justin ,martyr are genuine2 but no one on that account doubts the ,apologies and the ,dialogue with ,tryphon4 ,schwegler ,endnote #ei3c1 as is his wont1 has developed the opinion of ,baur1 adding some reasons of his own4 ,such as1 that the letter shows ,pauline tendencies1 while 'according to the most certain traditions' ,clement was a follower of ,st4 ,peter2 but the evidence for the ,epistle 7,polycarp1 ,dionysius of ,corinth1 ,a4,d4 #afe-age1 ,hegesippus1 and ,irenaeus in the most express terms7 is much older and better than these 'most certain traditions' 7,tertullian and ,origen71 even if they proved anything3 'in the ,epistle of ,clement use is made of the ,epistle to the ,hebrews2' but surely1 according to any sober canons of criticism1 the only light in which this argument can be regarded is as so much evidence for the ,epistle to the ,hebrews3 the ,epistle implies a development of the episcopate which 'demonstrably' 7nachweislich7 did not take place until during the course of the second century2 what the 'demonstration' is does not appear1 and indeed it is only part of the great fabric of hypothesis that makes up the ,tbingen theory4 ,volkmar strikes into a new vein ,endnote #fj3a4 ,the ,epistle of ,clement presupposes the ,book of ,judith2 but the ,book of ,judith must be dated ,a4,d4 #aag-aah2 and therefore the ,epistle of ,clement will fall about ,a4,d4 #abe4 ,what is the ground for this reasoning8 ,it consists in a theory1 which ,volkmar adopted and developed from ,hitzig1 as to the origin of the ,book of ,judith4 ,that book is an allegorical or symbolical representation of events in the early part of the rising of the ,jews under ,barcochba2 ,judith is ,judaea1 ,nebuchadnezzar ,trajan2 ,assyria stands for ,syria1 ,nineveh for ,antioch1 ,arphaxad for a ,parthian king ,arsaces1 ,ecbatana for ,nisibis or perhaps ,batnae2 ,bagoas is the eunuch- service in general2 ,holofernes is the ,moor ,lucius ,quietus4 ,out of these elements an elaborate historical theory is constructed1 which ,ewald and ,fritzsche have taken the trouble to refute on historical grounds4 ,to us it is very much as if ,ivanhoe were made out to be an allegory of incidents in the ,french ,revolution2 or as if the 'tale of ,troy divine' were1 not a nature-myth or ,euemeristic legend of long past ages1 but a symbolical representation of events under the ,pisistratidae4 ,examples such as this are apt to draw from the ,english reader a sweeping condemnation of ,german criticism1 and yet they are really only the sports or freaks of an exuberant activity4 ,the long list given in ',supernatural ,religion' ,endnote #fa3a of those who maintain the middle date of ,clement's ,epistle 7,a4,d4 #ie-ajj7 includes apparently all the ,english writers1 and among a number of ,germans the weighty names of ,bleek1 ,ewald1 ,gieseler1 ,hilgenfeld1 ,kstlin1 ,lipsius1 ,laurent1 ,reuss1 and ,ritschl4 ,from the point of view either of authority or of argument there can be little doubt which is the soundest and most judicious decision4 ,now what is the bearing of the ,epistle of ,clement upon the question of the currency and authority of the ,synoptic ,gospels8 ,there are two passages of some length which are without doubt evangelical quotations1 though whether they are derived from the ,canonical ,gospels or not may be doubted4 ,the first passage occurs in c4 xiii4 ,it will be necessary to give it in full with the ,synoptic parallels1 in order to appreciate the exact amount of difference and resemblance which it presents4 ,matt4 v4 #g1 vi4 #ad1 ,clem4 ad ,cor4 c4 xiii4 ,luke vi4 #cf1 #cg1 #ca1 vii4 #ab1b4 vi4 #ch1 #cg1 #ch4 ,especially re- membering the word of the ,lord ,jesus which he spake 444 ,for thus he said3 v4 #g4 ,blessed are ,pity ye1 that ye may vi4 #cf4 ,be ye mer- the pitiful1 for they be pitied3 forgive1 ciful1 etc4 vi4 #cg4 ,ac- shall be pitied4 vi4 that it may be for- quit1 and ye shall be #ad4 ,for if ye for given unto you4 ,as acquitted4 vi4 #c #a4 give men their tres- ye do1 so shall it ,and as ye would passes1 etc4 vii4 #ab4 be done unto you3 that they should do ,all things therefore as ye give1 so shall unto you1 do ye whatsoever ye would it be given4 unto you3 also unto them like that men should do as ye judge1 so shall wise4 vi4 #ch4 ,give1 unto you1 even so do it be judged unto and it shall be given ye unto them4 vii4 #b4 you3 as ye are kind1 unto you4 vi4 #c #g4 ,for with what judg- so shall kindness be ,and judge not1 and ment ye judge1 ye shown unto you3 ye shall not be shall be judged3 and judged4 with what measure with what measure ,for with what ye mete1 it shall be ye mete1 with it shall measure ye mete1 it measured unto you4 it be measured unto shall be measured you4 unto you again4 ,,greek ,,table ,matt4 v4 #g1 vi4 #ad1 ,clem4 ad ,cor4 c4 xiii4 ,luke vi4 #cf1 #cg1 #ca1 vii4 #ab1b4 vi4 #ch1 #cg1 #ch4 v4#g4 makarioi hoi eleeite hina eleaethaete4 vi4 #cf4 ginesthe eleaemones hoti autoi oiktirmones1 k4t4l4 eleaethaesontai4 vi4 #ad4 ean gar aphiete hina aphethae vi4 #cg4 apoluete kai aphaete tois anth4 ta humin4 apoluthaesesthe4 paraptomata auton4 vii4 #ab4 panta oun hos poieite houto vi4 #ca4 kai kathos hosa ean thelaete hina poiaethaesetai humin4 thelete hina poiosin poiosin humin hoi anth4 humin hoi anthropoi kai houtos kai humeis humeis poieite autois homoios poieite autois4 hos didote houtos vi4 #ch4 didote1 kai dothaesetai humin4 dothaesetai humin4 vii4 #b4 en ho gar hos krinete houtos vi4 #cg4 kai mae krimati krinete krithaesetai humin4 krinete kai ou mae krithaesesthe4 krithaete4 hos chraesteuesthe houtos chraesteuthaesetai humin4 kai en ho metro ho metro metreite en vi4 #ch4 to gar auto metreite auto metraethaesetai metro ho metreite metraethaesetai humin4 humin4 antimetraethaesetai humin4 ,we are to determine whether this quotation was taken from the ,canonical ,gospels4 ,let us try to balance the arguments on both sides as fairly as possible4 ,dr4 ,lightfoot writes in his note upon the passage as follows3 ',as ,clement's quotations are often very loose1 we need not go beyond the ,canonical ,gospels for the source of this passage4 ,the resemblance to the original is much closer here1 than it is for instance in his account of ,rahab above1 #ab4 ,the hypothesis therefore that ,clement derived the saying from oral tradition1 or from some lost ,gospel1 is not needed4' 7#a7 ,no doubt it is true that ,clement does often quote loosely4 ,the difference of language1 taking the parallel clauses one by one1 is not greater than would be found in many of his quotations from the ,old ,testament4 7#b7 ,supposing that the order of ,st4 ,luke is followed1 there will be no greater dislocation than e4g4 in the quotation from ,deut4 ix4 #ab-ad and ,exod4 xxxii4 7#g1 #h71 #aa1 #ca1 #cb in c4 liii1 and the backward order of the quotation would have a parallel in ,clem4 ,hom4 xvi4 #ac1 where the verses ,deut4 xiii4 #a-c1 #e1 #i are quoted in the order ,deut4 xiii4 #a-c1 #i1 #e1 #c1--;and elsewhere4 ,the composition of a passage from different places in the same book1 or more often from places in different books1 such as would be the case if ,clement was following ,matthew1 frequently occurs in his quotations from the ,old ,testament4 7#c7 ,we have no positive evidence of the presence of this passage in any non- extant ,gospel4 7#d7 ,arguments from the manner of quoting the ,old ,testament to the manner of quoting the ,new must always be to a certain extent a fortiori1 for it is undeniable that the ,new ,testament did not as yet stand upon the same footing of respect and authority as the ,old1 and the scarcity of ,,mss4 must have made it less accessible4 ,in the case of converts from ,judaism1 the ,old ,testament would have been largely committed to memory in youth1 while the knowledge of the ,new would be only recently acquired4 ,these considerations seem to favour the hypothesis that ,clement is quoting from our ,gospels4 ,but on the other hand it may be urged1 7#a7 that the parallel adduced by ,dr4 ,lightfoot1 the story of ,rahab1 is not quite in point1 because it is narrative1 and narrative both in ,clement and the other writers of his time is dealt with more freely than discourse4 7#b7 ,the passage before us is also of greater length than is usual in ,clement's free quotations4 ,i doubt whether as long a piece of discourse can be found treated with equal freedom1 unless it is the two doubtful cases in c4 viii and c4 xxix4 7#c7 ,it will not fail to be noticed that the passage as it stands in ,clement has a roundness1 a compactness1 a balance of style1 which give it an individual and independent appearance4 ,fusions effected by an unconscious process of thought are1 it is true1 sometimes marked by this completeness2 still there is a difficulty in supposing the terse antitheses of the ,clementine version to be derived from the fuller1 but more lax and disconnected1 sayings in our ,gospels4 7#d7 ,it is noticed in ',supernatural ,religion' ,endnote #fe3a that the particular phrase ,greek3 chraesteusthe has at least a partial parallel in ,justin ,greek3 ginesthe chraestoi kai oiktirmones1 though it has none in the ,canonical ,gospels4 ,this may seem to point to a documentary source no longer extant4 ,doubtless light would be thrown upon the question if we only knew what was the common original of the two ,synoptic texts4 ,how do they come to be so like and yet so different as they are8 ,how do they come to be so strangely broken up8 ,the triple synopsis1 which has to do more with narrative1 presents less difficulty1 but the problem raised by these fragmentary parallelisms in discourse is dark and complex in the extreme2 yet if it were only solved it would in all probability give us the key to a wide class of phenomena4 ,the differences in these extra-canonical quotations do not exceed the differences between the ,synoptic ,gospels themselves2 yet by far the larger proportion of critics regard the resemblances in the ,synoptics as due to a common written source used either by all three or by two of them4 ,the critics have not however1 ,i believe1 given any satisfactory explanation of the state of dispersion in which the fragments of this latter class are found4 ,all that can be at present done is to point out that the solution of this problem and that of such quotations as the one discussed in ,clement hang together1 and that while the one remains open the other must also4 ,looking at the arguments on both sides1 so far as we can give them1 ,i incline on the whole to the opinion that ,clement is not quoting directly from our ,gospels1 but ,i am quite aware of the insecure ground on which this opinion rests4 ,it is a nice balance of probabilities1 and the element of ignorance is so large that the conclusion1 whatever it is1 must be purely provisional4 ,anything like confident dogmatism on the subject seems to me entirely out of place4 ,very much the same is to be said of the second passage in c4 xlvi compared with ,matt4 xxvi4 #bd1 xviii4 #f1 or ,luke xvii4 #a1 #b4 ,it hardly seems necessary to give the passage in full1 as this is already done in ',supernatural ,religion1' and it does not differ materially from that first quoted1 except that it is less complicated and the supposition of a quotation from memory somewhat easier4 ,the critic indeed dismisses the question summarily enough4 ,he says that 'the slightest comparison of the passage with our ,gospels is sufficient to convince any unprejudiced mind that it is neither a combination of texts nor a quotation from memory' ,endnote #ff3a4 ,but this very confident assertion is only the result of the hasty and superficial examination that the author has given to the facts4 ,he has set down the impression that a modern might receive1 at the first blush1 without having given any more extended study to the method of the patristic quotations4 ,i do not wish to impute blame to him for this1 because we are all sure to take up some points superficially2 but the misfortune is that he has spent his labour in the wrong place4 ,he has1 in a manner1 revived the old ecclesiastical argument from authority by heaping together references1 not always quite digested and sifted1 upon points that often do not need them1 and he has neglected that consecutive study of the originals which alone could imbue his mind with their spirit and place him at the proper point of view for his enquiry4 ,the hypothesis that ,clement's quotation is made memoriter from our ,gospel is very far from being inadmissible4 ,were it not that the other passage seems to lean the other way1 ,i should be inclined to regard it as quite the most probable solution4 ,such a fusion is precisely what would and frequently does take place in quoting from memory4 ,it is important to notice the key phrases in the quotation4 ,the opening phrases ,greek3 ouai to anthropo ekeino2 kalon aen auto ei ouk egennaethae are found exactly 7though with omissions7 in ,matt4 xxvi4 #bd4 ,clement has in common with the ,synoptists all the more marked expressions but two1 ,greek3 skandalisai 7,greek3 -sae ,synoptics71 the unusual word ,greek3 mulos 7,matt41 ,mark71 ,greek3 katapontisthaenai 7,greek3 -thae ,matt471 ,greek3 eis taen thalassan 7,mark1 ,luke71 ,greek3 hena ton mikron 7,greek3 mou ,clement1 ,greek3 touton ,synoptics74 ,he differs from them1 so far as phraseology is concerned1 only in writing once 7the second time he agrees with the ,synoptics7 ,greek3 ton eklekton mou for ,greek3 ton mikron touton1 by an easy paraphrase1 and ,greek3 peritethaenai where ,mark and ,luke have ,greek3 perikeitai and ,matthew ,greek3 kremasthae4 ,but on the other hand1 it should be noticed that ,matthew has1 besides this variation1 ,greek3 en to pelagei taes thalassaes1 where the two companion ,gospels have ,greek3 eis taen thalassan2 where he has ,greek3 katapontisthae1 ,mark has ,greek3 beblaetai and ,luke ,greek3 erriptai2 and in the important phrase for 'it were better' all the three ,gospels differ1 ,matthew having ,greek3 sumpherei1 ,mark ,greek3 kalon estin1 and ,luke ,greek3 lusitelei2 so that it seems not at all too much to say that ,clement does not differ from the ,synoptics more than they differ from each other4 ,the remarks that the author makes1 in a general way1 upon these differences lead us to ask whether he has ever definitely put to himself the question1 ,how did they arise8 ,he must be aware that the mass of ,german authorities he is so fond of quoting admit of only two alternatives1 that the ,synoptic writers copied either from the same original or from each other1 and that the idea of a merely oral tradition is scouted in ,germany4 ,but if this is the case1 if so great a freedom has been exercised in transcription1 is it strange that ,clement 7or any other writer7 should be equally free in quotation8 ,the author rightly notices--though he does not seem quite to appreciate its bearing--the fact that ,marcion and some codices 7of the ,old ,latin translation7 insert1 as ,clement does1 the phrase ,greek3 ei ouk egennaethae ae in the text of ,st4 ,luke4 ,supposing that this were the text of ,st4 ,luke's ,gospel which ,clement had before him1 it would surely be so much easier to regard his quotation as directly taken from the ,gospel2 but the truer view perhaps would be that we have here an instance 7and the number of such instances in the older ,,mss4 is legion7 of the tendency to interpolate by the insertion of parallel passages from the same or from the other ,synoptic ,gospels4 ,clement and ,marcion 7with the ,old ,latin7 will then confirm each other1 as showing that even at this early date the two passages1 ,matt4 xxvi4 #bd and ,matt4 xviii4 #f 7,luke xvii4 #b71 had already begun to be combined4 ,there is one point more to be noticed before we leave the ,epistle of ,clement4 ,there is a quotation from ,isaiah in this ,epistle which is common to it with the first two ,synoptics4 ,of this ,volkmar writes as follows1 giving the words of ,clement1 c4 xv1 ',the ,scripture says somewhere1 ,this people honoureth me with their lips1 but their heart is far from me1' 7,greek3 houtos ho laos tois cheilesin me tima hae de kardia auton porro apestin ap' emou74 ',this ,scripture the writer found in ,mark vii4 #f 7followed in ,matt4 xv4 #h71 and in that shape he could not at once remember where it stood in the ,old ,testament4 ,it is indeed ,mark's peculiar reproduction of ,is4 xxix4 #ac1 in opposition to the original and the ,,lxx4 ,a further proof that the ,roman ,christian has here our ,synoptic text in his mind1 may be taken from c4 xiii1 where he quotes ,jer4 ix4 #bd with equal divergence from the ,,lxx1 after the precedent of the ,apostle 7#a ,cor4 i4 #ca1 #b ,cor4 x4 #ag7 whose letters he expressly refers to 7c4 xlvii7 ,endnote #fi3a4 ,it is difficult here to avoid the conclusion that ,clement is quoting the ,old ,testament through the medium of our ,gospels4 ,the text of the ,,lxx is this1 ,greek3 engizei moi ho laos houtos en to stomati autou kai en tois cheilesin auton timosin me4 ,clement has the passage exactly as it is given in ,mark 7,greek3 ho laos houtos ,matt471 except that he writes ,greek3 apestin where both of the ,gospels have ,greek3 apechei with the ,,lxx4 ,the passage is not ,messianic1 so that the variation cannot be referred to a ,targum2 and though ,a4 and six other ,,mss4 in ,holmes and ,parsons omit ,greek3 en to stomati autou 7through wrong punctuation-- ,credner71 still there is no ,,ms4 authority whatever1 and naturally could not be1 for the omission of ,greek3 engizei moi 444 kai and for the change of ,greek3 timosin to ,greek3 tima4 ,there can be little doubt that this was a free quotation in the original of the ,synoptic ,gospels1 and it is in a high degree probable that it has passed through them into ,clement of ,rome4 ,it might perhaps be suggested that ,clement was possibly quoting the earlier document1 the original of our ,synoptics1 but this suggestion seems to be excluded both by his further deviation from the ,,lxx in ,greek3 apestin1 and also by the phenomena of the last quotation we have been discussing1 which are certainly of a secondary character4 ,altogether ,i cannot but regard this passage as the strongest evidence we possess for the use of the ,synoptic ,gospels by ,clement2 it seems to carry the presumption that he did use them up to a considerable degree of probability4 ,it is rather singular that ,volkmar1 whose speculations about the ,book of ,judith we have seen above1 should be so emphatic as he is in asserting the use of all three ,synoptics by ,clement4 ,we might almost1 though not quite1 apply with a single change to this critic a sentence originally levelled at ,tischendorf1 to the intent that 'he systematically adopts the latest 7earliest7 possible or impossible dates for all the writings of the first two centuries1' but he is able to admit the use of the first and third ,synoptics 7the publication of which he places respectively in #ajj and #aaj ,a4,d47 by throwing forward the date of ,clement's ,epistle1 through the ,judith-hypothesis1 to ,a4,d4 #abe4 ,we may however accept the assertion for what it is worth1 as coming from a mind something less than impartial1 while we reject the concomitant theories4 ,for my own part ,i do not feel able to speak with quite the same confidence1 and yet upon the whole the evidence1 which on a single instance might seem to incline the other way1 does appear to favour the conclusion that ,clement used our present ,canonical ,gospels4 #b4 ,there is not1 so far as ,i am aware1 any reason to complain of the statement of opinion in ',supernatural ,religion' as to the date of the so-called ,epistle of ,barnabas4 ,arguing then entirely from authority1 we may put the terminus ad quem at about #acj ,a4,d4 ,the only writer who is quoted as placing it later is ,dr4 ,donaldson1 who has perhaps altered his mind in the later edition of his work1 as he now writes3 ',most 7critics7 have been inclined to place it not later than the first quarter of the second century1 and all the indications of a date1 though very slight1 point to this period' ,endnote #ga3a4 ,the most important issue is raised on a quotation in c4 iv1 ',many are called but few chosen1' in the ,greek of the ,codex ,sinaiticus ,greek3 prosechomen1 maepote1 hos gegraptai1 polloi klaetoi1 oligoi de eklektoi eurethomen4 ,this corresponds exactly with ,matt4 xxii4 #ad1 ,greek3 polloi gar eisin klaetoi1 oligoi de eklektoi4 ,the passage occurs twice in our present received text of ,st4 ,matthew1 but in xx4 #af it is probably an interpolation4 ,there also occurs in #d ,ezra 7#b ,esdras7 viii4 #c the sentence1 ',many were created but few shall be saved' ,endnote #ga3b4 ,our author spends several pages in the attempt to prove that this is the original of the quotation in ,barnabas and not the saying in ,st4 ,matthew4 ,we have the usual positiveness of statement3 ',there can be no doubt that the sense of the reading in #d ,ezra is exactly that of the ,epistle4' ',it is impossible to imagine a saying more irrelevant to its context than ,many are called but few chosen in ,matt4 xx4 #af1' where it is indeed spurious1 though the relevancy of it might very well be maintained4 ,in ,matt4 xxii4 #ad1 where the saying is genuine1 'it is clear that the facts distinctly contradict the moral that few are chosen4' ,when we come to a passage with a fixed idea it is always easy to get out of it what we wish to find4 ,as to the relevancy or irrelevancy of the clause in ,matt4 xxii4 #ad ,i shall say nothing1 because it is in either case undoubtedly genuine4 ,but it is surely a strange paradox to maintain that the words ',many were created but few shall be saved' are nearer in meaning to ',many are called but few chosen' than the repetition of those very words themselves4 ,our author has forgotten to notice that ,barnabas has used the precise word ,greek3 klaetoi just before2 indeed it is the very point on which his argument turns1 'because we are called do not let us therefore rest idly upon our oars2 ,israel was called to great privileges1 yet they were abandoned by ,god as we see them2 let us therefore also take heed1 for1 as it is written1 many are called but few chosen4' ,i confess ,i find it difficult to conceive anything more relevant1 and equally so to see any special relevancy1 in the vague general statement ',many were created but few shall be saved4' ,but even if it were not so1 if it were really a question between similarity of context on the one hand and identity of language on the other1 there ought to be no hesitation in declaring that to be the original of the quotation in which the language was identical though the context might be somewhat different4 ,any one who has studied patristic quotations will know that context counts for very little indeed4 ,what could be more to all appearance remote from the context than the quotation in ,heb4 i4 #g1 ',who maketh his angels spirits and his ministers a flaming fire'8 where the original is certainly referring to the powers of nature1 and means 'who maketh the winds his messengers and a flame of fire his minister2' with the very same sounds we have a complete inversion of the sense4 ,this is one of the most frequent phenomena1 as our author cannot but know ,endnote #gc3a4 ,hilgenfeld1 in his edition of the ,epistle of ,barnabas1 repels somewhat testily the imputation of ,tischendorf1 who criticises him as if he supposed that the saying in ,st4 ,matthew was not directly referred to ,endnote #gc3b4 ,this ,hilgenfeld denies to be the case4 ,in regard to the use of the word ,greek3 gegraptai introducing the quotation1 the same writer urges reasonably enough that it cannot surprise us at a time when we learn from ,justin ,martyr that the ,gospels were read regularly at public worship2 it ought not however to be pressed too far as involving a claim to special divine inspiration1 as the same word is used in the ,epistle in regard to the apocryphal book of ,enoch1 and it is clear also from ,justin that the ,canon of the ,gospels was not yet formed but only forming4 ,the clause1 ',give to every one that asketh of thee' ,greek3 panti to aitounti se didou1 though admitted into the text of c4 xix by ,hilgenfeld and ,weizscker1 is wanting in the ,sinaitic ,,ms41 and the comparison with ,luke vi4 #cj or ,matt4 v4 #db therefore cannot be insisted upon4 ,the passage 'in order that ,he might show that ,he came not to call the righteous but sinners' 7,greek3 hina deixae hoti ouk aelthen kalesai dikaious alla amartolous ,endnote #gd3a7 is removed by the hypothesis of an interpolation which is supported by a precarious argument from ,origen1 and also by the fact that ,greek3 eis metanoian has been added 7clearly from ,luke v4 #cb7 by later hands both to the text of ,barnabas and in ,matt4 ix4 #ac ,endnote #gd3b4 ,this theory of an interpolation is easily advanced1 and it is drawn so entirely from our ignorance that it can seldom be positively disproved1 but it ought surely to be alleged with more convincing reasons than any that are put forward here4 ,we now possess six ,,mss4 of the ,epistle of ,barnabas1 including the famous ,codex ,sinaiticus1 the accuracy of which in the ,biblical portions can be amply tested1 and all of these six ,,mss41 without exception1 contain the passage4 ,the addition of the words ,greek3 eis metanoian represents much more the kind of interpolations that were at all habitual4 ,the interpolation hypothesis1 as ,i said1 is easily advanced1 but the onus probandi must needs lie heavily against it4 ,in accepting the text as it stands we simply obey the ,baconian maxim hypotheses non fingimus1 but it is strange1 and must be surprising to a philosophic mind1 to what an extent the more extreme representatives of the negative criticism have gone back to the most condemned parts of the scholastic method2 inconvenient facts are explained away by hypotheses as imaginary and unverifiable as the 'cycles and epicycles' by which the schoolmen used to explain the motions of the heavenly bodies4 ',if however1' the author continues1 'the passage 'originally formed part of the text1 it is absurd to affirm that it is any proof of the use or existence of the first ,gospel4' ',absurd' is under the circumstances a rather strong word to use2 but1 granting that it would have been even 'absurd' to allege this passage1 if it had stood alone1 as a sufficient proof of the use of the ,gospel1 it does not follow that there can be any objection to the more guarded statement that it invests the use of the ,gospel with a certain antecedent probability4 ,no doubt the quotation may have been made from a lost ,gospel1 but here again ,greek3 eis aphanes ton muthon anenenkas ouk echei elenchon-- there is no verifying that about which we know nothing4 ,the critic may multiply ,gospels as much as he pleases and an apologist at least will not quarrel with him1 but it would be more to the point if he could prove the existence in these lost writings of matter conflicting with that contained in the extant ,gospels4 ,as it is1 the only result of these unverifiable hypotheses is to raise up confirmatory documents in a quarter where apologists have not hitherto claimed them4 ,we are delaying1 however1 too long upon points of quite secondary importance4 ,two more passages are adduced2 one1 an application of ,ps4 cx 7,the ,lord said unto my ,lord7 precisely as in ,matt4 xxii4 #dd1 and the other a saying assigned to our ,lord1 ',they who wish to see me and lay hold on my kingdom must receive me through affliction and suffering4' ,of neither of these can we speak positively4 ,there is perhaps a slight probability that the first was suggested by our ,gospel1 and considering the character of the verifiable quotations in ,barnabas1 which often follow the sense only and not the words1 the second may be 'a free reminiscence of ,matt4 xvi4 #bd compared with ,acts xiv4 #bb1' but it is also possible that it may be a saying quoted from an apocryphal ,gospel4 ,it should perhaps be added that ,lardner and ,dr4 ,westcott both refer to a quotation of ,zech4 xiii4 #g which appears in the common text of the ,epistle in a form closely resembling that in which the quotation is given in ,matt4 xxvi4 #ca and diverging from the ,,lxx1 but here again the ,sinaitic ,codex varies1 and the text is too uncertain to lay stress upon1 though perhaps the addition ,greek3 taes poimnaes may incline the balance to the view that the text of the ,gospel has influenced the form of the quotation ,endnote #gf3a4 ,the general result of our examination of the ,epistle of ,barnabas may perhaps be stated thus1 that while not supplying by itself certain and conclusive proof of the use of our ,gospels1 still the phenomena accord better with the hypothesis of such a use4 ,this ,epistle stands in the second line of the evidence1 and as a witness is rather confirmatory than principal4 #c4 ,after ,dr4 ,lightfoot's masterly exposition there is probably nothing more to be said about the genuineness1 date1 and origin of the ,ignatian ,epistles4 ,dr4 ,lightfoot has done in the most lucid and admirable manner just that which is so difficult to do1 and which ',supernatural ,religion' has so signally failed in doing2 he has succeeded in conveying to the reader a true and just sense of the exact weight and proportion of the different parts of the evidence4 ,he has avoided such phrases as 'absurd1' 'impossible1' 'preposterous1' that his opponent has dealt in so freely1 but he has weighed and balanced the evidence piece by piece2 he has carefully guarded his language so as never to let the positiveness of his conclusion exceed what the premises will warrant2 he has dealt with the subject judicially and with a full consciousness of the responsibility of his position ,endnote #gg3a4 ,we cannot therefore1 ,i think1 do better than adopt ,dr4 ,lightfoot's conclusion as the basis of our investigation1 and treat the ,curetonian 7i4e4 the three short ,syriac7 letters as 7probably7 'the work of the genuine ,ignatius1 while the ,vossian letters 7i4e4 the shorter ,greek recension of seven ,epistles7 are accepted as valid testimony at all events for the middle of the second century--the question of the genuineness of the letters being waived4' ,the ,curetonian ,epistles will then be dated either in #ajg or in #aae ,a4,d41 the two alternative years assigned to the martyrdom of ,ignatius4 ,in the ,epistle to ,polycarp which is given in this version there is a parallel to ,matt4 x4 #af1 ',be ye therefore wise as serpents and harmless as doves4' ,the two passages may be compared thus3-- ,ign4 ad ,pol4 ii4 ,greek3 ,psronimos ginou hos ophis en apasin kai akeaios osei perisetera4 ,matt4 x4 #af4 ,greek3 ,ginesthe oun psronimoi hos oi opheis kai akeaioi hos ai peristerai4 ,we should naturally place this quotation in the second column of our classified arrangement1 as presenting a slight variation4 ,at the same time we should have little hesitation in referring it to the passage in our ,canonical ,gospel4 ,all the marked expressions are identical1 especially the precise and selected words ,greek3 phronimos and ,greek3 akeraios4 ,it is however possible that ,ignatius may be quoting1 not directly from our ,gospel1 but from one of the original documents 7such as ,ewald's hypothetical ',spruch-sammlung'7 out of which our ,gospel was composed--though it is somewhat remarkable that this particular sentence is wanting in the parallel passage in ,st4 ,luke 7cf4 ,luke x4 #c74 ,this may be so or not2 we have no means of judging4 ,but it should at any rate be remembered that this original document1 supposing it to have had a substantive existence1 most probably contained repeated references to miracles4 ,the critics who refer ,matt4 x4 #af to the document in question1 also agree in referring to it ,matt4 vii4 #bb1 x4 #h1 xi4 #e1 xii4 #bd foll41 c41 which speak distinctly of miracles1 and precisely in that indirect manner which is the best kind of evidence4 ,therefore if we accept the hypothesis suggested in ',supernatural ,religion'--and it is a mere hypothesis1 quite unverifiable--the evidence for miracles would not be materially weakened4 ,the author would1 ,i suppose1 admit that it is at least equally probable that the saying was quoted from our present ,gospel4 ,this probability would be considerably heightened if the allusion to 'the star' in the ,syriac of ,eph4 xix has1 as it appears to have1 reference to the narrative of ,matt4 ii4 ,in the ,greek or ,vossian version of the ,epistle it is expanded1 ',how then was ,he manifested to the ages8 ,a star shone in heaven above all the stars1 and the light thereof was unspeakable1 and the strangeness thereof caused astonishment' 7,greek3 ,pos oun ephanerothae tois aoisin2 ,astaer en ourano elampsen huper pantas tous asteras1 kai to phos autou aneklalaeton aen1 kai xenismon pareichen hae kainotaes autou74 ,this is precisely1 one would suppose1 the kind of passage that might be taken as internal evidence of the genuineness of the ,curetonian and later character of the ,vossian version4 ,the ,syriac 7,greek3 hatina en haesouchia ,theou to asteri or ,greek3 apo tou asteros ,greek3 eprachthae71 abrupt and difficult as it is1 does not look like an epitome of the ,greek1 and the ,greek has exactly that exaggerated and apocryphal character which would seem to point to a later date4 ,it corresponds indeed somewhat nearly to the language of the ,protevangelium of ,james1 #ba1 ,greek3 eidomen astera pammegethae lampsanta en tois astrois tou ouranou kai amblunonta tous allous asteras hoste mae phainesthai autous4 ,both in the ,protevangelium and in the ,vossian ,ignatius we see what is clearly a developement of the narrative in ,st4 ,matthew4 ,if the ,vossian ,epistles are genuine1 then by showing the existence of such a developement at so early a date they will tend to throw back still further the composition of the ,canonical ,gospel4 ,if the ,syriac version1 on the other hand1 is the genuine one1 it will be probable that ,ignatius is directly alluding to the narrative which is peculiar to the first ,evangelist4 ,these are 7so far as ,i am aware7 the only coincidences that are found in the ,curetonian version4 ,their paucity cannot surprise us1 as in the same ,curetonian text there is not a single quotation from the ,old ,testament4 ,one ,old ,testament quotation and two ,evangelical allusions occur in the ,epistle to the ,ephesians1 which is one of the three contained in ,cureton's ,,ms42 the fifth and sixth chapters1 however1 in which they are found1 are wanting in the ,syriac4 ,the allusions are1 in ,eph4 v1 ',for if the prayer of one or two have such power1 how much more that of the bishop and of the whole ,church1' which appears to have some relation to ,matt4 xviii4 #ai 7',if two of you shall agree' c471 and in ,eph4 vi1 ',for all whom the master of the house sends to be over his own household we ought to receive as we should him that sent him1' which may be compared with ,matt4 x4 #dj 7',he that receiveth you' c474 ,both these allusions have some probability1 though neither can be regarded as at all certain4 ,the ,epistle to the ,trallians has one coincidence in c4 xi1 ',these are not plants of the ,father' 7,greek3 phyteia ,patros71 which recalls the striking expression of ,matt4 xv4 #ac1 ',every plant 7,greek3 pasa phyteia7 that my heavenly ,father hath not planted shall be rooted up4' ,this is a marked metaphor1 and it is not found in the other ,synoptics2 it is therefore at least more probable that it is taken from ,st4 ,matthew4 ,the same must be said of another remarkable phrase in the ,epistle to the ,smyrnaeans1 c4 vi1 ,greek3 ho choron choreito 7,greek3 ho dynamenos chorein choreito1 ,matt4 xix4 #ab71 and also of the statement in c4 i4 of the same ,epistle that ,jesus was baptized by ,john 'that ,he might fulfil all righteousness' 7,greek3 hina plaerothae pasa dikaiosynae hup' autou74 ,this corresponds with the language of ,matt4 iii4 #ae 7,greek3 houtos gar prepon estin haemin plaerosai pasan dikaiosynaen71 which also has no parallel in the other ,gospels4 ,the use of the phrase ,greek3 plaerosai pasan dikaiosynaen is so peculiar1 and falls in so entirely with the characteristic ,christian ,judaizing of our first ,evangelist1 that it seems especially unreasonable to refer it to any one else4 ,there is not the smallest particle of evidence to connect it with the ,gospel according to the ,hebrews to which our author seems to hint that it may belong2 indeed all that we know of that ,gospel may be said almost positively to exclude it4 ,in this ,gospel our ,lord is represented as saying1 when ,his mother and ,his brethren urge that ,he should accept baptism from ,john1 ',what have ,i sinned that ,i should go and be baptized by him8' and it is almost by compulsion that ,he is at last induced to accompany them4 ,it will be seen that this is really an opposite version of the event to that of ,ignatius and the first ,gospel1 where the objection comes from ,john and is overruled by our ,lord ,himself ,endnote #ha3a4 ,there is however one quotation1 introduced as such1 in this same ,epistle1 the source of which ,eusebius did not know1 but which ,origen refers to the ',preaching of ,peter' and ,jerome seems to have found in the ,nazarene version of the ',gospel according to the ,hebrews4' ,this phrase is attributed to our ,lord when ,he appeared 'to those about ,peter and said to them1 ,handle ,me and see that ,i am not an incorporeal spirit' 7,greek3 psaelaphaesate me1 kai idete1 hoti ouk eimi daimonion asomaton74 ,but for the statement of ,origen that these words occurred in the ',preaching of ,peter' they might have been referred without much difficulty to ,luke xxiv4 #ci4 ,the ,preaching of ,peter seems to have begun with the ,resurrection1 and to have been an offshoot rather in the direction of the ,acts than the ,gospels ,endnote #ha3b4 ,it would not therefore follow from the use of it by ,ignatius here1 that the other quotations could also be referred to it4 ,and1 supposing it to be taken from the ',gospel according to the ,hebrews1' this would not annul what has been said above as to the reason for thinking that ,ignatius 7or the writer who bears his name7 cannot have used that ,gospel systematically and alone4 #d4 ,is the ,epistle which purports to have been written by ,polycarp to the ,philippians to be accepted as genuine8 ,it is mentioned in the most express terms by ,irenaeus1 who declares himself to have been a disciple of ,polycarp in his early youth1 and speaks enthusiastically of the teaching which he then received4 ,irenaeus was writing between the years #ahj-aij ,a4,d41 and ,polycarp is generally allowed to have suffered martyrdom about #afg or #afh ,endnote #hb3a4 ,but the way in which ,irenaeus speaks of the ,epistle is such as to imply1 not only that it had been for some time in existence1 but also that it had been copied and disseminated and had attained a somewhat wide circulation4 ,he is appealing to the ,catholic tradition in opposition to heretical teaching such as that of ,valentinus and ,marcion1 and he says1 ',there is an ,epistle written by ,polycarp to the ,philippians of great excellence ,greek3 hikanotatae1 from which those who wish to do so and who care for their own salvation may learn both the character of his faith and the preaching of the truth' ,endnote #hb3b4 ,he would hardly have used such language if he had not had reason to think that the ,epistle was at least fairly accessible to the ,christians for whom he is writing4 ,but allowing for the somewhat slow 7not too slow7 multiplication and dissemination of writings among the ,christians1 this will throw back the composition of the letter well into the lifetime of ,polycarp himself4 ,in any case it must have been current in circles immediately connected with ,polycarp's person4 ,against external evidence such as this the objections that are brought are really of very slight weight4 ,that which is reproduced in ',supernatural ,religion' from an apparent contradiction between c4 ix and c4 xiii1 is dismissed even by writers such as ,ritschl who believe that one or both chapters are interpolated4 ,in c4 ix the martyrdom of ,ignatius is upheld as an example1 in c4 xiii ,polycarp asks for information about ,ignatius 'et de his qui cum eo sunt1' apparently as if he were still living4 ,but1 apart from the easy and obvious solution which is accepted by ,ritschl1 following ,hefele and others1 ,endnote #hc3a that the sentence is extant only in the ,latin translation and that the phrase 'qui cum eo sunt' is merely a paraphrase for ,greek3 ton met' autou2 apart from this1 even supposing the objection were valid1 it would prove nothing against the genuineness of the ,epistle4 ,it might be taken to prove that the second passage is an interpolation2 but a contradiction between two passages in the same writing in no way tends to show that that writing is not by its ostensible author4 ,but surely either interpolator or forger must have had more sense than to place two such gross and absurd contradictions within about sixty lines of each other4 ,an argument brought by ,dr4 ,hilgenfeld against the date dissolves away entirely on examination4 ,he thinks that the exhortation ,orate pro regibus 7et potestatibus et principibus7 in c4 xii must needs refer to the double rule of ,antoninus ,pius 7#adg ,a4,d47 or ,marcus ,aurelius and ,lucius ,verus 7#afa ,a4,d474 ,but the writer of the ,epistle is only reproducing the words of ,st4 ,paul in #a ,tim4 ii4 #b 7,greek3 parakalo 444 poieisthai deaeseis 444 hyper basileon kai panton ton en hyperochae onton74 ,the passage is wrongly referred in ',supernatural ,religion' to #a ,pet4 ii4 #ag ,endnote #hd3a4 ,it is very clear that the language of ,polycarp1 like that of ,st4 ,paul1 is quite general4 ,in order to limit it to the two ,caesars we should have had to read ,greek3 hyper ton basileon4 ,the allusions which ,schwegler finds to the ,gnostic heresies are explained when that critic at the end of his argument objects to the ,epistle that it makes use of a number of writings 'the origin of which must be placed in the second century1 such as the ,acts1 #a ,peter1 the ,epistles to the ,philippians and to the ,ephesians1 and #a ,timothy4' ,the objection belongs to the gigantic confusion of fact and hypothesis which makes up the so-called ,tbingen theory1 and falls to the ground with it4 ,it should be noticed that those who regard the ,epistle as interpolated yet maintain the genuineness of those portions which are thought to contain allusions to the ,gospels4 ,ritschl states this ,endnote #hd3b2 ,dr4 ,donaldson confines the interpolation to c4 xiii ,endnote #hd3c2 and ,volkmar not only affirms with his usual energy the genuineness of these portions of the ,epistle1 but he also asserts that the allusions are really to our ,gospels ,endnote #hd3d4 ,the first that meets us is in c4 ii1 ',remembering what the ,lord said teaching1 judge not that ye be not judged2 forgive and it shall be forgiven unto you2 pity that ye may be pitied2 with what measure ye mete it shall be measured unto you again2 and that blessed are the poor and those who are persecuted for righteousness' sake1 for theirs is the kingdom of ,god' ,endnote #he3a4 ,this passage 7if taken from our ,gospels7 is not a continuous quotation1 but is made up from ,luke vi4 #cf-ch1 #bj1 ,matt4 v4 #aj1 or of still more disjecta membra of ,st4 ,matthew4 ,it will be seen that it covers very similar ground with the quotation in ,clement1 and there is also a somewhat striking point of similarity with that writer in the phrase ,greek3 eleeite hina eleaetheate4 ,there is moreover a closer resemblance than to our ,gospels in the clause ,greek3 aphiete kai aphethaesetai humin4 ,but the order of the clauses is entirely different from that in ,clement1 and the first clause ,greek3 mae krinete hina mae krithaete is identical with ,st4 ,matthew and more nearly resembles the parallel in ,st4 ,luke than in ,clement4 ,these are perplexing phenomena1 and seem to forbid a positive judgment4 ,it would be natural to suppose1 and all that we know of the type of doctrine in the early ,church would lead us to believe1 that the ,sermon on the ,mount would be one of the most familiar parts of ,christian teaching1 that it would be largely committed to memory and quoted from memory4 ,there would be no difficulty in employing that hypothesis here if the passage stood alone4 ,the breaking up of the order too would not surprise us when we compare the way in which the same discourse appears in ,st4 ,luke and in ,st4 ,matthew4 ,but then comes in the strange coincidence in the single clause with ,clement2 and there is also another curious phenomenon1 the phrase ,greek3 aphiete kai aphethaesetai humin compared with ,luke's ,greek3 apoluete kai apoluthaesesthe has very much the appearance of a parallel translation from the same ,aramaic original1 which may perhaps be the famous ',spruch-sammlung4' ,this might however be explained as the substitution of synonymous terms by the memory4 ,there is ,i believe nothing in the shape of direct evidence to show the presence of a different version of the ,sermon on the ,mount in any of the lost ,gospels1 and1 on the other hand1 there are considerable traces of disturbance in the ,canonical text 7compare e4g4 the various readings on ,matt4 v4 #dd74 ,it seems on the whole difficult to construct a theory that shall meet all the facts4 ,perhaps a mixed hypothesis would be best4 ,it is probable that memory has been to some extent at work 7the form of the quotation naturally suggests this7 and is to account for some of ,polycarp's variations2 at the same time ,i cannot but think that there has been somewhere a written version different from our ,gospels to which he and ,clement have had access4 ,there are several other sayings which seem to belong to the ,sermon on the ,mount2 thus in c4 vi1 ',if we pray the ,lord to forgive us we also ought to forgive' 7cf4 ,matt4 vi4 #ad sq472 in c4 viii1 ',and if we suffer for ,his name let us glorify ,him' 7cf4 ,matt4 v4 #aa sq472 in c4 xii1 ',pray for them that persecute you and hate you1 and for the enemies of the cross2 that your fruit may be manifest in all things1 that ye may be therein perfect' 7cf4 ,matt4 v4 #dd1 #dh74 ,all these passages give the sense1 but only the sense1 of the first 7and partly also of the third7 ,gospel4 ,there is however one quotation which coincides verbally with two of the ,synoptics ,praying the all-seeing ,god not to lead us into temptation1 as the ,lord said1 ,the spirit indeed is willing but the flesh is weak 7,greek3 to men pneuma prothumon1 hae de sarx asthenaes1 ,matt41 ,mark1 ,polycarp2 with the introductory clause compare1 not ,matt4 vi4 #ac1 but xxvi4 #da74 ,in the cases where the sense alone is given there is no reason to think that the writer intends to give more4 ,at the same time it will be observed that all the quotations refer either to the double or triple synopsis where we have already proof of the existence of the saying in question in more than a single form1 and not to those portions that are peculiar to the individual ,evangelists4 ,the author of ',supernatural ,religion' is therefore not without reason when he says that they may be derived from other collections than our actual ,gospels4 ,the possibility cannot be excluded4 ,it ought however to be borne in mind that if such collections did exist1 and if ,polycarp's allusions or quotations are to be referred to them1 they are to the same extent evidence that these hypothetical collections did not materially differ from our present ,gospels1 but rather bore to them very much the same relation that they bear to each other4 ,and ,i do not know that we can better sum up the case in regard to the ,apostolic ,fathers than thus2 we have two alternatives to choose between1 either they made use of our present ,gospels1 or else of writings so closely resembling our ,gospels and so nearly akin to them that their existence only proves the essential unity and homogeneity of the evangelical tradition4 ,,chapter ,,iv4 ,,justin ,,martyr4 ,hitherto the extant remains of ,christian literature have been scanty and the stream of evangelical quotation has been equally so1 but as we approach the middle of the second century it becomes much more abundant4 ,we have copious quotations from a ,gospel used about the year #adj by ,marcion2 the ,clementine ,homilies1 the date of which however is more uncertain1 also contain numerous quotations2 and there are still more in the undoubted works of ,justin ,martyr4 ,when ,i speak of quotations1 ,i do not wish to beg the question by implying that they are necessarily taken from our present ,gospels1 ,i merely mean quotations from an evangelical document of some sort4 ,this reservation has to be made especially in regard to ,justin4 ,strictly according to the chronological order we should not have to deal with ,justin until somewhat later1 but it will perhaps be best to follow the order of ',supernatural ,religion1' the principle of which appears to be to discuss the orthodox writers first and heretical writings afterwards4 ,modern critics seem pretty generally to place the two ,apologies in the years #adg-aej ,a4,d4 and the ,dialogue against ,tryphon a little later4 ,dr4 ,keim indeed would throw forward the date of ,justin's writings as far as from #aee-afj on account of the mention of ,marcion ,endnote #hi3a1 but this is decided by both ,hilgenfeld ,endnote #hi3b and ,lipsius to be too late4 ,i see that ,mr4 ,hort1 whose opinion on such matters deserves high respect1 comes to the conclusion 'that we may without fear of considerable error set down ,justin's ,first ,apology to #ade1 or better still to #adf1 and his death to #adh4 ,the ,second ,apology1 if really separate from the ,first1 will then fall in #adf or #adg1 and the ,dialogue with ,tryphon about the same time' ,endnote #hi3c ,no definite conclusion can be drawn from the title given by ,justin to the work or works he used1 that of the ',memoirs' or ',recollections' of the ,apostles1 and it will be best to leave our further enquiry quite unfettered by any assumption in respect to them4 ,the title certainly does not of necessity imply a single work composed by the ,apostles collectively ,endnote #hi3d1 any more than the parallel phrase 'the writings of the ,prophets' ,endnote #hi3e 7,greek3 ta sungrammata ton prophaeton71 which ,justin couples with the ',memoirs' as read together in the public services of the ,church1 implies a single and joint production on the part of the ,prophets4 ,this hypothesis too is open to the very great objection that so authoritative a work1 if it existed1 should have left absolutely no other trace behind it4 ,so far as the title is concerned1 the ',memoirs of the ,apostles' may be either a single work or an almost indefinite number4 ,in one place ,justin says that the ,memoirs were composed 'by ,his ,apostles and their followers' ,endnote #ij3a1 which seems to agree remarkably1 though not exactly1 with the statement in the prologue to ,st4 ,luke4 ,in another he says expressly that the ,memoirs are called ,gospels 7,greek3 ha kaleitai euangelia7 ,endnote #ij3b4 ,this clause has met with the usual fate of parenthetic statements which do not quite fall in with preconceived opinions1 and is dismissed as a 'manifest interpolation1' a gloss having crept into the text from the margin4 ,it would be difficult to estimate the exact amount of probability for or against this theory1 but possible at any rate it must be allowed to be2 and though the prim facie view of the genuineness of the words is supported by another place in which a quotation is referred directly 'to the ,gospel1' still too much ought not perhaps to be built on this clause alone4 99 99 99 99 99 ,a convenient distinction may be drawn between the material and formal use of the ,gospels2 and the most satisfactory method perhaps will be1 to run rapidly through ,justin's quotations1 first with a view to ascertain their relation to the ,canonical ,gospels in respect to their general historical tenor1 and secondly to examine the amount of verbal agreement4 ,i will try to bring out as clearly as possible the double phenomena both of agreement and difference2 the former 7in regard to which condensation will be necessary7 will be indicated both by touching in the briefest manner the salient points and by the references in the margin2 the latter1 which ,i have endeavoured to give as exhaustively as possible1 are brought out by italics in the text4 ,the thread of the narrative then1 so far as it can be extracted from the genuine writings of ,justin1 will be much as follows ,endnote #ia3a4 ,according to ,justin the ,messiah was born1 without sin1 of a ,,sidenotes virgin who was descended from ,,sidenotes ,matt4 #a4b-f4 ,david1 ,jesse1 ,phares1 ,judah1 ,luke #c4ca-cd4 ,jacob1 ,isaac1 and ,abraham1 if not 7the reading here is doubtful7 from ,adam himself4 ,justin therefore1 it may be inferred1 had before him a genealogy1 though not apparently1 as the ,canonical ,gospels1 that of ,joseph but of ,mary4 ,to ,mary it was announced by the angel ,gabriel ,luke #a4bf4 that1 while yet a virgin1 the power of ,god1 or of the ,highest1 ,luke #a4ce4 should overshadow her and she should conceive and bear a ,son ,luke #a4ca4 ,matt4 #a4ba4 whose name she should call ,jesus1 because ,he should save ,his people from their sins4 ,joseph observing that ,mary1 his espoused1 was with child was ,matt4 #a4ah-be4 warned in a dream not to put her away1 because that which was in her womb was of the ,holy ,ghost4 ,thus the prophecy1 ,matt4 #a4bc4 ,is4 vii4 #ad 7,behold the virgin c471 was fulfilled4 ,the mother of ,john the ,baptist was ,luke #a4eg4 ,elizabeth4 ,the birth-place of the ,messiah had been indicated ,matt4 #b4e1 #f4 by the prophecy of ,micah 7v4 #b1 ,bethlehem not the least among the princes of ,judah74 ,there ,he was born1 as the ,romans might learn from the census taken by ,cyrenius the first procurator ,greek3 ,luke #b4a1 #b4 epitropou of ,judaea4 ,his life extended from ,cyrenius to ,pontius ,pilate4 ,so1 in consequence of this the first census in ,judaea1 ,joseph went up from ,nazareth where he dwelt to ,luke #b4d4 ,bethlehem whence he was1 as a member of the tribe of ,judah4 ,the parents of ,jesus could find no lodging in ,bethlehem1 so it ,luke #b4g4 came to pass that ,he was born in a cave near the village and laid in a manger4 ,at ,his birth ibid4 ,matt4 #b4a4 there came ,magi from ,arabia1 who knew by a star that had appeared in the heaven that a ,matt4 #b4b4 king had been born in ,judaea4 ,having paid ,him their homage ,matt4 #b4aa4 and offered gifts of gold1 frankincense and myrrh1 they were ,matt4 #b4ab4 warned not to return to ,herod ,matt4 #b4 #a-g4 whom they had consulted on the way4 ,he however not willing that the ,child should escape1 ,matt4 #b4af4 ordered a massacre of all the children in ,bethlehem1 fulfilling ,matt4 #b4ag1 #ah4 the prophecy of ,jer4 xxxi4 #ae 7,rachel weeping for her children c474 ,joseph and his wife meanwhile ,matt4 #b4ac-ae4 with the ,babe had fled to ,egypt1 for the ,father resolved that ,he to whom ,he had given birth should not die before ,he had preached ,his word as a man4 ,there they stayed ,matt4 #b4bb until ,archelaus succeeded ,herod1 and then returned4 ,by process of nature ,he grew to the age of thirty years or ,luke #c4bc4 more1 not comely of aspect 7as had been prophesied71 practising ,mark #f4c4 the trade of a carpenter1 making ploughs and yokes1 emblems of righteousness4 ,he remained hidden till ,john1 the herald of his coming1 came forward1 the ,matt #ag4ab1 #ac4 spirit of ,elias being in him1 and ,matt4 #c4b4 as he sat by the river ,jordan ,luke #c4c4 cried to men to repent4 ,as he ,matt4 #c4d4 preached in his wild garb he declared that he was not the ,john #a4ai ff4 ,christ1 but that ,one stronger ,matt4 #c4aa1 #ab4 than he was coming after him ,luke #c4 #af1 #ag4 whose shoes he was not worthy to bear1 c4 ,the later history of ,john ,justin also mentions1 ,matt4 #ad4c4 how1 having been put in prison1 ,luke #c4bj4 at a feast on ,herod's birthday ,matt4 #ad4f ff4 he was beheaded at the instance of his sister's daughter4 ,this ,matt4 #ag4aa-ac4 ,john was ,elias who was to come before the ,christ4 ,at the baptism of ,jesus a fire was kindled on the ,jordan1 and1 as ,he went up out of the water1 ,matt4 #c4af4 the ,holy ,ghost alighted upon ,luke #c4ba1 #bb4 ,him1 and a voice was heard from heaven saying in the words of ,david1 ',thou art ,my ,son1 this day have ,i begotten ,thee4' ,after ,matt4 #d4a1 #i4 ,his baptism ,he was tempted by the devil1 who ended by claiming homage from ,him4 ,to this ,christ replied1 ',get thee behind ,matt #d4aa4 ,me1 ,satan1' c4 ,so the devil ,luke #d4ac4 departed from ,him at that time worsted and convicted4 ,justin knew that the words of ,jesus were short and concise1 not like those of a ,sophist4 ,that ,he wrought miracles might be learnt from the ,acts of ,pontius ,pilate1 fulfilling ,is4 xxxv4 #d-f4 ,matt4 #i4bi-ca1 ,those who from their birth were ,luke #ah4ce-dc4 #cb1 #cc4 #a-h4 blind1 dumb1 lame1 ,he healed-- ,luke #aa4ad ff4 ,matt4 #d4bc4 indeed ,he healed all sickness and ,luke #e4ag-bf4 ,matt #i4ah ff4 disease--and ,he raised the dead4 ,luke #h4da ff4 ,the ,jews ascribed these miracles ,luke #g4 #aa-ah4 to magic4 ,jesus1 too 7like ,john1 whose mission ceased when ,he appeared in public71 began ,his ministry ,matt #d4ag4 by proclaiming that the kingdom of heaven was at hand4 ,many precepts of the ,sermon on the ,mount ,justin has preserved1 ,matt #e4bj4 the righteousness of the ,matt #e4bh4 ,scribes and ,pharisees1 the ,matt #e4bi-cb4 adultery of the heart1 the offending ,matt #e4cd1 #cg1 eye1 divorce1 oaths1 returning #ci ,matt #e4dd4 good for evil1 loving and praying ,matt #e4db4 for enemies1 giving to those that ,luke #f4cj4 ,matt #f4ai1 #bj4 need1 placing the treasure in ,matt #f4be-bg4 heaven1 not caring for bodily ,luke #ab4bb-bd4 ,matt #e4de4 wants1 but copying the mercy ,matt #f4ba1 c4 and goodness of ,god1 not acting from worldly motives--above all1 ,matt #g4bb1 #bc4 deeds not words4 ,luke #ac4bf1 #bg4 ,justin quotes sayings from ,matt4 #h4aa1 #ab4 the narrative of the centurion ,luke #ac4bh1 #bi4 ,matt4 #i4ac4 of ,capernaum and of the feast ,luke #e4cb4 in the house of ,matthew4 ,he ,matt4 #aj4a ff4 has1 the choosing of the twelve ,luke #f4ac4 ,apostles1 with the name given ,mark #c4ag4 to the sons of ,zebedee1 ,boanerges or 'sons of thunder1' the com- mission of the ,apostles1 the ,luke #aj4ai4 ,matt4 #aa4ab-ae4 discourse after the departure of ,luke #af4af4 the messengers of ,john1 the ,matt4 #af4d4 sign of the prophet ,jonas1 the ,matt4 #ac4c ff4 parable of the sower1 ,peter's ,luke #h4e ff4 ,matt4 #af4ae-ah4 confession1 the announcement of ,luke #i4bb4 ,matt4 #af4ba4 the ,passion4 ,from the account of the last journey and the closing scenes of our ,lord's life1 ,justin has1 ,matt4 #ai4af1ag4 the history of the rich young ,luke #ah4ah1ai4 ,matt4 #ba4a ff4 man1 the entry into ,jerusalem1 ,luke #ai4bi ff4 the cleansing of the ,temple1 the ,luke #ai4df4 ,matt4 #bb4aa4 wedding garment1 the controversial discourses about the ,luke #bj4bb-be4 ,matt4 #bb4ba4 tribute money1 the resurrection1 ,luke #bj4ce1cf4 ,matt4 #bb4cg1ch4 and the greatest commandment1 ,matt4 #bc4b ff4 those directed against the ,pha- ,luke #aa4db1eb4 ,matt4 #be4cd1da4 risees and the eschatological ,matt4 #be4ad-cj4 discourse1 the parable of the talents4 ,justin's account of the institution of the ,lord's ,supper ,luke #bb4ai1bj4 agrees with that of ,luke4 ,after ,matt4 #bf4cj4 it ,jesus sang a hymn1 and taking ,matt4 #bf4cf1cg4 with ,him three of ,his disciples to the ,mount of ,olives ,he was in an agony1 ,his sweat falling in ,luke #bb4db-dd4 drops 7not necessarily of blood7 to the ground4 ,his captors surrounded ,him like the 'horned bulls' of ,ps4 xxii4 #aa-ad2 there ,matt4 #bf4ef4 was none to help1 for ,his followers to a man forsook ,him4 ,matt4 #bf4eg ff4 ,he was led both before the ,luke #bb4ff ff4 ,scribes and ,pharisees and before ,matt4 #bg4aa ff4 ,pilate4 ,in the trial before ,pilate ,luke #bc4a ff4 ,matt4 #bg4ad ,he kept silence1 as ,ps4 xxii4 #ae4 ,pilate sent ,him bound to ,herod4 ,luke #bc4g4 ,justin relates most of the incidents of the ,crucifixion in detail1 for confirmation of which he refers to the ,acts of ,pilate4 ,he marks especially the fulfilment in various places of ,ps4 xxii4 ,he has the piercing with nails1 the casting of ,luke #bd4dj4 ,matt4 #bg4ce4 lots and dividing of the garments1 ,luke #bc4cd4 ,matt4 #bg4ci ff4 the sneers of the crowd ,luke #bc4ce4 7somewhat expanded from the ,matt4 #bg4db4 ,synoptics71 and their taunt1 ,he who raised the dead let ,him save ,matt4 #bg4df4 ,himself2 also the cry of despair1 ',my ,god1 ,my ,god1 why hast ,thou forsaken ,me8' and the last words1 ',father1 into ,thy hands ,luke #bc4df4 ,i commend ,my ,spirit4' ,matt4 #bg4eg-fj4 ,the burial took place in the evening1 the disciples being all ,matt4 #bf4ca1ef4 scattered in accordance with ,zech4 xiii4 #g4 ,on the third day1 ,luke #bd4ba4 ,matt4 #bh4a ff4 the day of the sun or the first ,luke #bd4a ff4 7or eighth7 day of the week1 ,jesus rose from the dead4 ,he then convinced ,his disciples that ,his sufferings had been prophe- ,luke #bd4bf1 #df4 tically foretold and they repented ,luke #bd4cb4 of having deserted ,him4 ,having given them ,his last commission they saw ,him ascend up into ,luke #bd4ej4 heaven4 ,thus believing and having first waited to receive power from ,him they went forth into all the world and preached the word of ,god4 ,to this day ,matt4 #bh4ai ,christians baptize in the name of the ,father of all1 and of our ,saviour ,jesus ,christ1 and of the ,holy ,ghost4 ,matt4 #bh4ab-ae4 ,the ,jews spread a story that the disciples stole the body of ,jesus from the grave and so deceived men by asserting that ,he was risen from the dead and ascended into heaven4 ,there is nothing in ,justin 7as in ,luke xxiv1 but cp4 ,acts i4 #c7 to show that the ,ascension did not take place on the same day as the ,resurrection4 ,i have taken especial pains in the above summary to bring out the points in which ,justin way seem to differ from or add to the canonical narratives4 ,but1 without stopping at present to consider the bearing of these upon ,justin's relation to the ,gospels1 ,i will at once proceed to make some general remarks which the summary seems to suggest4 7#a7 ,if such is the outline of ,justin's ,gospel1 it appears to be really a question of comparatively small importance whether or not he made use of our present ,gospels in their present form4 ,if he did not use these ,gospels he used other documents which contained substantially the same matter4 ,the question of the reality of miracles clearly is not affected4 ,justin's documents1 whatever they were1 not only contained repeated notices of the miracles in general1 the healing of the lame and the paralytic1 of the maimed and the dumb1 and the raising of the dead--not only did they include several discourses1 such as the reply to the messengers of ,john and the saying to the ,centurion whose servant was healed1 which have direct reference to miracles1 but they also give marked prominence to the chief and cardinal miracles of the ,gospel history1 the ,incarnation and the ,resurrection4 ,it is antecedently quite possible that the narrative of these events may have been derived from a document other than our ,gospels2 but1 if so1 that is only proof of the existence of further and independent evidence to the truth of the history4 ,this document1 supposing it to exist1 is a surprising instance of the homogeneity of the evangelical tradition2 it differs from the three ,synoptic ,gospels1 nay1 we may say even from the four ,gospels1 less than they differ from each other4 7#b7 ,but we may go further than this4 ,if ,justin really used a separate substantive document now lost1 that document1 to judge from its contents1 must have represented a secondary1 or rather a tertiary1 stage of the evangelical literature2 it must have implied the previous existence of our present ,gospels4 ,i do not now allude to the presence in it of added traits1 such as the cave of the ,nativity and the fire on ,jordan1 which are of the nature of those mythical details that we find more fully developed in the ,apocryphal ,gospels4 ,i do not so much refer to these--though1 for instance1 in the case of the fire on ,jordan it is highly probable that ,justin's statement is a translation into literal fact of the canonical 7and ,justinian7 saying1 ',he shall baptize with the ,holy ,ghost and with fire'--but1 on general grounds1 the relation which this supposed document bears to the extant ,gospels shows that it must have been in point of time posterior to them4 ,the earlier stages of evangelical composition present a nucleus1 with a more or less defined circumference1 of unity1 and outside of this a margin of variety4 ,there was a certain body of narrative1 which1 in whatever form it was handed down--whether as oral or written--at a very early date obtained a sort of general recognition1 and seems to have been as a matter of course incorporated in the evangelical works as they appeared4 ,besides this there was also other matter which1 without such general recognition1 had yet a considerable circulation1 and1 though not found in all1 was embodied in more than one of the current compilations4 ,but1 as we should naturally expect1 these two classes did not exhaust the whole of the evangelical matter4 ,each successive historian found himself able by special researches to add something new and as yet unpublished to the common stock4 ,thus1 the first of our present ,evangelists has thirty-five sections or incidents besides the whole of the first two chapters peculiar to himself4 ,the third ,evangelist has also two long chapters of preliminary history1 and as many as fifty-six sections or incidents which have no parallel in the other ,gospels4 ,much of this peculiar matter in each case bears an individual and characteristic stamp4 ,the opening chapters of the first and third ,synoptics evidently contain two distinct and independent traditions4 ,so independent indeed are they1 that the negative school of critics maintain them to be irreconcilable1 and the attempts to harmonise them have certainly not been completely successful ,endnote #aja3a4 ,these differences1 however1 show what rich quarries of tradition were open to the enquirer in the first age of ,christianity1 and how readily he might add to the stores already accumulated by his predecessors4 ,but this state of things did not last long4 ,as in most cases of the kind1 the productive period soon ceased1 and the later writers had a choice of two things1 either to harmonise the conflicting records of previous historians1 or to develope their details in the manner that we find in the ,apocryphal ,gospels4 ,but if ,justin used a single and separate document or any set of documents independent of the canonical1 then we may say with confidence that that document or set of documents belonged entirely to this secondary stage4 ,it possesses both the marks of secondary formation4 ,such details as are added to the previous evangelical tradition are just of that character which we find in the ,apocryphal ,gospels4 ,but these details are comparatively slight and insignificant2 the main tendency of ,justin's ,gospel 7supposing it to be a separate composition7 was harmonistic4 ,the writer can hardly have been ignorant of our ,canonical ,gospels2 he certainly had access1 if not to them1 yet to the sources1 both general and special1 from which they are taken4 ,he not only drew from the main body of the evangelical tradition1 but also from those particular and individual strains which appear in the first and third ,synoptics4 ,he has done this in the spirit of a true desultor1 passing backwards and forwards first to one and then to the other1 inventing no middle links1 but merely piecing together the two accounts as best he could4 ,indeed the preliminary portions of ,justin's ,gospel read very much like the sort of rough prim facie harmony which1 without any more profound study1 most people make for themselves4 ,but the harmonising process necessarily implies matter to harmonise1 and that matter must have had the closest possible resemblance to the contents of our ,gospels4 ,if1 then1 ,justin made use either of a single document or set of documents distinct from those which have become canonical1 we conclude that it or they belonged to a later and more advanced stage of formation4 ,but it should be remembered that the case is a hypothetical one4 ,the author of ',supernatural ,religion' seems inclined to maintain that ,justin did use such a document or documents1 and not our ,gospels4 ,if he did1 then the consequence above stated seems to follow4 ,but ,i do not at all care to press this inference2 it is no more secure than the premiss upon which it is founded4 ,only it seems to me that the choice lies between two alternatives and no more2 either ,justin used our ,gospels1 or else he used a document later than our ,gospels and presupposing them4 ,the reader may take which side of the alternative he pleases4 ,the question is1 which hypothesis best covers and explains the facts4 ,it is not impossible that ,justin may have had a special ,gospel such as has just been described4 ,there is a tendency among those critics who assign ,justin's quotations to an uncanonical source to find that source in the so-called ,gospel according to the ,hebrews or some of its allied forms4 ,but a large majority of critics regard the ,gospel according to the ,hebrews as holding precisely this secondary relation to the canonical ,matthew4 ,justin's document can hardly have been the ,gospel according to the ,hebrews1 at least alone1 as that ,gospel omitted the section ,matt4 i4 #ah-;ii4 #bc ,endnote #ajc3a1 which ,justin certainly retained4 ,but it is within the bounds of possibility--it would be hazardous to say more--that he may have had another ,gospel so modified and compiled as to meet all the conditions of the case4 ,for my own part1 ,i think it decidedly the more probable hypothesis that he used our present ,gospels with some peculiar document1 such as this ,gospel according to the ,hebrews1 or perhaps1 as ,dr4 ,hilgenfeld thinks1 the ground document of the ,gospel according to ,peter 7a work of which we know next to nothing except that it favoured ,docetism and was not very unlike the ,canonical ,gospels7 and the ,protevangelium of ,james 7or some older document on which that work was founded7 in addition4 ,it will be well to try to establish this position a little more in detail2 and therefore ,i will proceed to collect first1 the evidence for the use1 either mediate or direct1 of the ,synoptic ,gospels1 and secondly1 that for the use of one or more ,apocryphal ,gospels4 ,we still keep to the substance of ,justin's ,gospel1 and reserve the question of its form4 ,of those portions of the first ,synoptic which appear to be derived from a peculiar source1 and for the presence of which we have no evidence in any other ,gospel of the same degree of originality1 ,justin has the following3 ,joseph's suspicions of his wife1 the special statement of the significance of the name ,jesus 7'for ,he shall save ,his people from their sins1' ,matt4 i4 #ba1 verbally identical71 the note upon the fulfilment of the prophecy ,is4 vii4 #ad 7',behold a virgin1' c471 the visit of the ,magi guided by a star1 their peculiar gifts1 their consultation of ,herod and the warning given them not to return to him1 the massacre of the children at ,bethlehem1 fulfilling ,jer4 xxxi4 #ae1 the descent into ,egypt1 the return of the ,holy ,family at the succession of ,archelaus4 ,the ,temptations ,justin gives in the order of ,matthew4 ,from the ,sermon on the ,mount he has the verses v4 #ad1 #bj1 #bh1 vi4 #a1 vii4 #ae1 #ba1 and from the controversial discourse against the ,pharisees1 xxiii4 #ae1 #bd1 which are without parallels4 ,the prophecy1 ,is4 xlii4 #a-d1 is applied as by ,matthew alone4 ,there is an apparent allusion to the parable of the wedding garment4 ,the comment of the disciples upon the identification of the ,baptist with ,elias 7,matt4 xvii4 #ac71 the sign of the prophet ,jonas 7,matt4 xvi4 #a1 #d71 and the triumphal entry 7the ass with the colt71 show a special affinity to ,st4 ,matthew4 ,and1 lastly1 in concert with the same ,evangelist1 ,justin has the calumnious report of the ,jews 7,matt4 xxviii4 #ab #ae7 and the baptismal formula 7,matt4 xxviii4 #ai74 ,of the very few details that are peculiar to ,st4 ,mark1 ,justin has the somewhat remarkable one of the bestowing of the surname ,boanerges on the sons of ,zebedee4 ,mark also appears to approach most nearly to ,justin in the statements that ,jesus practised the trade of a carpenter 7cf4 ,mark vi4 #c7 and that ,he healed those who were diseased from their birth 7cf4 ,mark ix4 #ba71 and perhaps in the emphasis upon the oneness of ,god in the reply respecting the greatest commandment4 ,in common with ,st4 ,luke1 ,justin has the mission of the angel ,gabriel to ,mary1 the statement that ,elizabeth was the mother of ,john1 that the census was taken under ,cyrenius1 that ,joseph went up from ,nazareth to ,bethlehem ,greek3 hothen aen1 that no room was found in the inn1 that ,jesus was thirty years old when ,he began ,his ministry1 that ,he was sent from ,pilate to ,herod1 with the account of ,his last words4 ,there are also special affinities in the phrase quoted from the charge to the ,seventy 7,luke x4 #ai71 in the verse ,luke xi4 #eb1 in the account of the answer to the rich young man1 of the institution of the ,lord's ,supper1 of the ,agony in the ,garden1 and of the ,resurrection and ,ascension4 ,these coincidences are of various force4 ,some of the single verses quoted1 though possessing salient features in common1 have also1 as we shall see1 more or less marked differences4 ,too much stress should not be laid on the allegation of the same prophecies1 because there may have been a certain understanding among the ,christians as to the prophecies to be quoted as well as the versions in which they were to be quoted4 ,but there are other points of high importance4 ,just in proportion as an event is from a historical point of view suspicious1 it is significant as a proof of the use of the ,gospel in which it is contained2 such would be the adoration of the ,magi1 the slaughter of the innocents1 the flight into ,egypt1 the conjunction of the foal with the ass in the entry into ,jerusalem4 ,all these are strong evidence for the use of the first ,gospel1 which is confirmed in the highest degree by the occurrence of a reflection peculiar to the ,evangelist1 ',then the disciples understood that ,he spake unto them of ,john the ,baptist' 7,matt4 xvii4 #ac1 compare ,dial4 #di74 ,of the same nature are the allusions to the census of ,cyrenius 7there is no material discrepancy between ,luke and ,justin71 and the statement of the age at which the ministry of ,jesus began4 ,these are almost certainly remarks by the third ,evangelist himself1 and not found in any previously existing source4 ,the remand to ,herod in all probability belonged to a source that was quite peculiar to him4 ,the same may be said with only a little less confidence of the sections of the preliminary history4 ,taking these salient points together with the mass of the coincidences each in its place1 and with the due weight assigned to it1 the conviction seems forced upon us that ,justin did either mediately or immediately1 and most probably immediately and directly1 make use of our ,canonical ,gospels4 ,on the other hand1 the argument that he used1 whether in addition to these or exclusively1 a ,gospel now lost1 rests upon the following data4 ,justin apparently differs from the ,synoptics in giving the genealogy of ,mary1 not of ,joseph4 ,in ,apol4 i4 #cd he says that ,cyrenius was the first governor 7procurator7 of ,judaea1 instead of saying that the census first took place under ,cyrenius4 ,it should be remarked1 however1 that in another place1 ,dial4 #gh1 he speaks of 'the census which then took place for the first time 7,greek3 ousaes tote protaes7 under ,cyrenius4' ,he states that ,mary brought forth her ,son in a cave near the village of ,bethlehem4 ,he ten times over speaks of the ,magi as coming from ,arabia1 and not merely from the ,east4 ,he says emphatically that all the children 7,greek3 pantas haplos tous paidas7 in ,bethlehem were slain without mentioning the limitation of age given in ,st4 ,matthew4 ,he alludes to details in the humble occupation of ,jesus who practised the trade of a carpenter4 ,speaking of the ministry of ,john1 he three times repeats the phrase 'as he sat' by the river ,jordan4 ,at the baptism of ,jesus he says that 'fire was kindled on' or rather 'in the ,jordan1' and that a voice was heard saying1 ',thou art ,my ,son1 this day have ,i begotten ,thee4' ,he adds to the notice of the miracles that the ,jews thought they were the effect of magic4 ,twice he refers1 as evidence for what he is saying1 to the ,acts of ,pontius ,pilate4 ,in two places ,justin sees a fulfilment of ,ps4 xxii1 where none is pointed out by the ,synoptics4 ,he says that all the disciples forsook their ,master1 which seems to overlook ,peter's attack on the high priest's servant4 ,in the account of the ,crucifixion he somewhat amplifies the ,synoptic version of the mocking gestures of the crowd4 ,and besides these matters of fact he has two sayings1 ',in whatsoever ,i find you1 therein will ,i also judge you1' and ',there shall be schisms and heresies1' which are without parallel1 or have no exact parallel1 in our ,gospels4 ,some of these points are not of any great importance4 ,the reference to the ,acts of ,pilate should in all probability be taken along with the parallel reference to the census of ,cyrenius1 in which ,justin asserts that the birth of ,jesus would be found registered4 ,both appear to be based1 not upon any actual document that ,justin had seen1 but upon the bold assumption that the official documents must contain a record of facts which he knew from other sources ,endnote #ajg3a4 ,in regard to ,cyrenius he evidently has the ,lucan version in his mind1 though he seems to have confused this with his knowledge that ,cyrenius was the first to exercise the ,roman sovereignty in ,judaea1 which was matter of history4 ,justin seems to be mistaken in regarding ,cyrenius as 'procurator' ,greek3 epitropou of ,judaea4 ,he instituted the census not in this capacity1 but as proconsul of ,syria4 ,the first procurator of ,judaea was ,coponius4 ,some of ,justin's peculiarities may quite fairly be explained as unintentional4 ,general statements without the due qualifications1 such as those in regard to the massacre of the children and the conduct of the disciples in ,gethsemane1 are met with frequently enough to this day1 and in works of a more professedly critical character than ,justin's4 ,the description of the carpenter's trade and of the crowd at the ,crucifixion may be merely rhetorical amplifications in the one case of the general ,synoptic statement1 in the other of the special statement in ,st4 ,mark4 ,a certain fulness of style is characteristic of ,justin4 ,that he attributes the genealogy to ,mary may be a natural instance of reflection2 the inconsistency in the ,synoptic ,gospels would not be at first perceived1 and the simplest way of removing it would be that which ,justin has adopted4 ,it should be noticed however that he too distinctly says that ,joseph was of the tribe of ,judah 7,dial4 #gh7 and that his family came from ,bethlehem1 which looks very much like an unobliterated trace of the same inconsistency4 ,it is also noticeable that in the narrative of the ,baptism one of the best ,,mss4 of the ,old ,latin 7a1 ,codex ,vercellensis7 has1 in the form of an addition to ,matt4 iii4 #ae1 'et cum baptizaretur lumen ingens circumfulsit de aqua ita ut timerent omnes qui advenerant1' and there is a very similar addition in g#a 7,codex ,san-,germanensis74 ,again1 in ,luke iii4 #bb the reading ,greek3 ego saemeron gegennaeka se for ,greek3 en soi eudokaesa is shared with ,justin by the most important ,graeco- ,latin ,,ms4 ,d 7,codex ,bezae71 and a1 b1 c1 ff1 l of the ,old ,version2 ,augustine expressly states that the reading was found 'in several respectable copies 7aliquibus fide dignis exemplaribus71 though not in the older ,greek ,codices4' ,there will then remain the specifying of ,arabia as the home of the ,magi1 the phrase ,greek3 kathezomenos used of ,john on the banks of the ,jordan1 the two unparallelled sentences1 and the cave of the ,nativity4 ,of these the phrase ,greek3 kathezomenos1 which occurs in three places1 ,dial4 #di1 #ea1 #hh1 but always in ,justin's own narrative and not in quotation1 may be an accidental recurrence2 and it is not impossible that the other items may be derived from an unwritten tradition4 ,still1 on the whole1 ,i incline to think that though there is not conclusive proof that ,justin used a lost ,gospel besides the present ,canonical ,gospels1 it is the more probable hypothesis of the two that he did4 ,the explanations given above seem to me reasonable and possible2 they are enough1 ,i think1 to remove the necessity for assuming a lost document1 but perhaps not quite enough to destroy the greater probability4 ,this conclusion1 we shall find1 will be confirmed when we pass from considering the substance of ,justin's ,gospel to its form4 ,but now if we ask ourselves what was this hypothetical lost document1 all we can say is1 ,i believe1 that the suggestions hitherto offered are insufficient4 ,the ,gospels according to the ,hebrews or according to ,peter and the ,protevangelium of ,james have been most in favour4 ,the ,gospel according to the ,hebrews in the form in which it was used by the ,nazarenes contained the fire upon ,jordan1 and as used by the ,ebionites it had also the voice1 ',this day have ,i begotten ,thee4' ,credner ,endnote #aaj3a1 and after him ,hilgenfeld ,endnote #aaj3b1 thought that the ,gospel according to ,peter was used4 ,but we know next to nothing about this ,gospel1 except that it was nearly related to the ,gospel according to the ,hebrews1 that it made the 'brethren of the ,lord' sons of ,joseph by a former wife1 that it was found by ,serapion in the churches of his diocese1 ,rhossus in ,cilicia1 that its use was at first permitted but afterwards forbidden1 as it was found to favour ,docetism1 and that its contents were in the main orthodox though in some respects perverted ,endnote #aaj3c4 ,obviously these facts and the name 7which falls in with the theory--itself also somewhat unsubstantial--that ,justin's ,gospel must have a ',petrine' character7 are quite insufficient to build upon4 ,the ,protevangelium of ,james1 which it is thought might have been used in an earlier form than that which has come down to us1 contains the legend of the cave1 and has apparently a similar view to the ,gospel last mentioned as to the perpetual virginity of ,mary4 ,the kindred ,evangelium ,thomae has the 'ploughs and yokes4' ,and there are some similarities of language between the ,protevangelium and ,justin's ,gospel1 which will come under review later ,endnote #aaj3d4 ,it does not1 however1 appear to have been noticed that these ,gospels satisfy most imperfectly the conditions of the problem4 ,we know that the ,gospel according to the ,hebrews in its ,nazarene form omitted the whole section ,matt4 i4 #ah--;ii4 #bc1 containing the conception1 the nativity1 the visit of the ,magi1 and the flight into ,egypt1 all of which were found in ,justin's ,gospel2 while in its ,ebionite form it left out the first two chapters altogether4 ,there is not a tittle of evidence to show that the ,gospel according to ,peter was any more complete2 in proportion as it resembled the ,gospel according to the ,hebrews the presumption is that it was not4 ,and the ,protevangelium of ,james makes no mention of ,arabia1 while it expressly says that the star appeared 'in the ,east' 7instead of 'in the heaven' as ,justin72 it also omits1 and rather seems to exclude1 the flight into ,egypt4 ,it is therefore clear that whether ,justin used these ,gospels or not1 he cannot in any case have confined himself to them2 unless indeed this is possible in regard to the ,gospel that bears the name of ,peter1 though the possibility is drawn so entirely from our ignorance that it can hardly be taken account of4 ,we thus seem to be reduced to the conclusion that ,justin's ,gospel or ,gospels was an unknown entity of which no historical evidence survives1 and this would almost be enough1 according to the logical ,law of ,parsimony1 to drive us back upon the assumption that our present ,gospels only had been used4 ,this assumption however still does not appear to me wholly satisfactory1 for reasons which will come out more clearly when from considering the matter of the documents which ,justin used we pass to their form4 99 99 99 99 99 ,the reader already has before him a collection of ,justin's quotations from the ,old ,testament1 the results of which may be stated thus4 ,from the ,pentateuch eighteen passages are quoted exactly1 nineteen with slight variations1 and eleven with marked divergence4 ,from the ,psalms sixteen exactly1 including nine 7or ten7 whole ,psalms1 two with slight and three with decided variation4 ,from ,isaiah twenty-five exactly1 twelve slightly variant1 and sixteen decidedly4 ,from the other ,major ,prophets ,justin has only three exact quotations1 four slightly divergent1 and eleven diverging more widely4 ,from the ,minor ,prophets and other books he has two exact quotations1 seven in which the variation is slight1 and thirteen in which it is marked4 ,of the distinctly free quotations in the ,pentateuch 7eleven in all71 three may be thought to have a ,messianic character 7the burning bush1 the brazen serpent1 the curse of the cross71 but in none of these does the variation appear to be due to this4 ,of the three free quotations from the ,psalms two are ,messianic1 and one of these has probably been influenced by the ,messianic application4 ,in the free quotations from ,isaiah it is not quite easy to say what are ,messianic and what are not2 but the only clear case in which the ,messianic application seems to have caused a marked divergence is xlii4 #a-d4 ,other passages1 such as ii4 #e1 #f1 vii4 #aj-ag1 lii4 l#c-liii4 #ab 7as quoted in ,a4 i4 #ej71 appear under the head of slight variation4 ,the long quotation lii4 #aj-liv4 #f1 in ,dial4 #ab1 is given with substantial exactness4 ,turning to the other ,major ,prophets1 one passage1 ,jer4 xxxi4 #ae1 has probably derived its shape from the ,messianic application4 ,and in the ,minor ,prophets three passages 7,hos4 x4 #f1 ,zech4 xii4 #aj-ab1 and ,micah v4 #b7 appear to have been thus affected4 ,the rest of the free quotations and some of the variations in those which are less free may be set down to defect of memory or similar accidental causes4 ,let us now draw up a table of ,justin's quotations from the ,gospels arranged as nearly as may be on the same standard and scale as that of the quotations from the ,old ,testament4 ,such a table will stand thus4 ,those only which appear to be direct quotations are given4 ,exact4 ,slightly variant4 ,variant4 ,remarks4 ,d4#di1 ,matt4 #c4aa1 repeated in part #ab 7v4l47 similarly4 ,d4 #ea1 ,matt4 #aa4 compounded with #ab-ae2 ,luke #af4 omissions but #af4 striking resem- blances4 ,d4 #di1 ,matt4 #ag4 #aa-ac4 ,a4#a4ae1 ,matt4 #e4bh4 ,a4#a4ae1 ,matt4 #e4 from memory8 #bi2 ,mark #i4dg4 ,a4#a4ae1 ,matt4 #e4cb4 confusion of read- ings4 ,a4#a4ae1 ,matt4 from memory8 #ai4ab4 ,a4#a4ae1 ,matt4 #e4 compounded4 #db2 ,luke #f4cj1 #cd4 ,continuous4 ,a4#a4ae1 ,matt4 #f4 #ai1 #bj2 #af4bf2 #f4bj4 ,continuous4 ,a4#a4ae 7,d4#if71 from memory7,cr471 ,luke #f4cf2 but prob4 diff- ,matt4 #e4de2 #f4 erent document2 #be-bg2 ,luke #ab4 rather marked #bb-bd2 ,matt4 #f4 identity in #cb1 #cc2 #f4ba4 phrase4 ,a4#a4ae1 ,matt4 #f4a4 ,a4#a4ae1 ,matt4 #i4 do the last #ac7874 words belong to the ,c quotation8 o ,a4#a4ae1 ,luke n #f4cb2 ,matt4 t #e4df4 i ,a4#a4ae1 7,d4 repeated in part n #abh71 ,luke similarly1 in u #f4bg1 #bh2 part diversely2 o ,matt4 #e4dd4 confusion in u ,,mss4 s s ,continuous4 ,a4#a4af1 ,luke #f4bi 7,matt4 #e4ci1 #dj47 ,a4#a4af1 ,matt4 #e4 #bb 7v4l47 ,a4#a4af1 ,matt4 #e ,greek3 #da4 angaeusei4 ,a4#a4af1 ,matt4 #e4af4 ,d4#ic1 ,a1#a4af1 ,matt4 #bb4dj1cg1 #ch4 ,a4#a4af1 ,d4#aja1 repeated ,matt4 #ai4af1 diversely4 #ag 7v4l472 ,luke #ah4ah1ai 7v4l47 ,a4#a4af1 ,matt4 #e4 #cd1cg4 ,a4#a4af1 ,matt4 #g4ba4 ,c ,a4#a4af 7,a4#a4fb71 repeated in part o ,luke #aj4af 7v4l47 similarly1 in n part diversely4 t ,a4#a4af 7,d4#gf71 i ,matt4 #g4bb1 #bc n 7v4l472 ,luke u #ac4bf1bg 7v4l47 o ,a4#a4af1 ,matt4 #ac4 addition4 u #db1 #dc 7v4l47 s ,a4#a4af 7,d4#ce71 ,matt4 #g4ae4 ,a4#a4af1 ,matt4 #g4 #af1 #ai4 ,d4#gf1 ,matt4 #h4aa4 #ab4 ,d4#ce1 ,greek3 esontai schi- smata kai hai- reseis4 ,d4#gf1 ,matt4 #be4da 7v4l47 ,d4#ce1 ,matt4 #g4ae4 repeated with nearer approach to ,matthew1 perh4 v4l4 ,d4#ce1 #hb1 ,matt4 repeated with #bd4bd 7,mark #ac4 similarity and #bb74 divergence4 ,d4#hb1 ,matt4 #aj4 freely4 #bb1 par4 ,a4#a4ai1 ,luke #ah4 #bg4 ,a4#a4ai1 ,luke #ab4 compounded4 #d1 #e2 ,matt4 #aj4bh4 ,a4#a4ag1 ,luke #ab4 #dh 7v4l47 ,d4#gf1 ,luke #aj4ai ins4 ,greek3 skolopendron4 ,d4#aje1 ,matt4 #e4 #bj4 ,d4#abe1 ,matt4 #ac4 condensed narra- #c sqq4 tive4 ,d4#ag1 ,luke #aa4 #eb4 ,d4#ag1 ,matt4 #bc4bc2 compounded4 ,luke #aa4db4 ,d4#ag1 #aab1 ,matt4 repeated simi- #bc4bg2 #bc4bd4 larly4 ,d4#dg1 ,greek3 en ois an humas katalabo en toutois kai krino4 ,d4#ha1 ,luke #bj4 marked resem- #ce1 #cf4 blance with difference4 ,d4#ajg1 ,matt4#af4d4 ,d4 #abb1 ,matt4 #bc4 #ae4 ,d4#ag1 ,matt4 #ba4 #ac1 #ab4 ,a4#a4ag1 ,luke #bj4narrative portion #bb-be 7v4l47 free4 ,d4#ajj1 ,a4#a4fc1 repeated not ,matt4 #aa4bg 7v4l47 identically4 ,d4#gf1 #ajj1 ,luke repeated diverse- #i4bb4 diversely2 free 7,credner74 ,a4#a4cf1 ,matt4 #ba4 ,d4#ec1 ,matt4 #ba4e47,zech4 #i4i74 #e 7addition74 ,a4#a4ff1 ,luke #bb4 #ai1 #bj4 ,d4#ii1 ,matt4 #bf4 #ci 7v4l47 ,d4#ajc1 ,luke #bb4 #db-dd4 ,d4#aja1 ,matt4 #bg4 #dc4 ,a4#a4ch1 ,greek3 ho nekrous anegeiras rhu- sastho eauton4 ,d4#ii1 ,matt4 #bg4 compounded4 #df2 ,mark #ae4cd4 ,d4#aje1 ,luke #bc4 #df4 ,the total result may be taken to be that ten passages are substantially exact1 while twenty-five present slight and thirty- two marked variations ,endnote #aaf3a4 ,this is only rough and approximate1 because of the passages that are put down as exact two1 or possibly three1 can only be said to be so with a qualification2 though1 on the other hand1 there are passages entered under the second class as 'slightly variant' which have a leaning towards the first1 and passages entered under the third which have a perceptible leaning towards the second4 ,we can therefore afford to disregard these doubtful cases and accept the classification very much as it stands4 ,comparing it then with the parallel classification that has been made of the quotations from the ,old ,testament1 we find that in the latter sixty-four were ranked as exact1 forty-four as slightly variant1 and fifty-four as decidedly variant4 ,if we reduce these roughly to a common standard of comparison the proportion of variation may be represented thus3-- ,exact4 ,slightly ,variant4 variant4 ,quotations from the ,old ,testament #aj #g #i ,quotations from the ,synoptic ,gospels #aj #be #cb ,it will be seen from this at once how largely the proportion of variation rises2 it is indeed more than three times as high for the quotations from the ,gospels as for those from the ,old ,testament4 ,the amount of combination too is decidedly in excess of that which is found in the ,old ,testament quotations4 ,there is1 it is true1 something to be said on the other side4 ,justin quotes the ,old ,testament rather as ,scripture1 the ,new ,testament rather as history4 ,i think it will be felt that he has permitted his own style a freer play in regard to the latter than the former4 ,the ,new ,testament record had not yet acquired the same degree of fixity as the ,old4 ,the 'many' compositions of which ,st4 ,luke speaks in his preface were still in circulation1 and were only gradually dying out4 ,one important step had been taken in the regular reading of the ',memoirs of the ,apostles' at the ,christian assemblies4 ,we have not indeed proof that these were confined to the ,canonical ,gospels4 ,probably as yet they were not4 ,but it should be remembered that ,irenaeus was now a boy1 and that by the time he had reached manhood the ,canon of the ,gospels had received its definite form4 ,taking all these points into consideration ,i think we shall find the various indications converge upon very much the same conclusion as that at which we have already arrived4 ,the a priori probabilities of the case1 as well as the actual phenomena of ,justin's ,gospel1 alike tend to show that he did make use either mediately or immediately of our ,gospels1 but that he did not assign to them an exclusive authority1 and that he probably made use along with them of other documents no longer extant4 ,the proof that ,justin made use of each of our three ,synoptics individually is perhaps more striking from the point of view of substance than of form1 because his direct quotations are mostly taken from the discourses rather than from the narrative1 and these discourses are usually found in more than a single ,gospel1 while in proportion as they bear the stamp of originality and authenticity it is difficult to assign them to any particular reporter4 ,there is however some strong and remarkable evidence of this kind4 ,at least one case of parallelism seems to prove almost decisively the use of the first ,gospel4 ,it is necessary to give the quotation and the original with the parallel from ,st4 ,mark side by side4 ,justin1 ,dial4 c4#di4 ,greek3 ,aelias men eleusetai kai apokatastaesei panta1 lego de humin1 hoti ,aelias aedae aelthe kai ouk epegnosan auton all' epoiaesan auto hosa aethelaesan4 ,kai gegraptai hoti tote sunaekan oi mathaetai1 hoti peri ,ioannon tou ,baptistou eipen autois4 ,matt4 xvii4 #aa-ac4 ,greek3 ,aelias men erchetai apokatastaesei panta1 lego de humin hoti ,aelias aedae aelthen kai ouk epegnosan auton1 alla epoiaesan auto hosa aethelaesan1 outos kai ho uios tou anthropou mellei paschein hup' auton4 ,tote sunaekan oi mathaetai hoti peri ,ioannou tou ,baptistou eipen autois4 ,the clause in brackets is placed at the end of ver4 #ac by ,d4 and the ,old ,latin4 ,mark4 ix4 #ab1 #ac4 ,greek3 ,ho de ephae autois1 ,aelias men elthon proton apokathistanei panta1 kai pos gegraptai epi ton uion tou anthropou1 hina polla pathae kai exoudenaethae4 ,alla lego humin hoti kai ,aelias elaeluthen kai epoiaesan auto hosa aethelon1 kathos gegraptai ep' auton4 ,we notice here1 first1 an important point1 that ,justin reproduces at the end of his quotation what appears to be not so much a part of the object-matter of the narrative as a comment or reflection of the ,evangelist 7',then the disciples understood that ,he spake unto them of ,john the ,baptist'74 ,this was thought by ,credner1 who as a rule is inclined to press the use of an apocryphal ,gospel by ,justin1 to be sufficient proof that the quotation is taken from our present ,matthew ,endnote #aai3a4 ,on this point1 however1 there is an able and on the whole a sound argument in ',supernatural ,religion' ,endnote #aai3b4 ,there are certainly cases in which a similar comment or reflection is found either in all three ,synoptic ,gospels or in two of them 7e4g4 ,matt4 vii4 #bh1 #bi ,mark i4 #bb ,luke iv4 #cb2 ,matt4 xiii4 #cd ,mark iv4 #cc1 #cd2 ,matt4 xxvi4 #dc ,mark xiv4 #dj2 ,matt4 xix4 #bb ,mark x4 #bb74 ,the author consequently maintains that these were found in the original document from which all three1 or two ,synoptics at least1 borrowed2 and he notes that this very passage is assigned by ,ewald to the 'oldest ,gospel4' ,the observation in itself is a fine and true one1 and has an important bearing upon the question as to the way in which our ,synoptic ,gospels were composed4 ,we may indeed remark in passing that the author seems to have overlooked the fact that1 when once this principle of a common written basis or bases for the ,synoptic ,gospels is accepted1 nine-tenths of his own argument is overthrown2 for there are no divergences in the text of the patristic quotations from the ,gospels that may not be amply paralleled by the differences which exist in the text of the several ,gospels themselves1 showing that the ,evangelists took liberties with their ground documents to an extent that is really greater than that of any subsequent misquotation4 ,but putting aside for the present this argumentum ad hominem which seems to follow from the admission here made1 there is1 ,i think1 the strongest reason to conclude that in the present case the first ,evangelist is not merely reproducing his ground document4 ,there is one element in the question which the author has omitted to notice2 that is1 the parallel passage in ,st4 ,mark4 ,this differs so widely from the text of ,st4 ,matthew as to show that that text cannot accurately represent the original2 it also wants the reflective comment altogether4 ,accordingly1 if the author will turn to p4 #bge of ,ewald's book ,endnote #abj3a he will find that that writer1 though roughly assigning the passage as it appears in both ,synoptics to the 'oldest ,gospel1' yet in reconstructing the text of this ,gospel does so1 not by taking that of either of the ,synoptics pure and simple1 but by mixing the two4 ,all the other critics who have dealt with this point1 so far as ,i am aware1 have done the same4 ,holtzmann ,endnote #abj3b follows ,ewald1 and ,weiss ,endnote #abj3c accepts ,mark's as more nearly the original text4 ,the very extent of the divergence in ,st4 ,mark throws out into striking relief the close agreement of ,justin's quotation with ,st4 ,matthew4 ,here we have three verses word for word the same1 even to the finest shades of expression4 ,to the single exception ,greek3 eleusetai for ,greek3 erchetai ,i cannot1 as ,credner does ,endnote #abj3d1 attach any importance4 ,the present tense in the ,gospel has undoubtedly a future signification ,endnote #abj3e1 and ,justin was very naturally led to give it also a future form by ,greek3 apokatastaesei which follows4 ,for the rest1 the order1 particles1 tenses are so absolutely identical1 where the text of ,st4 ,mark shows how inevitably they must have differed in another ,gospel or even in the original1 that ,i can see no alternative but to refer the quotation directly to our present ,st4 ,matthew4 ,if this passage had stood alone1 taken in connection with the coincidence of matter between ,justin and the first ,gospel1 great weight must have attached to it4 ,but it does not by any means stand alone4 ,there is an exact verbal agreement in the verses ,matt4 v4 #bj 7',except your righteousness' c47 and ,matt4 vii4 #ba 7',not every one that saith unto me1' c47 which are peculiar to the first ,gospel4 ,there is a close agreement1 if not always with the best1 yet with some very old1 text of ,st4 ,matthew in v4 #bb 7note especially the striking phrase and construction ,greek3 enochos eis71 v4 #bh 7note ,greek3 blep4 pros to epithum471 v4 #da 7note the remarkable word ,greek3 angareusei71 xxv4 #da1 and not too great a divergence in v4 #af1 vi4 #a 7,greek3 pros to theathaenai1 ei de mae ge misthon ouk echete71 and xix4 #ab1 all of which passages are without parallel in any extant ,gospel4 ,there are also marked resemblances to the ,matthaean text in synoptic passages such as ,matt4 iii4 #aa1 #ab 7,greek3 eis metanoian1 ta hupodaemata bastasai71 ,matt4 vi4 #ai1 #bj 7,greek3 hopou saes kai brosis aphanizei1 where ,luke has simply ,greek3 saes diaphtheirei1 and ,greek3 diorussousi where ,luke has ,greek3 engizei71 ,matt4 vii4 #bb1 #bc 7,greek3 ekeinae tae haemera ,kurie1 ,kurie1 k4t4l471 ,matt4 xvi4 #bf 7,greek3 dosei ,matt4 only1 ,greek3 antallagma ,matt41 ,mark71 ,matt4 xvi4 #a1 #d 7the last verse exactly74 ,as these passages are all from the discourses ,i do not wish to say that they may not be taken from other ,gospels than the canonical1 but we have absolutely no evidence that they were so taken1 and every additional instance increases the probability that they were taken directly from ,st4 ,matthew1 which by this time1 ,i think1 has reached a very high degree of presumption4 ,i have reserved for a separate discussion a single instance which ,i shall venture to add to those already quoted1 although ,i am aware that it is alleged on the opposite side4 ,justin has the saying ',let your yea be yea and your nay nay1 for whatsoever is more than these cometh of the ,evil ,one' 7,greek3 ,mae omosaete holos4 ,esto de humon to nai nai1 kai to ou ou2 to de perisson touton ek tou ponaerou71 which is set against the first ,evangelist's ',let your conversation be ,yea yea1 ,nay nay1 for whatsoever is more than these cometh of the ,evil ,one' 7,greek3 ego de lego humin mae omosai holos444 ,esto de ho logos humon nai nai1 ou ou2 to de perisson1 k4t4l474 ,now it is perfectly true that as early as the ,canonical ,epistle of ,james 7v4 #ab7 we find the reading ,greek3 aeto de humon to nai nai1 kai to ou ou1 and that in the ,clementine ,homilies twice over we read ,greek3 esto humon to nai nai1 7kai7 to ou ou1 ,greek3 kai being inserted in one instance and not in the other4 ,justin's reading is found also exactly in ,clement of ,alexandria1 and a similar reading 7though with the ,greek3 aeto of ,james7 in ,epiphanius4 ,these last two examples show that the misquotation was an easy one to fall into1 because there can be little doubt that ,clement and ,epiphanius supposed themselves to be quoting the canonical text4 ,there remains however the fact that the ,justinian form is supported by the pseudo-,clementines2 and at the first blush it might seem that ',let your yea be yea' 7stand to your word7 made better1 at least a complete and more obvious1 sense than ',let your conversation be' 7let it not go beyond7 ',yea yea' c ,endnote #abb3a4 ,there is1 however1 what seems to be a decisive proof that the original form both of ,justin's and the ,clementine quotation is that which is given in the first ,gospel4 ,both ,justin and the writer who passes under the name of ,clement add the clause ',whatsoever is more than these cometh of evil' 7or 'of the ,evil ,one'74 ,but this1 while it tallies perfectly with the canonical reading1 evidently excludes any other4 ,it is consequent and good sense to say1 ',do not go beyond a plain yes or no1 because whatever is in excess of this must have an evil motive1' but the connection is entirely lost when we substitute ',keep your word1 for whatever is more than this has an evil motive'--more than what8 ,the most important points that can be taken to imply a use of ,st4 ,mark's ,gospel have been already discussed as falling under the head of matter rather than of form4 ,the coincidences with ,luke are striking but complicated4 ,in his earlier work1 the ',beitrge' ,endnote #abc3a1 ,credner regarded as a decided reference to the ,prologue of this ,gospel the statement of ,justin that his ,memoirs were composed ,greek3 hupo ton apostolon autou kai ton ekeinois parakolouthaesanton3 but1 in the posthumous ,history of the ,canon ,endnote #abc3b1 he retracts this view1 having come to recognise a greater frequency in the use of the word ,greek3 parakolouthein in this sense4 ,it will also of course be noticed that ,justin has ,greek3 par4 tois ap4 and not ,greek3 par4 tois pragmasin1 as ,luke4 ,it is doubtless true that the use of the word can be paralleled to such an extent as to make it not a matter of certainty that the ,gospel is being quoted3 still ,i think there will be a certain probability that it has been suggested by a reminiscence of this passage1 and1 strangely enough1 there is a parallel for the substitution of the historians for the subject-matter of their history in ,epiphanius1 who reads ,greek3 par4 tois autoptais kai hupaeretais tou logou ,endnote #abd3a1 where he is explicitly and unquestionably quoting ,st4 ,luke4 ,there are some marked coincidences of phrase in the account of the ,annunciation--,greek3 eperchesthai1 episkaizein1 dunamis hupsistou 7a specially ,lucan phrase71 ,greek3 to gennomenon 7also a form characteristic of ,st4 ,luke71 ,greek idou1 sullaepsae en gastri kai texae huion4 ,of the other peculiarities of ,st4 ,luke ,justin has in exact accordance the last words upon the cross 7,greek3 ,pater1 eis cheiras sou paratithemai to pneuma mou74 ,in the ,agony in the ,garden ,justin has the feature of the ,bloody ,sweat2 but it is right to notice-- 7#a7 ,that he has ,greek3 thromboi alone1 without ,greek3 haimatos4 ,luke1 ,greek3 egeneto ho hidros autou hosei thromboi haimatos katabainontes4 ,justin1 ,greek3 hidros hosei thromboi katecheito4 7#b7 ,that this is regarded as a fulfilment of ,ps4 xxii4 #ad 7',all my tears are poured out' c474 7#c7 ,that in continuing the quotation ,justin follows ,matthew rather than ,luke4 ,these considerations may be held to qualify1 though ,i do not think that they suffice to remove1 the conclusion that ,st4 ,luke's ,gospel is being quoted4 ,it seems to be sufficiently clear that ,greek3 thromboi might be used in this signification without ,greek3 aimatos ,endnote #abd3b1 and it appears from the whole manner of ,justin's narrative that he intends to give merely the sense and not the words1 with the exception of the single saying ',let this cup pass from ,me1' which is taken from ,st4 ,matthew4 ,we cannot say positively that this feature did not occur in any other ,gospel1 but there is absolutely no reason apart from this passage to suppose that it did4 ,the construction with ,greek3 hosei is in some degree characteristic of ,st4 ,luke1 as it occurs more often in the works of that writer than in all the rest of the ,new ,testament put together4 ,in narrating the institution of the ,lord's ,supper ,justin has the clause which is found only in ,st4 ,luke and ,st4 ,paul1 ',this do in remembrance of ,me' 7,greek3 mou for ,greek3 emaen74 ,the giving of the cup he quotes rather after the first two ,synoptics1 and adds 'that ,he gave it to them 7the ,apostles7 alone4' ,this last does not seem to be more than an inference of ,justin's own4 ,two other sayings ,justin has which are without parallel except in ,st4 ,luke4 ,one is from the mission of the seventy4 ,justin1 ,dial4 #gf ,greek3 ,didomi humin exousian katapatein epano opheon1 kai skorpion1 kai skolopendron1 kai epano parsaes dunameos tou echthrou4 ,luke x4 #ai4 ,greek3 ,idou1 didomi humin taen exousian tou patein epano epheon1 kai skorpion1 kai epi pasan taen dunamin tou echthrou4 ,the insertion of ,greek3 skolopendron here is curious4 ,it may be perhaps to some extent paralleled by the insertion of ,greek3 kai eis thaeran in ,rom4 xi4 #i3 we have also seen a strange addition in the quotation of ,ps4 li4 #ai in the ,epistle of ,barnabas 7c4 ii74 ,otherwise the resemblance of ,justin to the ,gospel is striking4 ,the second saying1 ',to whom ,god has given more1 of him shall more be required' 7,apol4 i4 #ag71 if quoted from the ,gospel at all1 is only a paraphrase of ,luke xii4 #dh4 ,besides these there are other passages1 which are perhaps stronger as separate items of evidence1 where1 in quoting synoptic matter1 ,justin makes use of phrases which are found only in ,st4 ,luke and are discountenanced by the other ,evangelists4 ,thus in the account of the rich young man1 the three synoptical versions of the saying that impossibilities with men are possible with ,god1 run thus3-- ,luke xviii4 #bg4 ,greek3 ,ta adunata para anthropois dunata para to ,theo estin4 ,mark x4 #bg4 ,greek3 ,para anthropois adunaton1 all' ou para ,theo2 punta gar dunata para to ,theo4 ,matt4 xix4 #bf4 ,greek3 ,para anthropois touto adunaton estin1 para de ,theo dunata panta4 ,here it will be observed that ,matthew and ,mark 7as frequently happens7 are nearer to each other than either of them is to ,luke4 ,this would lead us to infer that1 as they are two to one1 they more nearly represent the common original1 which has been somewhat modified in the hands of ,st4 ,luke4 ,but now ,justin has the words precisely as they stand in ,st4 ,luke1 with the omission of ,greek3 estin1 the order of which varies in the ,,mss4 of the ,gospel4 ,this must be taken as a strong proof that ,justin has used the peculiar text of the third ,gospel4 ,again1 it is to be noticed that in another section of the triple synopsis 7,mark xii4 #bj,matt4 xxii4 #cj,luke xx4 #ce1 #cf7 he has1 in common with ,luke and diverging from the other ,gospels which are in near agreement1 the remarkable compound ,greek3 isangeloi and the equally remarkable phrase ,greek3 huioi taes anastaseos 7,greek3 tekna tou ,theou taes anastaseos ,justin74 ,this also ,i must regard as supplying a strong argument for the direct use of the ,gospel4 ,many similar instances may be adduced2 ,greek3 erchetai 7,greek3 aexei ,justin7 ,greek3 ho ischuroteros 7,luke iii4 #af71 ,greek3 ho nomos kai hoi prophaetai heos 7,greek3 mechri ,justin7 ,greek3 ,ioannon 7,luke xvi4 #af71 ,greek3 panti to aitounti 7,luke vi4 #cj71 ,greek3 to tuptonti se epi 7,greek3 sou ,justin7 ,greek3 taen siagona pareche kai taen allaen k4t4l4 7,luke vi4 #bi2 compare ,matt4 v4 #ci1 #dj71 ,greek3 ti me legeis agathon and ,greek3 oudeis agathos ei mae 7,luke xviii4 #ai2 compare ,matt4 xix4 #ag71 ,greek3 meta tauta mae echonton 7,greek3 dunamenous ,justin7 ,greek3 perissoteron 7om4 ,justin7 ,greek3 ti poiaesae k4t4l4 7,luke xii4 #d1 #e2 compare ,matt4 ,x4 #bh71 ,greek3 paeganon and ,greek3 agapaen tou ,theou 7,luke xi4 #db74 ,in the parallel passage to ,luke ix4 #bb 7,matt xvi4 #ba ,mark viii4 #ca7 ,justin has the striking word ,greek3 apodokimasthaenai1 with ,mark and ,luke against ,matthew1 and ,greek3 hupo with ,mark against the ,greek3 apo of the two other ,synoptics4 ,this last coincidence can perhaps hardly be pressed1 as ,greek3 hupo would be the more natural word to use4 ,in the cases where we have only the double synopsis to compare with ,justin1 we have no certain test to distinguish between the primary and secondary features in the text of the ,gospels4 ,we cannot say with confidence what belonged to the original document and what to the later editor who reduced it to its present form4 ,in these cases therefore it is possible that when ,justin has a detail that is found in ,st4 ,matthew and wanting in ,st4 ,luke1 or found in ,st4 ,luke and wanting in ,st4 ,matthew1 he is still not quoting directly from either of those ,gospels1 but from the common document on which they are based4 ,the triple synopsis however furnishes such a criterion4 ,it enables us to see what was the original text and how any single ,evangelist has diverged from it4 ,thus in the two instances quoted at the beginning of the last paragraph it is evident that the ,lucan text represents a deviation from the original1 and that deviation ,justin has reproduced4 ,the word ,greek3 isangeloi may be taken as a crucial case4 ,both the other ,synoptics have simply ,greek hos angeloi1 and this may be set down as undoubtedly the reading of the original2 the form ,greek3 isangeloi1 which occurs nowhere else in the ,new ,testament1 and ,i believe1 so far as we know1 nowhere else in ,greek before this passage ,endnote #abh3a1 has clearly been coined by the third ,evangelist and has been adopted from him by ,justin4 ,so that in a quotation which otherwise presents considerable variation we have what ,i think must be called the strongest evidence that ,justin really had ,st4 ,luke's narrative1 either in itself or in some secondary shape1 before him4 ,we are thus brought once more to the old result4 ,if ,justin did not use our ,gospels in their present shape as they have come down to us1 he used them in a later shape1 not in an earlier4 ,his resemblances to them cannot be accounted for by the supposition that he had access to the materials out of which they were composed1 because he reproduces features which by the nature of the case cannot have been present in those originals1 but of which we are still able to trace the authorship and the exact point of their insertion4 ,our ,gospels form a secondary stage in the history of the text1 ,justin's quotations a tertiary4 ,in order to reach the state in which it is found in ,justin1 the road lies through our ,gospels1 and not outside them4 ,this however does not exclude the possibility that ,justin may at times quote from uncanonical ,gospels as well4 ,we have already seen reason to think that he did so from the substance of the ,evangelical narrative1 as it appears in his works1 and this conclusion too is not otherwise than confirmed by its form4 ,the degree and extent of the variations incline us to introduce such an additional factor to account for them4 ,either ,justin has used a lost ,gospel or ,gospels1 besides those that are still extant1 or else he has used a recension of these ,gospels with some slight changes of language and with some apocryphal additions4 ,we have seen that he has two short sayings and several minute details that are not found in our present ,gospels4 ,a remarkable coincidence is noticed in ',supernatural ,religion' with the ,protevangelium of ,james ,endnote #abi3a4 ,as in that work so also in ,justin1 the explanation of the name ,jesus occurs in the address of the angel to ,mary1 not to ,joseph1 ',behold thou shalt conceive of the ,holy ,ghost and bear a ,son and ,he shall be called the ,son of the ,highest1 and thou shalt call ,his name ,jesus1 for ,he shall save ,his people from their sins4' ,again the ,protevangelium has the phrase ',thou shalt conceive of ,his ,word1' which1 though not directly quoted1 appears to receive countenance from ,justin4 ,the author adds that ',justin's divergences from the ,protevangelium prevent our supposing that in its present form it could have been the actual source of his quotations1' though he thinks that he had before him a still earlier work to which both the ,protevangelium and the third ,gospel were indebted4 ,so far as the ,protevangelium is concerned this may very probably have been the case2 but what reason there is for assuming that the same document was also anterior to the third ,gospel ,i am not aware4 ,on the contrary1 this very passage seems to suggest an opposite conclusion4 ,the quotation in ,justin and the address in the ,protevangelium both present a combination of narratives that are kept separate in the first and third ,gospels4 ,but this very fact supplies a strong presumption that the version of those ,gospels is the earliest4 ,it is unlikely that the first ,evangelist1 if he had found his text already existing as part of the speech of the angel to ,mary1 would have transferred it to an address to ,joseph2 and it is little less unlikely that the third ,evangelist1 finding the fuller version of ,justin and the ,protevangelium1 should have omitted from it one of its most important features4 ,if a further link is necessary to connect ,justin with the ,protevangelium1 that link comes into the chain after our ,gospels and not before4 ,dr4 ,hilgenfeld has also noticed the phrase ,greek3 charan de labousa ,mariam as common to ,justin and the ,protevangelium ,endnote #acj3a4 ,this1 too1 may belong to the older original of the latter work4 ,the other verbal coincidences with the ,gospel according to the ,hebrews in the account of the ,baptism1 and with that of ,thomas in the 'ploughs and yokes1' have been already mentioned1 and are1 ,i believe1 along with those just discussed1 all that can be directly referred to an apocryphal source4 ,besides these there are some coincidences in form between quotations as they appear in ,justin and in other writers1 such as especially the ,clementine ,homilies4 ,these are thought to point to the existence of a common ,gospel 7now lost7 from which they may have been extracted4 ,it is unnecessary to repeat what has been said about one of these passages 7',let your yea be yea1' c474 ,another corresponds roughly to the verse ,matt4 xxv4 #da1 where both ,justin and the ,clementine ,homilies read ,greek3 hupagete eis to skotos to exoteron o haetoimasen ho pataer to satana 7to diabolo ,clem4 ,hom47 ,greek3 kai tois angelois autou for the canonical ,greek3 poreuesthe ap' emou eis to pur to aionion to haetoimasmenon k4t4l4 ,it is true that there is a considerable approximation to the reading of ,justin and the ,clementines1 found especially in ,,mss4 and authorities of a ,western character 7,d4 ,latt4 ,iren4 ,cypr4 ,hil471 but there still remains the coincidence in regard to ,greek3 exoteron787 for ,greek3 aionion and ,greek3 skotos for ,greek3 pyr1 which seems to be due to something more than merely a variant text of the ,gospel4 ,a third meeting-point between ,justin and the ,clementines is afforded by a text which we shall have to touch upon when we come to speak of the fourth ,gospel4 ,of the other quotations common to the ,clementines and ,justin there is a partial but not complete coincidence in regard to ,matt4 vii4 #ae1 xi4 #bg1 xix4 #af1 and ,luke vi4 #cf4 ,in ,matt4 vii4 #ae the ,clementines have ,greek3 polloi eleusontai where ,justin has once ,greek3 polloi eleusontai1 once ,greek3 polloi aexousin1 and once the ,matthaean version ,greek3 prosechete apo ton pseudoprophaeton oitines erchontai k4t4l4 ,there is however a difference in regard to the reading ,greek3 en endumasi1 where the ,clementines have ,greek3 en endumatie1 and ,justin twice over ,greek3 endedumenoi4 ,in ,matt4 xi4 #bg1 ,justin and the ,clementines agree as to the order of the clauses1 and twice in the use of the aorist ,greek3 egno 7,justin has once ,greek3 ginosko71 but in the concluding clause 7,greek3 ho ois ,clem4 ,greek3 ean boulaetai ho nios apokalupsai7 ,justin has uniformly in the three places where the verse is quoted ,greek3 ois an ho uhios apokalupsae4 ,in ,matt4 xix4 #af1 #ag 7,luke xviii4 #ah1 #ai7 the ,clementines and ,justin alternately adhere to the ,canonical text while differing from each other1 but in the concluding phrase ,justin has on one occasion the ,clementine reading1 ,greek3 ho pataer mou ho en tois ouranois4 ,in ,luke vi4 #cf the ,clementines have ,greek3 ginesthe agathoi kai ioktirmones1 where ,justin has ,greek3 ginesthe chraestoi kai oiktirmones against the ,canonical ,greek3 ginesthe oiktirmones4 ,on the other hand1 it should be said that the remaining quotations common to the ,clementines and ,justin have to all appearance no relation to each other4 ,this applies to ,matt4 iv4 #aj1 v4 #ci1 #dj1 vi4 #h1 viii4 #aa1 x4 #bh2 ,luke xi4 #eb4 ,speaking generally we seem to observe in comparing ,justin and the ,clementines phenomena not dissimilar to those which appear on a comparison with the ,canonical ,gospels4 ,there is perhaps about the same degree at once of resemblance and divergence4 ,the principal textual coincidence with other writers is that with the ,gospel used by the ,marcosians as quoted by ,irenaeus 7,adv4 ,haer4 i4 #bj4 #c74 ,here the reading of ,matt4 xi4 #bg is given in a form very similar to that of ,justin1 ,greek3 oudeis hegno ton patera ei mae ho uhios1 kai 7oude ,justin7 ton uhion1 ei mae ho pataer kai ho 7ois ,justin7 ,greek3 an ho uhios apokalupsae4 ,this verse however is quoted by the early writers1 orthodox as well as heretical1 in almost every possible way1 and it is not clear from the account in ,irenaeus whether the ,marcosians used an extra- canonical ,gospel or merely a different text of the ,canonical4 ,irenaeus himself seems to hold the latter view1 and in favour of it may be urged the fact that they quote passages peculiar both to the first and the third ,gospel2 on the other hand1 one of their quotations1 ,greek3 pollakis epethuaesa akousai hena ton logon touton1 does not appear to have a canonical original4 ,on reviewing these results we find them present a chequered appearance4 ,there are no traces of coincidence so definite and consistent as to justify us in laying the finger upon any particular extra-canonical ,gospel as that used by ,justin4 ,but upon the whole it seems best to assume that some such ,gospel was used1 certainly not to the exclusion of the ,canonical ,gospels1 but probably in addition to them4 ,a confusing element in the whole question is that to which we have just alluded in regard to the ,gospel of the ,marcosians4 ,it is often difficult to decide whether a writer has really before him an unknown document or merely a variant text of one with which we are familiar4 ,in the case of ,justin it is to be noticed that there is often a very considerable approximation to his readings1 not in the best text1 but in some very early attested text1 of the ,canonical ,gospels4 ,it will be well to collect some of the most prominent instances of this4 ,matt4 iii4 #ae ad fin4 ,greek3 kai pur anaephthae en to ,iordanae ,justin4 ,so a4 7,codex ,vercellensis of the ,old ,latin translation7 adds 'et cum baptizaretur lumen ingens circumfulsit de aqua ita ut timerent onmes qui advenerant2' g#a4 7,codex ,sangermanensis of the same7 'lumen magnum fulgebat de aqua1' c4 ,see above4 ,luke iii4 #bb4 ,justin reads ,greek3 uhios mon ei su1 ego saemeron gegennaeka se4 ,so ,d1 a1 b1 c1 ff1 l1 ,latin ,fathers 7'nonnulli codices' ,augustine74 ,see above4 ,matt4 v4 #bh4 ,greek3 hos un emblepsae for ,greek3 pas ho blepon4 ,origen five times as ,justin1 only once the accepted text4 ,matt4 v4 #bi4 ,justin and ,clement of ,alexandria read here ,greek3 ekkopson for ,greek3 exele1 probably from the next verse or from ,matt4 xviii4 #h4 ,matt4 vi4 #bj4 ,greek3 ouranois ,clem4 ,alex4 with ,justin2 ,greek3 ourano the accepted reading4 ,matt4 xvi4 #bf4 ,greek3 opheleitai ,justin with most ,,mss4 both of the ,old ,latin and of the ,vulgate1 the ,curetonian ,syriac 7,crowfoot71 ,clement1 ,hilary1 and ,lucifer1 against ,greek3 ophelaethaesetai of the best ,alexandrine authorities4 ,matt4 vi4 #ba4 ,there is a striking coincidence here with ,clement of ,alexandria1 who reads1 like ,justin1 ,greek3 nous for ,greek3 cardia2 it would seem that ,clement had probably derived his reading from ,justin4 ,matt4 v4 #bb4 ,greek3 hostis an orgisthae ,syr4 ,crt4 7,crowfoot72 so ,justin 7,greek3 hos74 ,matt4 v4 #af4 ,clement of ,alexandria 7with ,tertullian and several ,latin ,fathers7 has ,greek3 lampsato ta erga and ,greek3 ta agatha erga1 where ,justin has ,greek3 lampsato ta kala erga1 for ,greek3 lampsato to phos4 ,both readings would seem to be a gloss on the original4 ,matt4 v4 #cg4 ,greek3 kai is inserted1 as in ,justin1 by a1 b1 g1 h1 ,syr4 ,crt4 and ,pst4 ,luke x4 #af4 ,justin has the reading ,greek3 ho emou akouon akouei ton aposteilantos me3 so ,d1 i1 l 7of the ,old ,latin7 in place of ,greek3 ho eme atheton k4t4l42 in addition to it1 ,e1 a1 b1 ,syr4 ,crt4 and ,hel4 c4 ,matt4 vii4 #bb4 ,greek3 ou to so anomati ephagomen kai epiomen ,justin2 similarly ,origen1 four times1 and ,syr4 ,crt4 ,luke xiii4 #bg4 ,greek3 anomias for ,greek3 adikias1 ,d and ,justin4 ,matt4 xiii4 #dc4 ,greek3 lampsosin for ,greek3 eklampsosin with ,justin1 ,d1 and ,origen 7twice74 ,matt4 xxv4 #da4 ,of ,justin's readings in this verse ,greek3 hupagete for ,greek3 poreuesthe is found also in ,hebrew3 8 and ,hippolytus1 ,greek3 exoteron for ,greek3 aionion in the cursive manuscript numbered #dj 7,credner2 ,i am unable to verify this71 ,greek3 ho haetoimasen ho pater mou for ,greek3 to haetoimasmenon ,d4 #a1 most ,codd4 of the ,old ,latin1 ,iren4 ,tert4 ,cypr4 ,hil4 ,hipp4 and ,origen in the ,latin translation4 ,luke xii4 #dh4 ,d1 like ,justin1 has here ,greek3 pleon for ,greek3 perissoteron and also the compound form ,greek3 apaitaesousin4 ,luke xx4 #bd4 ,though in the main following 7but loosely7 the text of ,luke1 ,justin has here ,greek3 to nomisma1 as ,matt41 instead of ,greek3 daenarion2 so ,d4 ,though it will be seen that ,justin has thus much in common with ,d and the ,old ,latin version1 it should be noticed that he has the verse1 ,luke xxii4 #ai1 and especially the clause ,greek3 touto poieite eis taen emaen anamnaesin which is wanting in these authorities4 ,on the other hand1 he appears to have with them and other authorities1 including ,syr4 ,crt41 the ,agony in the ,garden as given in ,luke xxii1 #dc1dd1 which verses are omitted in ,,mss4 of the best ,alexandrine type4 ,luke xxiii4 #cd1 ,justin also has1 with the divided support of the majority of ,greek ,,mss4 ,vulgate1 c1 e1 f1 ff of the ,old ,latin1 ,syr4 ,crt4 and ,pst4 c4 against ,b1 ,d 7prima manu71 a1 b1 ,memph4 7,,mss47 ,theb4 ,these readings represent in the main a text which was undoubtedly current and widely diffused in the second century4 ',though no surviving manuscript of the ,old ,latin version dates before the fourth century and most of them belong to a still later age1 yet the general correspondence of their text with that of the first ,latin ,fathers is a sufficient voucher for its high antiquity4 ,the connexion subsisting between this ,latin1 version1 the ,curetonian ,syriac and ,codex ,bezae1 proves that the text of these documents is considerably older than the vellum on which they are written4' ,such is ,dr4 ,scrivener's verdict upon the class of authorities with which ,justin shows the strongest affinity1 and he goes on to add2 ',now it may be said without extravagance that no set of ,scriptural records affords a text less probable in itself1 less sustained by any rational principles of external evidence1 than that of ,cod4 ,d1 of the ,latin codices1 and 7so far as it accords with them7 of ,cureton's ,syriac4 ,interpolations as insipid in themselves as unsupported by other evidence abound in them all4444 ,it is no less true to fact than paradoxical in sound1 that the worst corruptions to which the ,new ,testament has ever been subjected originated within a hundred years after it was composed' ,endnote #ace3a4 ,this is a point on which text critics of all schools are substantially agreed4 ,however much they may differ in other respects1 no one of them has ever thought of taking the text of the ,old ,syriac and ,old ,latin translations as the basis of an edition4 ,there can be no question that this text belongs to an advanced1 though early1 stage of corruption4 ,at the same stage of corruption1 then1 ,justin's quotations from the ,gospels are found1 and this very fact is a proof of the antiquity of originals so corrupted4 ,the coincidences are too many and too great all to be the result of accident or to be accounted for by the parallel influence of the lost ,gospels4 ,the presence1 for instance1 of the reading ,greek3 o haetoimasen ho pataer for ,greek3 to haetoimasmenon in ,irenaeus and ,tertullian 7who has both 'quem praeparavit deus' and 'praeparatum'7 is a proof that it was found in the canonical text at a date little later than ,justin's4 ,and facts such as this1 taken together with the arguments which make it little less than certain that ,justin had either mediately or immediately access to our ,gospels1 render it highly probable that he had a form of the canonical text before him4 ,and yet large as is the approximation to ,justin's text that may be made without stirring beyond the bounds of attested readings within the ,canon1 ,i still retain the opinion previously expressed that he did also make use of some extra-canonical book or books1 though what the precise document was the data are far too insufficient to enable us to determine4 ,so far as the history of our present ,gospels is concerned1 ,i have only to insist upon the alternative that ,justin either used those ,gospels themselves or else a later work1 of the nature of a harmony based upon them ,endnote #acf3a4 ,the theory 7if it is really held7 that he was ignorant of our ,gospels in any shape1 seems to me1 in view of the facts1 wholly untenable4 ,,chapter ,v4 ,,hegesippus--,,papias4 ,dr4 ,lightfoot has rendered a great service to criticism by his masterly exposure of the fallacies in the argument which has been drawn from the silence of ,eusebius in respect to the use of the ,canonical ,gospels by the early writers ,endnote #ach3a4 ,the author of ',supernatural ,religion' is not to be blamed for using this argument4 ,in doing so he has only followed in the wake of the ,germans who have handed it on from one to the other without putting it to a test so thorough and conclusive as that which has now been applied ,endnote #ach3b4 ,for the future1 ,i imagine1 the question has been set at rest and will not need to be reopened ,endnote #ach3c4 ,dr4 ,lightfoot has shown1 with admirable fulness and precision1 that the object of ,eusebius was only to note quotations in the case of books the admission of which into the ,canon had been or was disputed4 ,in the case of works1 such as the four ,gospels1 that were universally acknowledged1 he only records what seem to him interesting anecdotes or traditions respecting their authors or the circumstances under which they were composed4 ,this distinction ,dr4 ,lightfoot has established1 not only by a careful examination of the language of ,eusebius1 but also by comparing his statements with the actual facts in regard to writings that are still extant1 and where we are able to verify his procedure4 ,after thus testing the references in ,eusebius to ,clement of ,rome1 the ,ignatian ,epistles1 ,polycarp1 ,justin1 ,theophilus of ,antioch1 and ,irenaeus1 ,dr4 ,lightfoot arrives1 by a strict and ample induction1 at the conclusion that the silence of ,eusebius in respect to quotations from any canonical book is so far an argument in its favour that it shows the book in question to have been generally acknowledged by the early ,church4 ,instead of being a proof that the writer did not know the work in reference to which ,eusebius is silent1 the presumption is rather that he did1 like the rest of the ,church1 receive it4 ,eusebius only records what seems to him specially memorable1 except where the place of the work in or out of the ,canon has itself to be vindicated4 ,but if this holds good1 then most of what is said against the use of the ,gospels by ,hegesippus falls to the ground4 ,eusebius expressly says ,endnote #adj3a that ,hegesippus made occasional use of the ,gospel according to the ,hebrews 7,greek3 ek te tou kath' ,hebraious euangeliou 444 tina tithaesin74 ,but apart from the conclusion referred to above1 the very language of ,eusebius 7,greek3 tithaesin tina ek7 is enough to suggest that the use of the ,gospel according to the ,hebrews was subordinate and subsidiary4 ,eusebius can hardly have spoken in this way of 'the ,gospel of which ,hegesippus made use' in all the five books of his ',memoirs4' ,the expression tallies exactly with what we should expect of a work used in addition to but not to the exclusion of our ,gospels4 ,the fact that ,eusebius says nothing about these shows that his readers would take it for granted that ,hegesippus1 as an orthodox ,christian1 received them4 ,with this conclusion the fragments of the work of ,hegesippus that have come down to us agree4 ,the quotations made in them are explained most simply and naturally1 on the assumption that our ,gospels have been used4 ,the first to which we come is merely an allusion to the narrative of ,matt4 ii2 ',for ,domitian feared the coming of the ,christ as much as ,herod4' ,those therefore who take the statement of ,eusebius to mean that ,hegesippus used only the ,gospel according to the ,hebrews are compelled to seek for the account of the ,massacre of the ,innocents in that ,gospel4 ,it appears however from ,epiphanius that precisely this very portion of the first ,gospel was wanting in the ,gospel according to the ,hebrews as used both by the ,ebionites and by the ,nazarenes4 ',but if it be doubtful whether some forms of that ,gospel contained the two opening chapters of ,matthew1 it is certain that ,jerome found them in the version which he translated' ,endnote #ada3a4 ,i am afraid that here1 as in so many other cases1 the words 'doubtful' and 'certain' are used with very little regard to their meanings4 ,in support of the inference from ,jerome1 the author refers to ,de ,wette1 ,schwegler1 and an article in a periodical publication by ,ewald4 ,de ,wette expressly says that the inference does not follow 7',aus ,comm4 ad ,matt4 ii4 #f 444 lsst sich nicht schliessen dass er hierbei das ,evang4 der ,hebr4 verglichen habe4444 ,nicht viel besser beweisen die ,st4 ad ,jes4 xi4 #a2 ad ,abac4 iii4 #c'7 ,endnote #ada3b4 ,he thinks that the presence of these chapters in ,jerome's copy cannot be satisfactorily proved1 but is probable just from this allusion in ,hegesippus--in regard to which ,de ,wette simply follows the traditional1 but1 as we have seen1 erroneous assumption that ,hegesippus used only the ,gospel according to the ,hebrews4 ,schwegler ,endnote #ada3c gives no reasons1 but refers to the passages quoted from ,jerome in ,credner4 ,credner1 after examining these passages1 comes to the conclusion that 'the ,gospel of the ,nazarenes did not contain the chapters' ,endnote #ada3d4 ,ewald's periodical ,i cannot refer to1 but ,hilgenfeld1 after an elaborate review of the question1 decides that the chapters were omitted ,endnote #ada3e4 ,this is the only authority ,i can find for the 'certainty that ,jerome found them' in his version4 ,on the whole1 then1 it seems decidedly more probable 7certainties we cannot deal in7 that the incident referred to by ,hegesippus was missing from the ,gospel according to the ,hebrews4 ,that ,gospel therefore was not quoted by him1 but1 on the contrary1 there is a presumption that he is quoting from the ,canonical ,gospel4 ,the narrative of the parallel ,gospel of ,st4 ,luke seems1 if not to exclude the ,massacre of the ,innocents1 yet to imply an ignorance of it4 ,the next passage that appears to be quotation occurs in the account of the death of ,james the ,just2 ',why do ye ask me concerning ,jesus the ,son of ,man8 ,he too sits in heaven on the right hand of the great ,power and will come on the clouds of heaven' 7,greek3 ,ti me eperotate peri ,iaesou tou huiou tou anthropou8 kai autos kathaetai en to ourano ek dexion taes megalaes dunameos1 kai mellei erchesthai epi ton nephelon tou ouranou74 ,it seems natural to suppose that this is an allusion to ,matt4 xxvi4 #fd1 ,greek3 ap' arti opsesthe ton huion tou anthropou kathaemenon ek dexion taes dunameos1 kai erchomenon epi ton vephelon tou ouranou4 ,the passage is one that belongs to the triple synopsis1 and the form in which it appears in ,hegesippus shows a preponderating resemblance to the version of ,st4 ,matthew4 ,mark inserts ,greek3 kathaemenon between ,greek3 ek dexion and ,greek3 taes dunameos1 while ,luke thinks it necessary to add ,greek3 tou theou4 ,the third ,evangelist omits the phrase ,greek3 epi ton nephelon tou ouranou1 altogether1 and the second substitutes ,greek3 meta for ,greek3 epi4 ,in fact the phrase ,greek3 epi ton vephelon occurs in the ,new ,testament only in ,st4 ,matthew2 the ,apocalypse1 like ,st4 ,mark1 has ,greek3 meta and ,greek3 epi only with the singular4 ,in like manner1 when we find ,hegesippus using the phrase ,greek3 prosopon ou lambaneis1 this seems to be a reminiscence of ,luke xx4 #ba1 where the synoptic parallels have ,greek3 blepeis4 ,a more decided reference to the third ,gospel occurs in the dying prayer of ,st4 ,james2 ,greek3 parakalo1 kurie thee pater1 aphes autois2 ou gar oidasiti poiousin1 which corresponds to ,luke xxiii4 #cd1 ,greek3 pater1 aphes autois2 ou gar oidasin ti poiousin4 ,there is the more reason to believe that ,hegesippus' quotation is derived from this source that it reproduces the peculiar use of ,greek3 aphienai in the sense of 'forgive' without an expressed object4 ,though the word is of very frequent occurrence1 ,i find no other instance of this in the ,new ,testament ,endnote #adc3a1 and the ,clementine ,homilies1 in making the same quotation1 insert ,greek3 tas hamartias auton4 ,the saying is well known to be peculiar to ,st4 ,luke4 ,there is perhaps a balance of evidence against its genuineness1 but this is of little importance1 as it undoubtedly formed part of the ,gospel as early as ,irenaeus1 who wrote much about the same time as ,hegesippus4 ,the remaining passage occurs in a fragment preserved from ,stephanus ,gobarus1 a writer of the sixth century1 by ,photius1 writing in the ninth4 ,referring to the saying ',eye hath not seen1' c41 ,gobarus says 'that ,hegesippus1 an ancient and apostolical man1 asserts--he knows not why--that these words are vainly spoken1 and that those who use them give the lie to the sacred writings and to our ,lord ,himself who said1 ,blessed are your eyes that see and your ears that hear1' c4 ',those who use these words' are1 we can hardly doubt1 as ,dr4 ,lightfoot after ,routh has shown ,endnote #add3a1 the ,gnostics1 though ,hegesippus would seem to have forgotten ,i ,cor4 ii4 #i4 ,the anti-,pauline position assigned to ,hegesippus on the strength of this is1 we must say1 untenable4 ,but for the present we are concerned rather with the second quotation1 which agrees closely with ,matt4 xiii4 #bf 7,greek3 humon de makarioi hoi ophthalmoi hoti blepousin1 kai ta ota humon hoti akouousin74 ,the form of the quotation has a slightly nearer resemblance to ,luke x4 #bc 7,greek3 makarioi hoi ophthalmoi hoi blepontes ha blepete k4t4l471 but the marked difference in the remainder of the ,lucan passage increases the presumption that ,hegesippus is quoting from the first ,gospel ,endnote #add3b4 ,the use of the phrase ,greek3 ton theion graphon is important and remarkable4 ,there is not1 so far as ,i am aware1 any instance of so definite an expression being applied to an apocryphal ,gospel4 ,it would tend to prepare us for the strong assertion of the ,canon of the ,gospels in ,irenaeus2 it would in fact mark the gradually culminating process which went on in the interval which separated ,irenaeus from ,justin4 ,to this interval the evidence of ,hegesippus must be taken to apply1 because though writing like ,irenaeus under ,eleutherus 7from #agg ,a4,d47 he was his elder contemporary1 and had been received with high respect in ,rome as early as the episcopate of ,anicetus 7#aeg-afh ,a4,d474 ,the relations in which ,hegesippus describes himself as standing to the ,churches and bishops of ,corinth and ,rome seem to be decisive as to his substantial orthodoxy4 ,this would give reason to think that he made use of our present ,gospels1 and the few quotations that have come down to us confirm that view not inconsiderably1 though by themselves they might not be quite sufficient to prove it4 ,there is one passage that may be thought to point to an apocryphal ,gospel1 ',from these arose false ,christs1 false prophets1 false apostles2' which recalls a sentence in the ,clementines1 ',for there shall be1 as the ,lord said1 false apostles1 false prophets1 heresies1 ambitions4' ,it is not1 however1 nearer to this than to the canonical parallel1 ,matt4 xxiv4 #bd 7',there shall arise false ,christs and false prophets'74 #b4 ,in turning from ,hegesippus to ,papias we come at last to what seems to be a definite and satisfactory statement as to the origin of two at least of the ,synoptic ,gospels1 and to what is really the most enigmatic and tantalizing of all the patristic utterances4 ,like ,hegesippus1 ,papias may be described as 'an ancient and apostolic man1' and appears to have better deserved the title4 ,he is said to have suffered martyrdom under ,m4 ,aurelius about the same time as ,polycarp1 #afe-afg ,a4,d4 ,endnote #ade3a ,he wrote a commentary on the ,discourses or more properly ,oracles of the ,lord1 from which ,eusebius extracted what seemed to him 'memorable' statements respecting the origin of the first and second ,gospels4 ',matthew1' ,papias said ,endnote #adf3a1 'wrote the oracles 7,greek3 ta logia7 in the ,hebrew tongue1 and every one interpreted them as he was able4' ',mark1 as the interpreter of ,peter1 wrote down accurately1 though not in order1 all that he remembered that was said or done by ,christ4 ,for he neither heard the ,lord nor attended upon ,him1 but later1 as ,i said1 upon ,peter1 who taught according to the occasion and not as composing a connected narrative of the ,lord's discourses2 so that ,mark made no mistake in writing down some things as he remembered them4 ,for he took care of one thing1 not to omit any of the particulars that he heard or to falsify any part of them4' 99 99 99 99 99 ,let us take the second of these statements first4 ,according to it the ,gospel of ,st4 ,mark consisted of notes taken down1 or rather recollected1 from the teaching of ,peter4 ,it was not written 'in order1' but it was an original work in the sense that it was first put in writing by ,mark himself1 having previously existed only in an oral form4 ,does this agree with the facts of the ,gospel as it appears to us now8 ,there is a certain ambiguity as to the phrase 'in order4' ,we cannot be quite sure what ,papias meant by it1 but the most natural conclusion seems to be that it meant chronological order4 ,if so1 the statement of ,papias seems to be so far borne out that none of the ,synoptic ,gospels is really in exact chronological order2 but1 strange to say1 if there is any in which an approach to such an order is made1 it is precisely this of ,st4 ,mark4 ,this appears from a comparison of the three ,synoptics4 ,from the point at which the second ,gospel begins1 or1 in other words1 from the ,baptism to the ,crucifixion1 it seems to give the outline that the other two ,gospels follow ,endnote #adg3a4 ,if either of them diverges from it for a time it is only to return4 ,the early part of ,st4 ,matthew is broken up by the intrusion of the so-called ,sermon on the ,mount1 but all this time ,st4 ,mark is in approximate agreement with ,st4 ,luke4 ,for a short space the three ,gospels go together4 ,then comes a second break1 where ,luke introduces his version of the ,sermon on the ,mount4 ,then the three rejoin and proceed together1 ,matthew being thrown out by the way in which he has collected the parables into a single chapter1 and ,luke later by the place which he has assigned to the incident at ,nazareth4 ,after this ,matthew and ,mark proceed side by side1 ,luke dropping out of the ranks4 ,at the confession of ,peter he takes his place again1 and there is a close agreement in the order of the three narratives4 ,the incident of the miracle-worker is omitted by ,matthew1 and then comes the insertion of a mass of extraneous matter by ,luke4 ,when he resumes the thread of the common narrative again all three are together4 ,the insertion of a single parable on the part of ,matthew1 and omissions on the part of ,luke1 are the only interruptions4 ,there is an approximate agreement of all three1 we may say1 for the rest of the narrative4 ,we observe throughout that1 in by far the preponderating number of instances1 where ,matthew differs from the order of ,mark1 ,luke and ,mark agree1 and where ,luke differs from the order of ,mark1 ,matthew and ,mark agree4 ,thus1 for instance1 in the account of the healings in ,peter's house and of the paralytic1 in the relation of the parables of ,mark iv4 #a-cd to the storm at sea which follows1 of the healing of ,jairus' daughter to that of the ,gadarene demoniac and to the mission of the ,twelve in the place of ,herod's reflections 7,mark vi4 #ad-af71 in the warning against the ,scribes and the widow's mite 7,mark xii4 #ch-dd71 the second and third ,synoptics are allied against the first4 ,on the other hand1 in the call of the four chief ,apostles1 the death of the ,baptist1 the walking on the sea1 the miracles in the land of ,gennesareth1 the washing of hands1 the ,canaanitish woman1 the feeding of the four thousand and the discourses which follow1 the ambition of the sons of ,zebedee1 the anointing at ,bethany1 and several insertions of the third ,evangelist in regard to the last events1 the first two are allied against him4 ,while ,mark thus receives such alternating support from one or other of his fellow ,evangelists1 ,i am not aware of any clear case in which1 as to the order of the narratives1 they are1 united and he is alone1 unless we are to reckon as such his insertion of the incident of the fugitive between ,matt4 xxvi4 #ef1 #eg1 ,luke xxii4 #ec1 #ed4 ,it appears then that1 so far as there is an order in the ,synoptic ,gospels1 the normal type of that order is to be found precisely in ,st4 ,mark1 whom ,papias alleges to have written not in order4 ,but again there seems to be evidence that the ,gospel1 in the form in which it has come down to us1 is not original but based upon another document previously existing4 ,when we come to examine closely its verbal relations to the other two ,synoptics1 its normal character is in the main borne out1 but still not quite completely4 ,the number of particulars in which ,matthew and ,mark agree together against ,luke1 or ,mark and ,luke agree together against ,matthew1 is far in excess of that in which ,matthew and ,luke are agreed against ,mark4 ,mark is in most cases the middle term which unites the other two4 ,but still there remains a not inconsiderable residuum of cases in which ,matthew and ,luke are in combination and ,mark at variance4 ,the figures obtained by a not quite exact and yet somewhat elaborate computation ,endnote #adi3a are these2 ,matthew and ,mark agree together against ,luke in #afhd particulars1 ,luke and ,mark against ,matthew in #idd1 but ,matthew and ,luke against ,mark in only #ccd4 ,these #ccd instances are distributed pretty evenly over the whole of the narrative4 ,thus 7to take a case at random7 in the parallel narratives ,matt4 xii4 #a-h1 ,mark ii4 #bc-bh1 ,luke vi4 #a-e 7the plucking of the ears on the ,sabbath day71 there are fifty-one points 7words or parts of words7 common to all three ,evangelists1 twenty-three are common only to ,mark and ,luke1 ten to ,mark and ,matthew1 and eight to ,matthew and ,luke4 ,in the next section1 the healing of the withered hand1 twenty points are found alike in all three ,gospels1 twenty-seven in ,mark and ,luke1 twenty-one in ,mark and ,matthew1 and five in ,matthew and ,luke4 ,many of these coincidences between the first and third ,synoptics are insignificant in the extreme4 ,thus1 in the last section referred to 7,mark iii4 #a-f,matt4 xii4 #i-ad,luke vi4 #f-aa71 one is the insertion of the article ,greek3 taen 7,greek3 sunagogaen71 one the insertion of ,greek3 sou 7,greek3 taen cheira sou71 two the use of ,greek3 de for ,greek3 kai1 and one that of ,greek3 eipen for ,greek3 legei4 ,in the paragraph before1 the eight points of coincidence between ,matthew and ,luke are made up thus1 two ,greek3 kai aesthion 7,greek kai esthiein71 ,greek3 eipon 7,greek3 eipan71 ,greek3 poiein1 eipen1 met' autou 7,greek3 sun auto71 ,greek3 monous 7,greek3 monois74 ,but though such points as these1 if they had been few in number1 might have been passed without notice1 still1 on the whole1 they reach a considerable aggregate and all are not equally unimportant4 ,thus1 in the account of the healing of the paralytic1 such phrases is ,greek epi klinaes1 apaelthen eis ton oikon autou1 can hardly have come into the first and third ,gospels and be absent from the second by accident2 so again the clause ,greek3 alla ballousin 7blaeteon7 oinon neon eis askous kainous4 ,in the account of the healing of the bloody flux the important word ,greek3 tou kraspedou is inserted in ,matthew and ,luke but not in ,mark2 in that of the mission of the twelve ,apostles1 the two ,evangelists have1 and the single one has not1 the phrase ,greek3 kai therapeuein noson 7nosous71 and the still more important clause ,greek3 lego humin anektoteron estai 7gae7 ,sodomon 444 en haemera 444 ae tae polei ekeinae3 in ,luke ix4 #g 7 ,matt4 xiv4 #a7 ,herod's title is ,greek3 tetrarchaes1 in ,mark vi4 #ad ,greek3 basileus2 in the succeeding paragraph ,greek3 hoi ochloi aekolouthaesan and the important ,greek3 to perisseuon 7-san7 are wanting in the intermediate ,gospel2 in the first prophecy of the ,passion it has ,greek3 apo where the other two have ,greek3 hupo1 and ,greek3 meta treis haemeras where they have ,greek3 tae tritae haemera3 in the healing of the lunatic boy it omits the noticeable ,greek3 kai diestrammenae3 in the second prophecy of the ,passion it omits ,greek3 mellei1 in the paragraph about offences1 ,greek3 elthein ta skandala 444ouai444di hou erchetai4 ,these points might be easily multiplied as we go on2 suffice it to say that in the aggregate they seem to prove that the second ,gospel1 in spite of its superior originality and adhesion to the normal type1 still does not entirely adhere to it or maintain its primary character throughout4 ,the theory that we have in the second ,gospel one of the primitive ,synoptic documents is not tenable4 ,no doubt this is an embarrassing result4 ,the question is easy to ask and difficult to answer--,if our ,st4 ,mark does not represent the original form of the document1 what does represent it8 ,the original document1 if not quite like our ,mark1 must have been very nearly like it2 but how did any writer come to reproduce a previous work with so little variation8 ,if he had simply copied or reproduced it without change1 that would have been intelligible2 if he had added freely to it1 that also would have been intelligible3 but1 as it is1 he seems to have put in a touch here and made an erasure there on principles that it is difficult for us now to follow4 ,we are indeed here at the very crux of ,synoptic criticism4 ,for our present purpose however it is not necessary that the question should be solved4 ,we have already obtained an answer on the two points raised by ,papias4 ,the second ,gospel is written in order2 it is not an original document4 ,these two characteristics make it improbable that it is in its present shape the document to which ,papias alludes4 ,does his statement accord any better with the phenomena of the first ,gospel8 ,he asserts that it was originally written in ,hebrew1 and that the large majority of modern critics deny to have been the case with our present ,gospel4 ,many of the quotations in it from the ,old ,testament are made directly from the ,septuagint and not from the ,hebrew4 ,there are turns of language which have the stamp of an original ,greek idiom and could not have come in through translation4 ,but1 without going into this question as to the original language of the first ,gospel1 a shorter method will be to ask whether it can have been an original document at all8 ,the work to which ,papias referred clearly was such1 but the very same investigation which shows that our present ,st4 ,mark was not original1 tells with increased force against ,st4 ,matthew4 ,when a document exists dealing with the same subject-matter as two other documents1 and those two other documents agree together and differ from it on as many as #idd separate points1 there can be little doubt that in the great majority of those points it has deviated from the original1 and that it is therefore secondary in character4 ,it is both secondary and secondary on a lower stage than ,st4 ,mark3 it has preserved the features of the original with a less amount of accuracy4 ,the points of the triple synopsis on which ,matthew fails to receive verification are in all #idd2 those on which ,mark fails to receive verification #ccd2 or1 in other words1 the inaccuracies of ,matthew are to those of ,mark nearly as three to one4 ,in the case of ,luke the proportion is still greater-- as much as five to one4 ,this is but a tithe of the arguments which show that the first ,gospel is a secondary composition4 ,an original composition would be homogeneous2 it is markedly heterogeneous4 ,the first two chapters clearly belong to a different stock of materials from the rest of the ,gospel4 ,a broad division is seen in regard to the ,old ,testament quotations4 ,those which are common to the other two ,synoptists are almost if not quite uniformly taken from the ,septuagint2 those1 on the other hand1 which seem to belong to the reflection of the ,evangelist betray more or less distinctly the influence of the ,hebrew ,endnote #aec3a4 ,our ,gospel is thus seen to be a recension of another original document or documents and not an original document itself4 ,again1 if our ,st4 ,matthew had been an original composition and had appeared from the first in its present full and complete form1 it would be highly difficult to account for the omissions and variations in ,mark and ,luke4 ,we should be driven back1 indeed1 upon all the impossibilities of the ',benutzungs-hypothese4' ,on the one hand1 the close resemblance between the three compels us to assume that the authors have either used each other's works or common documents2 but the differences practically preclude the supposition that the later writer had before him the whole work of his predecessor4 ,if ,luke had had before him the first two chapters of ,matthew he could not have written his own first two chapters as he has done4 ,again1 the character of the narrative is such as to be inconsistent with the view that it proceeds from an eye-witness of the events4 ,those graphic touches1 which are so conspicuous in the fourth ,gospel1 and come out from time to time in the second1 are entirely wanting in the first4 ,if parallel narratives1 such as the healing of the paralytic1 the cleansing of the ,temple1 or the feeding of the five thousand1 are compared1 this will be very clearly seen4 ,more2 there are features in the first ,gospel that are to all appearance unhistorical and due to the peculiar method of the writer4 ,he has a way of reduplicating1 so to speak1 the personages of one narrative in order to make up for the omission of another ,endnote #aed3a4 ,for instance1 he is silent as to the healing of the demoniac at ,capernaum1 but1 instead of this1 he gives us two ,gadarene demoniacs1 at the same time modifying the language in which he describes this latter incident after the pattern of the former2 in like manner he speaks of the healing of two blind men at ,jericho1 but only because he had passed over the healing of the blind man at ,bethsaida4 ,of a somewhat similar nature is the adding of the ass's colt to the ass in the account of the ,triumphal ,entry4 ,there are also fragmentary sayings repeated in the ,gospel in a way that would be natural in a later editor piecing together different documents and finding the same saying in each1 but unnatural in an eye- and ear-witness drawing upon his own recollections4 ,some clear cases of this kind would be ,matt4 v4 #bi1 #cj 7 ,matt4 xviii4 #h1 #i7 the offending member1 ,matt4 v4 #cb 7 ,matt4 xix4 #i7 divorce1 ,matt4 x4 #ch1 #ci 7 ,matt4 xvi4 #bd1 #be7 bearing the cross1 loss and gain2 and there are various others4 ,these characteristics of the first ,gospel forbid us to suppose that it came fresh from the hands of the ,apostle in the shape in which we now have it2 they also forbid us to identify it with the work alluded to by ,papias4 ,neither of the two first ,gospels1 as we have them1 complies with the conditions of ,papias' description to such an extent that we can claim ,papias as a witness to them4 99 99 99 99 99 ,but now a further enquiry opens out upon us4 ,the language of ,papias does not apply to our present ,gospels2 will it apply to some earlier and more primary state of those ,gospels1 to documents incorporated in the works that have come down to us but not co-extensive with them8 ,german critics1 it is well known1 distinguish between ',matthus'--the present ,gospel that bears the name of ,st4 ,matthew--and ',ur-,matthus1' or the original work of that ,apostle1 ',marcus'--our present ,st4 ,mark--and ',ur-,marcus1' an older and more original document1 the real production of the companion of ,st4 ,peter4 ,is it to these that ,papias alludes8 ,here we have a much more tenable and probable hypothesis4 ,papias says that ,matthew composed 'the oracles' 7,greek3 ta logia7 in the ,hebrew tongue4 ,the meaning of the word ,greek3 logia has been much debated4 ,perhaps the strictest translation of it is that which has been given1 'oracles'--short but weighty and solemn or sacred sayings4 ,i should be sorry to say that the word would not bear the sense assigned to it by ,dr4 ,westcott1 who paraphrases it felicitously 7from his point of view7 by our word ',gospel' ,endnote #aee3a4 ,it is1 however1 difficult to help feeling that the natural sense of the word has to be somewhat strained in order to make it cover the whole of our present ,gospel1 and to bring under it the record of facts to as great an extent as discourse4 ,it seems at least the simplest and most obvious interpretation to confine the word strictly or mainly to discourse4 ',matthew composed the discourses 7those brief yet authoritative discourses7 in ,hebrew4' ,at this point we are met by a further coincidence4 ,the common matter in the first three ,gospels is divided into a triple synopsis and a double synopsis--the first of course running through all three ,gospels1 the second found only in ,st4 ,matthew and ,st4 ,luke4 ,but this double synopsis is nearly1 though not quite1 confined to discourse2 where it contains narration proper1 as in the account of ,john the ,baptist and the ,centurion of ,capernaum1 discourse is largely mingled with it4 ,but1 if the matter common to ,matthew and ,luke consists of discourse1 may it not be these very ,greek3 logia that ,papias speaks of8 ,is it not possible that the two ,evangelists had access to the original work of ,st4 ,matthew and incorporated its material into their own ,gospels in different ways8 ,it would thus be easy to understand how the name that belonged to a special and important part of the first ,gospel gradually came to be extended over the whole4 ,bulk would not unnaturally be a great consideration with the early ,christians4 ,the larger work would quickly displace the smaller2 it would contain all that the smaller contained with additions no less valuable1 and would therefore be eagerly sought by the converts1 whose object would be rather fulness of information than the best historical attestation4 ,the original work would be simply lost1 absorbed1 in the larger works that grew out of it4 ,this is the kind of presumption that we have for identifying the ,logia of ,papias with the second ground document of the first ,gospel--the document1 that is1 which forms the basis of the double synopsis between the first ,gospel and the third4 ,as a hypothesis the identification of these two documents seems to clear up several points4 ,it gives a 'local habitation and a name' to a document1 the separate and independent existence of which there is strong reason to suspect1 and it explains how the name of ,st4 ,matthew came to be placed at the head of the ,gospel without involving too great a breach in the continuity of the tradition4 ,it should be remembered that ,papias is not giving his own statement but that of the ,presbyter ,john1 which dates back to a time contemporary with the composition of the ,gospel4 ,on the other hand1 by the time of ,irenaeus1 whose early life ran parallel with the closing years of ,papias1 the title was undoubtedly given to the ,gospel in its present form4 ,it is therefore as difficult to think that the ,gospel had no connection with the ,apostle whose name it bears1 as it is impossible to regard it as entirely his work4 ,the ,logia hypothesis seems to suggest precisely such an intermediate relation as will satisfy both sides of the problem4 ,there are1 however1 still difficulties in the way4 ,when we attempt to reconstruct the 'collection of discourses' the task is very far from being an easy one4 ,we do indeed find certain groups of discourse in the first ,gospel--such as the ,sermon on the ,mount ch4 v-vii1 the commission of the ,apostles ch4 x1 a series of parables ch4 xiii1 of instructions in ch4 xviii1 invectives against the ,pharisees in ch4 xxvi1 and long eschatological discourses in ch4 xxiv and xxv1 which seem at once to give a handle to the theory that the ,evangelist has incorporated a work consisting specially of discourses into the main body of the ,synoptic narrative4 ,but the appearance of roundness and completeness which these discourses present is deceptive4 ,if we are to suppose that the form in which the discourses appear in ,st4 ,matthew at all nearly represents their original structure1 then how is it that the same discourses are found in the third ,gospel in such a state of dispersion8 ,how is it1 for instance1 that the parallel passages to the ,sermon on the ,mount are found in ,st4 ,luke scattered over chapters vi1 xi1 xii1 xiii1 xiv1 xvi1 with almost every possible inversion and variety of order8 ,again1 if the ,matthaean sections represent a substantive work1 how are we to account for the strange intrusion of the triple synopsis into the double8 ,what are we to say to the elaborately broken structure of ch4 x8 ,on the other hand1 if we are to take the ,lucan form as nearer to the original1 that original must have been a singular agglomeration of fragments which it is difficult to piece together4 ,it is easy to state a theory that shall look plausible so long as it is confined to general terms1 but when it comes to be worked out in detail it will seem to be more and more difficult and involved at every step4 ,the ,logia hypothesis in fact carries us at once into the very nodus of ,synoptic criticism1 and1 in the present state of the question1 must be regarded as still some way from being established4 ,the problem in regard to ,st4 ,mark and the triple synopsis is considerably simpler4 ,here the difficulty arises from the necessity of assuming a distinction between our present second ,gospel and the original document on which that ,gospel is based4 ,i have already touched upon this point4 ,the synoptical analysis seems to conduct us to a ground document greatly resembling our present ,st4 ,mark1 which cannot however be quite identical with it1 as the ,canonical ,gospel is found to contain secondary features4 ,but apart from the fact that these secondary features are so comparatively few that it is difficult to realise the existence of a work in which they1 and they only1 should be absent1 there is this further obstacle to the identification even of the ground document with the ,mark of ,papias1 that even in that original shape the ,gospel still presented the normal type of the ,synoptic order1 though 'order' is precisely the characteristic that ,papias says was1 in this ,gospel1 wanting4 ,everywhere we meet with difficulties and complexities4 ,the testimony of ,papias remains an enigma that can only be solved--if ever it is solved--by close and detailed investigations4 ,i am bound in candour to say that1 so far as ,i can see myself at present1 ,i am inclined to agree with the author of ',supernatural ,religion' against his critics ,endnote #aei3a1 that the works to which ,papias alludes cannot be our present ,gospels in their present form4 ,what amount of significance this may have for the enquiry before us is a further question4 ,papias is repeating what he had heard from the ,presbyter ,john1 which would seem to take us up to the very fountainhead of evangelical composition4 ,but such a statement does not preclude the possibility of subsequent changes in the documents to which it refers4 ,the difficulties and restrictions of local communication must have made it hard for an individual to trace all the phases of literary activity in a society so widely spread as the ,christian1 even if it had come within the purpose of the writer or his informant to state the whole1 and not merely the essential part1 of what he knew4 ,,chapter ,,vi4 ,,the ,,clementine ,,homilies4 ,it is unfortunate that there are not sufficient materials for determining the date of the ,clementine ,homilies4 ,once given the date and a conclusion of considerable certainty could be drawn from them2 but the date is uncertain1 and with it the extent to which they can be used as evidence either on one side or on the other4 ,some time in the second century there sprang up a crop of heretical writings in the ,ebionite sect which were falsely attributed to ,clement of ,rome4 ,the two principal forms in which these have come down to us are the so-called ,homilies and ,recognitions4 ,the ,recognitions however are only extant in a ,latin translation by ,rufinus1 in which the quotations from the ,gospels have evidently been assimilated to the ,canonical text which ,rufinus himself used4 ,they are not1 therefore1 in any case available for our purpose4 ,whether the ,recognitions or the ,homilies came first in order of time is a question much debated among critics1 and the even way in which the best opinions seem to be divided is a proof of the uncertainty of the data4 ,on the one side are ranged ,credner1 ,ewald1 ,reuss1 ,schwegler1 ,schliemann1 ,uhlhorn1 ,dorner1 and ,lcke1 who assign the priority to the ,homilies3 on the other1 ,hilgenfeld1 ,kstlin1 ,ritschl 7doubtfully71 and ,volkmar1 who give the first place to the ,recognitions ,endnote #afb3a4 ,on the ground of authority perhaps the preference should be given to the first of these1 as representing more varied parties and as carrying with them the greater weight of sound judgment1 but it is impossible to say that the evidence on either side is decisive4 ,the majority of critics assign the ,clementines1 in one form or the other1 to the middle of the second century4 ,credner1 ,schliemann1 ,scholten1 and ,renan give this date to the ,homilies2 ,volkmar and ,hilgenfeld to the ,recognitions2 ,ritschl to both recensions alike ,endnote #afb3b4 ,we shall assume hypothetically that the ,homilies are rightly thus dated4 ,i incline myself to think that this is more probable1 but1 speaking objectively1 the probability could not have a higher value put upon it than1 say1 two in three4 ,one reason for assigning the ,homilies to the middle of the second century is presented by the phenomena of the quotations from the ,gospels which correspond generally to those that are found in writings of this date1 and especially1 as has been frequently noticed1 to those which we meet with in ,justin4 ,i proceed to give a tabulated list of the quotations4 ,in order to bring out a point of importance ,i have indicated by a letter in the left margin the presence in the ,clementine quotations of some of the peculiarities of our present ,gospels4 ,when this letter is unbracketed1 it denotes that the passage is only found in the ,gospel so indicated2 when the letter is enclosed in brackets1 it is implied that the passage is synoptical1 but that the ,clementines reproduce expressions peculiar to that particular ,gospel4 ,the direct quotations are marked by the letter ,q4 ,many of the references are merely allusive1 and in more it is sufficiently evident that the writer has allowed himself considerable freedom ,endnote #afc3a4 ,exact4 ,slightly variant4 ,variant4 ,remarks4 7,m47 #h4ba1 ,luke #d4f-h narrative4 7,matt4 #d4h-aj71 ,q4 #c4ee1 ,greek3 ho ponaeros estin ho peirazon41 ,q4 #ae4aj1 ,matt4 #e4c2 ,luke #f4bj4 ,m4 #ag4g1 ,matt4 #e4h4 7,m47 #c4ea ,matt4 #e4 repeated ,ep4 ,pet4 #b #ag1ah4 identically4 #aa4cb1 ,matt4 #e4 highly condensed #ba-dh4 paraphrase1 ,greek3 oi en planae4 ,matt4#e4dd1 allusive merely4 #ab4cb #de7,luke #c4ai #f4bg1 #bh1 #ce74 ,m4 #c4ef1 ,matt4 #e4cd1 #ce1 ,q4 ,m4 #c4ee ,matt4 #e4cg4 repeated identi- #ai4b ,q4 cally2 so ,justin4 7,m47 #c4eg4 ,matt4 #e4de4 ,q4 oblique and allu- #ab4bf sive1 repeated #ah4b4 in part simi- #aa4ab larly2 ,greek3 pherei ton hueton4 ,m4 #c4ee1 ,matt4 #f1f1 ,q4 #ai4b1 ,matt4#f4ac ,q4 7,m47 #c4ee1 ,matt4 #f4cb2 combination4 #f4h 7,luke #ab4cj47 #ah4af1 ,matt4 #g4b oblique and allu- 7#ab74 sive4 #c4eb1 ,matt4 #g4g ,greek3 euris- 7,luke #aa4i74 kete for euraeskete in both4 7,l4,m47 #c4ef1 ,matt4 #g4i-aa striking divi- 7,luke #aa4aa-ac7 sion of pecu- liarities of both ,gospels4 #ab4cb ,matt4 #g4ab repeated di- #g4d 7,luke versely1 #aa4d #f4ca4 allusive4 7,m47 #ah4ag1 ,matt4 #g4 7omissions71 ,q4 #ac1ad4 #g4g4 ,matt4 #g4ac1 allusive para- #ad4 phrase4 7,l47 #h4g1 ,luke #f4df4 #aa4ce1 ,matt4 #g4ae4 ,justin1 in part similarly1 in part diversely4 7,m47 #h4d1 ,matt4 #h4aa1 7addition71 ,q4 ,justin diversely4 #ab 7,luke #ac4bi74 #i4ba1 ,matt4 #h4i allusive merely4 7,luke #g4h74 7,m47 #c4ef1 ,matt4 #i4ac 7addition71 ,q4 from ,,lxx4 7#ab4g74 7,l4,m47 ,matt4 #aj4 #ac1 #ae ,luke #aj4 #ac4cj1 #e1f1aj- mixed pecu- #ca4 #ab 7#i4e7 liarities1 ,mark oblique and #f4aa4 allusive4 7,l4,m47 #ag4e1 ,matt4 #aj4bh mixed peculia- 7,luke #ab1d1 #e71 ,q4 rities2 ,justin diversely4 #ab4ca1 ,matt4 #aj4 allusive merely4 #bi1 #cj 7,luke #ab4f1 #g74 #c4ag ,matt4 #aa4aa4 allusive4 ,luke #g4bh4 #h4f1 ,matt4 #aa4be 7addition74 perhaps from 7,luke x4#ba74 ,matt4 #ba4af4 7,m47 #ag4d #ah4d ,matt4 #aa4bg repeated simi- #ah4g 7,luke larly2 cp4 #ah4ac #aj4bb71 ,q4 ,justin1 c4 #ah4bj ,m4 #c4eb1 ,matt4 7,m47 #ai4b4 ,matt4 #ab4 ,greek3 allae #bf1 ,q4 pou4 7,m4,l47 #ai4g1 ,matt4 #ab4 #cd 7,luke #f4 #de71 ,q4 ,m4#aa4cc1 ,matt4 7addition71 ,q4 #ab4db4 #aa4cc1 ,matt4 #ab4 #da 7,luke #aa4 #cb71 ,q4 7,m4,l47 ,m4#ec1 ,matt4 #ac4 #af 7,luke #aj4 #bd71 ,q4 ,m4#ah4ae1 ,matt4 #ac4ce4 ,mk4 #ai4bj1 ,mark #d4cd4 ,m4 #ai4b1 ,matt4 #ac4 #ci1 ,q4 ,m4#c4eb1 ,matt4 #ae4 #ae 7om4 ,greek3 mou71 ,q4 ,matt4 #ae4 narrative4 #aa4ai #ba-bh 7,mark ,greek3 ,iousta #g4bd-cj74 ,surophoini- kissa4 7,m47 #ag4ah1 ,matt4 #af4 #af 7par47 ,m4 ,ep4 ,clem4 #b1 allusive merely4 ,matt4 #af4ai4 ,m4 ,ep4 ,clem4 #f1 ,matt4 ditto4 #af4ai4 7,m47 #c4ec1 ,matt4 #ag4e 7par471 ,q4 ,m4 #ab4bi1 ,matt4 #ah4 addition ,greek3 #g1 ,q4 ta agatha elthein4 ,m4 #ag4g1 ,matt4 #ah4aj 7v4l47 7,l47 #c4ga1 ,luke #aj4g4 7order7 7,matt4#aj4aj74 ,l4 #ai4b1 ,luke #aj4ah4 ,l4 #i4bb1 ,luke #aj4bj4 allusive merely4 ,l4 #ag4e1 ,luke #ah4f- #h1 ,q4 787 #ai4b1 ,greek3 mae ,cp4 ,eph4 #d4bg4 dote prophasin to ponaero1 ,q4 #c4ec1 ,prophet like,cp4 ,acts #c4bb4 ,moses1 ,q4 7,m47 #c4ed1 ,matt4 #ai4h1 sense more diver- #d 7,mark #aj4e1 gent than #f71 ,q4 words4 ,matt4 #ai4 #ag4d #af1ag4 #ah4a ,mark #aj4 repeated simi- #ah4c #ag1ah4 larly2 cp4 #ah4ag ,luke #ah4 ,justin4 #c4eg #ah1ai4 ,l4 #c4fc1 ,luke #ai4 not quotation4 #e4i4 ,m4#h4d1 ,matt4 #bb4 #ad1 ,q4 7,m47 #h4bb1 ,matt4 #bb4i4 allusive merely4 #aa4 #c4ej ,matt4 #bb4 #b4ea #bi 7,mark repeated simi- #ah4bj #ab4bd71 ,q4 larly4 #c4ej1 ,greek3 dia ti ou eulogon ton graphon2 7,mk47 #c4ee1 ,mark #ab4bg 7par471 ,mk4 #c4eg1 ,mark #ab4bi ,greek3 haemon1 ,q4 #ag4g1 ,mark #ab4cj allusive4 7,matt4 #bb4cg74 #c4ah1 ,matt4 #bc4b1 ,m4 #c1 ,q4 #c4ah1 ,matt4 #bc4ac repeated simi- 7,luke #aa4eb74 larly4 #ah4ae4 7,m47 #aa4bi1 ,matt4 #bc4 #be1 #bf1 ,q4 7,mk47 #c4ae1 ,mark #ac4b 7par471 ,q4 #c4ae1 ,matt4 #bd4c 7par471 ,q4 ,l4 ,luke #ai4dc1 ,q4 #af4ba1 ,greek3 esontai pseud- apostoloi4 7,m47 #c4fj 7#c4fd71 ,matt4 part repeated #bd4de-ea 7 larly4 ,luke #ab4db-df74 7,m47 #c4fe1 ,matt4 #be4ba 7 ,luke #ai4ag74 7,m4 ,l47 #c4fa1 ,matt4 #be4bf18 mixed peculi- #bf1bg 7,luke #ai4 arities4 #bb1bc74 #b4ea;,greek3 #c4ej ginesthe #ah4bj trapezitai dokimoi4 ,m4 #ai4b4 ,matt4 #be4 ,greek3 allae #da1 ,q4 pou4 ,justin ,l4 #aa4bj1 ,luke #bc4cd 7v4l471 ,q4 #ag4g1 ,matt4 #bh4ai4;allusive4 ,by far the greater part of the quotations in the ,clementine ,homilies are taken from the discourses1 but some few have reference to the narrative4 ,there can hardly be said to be any material difference from our ,gospels1 though several apocryphal sayings and some apocryphal details are added4 ,thus the ,clementine writer calls ,john a ',hemerobaptist1' i4e4 member of a sect which practised daily baptism ,endnote #afg3a4 ,he talks about a rumour which became current in the reign of ,tiberius about the 'vernal equinox1' that at the same season a king should arise in ,judaea who should work miracles1 making the blind to see1 the lame to walk1 healing every disease1 including leprosy1 and raising the dead2 in the incident of the ,canaanite woman 7whom1 with ,mark1 he calls a ,syrophoenician7 he adds her name1 ',justa1' and that of her daughter ',bernice2' he also limits the ministry of our ,lord to one year ,endnote #afh3a4 ,otherwise1 with the exception of the sayings marked as without parallel1 all of the ,clementine quotations have a more or less close resemblance to our ,gospels4 ,we are struck at once by the small amount of exact coincidence1 which is considerably less than that which is found in the quotations from the ,old ,testament4 ,the proportion seems lower than it is1 because many of the passages that have been entered in the above list do not profess to be quotations4 ,another phenomenon equally remarkable is the extent to which the writer of the ,homilies has reproduced the peculiarities of particular extant ,gospels4 ,so far front being it a colourless text1 as it is in some few places which present a parallel to our ,synoptic ,gospels1 the ,clementine version both frequently includes passages that are found only in some one of the canonical ,gospels1 and also1 we may say usually1 repeats the characteristic phrases by which one ,gospel is distinguished from another4 ,thus we find that as many as eighteen passages reappear in the ,homilies that are found only in ,st4 ,matthew2 one of the extremely few that are found only in ,st4 ,mark2 and six of those that are peculiar to ,st4 ,luke4 ,taking the first ,gospel1 we find that the ,clementine ,homilies contain 7in an allusive form7 the promises to the pure in heart2 as a quotation1 with close resemblance1 the peculiar precepts in regard to oaths2 the special admonition to moderation of language which1 as we have seen1 seems proved to be ,matthaean by the clause ,greek3 to gar perisson touton k4t4l42 with close resemblance1 again1 the directions for secret prayer2 identically1 the somewhat remarkable phrase1 ,greek3 deute pros me pantes hoi kopiontes2 all but identically another phrase1 also noteworthy1 ,greek3 pasa phuteia haen ouk ephuteusen ho pataer mou ho ouranios ekrizothaesetai2 with a resemblance that is closer in the text of ,b 7,greek3 en to ourano for ,greek3 en ouranois71 the saying respecting the angels who behold the face of the ,father2 identically again1 the text ,greek3 polloi klaetoi1 oligoi de eklektoi3 in the shape of an allusion only1 the wedding garment2 with near agreement1 'the ,scribes and ,pharisees sit in ,moses' seat4' ,all these are passages found only in the first ,gospel1 and in regard to which there is just so much presumption that they had no large circulation among non-extant ,gospels1 as they did not find their way into the two other ,gospels that have come down to us4 ,there is1 however1 a passage that ,i have not mentioned here which contains 7if the canonical reading is correct7 a strong indication of the use of our actual ,st4 ,matthew4 ,the whole history of this passage is highly curious4 ,in the chapter which contains so many parables the ,evangelist adds1 by way of comment1 that this form of address was adopted in order 'that it might be fulfilled which was spoken by the prophet1 saying1 ,i will open my mouth in parables2 ,i will utter things which have been kept secret from the foundation of the world4' ,this is according to the received text1 which attributes the quotation to 'the prophet' 7,greek3 dia tou prophaetou74 ,it is really taken from ,ps4 lxxvii4 #b1 which is ascribed in the heading to ,asaph1 who1 according to the usage of writers at this date1 might be called a prophet1 as he is in the ,septuagint version of #b ,chron4 xxix4 #cj4 ,the phrase ,greek3 ho prophaetaes legei in quotations from the ,psalms is not uncommon4 ,the received reading is that of by far the majority of the ,,mss4 and versions3 the first hand of the ,sinaitic1 however1 and the valuable cursives #a and #cc with the ,aethiopic 7a version on which not much reliance can be placed7 and m4 of the ,old ,latin 7,mai's ',speculum1' presenting a mixed ,african text7 ,endnote #agj3a1 insert ,greek3 ,haesaiou before ,greek3 tou prophaetou4 ,it also appears that ,porphyry alleged this as an instance of false ascription4 ,eusebius admits that it was found in some1 though not in the most accurate ,,mss41 and ,jerome says that in his day it was still the reading of 'many4' ,all this is very fully and fairly stated in ',supernatural ,religion' ,endnote #agj3b1 where it is maintained that ,greek3 ,haesaiou is the original reading4 ,the critical question is one of great difficulty2 because1 though the evidence of the ,fathers is naturally suspected on account of their desire to explain away the mistake1 and though we can easily imagine that the correction would be made very early and would rapidly gain ground1 still the very great preponderance of critical authority is hard to get over1 and as a rule ,eusebius seems to be trustworthy in his estimate of ,,mss4 ,tischendorf 7in his texts of #ahfd and #ahfi7 is1 ,i believe1 the only critic of late who has admitted ,greek3 ,haesaiou into the text4 ,the false ascription may be easily paralleled2 as in ,mark i4 #b1 ,matt4 xxvii4 #i1 ,justin1 ,dial4 c4 ,tryph4 #bh 7where a passage of ,jeremiah is quoted as ,isaiah71 c4 ,the relation of the ,clementine and of the canonical quotations to each other and to the ,septuagint will be represented thus3- ,clem4 ,hom4 xviii4 #ae4 ,greek3 ,kai ton ,haesaian eipein2 ,anoixo to stoma mou en parabolais kai exereuxomai kekrummena apo katabolaes kosmou4 ,matt4 xiii4 #ce4 ,greek3 ,hopos plaerothe to rhaethen dia ,haesaiou8 tou prophaetou legontos2 ,anoixo en parabolais to stoma mou1 ereuxomai kekrummena apo katabolaes kosmou om4 ,greek3 kosmou a few of the best ,,mss4 ,,lxx4 ,ps4 lxxvii4 #b4 ,greek3 ,anoixo en parabolais to stoma mou1 phthegxomai problaemata ap' archaes4 ,the author of ',supernatural ,religion' contends for the reading ,greek3 ,haesaiou1 and yet does not see in the ,clementine passage a quotation from ,st4 ,matthew4 ,he argues1 with a strange domination by modern ideas1 that the quotation cannot be from ,st4 ,matthew because of the difference of context1 and declares it to be 'very probable that the passage with its erroneous reference was derived by both from another and common source4' ,surely it is not necessary to go back to the second century to find parallels for the use of 'proof texts' without reference to the context2 but1 as we have seen1 context counts for little or nothing in these early quotations1--verbal resemblance is much more important4 ,the supposition of a common earlier source for both the ,canonical and the ,clementine text seems to me quite out of the question4 ,there can be little doubt that the reference to the ,psalm is due to the first ,evangelist himself4 ,precisely up to this point he goes hand in hand with ,st4 ,mark1 and the quotation is introduced in his own peculiar style and with his own peculiar formula1 ,greek3 hopos plaerothae to rhaethen4 ,i must1 however1 again repeat that the surest criterion of the use of a ,gospel is to be sought in the presence of phrases or turns of expression which are shown to be characteristic and distinctive of that ,gospel by a comparison with the synopsis of the other ,gospels4 ,this criterion can be abundantly applied in the case of the ,clementine ,homilies and ,st4 ,matthew4 ,i will notice a little more at length some of the instances that have been marked in the above table4 ,let us first take the passage which has a parallel in ,matt4 v4 #ah and in ,luke xvi4 #ag4 ,the three versions will stand thus3-- ,matt4 v4 #ah4 ,greek3 ,amaen gar lego humin2 heos an parelthae ho ouranos kai hae gae iota en ae mia keraia ou mae parelthae apo tou nomou1 heos an panta genaetai4 ,clem4 ,hom4 iii4 #ea4 ,ep4 ,pet4 c4 #b4 ,greek3 ,ho ouranos kai hae gae pareleusontai1 iota en ae mia keraia ou mae parelthae apo tou nomou ,ep4 ,pet4 adds ,greek3 touto de eiraeken1 hina ta panta genaetai4 ,luke xvi4 #ag4 ,greek3 ,eukopoteron de esti1 ton ouranon kai taen gaen parelthein1 ae tou nomou mian keraian pesein4 ,it will be seen that in the ,clementines the passage is quoted twice over1 and each time with the variation ,greek pareleusontai for ,greek3 heos an parelthae4 ,the author of ',supernatural ,religion' argues from this that he is quoting from another ,gospel ,endnote #agb3a4 ,no doubt the fact does tell1 so far as it goes1 in that direction1 but it is easy to attach too much weight to it4 ,the phenomenon of repeated variation may be even said to be a common one in some writers4 ,dr4 ,westcott ,endnote #agb3b has adduced examples from ,chrysostom1 and they would be as easy to find in ,epiphanius or ,clement of ,alexandria1 where we can have no doubt that the canonical ,gospels are being quoted4 ,a slight and natural turn of expression such as this easily fixes itself in the memory4 ,the author also insists that the passage in the ,gospel quoted in the ,clementines ended with the word ,green3 nomou2 but ,i think it may be left to any impartial person to say whether the addition in the ,epistle of ,peter does not naturally point to a termination such as is found in the first canonical ,gospel4 ,our critic seems unable to free himself from the standpoint 7which he represents ably enough7 of the modern ,englishman1 or else is little familiar with the fantastic trains and connections of reasoning which are characteristic of the ,clementines4 ,turning from these objections and comparing the ,clementine quotation first with the text of ,st4 ,matthew and then with that of ,st4 ,luke1 we cannot but be struck with its very close resemblance to the former and with the wide divergence of the latter4 ,the passage is one where almost every word and syllable might easily and naturally be altered--as the third ,gospel shows that they have been altered--and yet in the ,clementines almost every peculiarity of the ,matthaean version has been retained4 ,another quotation which shows the delicacy of these verbal relations is that which corresponds to ,matt4 vi4 #cb 7 ,luke xii4 #cj73-- ,matt4 vi4 #cb4 ,greek3 ,oide gar ho pataer humon ho ouranios1 hoti chraezete touton hapanton4 ,clem4 ,hom4 iii4 #ee4 ,greek3 ephae ,oiden gar ho pataer humon ho ouranios hoti chraezete touton hapanton1 prin auton axiosaete 7cp4 ,matt4 vi4 #h74 ,luke xii4 #cj4 ,greek3 ,humon de ho pataer oiden hoti chraezete touton4 ,the natural inference from the exactness of this coincidence with the language of ,matthew as compared with ,luke1 is not neutralised by the paraphrastic addition from ,matt4 vi4 #h1 because such additions and combinations1 as will have been seen from our table of quotations from the ,old ,testament1 are of frequent occurrence4 ,the quotation of ,matt4 v4 #de 7 ,luke vi4 #ce7 is a good example of the way in which the pseudo-,clement deals with quotations4 ,the passage is quoted as often as four times1 with wide difference and indeed complete confusion of text4 ,it is impossible to determine what text he really had before him2 but through all this confusion there is traceable a leaning to the ,matthaean type rather than the ,lucan1 7,greek3 ho pataer ho en tois ouranois 444 ton aelion autou anatellei epi agathous kai ponaerous74 ,it does1 however1 appear that he had some such phrase as ,greek3 hueton pherei or ,greek3 parechei for ,greek3 brechei1 and in one of his quotations he has the ,greek3 ginesthe agathoi 7for ,greek3 chraestoi7 ,greek3 kai oiktirmones of ,justin4 ,justin1 on the other hand1 certainly had ,greek3 brechei4 ,the1 in any case1 paraphrastic quotation or quotations which find a parallel in ,matt4 vii4 #ac1 #ad and ,luke xiii4 #bd are important as seeming to indicate that1 if not taken from our ,gospel1 they are taken from another in a later stage of formation4 ,the characteristic ,matthaean expressions ,greek3 stenae and ,greek3 tethlimmenae are retained1 but the distinction between ,greek3 pulae and ,greek3 hodos has been lost1 and both the epithets are applied indiscriminately to ,greek3 hodos4 ,in the narrative of the confession of ,peter1 which belongs to the triple synopsis1 and is assigned by ,ewald to the ',collection of ,discourses1' ,endnote #agd3a by ,weiss ,endnote #agd3b and ,holtzmann ,endnote #age3a to the original ,gospel of ,st4 ,mark1 the ,clementine writer follows ,matthew alone in the phrase ,greek3 ,su ei ho huios tou zontos ,theou4 ,the synoptic parallels are-- ,matt4 xvi4 #af4 ,greek3 ,su ei ho ,christos1 ho huios tou ,theou tou zontos4 ,mark viii4 #bi4 ,greek3 ,su ei ho ,christos4 ,luke ix4 #bj4 ,greek3 ton ,christon tou ,theou4 ,holtzmann and ,weiss seem to agree 7the one explicitly1 the other implicitly7 in taking the words ,greek3 ho huios tou ,theou tou zontos as an addition by the first ,evangelist and as not a part of the text of the original document4 ,in that case there would be the strongest reason to think that the pseudo-,clement had made use of the canonical ,gospel4 ,ewald1 however1 we may infer1 from his assigning the passage to the ',collection of ,discourses1' regards it as presented by ,st4 ,matthew most nearly in its original form1 of which the other two synoptic versions would be abbreviations4 ,if this were so1 it would then be possible that the ,clementine quotation was made directly from the original document or from a secondary document parallel to our first ,gospel4 ,the question that is opened out as to the composition of the ,synoptics is one of great difficulty and complexity4 ,in any case there is a balance of probability1 more or less decided1 in favour of the reference to our present ,gospel4 ,another very similar instance occurs in the next section of the synoptic narrative1 the ,transfiguration4 ,here again the ,clementine ,homilies insert a phrase which is only found in ,st4 ,matthew1 ,greek3 ,houtos estin mou ho huios ho agapaetos1 eis hon 7,greek3 en ho ,matt47 ,greek3 aeudokaesa4 ,ewald and ,holtzmann say nothing about the origin of this phrase2 ,weiss ,endnote #agf3a thinks it is probably due to the first ,evangelist4 ,in that case there would be an all but conclusive proof--in any case there will be a presumption--that our first ,gospel has been followed4 ,but one of the most interesting1 as well as the clearest1 indications of the use of the first ,synoptic is derived from the discourse directed against the ,pharisees4 ,it will be well to give the parallel passages in full3-- ,matt4 xxiii4 #be1 #bf4 ,greek3 ,ouai humin grammateis kai ,pharisaioi1 hupokritai1 hoti katharizete to exothen tou potaeriou kai taes paropsidos1 esothen de gemousin ex harpagaes kai adikias4 ,pharisaie tuphle1 katharison proton to entos tou potaeriou kai taes paropsidos1 hina genaetai kai to ektos auton katharon4 ,clem4 ,hom4 xi4 #bi4 ,greek3 ,ouai humin grammateis kai ,pharisaioi1 hupokritai1 hoti katharizete tou potaeriou kai taes paropsidos to exothen1 esothen de gemei rhupous4 ,pharisaie tuphle1 katharison proton tou potaeriou kai taes paropsidos to esothen1 hina genaetai kai ta exo auton kathara4 ,luke xi4 #ci4 ,greek3 ,nun humeis hoi ,pharisaioi to exothen tou potaerion kai tou pinakos katharizete1 to de esothen humon gemei harpagaes kai ponaerias4 ,aphrones ouch ho poiaesas to exothen kai to esothen epoiaese8 ,here there is a very remarkable transition in the first ,gospel from the plural to the singular in the sudden turn of the address1 ,greek3 ,pharisaie tuphle4 ,this derives no countenance from the third ,gospel1 but is exactly reproduced in the ,clementine ,homilies1 which follow closely the ,matthaean version throughout4 ,we may defer for the present the notice of a few passages which with a more or less close resemblance to ,st4 ,matthew also contain some of the peculiarities of ,st4 ,luke4 ,taking into account the whole extent to which the special peculiarities of the first ,gospel reappear in the ,clementines1 ,i think we shall be left in little doubt that that ,gospel has been actually used by the writer4 ,the peculiar features of our present ,st4 ,mark are known to be extremely few1 yet several of these are also found in the ,clementine ,homilies4 ,in the quotation ,mark x4 #e1 #f 7 ,matt4 xix4 #h1 #d7 the order of ,mark is followed1 though the words are more nearly those of ,matthew4 ,in the divergent quotation ,mark xii4 #bd 7 ,matt4 xxii4 #bi7 the ,clementines1 with ,mark1 introduce ,greek3 dia touto4 ,the concluding clause of the discussion about the ,levirate marriage stands 7according to the best readings7 thus3-- ,matt4 xxii4 #cb4 ,greek3 ,ouk estin ho ,theos nekron1 alla zonton4 ,mark xii4 #bg4 ,greek3 ,ouk estin ,theos nekron1 alla zonton4 ,luke xx4 #ch4 ,greek3 ,theos de ouk estin nekron1 alla zonton4 ,clem4 ,hom4 iii4 #ee4 ,greek3 ,ouk estin ,theos nekron1 alla zonton4 ,here ,greek3 ,theos is in ,mark and the ,clementines a predicate1 in ,matthew the subject4 ,in the introduction to the ,eschatological discourse the ,clementines approach more nearly to ,st4 ,mark than to any other ,gospel3 ,greek3 ,horate 7,greek3 blepeis1 ,mark7 ,greek3 tas 7,greek3 megalas1 ,mark7 ,greek3 oikodomas tautas2 amaen humin lego 7as ,matt47 ,greek3 lithos epi lithon ou mae aphethae ode1 hos ou mae 7as ,mark7 ,greek3 kathairethae 7,greek3 kataluthae1 ,mark2 other ,gospels1 future74 ,instead of ,greek3 tas oikodomas toutas the other ,gospels have ,greek3 tauta--tauta panta4 ,but there are two stronger cases than these4 ,the ,clementines and ,mark alone have the opening clause of the quotation from ,deut4 vi4 #d1 ,greek3 ,akoue1 ,israael1 ,kurios ho ,theos haemon kurios eis estin4 ,in the synopsis of the first ,gospel this is omitted 7,matt4 xxii4 #cg74 ,there is a variation in the ,clementine text1 which for ,greek3 haemon has1 according to ,dressel1 ,greek3 sou1 and1 according to ,cotelier1 ,greek3 humon4 ,both these readings however are represented among the authorities for the canonical text3 ,greek3 sou is found in c 7,codex ,colbertinus1 one of the best copies of the ,old ,latin71 in the ,memphitic and ,aethiopic versions1 and in the ,latin ,fathers ,cyprian and ,hilary2 ,greek3 humon 7vester7 has the authority of the ,viennese fragment i1 another representative of the primitive ,african form of the ,old ,latin ,endnote #agh3a4 ,the objection to the inference that the quotation is made from ,st4 ,mark1 derived from the context in which it appears in the ,clementines1 is really quite nugatory4 ,it is true that the quotation is addressed to those 'who were beguiled to imagine many gods1' and that 'there is no hint of the assertion of many gods in the ,gospel' ,endnote #agh3b2 but just as little hint is there of the assertion 'that ,god is evil' in the quotation ,greek3 mae me legete agathon just before4 ,there is not the slightest reason to suppose that the ,gospel from which the ,clementines quote would contain any such assertion4 ,in this particular case the mode of quotation cannot be said to be very unscrupulous2 but even if it were more so we need not go back to antiquity for parallels3 they are to be found in abundance in any ordinary collection of proof texts of the ,church ,catechism or of the ,thirty-nine ,articles1 or in most works of popular controversy4 ,i must confess to my surprise that such an objection could be made by an experienced critic4 ,credner ,endnote #agi3a gives the last as the one decided approximation to our second ,gospel1 apparently overlooking the minor points mentioned above2 but1 at the time when he wrote1 the concluding portion of the ,homilies1 which contains the other most striking instance1 had not yet been published4 ,with regard to this second instance1 ,i must express my agreement with ,canon ,westcott ,endnote #agi3b against the author of ',supernatural ,religion4' ,the passage stands thus in the ,clementines and the ,gospel3-- ,clem4 ,hom4 xix4 #bj4 ,greek3 ,dio kai tois autou mathaetais kat' idian epelue taes ton ouranon basileias ta mustaeria4 ,mark iv4 #cd4 444 ,greek3 kat' idian de tois mathaetais autou epeluen panta 7compare iv4 #aa1 ,greek3 humin to mustaerion dedotai taes basileias tou ,theou74 ,the canonical reading1 ,greek3 tois mathaetais autou1 rests chiefly upon ,western authority 7,d1 b1 c1 e1 f1 ,vulg47 with ,a1 #a1 #cc1 c4 and is adopted by ,tregelles--it should be noted before the discovery of the ,codex ,sinaiticus4 ,the true reading is probably that which appears in this ,,ms4 along with ,b1 ,c1 ,l1 ,greek3 ,delta symbol1 ,greek3 tois idiois mathaetais4 ,we have however already seen the leaning of the ,clementines for ,western readings4 ,when we compare the synopsis of ,st4 ,mark and ,st4 ,matthew together we should be inclined to set this down as a very decided instance of quotation from the former4 ,the only circumstance that detracts from the certainty of this conclusion is that a quotation had been made just before which is certainly not from our canonical ,gospels1 ,greek3 ta mustaeria emoi kai tois huiois tou oikou mou phulaxate4 ,this is rightly noted in ',supernatural ,religion4' ,all that we can say is that it is a drawback--it is just a makeweight in the opposite scale1 as suggesting that the second quotation may be also from an apocryphal ,gospel2 but it does not by any means serve to counterbalance the presumption that the quotation is canonical4 ,the coincidence of language is very marked4 ,the peculiar compound ,greek3 epiluo occurs only once besides 7,greek3 epilusis also once7 in the whole of the ,new ,testament1 and not at all in the ,gospels4 ,with the third ,gospel also there are coincidences4 ,of the passages peculiar to this ,gospel the ,clementine writer has the fall of ,satan 7,greek3 ton ponaeron1 ,clem47 like lightning from heaven1 'rejoice that your names are written in the book of life' 7expanded with evident freedom71 the unjust judge1 ,zacchaeus1 the circumvallation of ,jerusalem1 and the prayer1 for the forgiveness of the ,jews1 upon the cross4 ,it is unlikely that these passages1 which are wanting in all our extant ,gospels1 should have had any other source than our third ,synoptic4 ,the 'circumvallation' 7,greek3 pericharakosousin ,clem41 ,greek3 peribalousin charaka ,luke7 is especially important1 as it is probable1 and believed by many critics1 that this particular detail was added by the ,evangelist after the event4 ,the parable of the unjust judge1 though reproduced with something of the freedom to which we are accustomed in patristic narrative quotations both from the ,old and ,new ,testament1 has yet remarkable similarities of style and diction 7,greek3 ho kritaes taes adikias1 poiaesei taen ekdikaesin ton boonton pros auton haemeras kai nuktos1 ,lego humin1 poaesei444 en tachei74 ,we have to add to these another class of peculiarities which occur in places where the synoptic parallel has been preserved4 ,thus in the ,sermon on the ,mount we find the following3-- ,matt4 vii4 #ba4 ,greek3 ,ou pas ho legon moi1 ,kurie1 ,kurie1 eiseleusetai eis taen basileian ton ouranon1 all' ho poion to thelaema tou patros mou tou en ouranois ,clem4 ,hom4 viii4 #g4 ,greek3 ,ti me legeis ,kurie1 ,kurie1 kai ou poieis a lego2 ,luke1 vi4 #df4 ,greek3 ,ti de me kaleite ,kurie1 ,kurie1 kai ou poeite a lego2 ,this is one of a class of passages which form the cruces of ,synoptic criticism4 ,it is almost equally difficult to think and not to think that both the canonical parallels are drawn from the same original4 ,the great majority of ,german critics maintain that they are1 and most of these would seek that original in the ',spruchsammlung' or ',collection of ,discourses' by the ,apostle ,st4 ,matthew4 ,this is usually 7though not quite unanimously7 held to have been preserved most intact in the first ,gospel4 ,but if so1 the ,lucan version represents a wide deviation from the original1 and precisely in proportion to the extent of that deviation is the probability that the ,clementine quotation is based upon it4 ,the more the individuality of the ,evangelist has entered into the form given to the saying the stronger is the presumption that his work lay before the writer of the ,clementines4 ,in any case the difference between the ,matthaean and ,lucan versions shows what various shapes the synoptic tradition naturally assumed1 and makes it so much the less likely that the coincidence between ,st4 ,luke and the ,clementines is merely accidental4 ,another similar case1 in which the issue is presented very clearly1 is afforded by the quotation1 ',the labourer is worthy of his hire4' ,matt4 x4 #aa4 ,greek3 ,axios gar ho ergataes taes trophaes autou estin4 ,clem4 ,hom4 iii4 #ga4 ,greek3 lagisamenoi hoti axios estin ho ergataes tou misthou autou2 ,luke x4 #g4 ,greek3 ,axios gar ho ergataes tou misthou autou esti4 ,here1 if the ,clementine writer had been following the first ,gospel1 he would have had ,greek3 trophaes and not ,greek3 misthou2 and the assumption that there was here a non-extant ,gospel coincident with ,st4 ,luke is entirely gratuitous and1 to an extent1 improbable4 ,besides these1 it will be seen1 by the tables given above1 that there are as many as eight passages in which the peculiarities not only of one but of both ,gospels 7the first and third7 appear simultaneously4 ,perhaps it may be well to give examples of these before we make any comment upon them4 ,we may thus take-- ,matt4 vii4 #i-aa4 ,greek3 ,ae tis estin ex humon anthropos1 hon ean aitaesae ho huios autou arton1 mae lithon epidosei auto2 kai ean ichthun aitaesae mae ophin epidosei auto2 ei oun humeis ponaeroi ontes oidate domata agatha didonai tois teknois humon1 poso mallon ho pataer humon ho en tois ouranois dosei agatha tois aitousin auton2 ,clem4 ,hom4 iii4 #ef4 ,greek3 ,tina aitaesei huios arton1 mae lithon epidosei auto2 ae kai ichthun aitaesei1 mae ophin epidosei auto2 ei oun humeis1 ponaeroi ontes1 oidate domata agatha didonai tois teknois humon1 poso mallon ho pataer humon ho ouranios dosei agatha tois aitoumenois auton kai tois poiousin to thelema autou2 ,luke xi4 #aa-ac4 ,greek3 ,tina de ex humon ton matera aitaesei ho huios arton1 mae lithon epidosei auto2 ae kai ichthun1 mae anti ichthuos ophin epidosei auto1 ae kai ean aitaeoae oon1 mae epidosei auto skorpion2 ei oun humeis1 ponaeroi humarchontes1 oidate domata agatha didonai tois teknois humon1 poso mallon ho pataer ho ex ouranou dosei pneuma hagion tois aitousin auton2 ,in the earlier part of this quotation the ,clementine writer seems to follow the third ,gospel 7,greek3 tina aitaesei1 hae kai72 in the later part the first 7omission of the antithesis between the egg and the scorpion1 ,greek3 ontes1 dosei agatha74 ,the two ,gospels are combined against the ,clementines in ,greek3 hex humon and the simpler ,greek3 tois aitousin auton4 ,the second example shall be-- ,matt4 x4 #bh4 ,greek3 ,kai mae thobeisthe hapo ton aposteinonton to soma1 taen de psuchaen mae dunamenon aposteinan thobeisthe de mallon ton dunamaenon kai psuchaen kai soma apolesai en geennae4 ,clem4 ,hom4 xviii4 #e4 ,greek3 ,mae phobaethaete apo tou aposteinontos to soma tae de psuchae mae dunamenou ti poiaesai phobaethaete tou dunamenon kai soma kai psuchaen eis taen geennan tou puros balein4 ,nai1 lego humin1 touton phobaethaete4 ,luke xii4 #d1 #e4 ,greek3 ,mae phobaethaete apo ton aposteinonton to soma kai meta tauta mae echonton perissoteron ti poiaesai4 ,hupodeixo de humin tina phobaethaete phobaethaete ton meta to aposteinai echonta exousian embalein eis ton geennan nai1 lego humin1 touton phobaethaete4 ,in common with ,matthew the ,clementines have ,greek3 tae de psuchae 7acc4 ,matt47 444 ,greek3 dunamenon7,greek3 -on ,matt471 and ,greek3 dunamenon kai soma kai psuchaen 7in inverted order1 ,matt472 in common with ,luke ,greek3 mae phobaethaete1 ti poiaesai1 embalein eis1 and the clause ,greek3 nai k4t4l4 ,the two ,gospels agree against the ,clementines in the plural ,greek3 ton aposteinonton4 ,one more longer quotation3-- ,matt4 xxiv4 #de-ea4 ,greek3 ,tis ara estin ho pistos doulos kai phronimos1 hon katestaesen ho kurios autou epi taes therapeias autou tou dounai autois taen trophaen en kairo8 makarios ho doulos ekeinos hon elthon ho kurios autou heuraesei houto poiounta 444 ,ean de eipae ho kakos doulos ekeinos en tae kardia autou2 chronizei mou ho kurios1 kai arxaetai tuptein tous sundoulous autou esthiae de kai pinae meta ton methuonton1 haexei ho kurios tou doulou ekeinou en haemera hae ou prosdoka kai en hora hae ou ginoskei1 kai dichotomaesei auton kai to meros autou meta ton hupokriton thaesei4 ,clem4 ,hom4 iii4 #fj4 ,greek3 ,theou gar boulae anadeiknutai makarios ho anthropos ekeinos hon katastaesei ho kurios autou epi taes therapeias ton sundoulon hautou1 tou didonai autois tas trophas en kairo auton1 mae ennooumenon kai legonta en tae kardia autou2 chronizei ho kurios mou elthein2 kai arxaetai tuptein tous sundoulous autou1 esthion kai pinon meta te pornon kai methuonton2 kai haexei ho kurios tou doulou ekeinou en hora hae ou prosdoka kai en haemera hae ou ginoskei1 kai dichotomaesei auton1 kai to apistoun autou meros meta ton hupokriton thaesei4 ,luke xii4 #db-de4 ,greek3 ,tis ara estin ho pistos oikonomos kai phronimos1 hon katastaesei ho kurios epi taes therapeias autou1 tou didonai en kairo to sitometrion8 makarios ho doulos ekeinos1 hon elthon ho kurios autou heuraesei poiounta hautos 444 ,ean de eipae ho doulos ekeinos en tae kardia autou2 chronizei ho kurios mou erchesthai2 kai arxaetai tuptein tous paidas kai tas paidiskas1 esthiein te kai pinein kai methuskesthai2 haexei ho kurios tou doulou ekeinou en haemera hae ou prosdoka1 kai en hora hae ou ginoskei1 kai dichotomaesei auton kai to meros autou meta ton apiston thaesei4 ,i have given this passage in full1 in spite of its length1 because it is interesting and characteristic2 it might indeed almost be said to be typical of the passages1 not only in the ,clementine ,homilies1 but also in other writers like ,justin1 which present this relation of double similarity to two of the ,synoptics4 ,it should be noticed that the passage in the ,homilies is not introduced strictly as a quotation but is interwoven with the text4 ,on the other hand1 it should be mentioned that the opening clause1 ,greek3 ,makarios 444 sundolous autou1 recurs identically about thirty lines lower down4 ,we observe that of the peculiarities of the first ,synoptic the ,clementines have ,greek3 doulos 7,greek3 oikonomos1 ,luke71 ,greek3 ho kurios autou1 taen trophaen 7,greek3 tas trophas1 ,clem42 ,luke1 characteristically1 ,greek3 to sitometrion71 the order of ,greek3 en kairo1 tous sundolous autou 7,greek3 tous paidas kai tas paidiskas1 ,luke71 ,greek3 meta 444 methuonton1 and ,greek3 hupokriton for ,greek3 apiston4 ,of the peculiarities of the third ,synoptic the ,clementines reproduce the future ,greek3 katastaesei1 the present ,greek3 didonai1 the insertion of ,greek3 elthein 7,greek3 erchesthai1 ,luke7 after ,greek3 chronizei1 the order of the words in this clause1 and a trace of the word ,greek3 apiston in ,greek3 to apistoun autou meros4 ,the two ,gospels support each other in most of the places where the ,clementines depart from them1 and especially in the two verses1 one of which is paraphrased and the other omitted4 ,now the question arises1 ,what is the origin of this phenomenon of double resemblance8 ,it may be caused in three ways3 either it may proceed from alternate quoting of our two present ,gospels2 or it may proceed from the quoting of a later harmony of those ,gospels2 or1 lastly1 it may proceed from the quotation of a document earlier than our two ,synoptics1 and containing both classes of peculiarities1 those which have been dropped in the first ,gospel as well as those which have been dropped in the third1 as we find to be frequently the case with ,st4 ,mark4 ,either of the first two of these hypotheses will clearly suit the phenomena2 but they will hardly admit of the third4 ,it does indeed derive a very slight countenance from the repetition of the language of the last quotation3 this repetition1 however1 occurs at too short an interval to be of importance4 ,but the theory that the ,clementine writer is quoting from a document older than the two ,synoptics1 and indeed their common original1 is excluded by the amount of matter that is common to the two ,synoptics and either not found at all or found variantly in the ,clementines4 ,the coincidence between the ,synoptics1 we may assume1 is derived from the fact that they both drew from a common original4 ,the phraseology in which they agree is in all probability that of the original document itself4 ,if therefore this phraseology is wanting in the ,clementine quotations they are not likely to have been drawn directly from the document which underlies the ,synoptics4 ,this conclusion too is confirmed by particulars4 ,in the first quotation we cannot set down quite positively the ,clementine expansion of ,greek3 tois aitousin auton as a later form1 though it most probably is so4 ,but the strange and fantastic phrase in the last quotation1 ,greek3 to apistoun auton meros meta ton hupokriton thaesei1 is almost certainly a combination of the ,greek3 hupokriton of ,matthew with a distorted reminiscence of the ,greek3 apiston of ,luke4 ,we have then the same kind of choice set before us as in the case of ,justin4 ,either the ,clementine writer quotes our present ,gospels1 or else he quotes some other composition later than them1 and which implies them4 ,in other words1 if he does not bear witness to our ,gospels at first hand1 he does so at second hand1 and by the interposition of a further intermediate stage4 ,it is quite possible that he may have had access to such a tertiary document1 and that it may be the same which is the source of his apocryphal quotations3 that he did draw from apocryphal sources1 partly perhaps oral1 but probably in the main written1 there can1 ,i think1 be little doubt4 ,neither is it easy to draw the line and say exactly what quotations shall be referred to such sources and what shall not4 ,the facts do not permit us to claim the exclusive use of the canonical ,gospels4 ,but that they were used1 mediately or immediately and to a greater or less degree1 is1 ,i believe1 beyond question4 ,,chapter ,,vii ,,basilides ,,and ,,valentinus4 ,still following the order of ',supernatural ,religion1' we pass with the critic to another group of heretical writers in the earlier part of the second century4 ,in ,basilides the ,gnostic we have the first of a chain of writers who1 though not holding the orthodox tradition of doctrine1 yet called themselves ,christians 7except under the stress of persecution7 and used the ,christian books--whether or to what extent the extant documents of ,christianity we must now endeavour to determine4 ,basilides carries us back to an early date in point of time4 ,he taught at ,alexandria in the reign of ,hadrian 7#aag-acg ,a4,d474 ,hippolytus expounds at some length1 and very much in their own words1 the doctrines of ,basilides and his school4 ,there is a somewhat similar account by ,epiphanius1 and more incidental allusions in ,clement of ,alexandria and ,origen4 ,the notices that have come down to us of the writings of ,basilides are confusing4 ,origen says that 'he had the effrontery to compose a ,gospel and call it by his own name' ,endnote #ahh3a4 ,eusebius quotes from ,agrippa ,castor1 a contemporary and opponent from the orthodox side1 a statement that 'he wrote four and twenty books 7presumably of commentary7 upon the ,gospel' ,endnote #ahi3a4 ,clement of ,alexandria gives rather copious extracts from the twenty-third of these books1 to which he gave the name of ',exegetics' ,endnote #ahi3b4 ,tischendorf assumes1 in a manner that is not quite so 'arbitrary and erroneous' ,endnote #ahi3c as his critic seems to suppose1 that this ,commentary was upon our four ,gospels4 ,it is not altogether clear how far ,eusebius is using the words of ,agrippa ,castor and how far his own4 ,if the latter1 there can be no doubt that he understood the statement of ,agrippa ,castor as ,tischendorf understands his1 i4e4 as referring to our present ,gospels2 but supposing his words to be those of the earlier writer1 it is possible that1 coming from the orthodox side1 they may have been used in the sense which ,tischendorf attributes to them4 ,there can be no question that ,irenaeus used ,greek3 to euangelion for the canonical ,gospels collectively1 and ,justin ,martyr may perhaps have done so4 ,tischendorf himself does not maintain that it refers to our ,gospels exclusively4 ,practically the statements in regard to the ,commentary of ,basilides lead to nothing4 ,neither does it appear any more clearly what was the nature of the ,gospel that ,basilides wrote4 ,the term ,greek3 euangelion had a technical metaphysical sense in the ,basilidian sect and was used to designate a part of the transcendental ,gnostic revelations4 ,the ,gospel of ,basilides may therefore1 as ,dr4 ,westcott suggests1 reasonably enough1 have had a philosophical rather than a historical character4 ,the author of ',supernatural ,religion' censures ,dr4 ,westcott for this suggestion ,endnote #ahi3d1 but a few pages further on he seems to adopt it himself1 though he applies it strangely to the language of ,eusebius or ,agrippa ,castor and not to ,basilides' own work4 ,in any case ,hippolytus expressly says that1 after the generation of ,jesus1 the ,basilidians held 'the other events in the life of the ,saviour followed as they are written in the ,gospels' ,endnote #aij3a4 ,there is no reason at all to suppose that there was a breach of continuity in this respect between ,basilides and his school4 ,and if his ,gospel really contained substantially the same events as ours1 it is a question of comparatively secondary importance whether he actually made use of those ,gospels or no4 ,it is rather remarkable that ,hippolytus and ,epiphanius1 who furnish the fullest accounts of the tenets of ,basilides 7and his followers71 say nothing about his ,gospel3 neither does ,irenaeus or ,clement of ,alexandria2 the first mention of it is in ,origen's ,homily on ,st4 ,luke4 ,this shows how unwarranted is the assumption made in ',supernatural ,religion' ,endnote #aij3b that because ,hippolytus says that ,basilides appealed to a secret tradition he professed to have received from ,matthias1 and ,eusebius that he set up certain imaginary prophets1 ',barcabbas and ,barcoph1' he therefore had no other authorities4 ,the statement that he 'absolutely ignores the canonical ,gospels altogether' and does not 'recognise any such works as of authority1' is much in excess of the evidence4 ,all that this really amounts to is that neither ,hippolytus nor ,eusebius say in so many words that ,basilides did use our ,gospels4 ,it would be a fairer inference to argue from their silence1 and still more from that of the 'malleus haereticorum' ,epiphanius1 that he did not in this depart from the orthodox custom2 otherwise the ,fathers would have been sure to charge him with it1 as they did ,marcion4 ,it is really ,i believe a not very unsafe conclusion1 for heretical as well as orthodox writers1 that where the ,fathers do not say to the contrary1 they accepted the same documents as themselves4 ,the main questions that arise in regard to ,basilides are two3 7#a7 ,are the quotations supposed to be made by him really his8 7#b7 ,are they quotations from our ,gospels8 ,the doubt as to the authorship of the quotations applies chiefly to those which occur in the ',refutation of the ,heresies' by ,hippolytus4 ,this writer begins his account of the ,basilidian tenets by saying1 ',let us see here how ,basilides along with ,isidore and his crew belie ,matthias1' ,endnote #aia3a c4 ,he goes on using for the most part the singular ,greek3 phaesin1 but sometimes inserting the plural ,greek3 kat' autous4 ,accordingly1 it has been urged that quotations which are referred to the head of the school really belong to his later followers1 and the attempt has further been made to prove that the doctrines described in this section of the work of ,hippolytus are later in their general character than those attributed to ,basilides himself4 ,this latter argument is very fine drawn1 and will not bear any substantial weight4 ,it is1 however1 probably true that a confusion is sometimes found between the 'eponymus1' as it were1 of a school and his followers4 ,whether that has been the case here is a question that we have not sufficient data for deciding positively4 ,the presumption is against it1 but it must be admitted to be possible4 ,it seems a forced and unnatural position to suppose that the disciples would go to one set of authorities and the master to another1 and equally unnatural to think that a later critic1 like ,hippolytus1 would confine himself to the works of these disciples and that in none of the passages in which quotations are introduced he has gone to the fountain head4 ,we may decline to dogmatise2 but probability is in favour of the supposition that some at least of the quotations given by ,hippolytus come directly from ,basilides4 ,some of the quotations discussed in ',supernatural ,religion' are expressly assigned to the school of ,basilides4 ,thus ,clement of ,alexandria1 in stating the opinion which this school held on the subject of marriage1 says that they referred to our ,lord's saying1 ',all men cannot receive this1' c4 ,strom4 iii4 ,i4 #a4 ,greek3 ,ou pantes chorousi ton logon touton1 eisi gar eunouchoi oi men ek genetaes oi de ex anankaes4 ,matt4 xix4 #aa1 #ab4 ,greek3 ,ou pantes chorousi ton logon touton1 all' ois dedotai1 eisin gar eunouchoi oitines ek kiolias maetros egennaethaesan outos1 kai eisin eunouchoi oitines eunouchisthaesan hupo ton anthropon1 k4t4l4 ,the reference of this to ,st4 ,matthew is far from being so 'preposterous' ,endnote #aib3a as the critic imagines4 ,the use of the word ,greek3 chorein in this sense is striking and peculiar3 it has no parallel in the ,new ,testament1 and but slight and few parallels1 as it appears from the lexicons and commentators1 in previous literature4 ,the whole phrase is a remarkable one and the verbal coincidence exact1 the words that follow are an easy and natural abridgment4 ,on the same principles on which it is denied that this is a quotation from ,st4 ,matthew it would be easy to prove a priori that many of the quotations in ,clement of ,alexandria could not be taken from the canonical ,gospels which1 we know1 are so taken4 ,the fact that this passage is found among the ,synoptics only in ,st4 ,matthew must not count for nothing4 ,the very small number of additional facts and sayings that we are able to glean from the writers who1 according to ',supernatural ,religion1' have used apocryphal ,gospels so freely1 seems to be proof that our present ,gospels were 7as we should expect7 the fullest and most comprehensive of their kind4 ,if1 then1 a passage is found only in one of them1 it is fair to conclude1 not positively1 but probably1 that it is drawn from some special source of information that was not widely diffused4 ,the same remarks hold good respecting another quotation found in ,epiphanius1 which also comes under the general head of ,greek3 ,basileidianoi1 though it is introduced not only by the singular ,greek3 phaesin but by the definite ,greek3 phaesin ho agurtaes4 ,here the ,basilidian quotation has a parallel also peculiar to ,st4 ,matthew1 from the ,sermon on the ,mount4 ,epiph4 ,haer4 #gb ,a4 ,greek3 ,mae bagaete tous margaritas emprosthen ton choiron1 maede dote to hagion tois kusi4 ,matt vii4 #f4 ,greek3 ,mae dote to hagion tois kusin1 maede bagaete tous margaritas humon emprosthen ton choiron4 ,the excellent ,alexandrine cursive ,i1 with some others1 has ,greek3 dte for ,greek3 dte ,the transposition of clauses1 such as we see here1 is by no means an infrequent phenomenon4 ,there is a remarkable instance of it--to go no further--in the text of the benedictions with which the ,sermon on the ,mount begins4 ,in respect to the order of the two clauses1 ',blessed are they that mourn' and ',blessed are the meek1' there is a broad division in the ,,mss4 and other authorities4 ,for the received order we find ,hebrew3 aleph21 ,b1 ,c1 #a1 the mass of uncials and cursives1 b1 f1 ,syrr4 ,pst4 and ,hcl41 ,memph41 ,arm41 ,aeth42 for the reversed order1 ',blessed are the meek' and ',blessed are they that mourn1' are ranged ,d1 #cc1 ,vulg41 a1 c1 f'#a1 g'#a1 h1 k1 l1 ,syr4 ,crt41 ,clem41 ,orig41 ,eus41 ,bas4 7871 ,hil4 ,the balance is probably on the side of the received reading1 as the opposing authorities are mostly ,western1 but they too make a formidable array4 ,the confusion in the text of ,st4 ,luke as to the early clauses of the ,lord's ,prayer is well known4 ,but if such things are done in the green tree1 if we find these variations in ,,mss4 which profess to be exact transcripts of the same original copy1 how much more may we expect to find them enter into mere quotations that are often evidently made from memory1 and for the sake of the sense1 not the words4 ,in this instance however the verbal resemblance is very close4 ,as ,i have frequently said1 to speak of certainties in regard to any isolated passage that does not present exceptional phenomena is inadmissible1 but ,i have little moral doubt that the quotation was really derived from ,st4 ,matthew1 and there is quite a fair probability that it was made by ,basilides himself4 ,the ,hippolytean quotations1 the ascription of which to ,basilides or to his school we have left an open question1 will assume a considerable importance when we come to treat of the external evidence for the fourth ,gospel4 ,bearing upon the ,synoptic ,gospels1 we find an allusion to the star of the ,magi and an exact verbal quotation 7introduced with ,greek3 to eiraemenon7 of ,luke i4 #ce1 ,greek3 ,pneuma hagion epeleusetai epi se1 kai dunamis hupsistou episkiasei soi4 ,both these have been already discussed with reference to ,justin4 ,all the other ,gospels in which the star of the ,magi is mentioned belong to a later stage of formation than ,st4 ,matthew4 ,the very parallelism between ,st4 ,matthew and ,st4 ,luke shows that both ,gospels were composed at a date when various traditions as to the early portions of the history were current4 ,no doubt secondary1 or rather tertiary1 works1 like the ,protevangelium of ,james1 came to be composed later2 but it is not begging the question to say that if the allusion is made by ,basilides1 it is not likely that at that date he should quote any other ,gospel than ,st4 ,matthew1 simply because that is the earliest form in which the story of the ,magi has come down to us4 ,the case is stronger in regard to the quotation from ,st4 ,luke4 ,in ,justin's account of the ,annunciation to ,mary there was a coincidence with the ,protevangelium and a variation from the canonical text in the phrase ,greek3 pneuma kuriou for ,greek3 pneuma hagion2 but in the ,basilidian quotation the canonical text is reproduced syllable for syllable and letter for letter1 which1 when we consider how sensitive and delicate these verbal relations are1 must be taken as a strong proof of identity4 ,the reader may be reminded that the word ,greek3 episkiazein1 the phrase ,greek3 dunamism hupsistou1 and the construction ,greek3 eperchesthai epi1 are all characteristic of ,st4 ,luke3 ,greek2 episkiazein occurs once in the triple synopsis and besides only here and in ,acts v4 #ae3 ,greek3 hupsistos occurs nine times in ,st4 ,luke's writings and only four times besides2 it is used by the ,evangelist especially in phrases like ,greek3 uios1 dunamis1 prophaetaes1 doulos hupsistou1 to which the only parallel is ,greek3 hiereus tou ,theou tou hupsistou in ,heb4 vii4 #a4 ,the construction of ,greek3 eperchesthai with ,greek3 epi and the accusative is found five times in the third ,gospel and the ,acts and not at all besides in the ,new ,testament2 indeed the participial form1 ,greek3 eperchomenos 7in the sense of 'future'71 is the only shape in which the word appears 7twice7 outside the eight times that it occurs in ,st4 ,luke's writings4 ,this is a body of evidence that makes it extremely difficult to deny that the ,basilidian quotation has its original in the third ,synoptic4 #b4 ,the case in regard to ,valentinus1 the next great ,gnostic leader1 who came forward about the year #adj ,a4,d41 is very similar to that of ,basilides1 though the balance of the argument is slightly altered4 ,it is1 on the one hand1 still clearer that the greater part of the evangelical references usually quoted are really from our present actual ,gospels1 but1 on the other hand1 there is a more distinct probability that these are to be assigned rather to the ,school of ,valentinus than to ,valentinus himself4 ,the supposed allusion to ,st4 ,john we shall pass over for the present4 ,there is a string of allusions in the first book of ,irenaeus1 ',adv4 ,haereses1' to the visit of ,jesus as a child to the ,passover 7,luke ii4 #db71 the jot or tittle of ,matt4 v4 #ah1 the healing of the issue of blood1 the bearing of the cross 7,luke xiv4 #bg par471 the sending of a sword and not peace1 'his fan is in his hand1' the salt and light of the world1 the healing of the centurion's servant1 of ,jairus' daughter1 the exclamations upon the cross1 the call of the unwilling disciples1 ,zacchaeus1 ,simon1 c4 ,we may take it1 ,i believe1 as admitted1 and it is indeed quite indisputable1 that these are references to our present ,gospels2 but there is the further question whether they are to be attributed directly to ,valentinus or to his followers1 and ,i am quite prepared to admit that there are no sufficient grounds for direct attribution to the founder of the system4 ,irenaeus begins by saying that his authorities are certain 'commentaries of the disciples of ,valentinus' and his own intercourse with some of them ,endnote #aig3a4 ,he proceeds to announce his intention to give a 'brief and clear account of the opinions of those who were then teaching their false doctrines ,greek3 nun paradidaskonton1 that is1 of ,ptolemaeus and his followers1 a branch of the school of ,valentinus4' ,it is fair to infer that the description of the ,valentinian system which follows is drawn chiefly from these sources4 ,this need not1 however1 quite necessarily exclude works by ,valentinus himself4 ,it is at any rate clear that ,irenaeus had some means of referring to the opinions of ,valentinus as distinct from his school2 because1 after giving a sketch of the system1 he proceeds to point out certain contradictions within the school itself1 quoting first ,valentinus expressly1 then a disciple called ,secundus1 then 'another of their more distinguished and ambitious teachers1' then 'others1' then a further subdivision1 finally returning to ,ptolemaeus and his party again4 ,on the whole1 ,irenaeus seems to have had a pretty complete knowledge of the writings and teaching of the ,valentinians4 ,we conclude therefore1 that1 while it cannot be alleged positively that any of the quotations or allusions were really made by ,valentinus1 it would be rash to assert that none of them were made by him1 or that he did not use our present ,gospels4 ,however this may be1 we cannot do otherwise than demur to the statement implied in ',supernatural ,religion' ,endnote #aih3a1 that the references in ,irenaeus can only be employed as evidence for the ,gnostic usage between the years #ahe-aie ,a4,d4 ,this is a specimen of a kind of position that is frequently taken up by critics upon that side1 and that ,i cannot but think quite unreasonable and uncritical4 ,without going into the question of the date at which ,irenaeus wrote at present1 and assuming with the author of ',supernatural ,religion' that his first three books were published before the death of ,eleutherus in ,a4,d4 #aij--the latest date possible for them1--it will be seen that the ,gnostic teaching to which ,irenaeus refers is supposed to begin at a time when his first book may very well have been concluded1 and to end actually five years later than the latest date at which this portion of the work can have been published6 ,not only does the author allow no time at all for ,irenaeus to compose his own work1 not only does he allow none for him to become acquainted with the ,gnostic doctrines1 and for those doctrines themselves to become consolidated and expressed in writing1 but he goes so far as to make ,irenaeus testify to a state of things five years at least1 and very probably ten1 in advance of the time at which he was himself writing6 ,no doubt there is an oversight somewhere1 but this is the kind of oversight that ought not to be made4 ,this1 however1 is an extreme instance of the fault to which ,i was alluding--the tendency in the negative school to allow no time or very little for processes that in the natural course of things must certainly have required a more or less considerable interval4 ,on a moderate computation1 the indirect testimony of ,irenaeus may be taken to refer--not to the period #ahe-aie ,a4,d41 which is out of the question--but to that from #afj-ahj ,a4,d4 ,this is not pressing the possibility1 real as it is1 that ,valentinus himself1 who flourished from #adj-afj ,a4,d41 may have been included4 ,we may agree with the author of ',supernatural ,religion' that ,irenaeus probably made the personal acquaintance of the ,valentinian leaders1 and obtained copies of their books1 during his well-known visit to ,rome in #agh ,a4,d4 ,endnote #aii3a ,the applications of ,scripture would be taken chiefly from the books of which some would be recent but others of an earlier date1 and it can surely be no exaggeration to place the formation of the body of doctrine which they contained in the period #afj-age ,a4,d4 above mentioned4 ,i doubt whether a critic could be blamed who should go back ten years further1 but we shall be keeping on the safe side if we take our terminus a quo as to which these ,gnostic writings can be alleged in evidence at about the year #afj4 ,a genuine fragment of a letter of ,valentinus has been preserved by ,clement of ,alexandria in the second book of the ,stromateis ,endnote #bjj3a4 ,this is thought to contain references to ,st4 ,matthew's ,gospel by ,dr4 ,westcott1 and1 strange to say1 both to ,st4 ,matthew and ,st4 ,luke by ,volkmar4 ,these references1 however1 are not sufficiently clear to be pressed4 ,a much less equivocal case is supplied by ,hippolytus--less equivocal at least so far as the reference goes4 ,among the passages which received a specially ,gnostic interpretation is ,luke i4 #ce1 ',the ,holy ,ghost shall come upon thee1 and the power of the ,most ,high shall overshadow thee3 wherefore also the holy thing which is born 7of thee7 shall be called the ,son of ,god4' ,this is quoted thus1 ',the ,holy ,ghost shall come upon thee1 and the power of the ,most ,high shall overshadow thee3 wherefore that which is born of thee shall be called holy4' ,luke i4 #ce4 ,greek3 ,pneuma hagion epeleusetai epi se1 kai dunamis hupsistou episkiasei soi1 dio kai to gennomenon ek sou hagion klaethaesetai huios ,theon4 ,ref4 ,omn4 ,haes4 vi4 #ce4 ,greek3 ,pneuma hagion epeleusetai epi se444 kai dunamis hupsistou episkiasei soi444 dio to gennomenon ek sou hagion klaethaesetai4 ,that ,st4 ,luke has been the original here seems to be beyond a doubt4 ,the omission of ,greek3 huios ,theou is of very little importance1 because from its position ,greek3 hagion would more naturally stand as a predicate1 and the sentence would be quite as complete without the ,greek3 huios ,theou as with it4 ,on the other hand1 it would be difficult to compress into so small a space so many words and expressions that are peculiarly characteristic of ,st4 ,luke4 ,in addition to those which have just been noticed in connection with ,basilides1 there is the very remarkable ,greek3 to gennomenon1 which alone would be almost enough to stamp the whole passage4 ,we are still however pursued by the same ambiguity as in the case of ,basilides4 ,it is not certain that the quotation is made from the master and not from his scholars4 ,there is no reason1 indeed1 why it should be made from the latter rather than the former2 the point must in any case be left open3 but it cannot be referred to the master with so much certainty as to be directly producible under his name4 ,and yet1 from whomsoever the quotation may have been made1 if only it has been given rightly by ,hippolytus1 it is a strong proof of the antiquity of the ,gospel4 ,the words ,greek3 ek sou1 will be noticed1 are enclosed in brackets in the text of ,st4 ,luke as given above4 ,they are a corruption1 though an early and well-supported corruption1 of the original4 ,the authorities in their favour are ,c 7first hand71 the good cursives #a and #cc1 one form of the ,vulgate1 a1 c1 e1 m of the ,old ,latin1 the ,peshito ,syriac1 the ,armenian and ,aethiopic versions1 ,irenaeus1 ,gregory ,thaumaturgus1 ,tertullian1 ,cyprian1 and ,epiphanius4 ,on the other hand1 for the omission are ,a4 ,b1 ,c 7third hand71 ,d1 ,hebrew3 ,aleph symbol1 and the rest of the uncials and cursives1 another form of the ,vulgate1 b1 f1 ff1 g'#b1 l of the ,old ,latin1 the ,harclean and ,jerusalem ,syriac1 the ,memphitic1 ,gothic1 and some ,,mss4 of the ,armenian versions1 ,origen1 ,dionysius and ,peter of ,alexandria1 and ,eusebius4 ,a text critic will see at once on which side the balance lies4 ,it is impossible that ,greek3 ek sou could have been the reading of the autograph copy1 and it is not1 ,i believe1 admitted into the text by any recent editor4 ,but if it was present in the copy made use of by the ,gnostic writer1 whoever he was1 that copy must have been already far enough removed from the original to admit of this corruption2 in other words1 it has lineage enough to throw the original some way behind it4 ,we shall come to more of such phenomena in the next chapter4 ,i said just now that the quotation could not with certainty be referred to ,valentinus1 but it is at least considerably earlier than the contemporaries of ,hippolytus4 ,it appears that there was a division in the ,valentinian ,school upon the interpretation of this very passage4 ,ptolemaeus and ,heracleon1 representing the ,western branch1 took one side1 while ,axionicus and ,bardesanes1 representing the ,eastern1 took the other4 ,ptolemaeus and ,heracleon were both1 we know1 contemporaries of ,irenaeus1 so that the quotation was used among the ,valentinians at least in the time of ,irenaeus1 and very possibly earlier1 for it usually takes a certain time for a subject to be brought into controversy4 ,we must thus take the terminus ad quem for the quotation not later than #ahj ,a4,d4 ,how much further back it goes we cannot say1 but even then 7if the ,valentinian text is correctly preserved by ,hippolytus7 it presents features of corruption4 ,that the ,valentinians made use of unwritten sources as well as of written1 and that they possessed a ,gospel of their own which they called the ,gospel of ,truth1 does not affect the question of their use of the ,synoptics4 ,for these very same ,valentinians undoubtedly did use the ,synoptics1 and not only them but also the fourth ,gospel4 ,it is immediately after he has spoken of the 'unwritten' tradition of the ,valentinians that ,irenaeus proceeds to give the numerous quotations from the ,synoptics referred to above1 while in the very same chapter1 and within two sections of the place in which he alludes to the ,gospel of ,truth1 he expressly says that these same ,valentinians used the ,gospel according to ,st4 ,john freely 7plenissime7 ,endnote #bjc3a4 ,it should also be remembered that the alleged acceptance of the four ,gospels by the ,valentinians rests upon the statement of ,irenaeus ,endnote #bjc3b as well as upon that of the less scrupulous and accurate ,tertullian4 ,there is no good reason for doubting it4 ,,chapter ,,viii4 ,,marcion4 ,endnote #bjd3a ,of the various chapters in the controversy with which we are dealing1 that which relates to the heretic ,marcion is one of the most interesting and important2 important1 because of the comparative fixity of the data on which the question turns2 interesting1 because of the peculiar nature of the problem to be dealt with4 ,we may cut down the preliminary disquisitions as to the life and doctrines of ,marcion1 which have1 indeed1 a certain bearing upon the point at issue1 but will be found given with sufficient fulness in ',supernatural ,religion1' or in any of the authorities4 ,as in most other points relating to this period1 there is some confusion in the chronological data1 but these range within a comparatively limited area4 ,the most important evidence is that of ,justin1 who1 writing as a contemporary 7about #adg ,a4,d47 ,endnote #bje3a1 says that at that time ,marcion had 'in every nation of men caused many to blaspheme' ,endnote #bje3b2 and again speaks of the wide spread of his doctrines 7,greek3 ho polloi peisthentes1 k4t4l47 ,endnote #bje3c4 ,taking these statements along with others in ,irenaeus1 ,tertullian1 and ,epiphanius1 modern critics seem to be agreed that ,marcion settled in ,rome and began to teach his peculiar doctrines about #aci-adb ,a4,d4 ,this is the date assigned in ',supernatural ,religion' ,endnote #bje3d4 ,volkmar gives #ach ,a4,d4 ,endnote #bje3e ,tischendorf1 on the apologetic side1 would throw back the date as far as #acj1 but this depends upon the date assigned by him to ,justin's ',apology1' and conflicts too much with the other testimony4 ,it is also agreed that ,marcion himself did actually use a certain ,gospel that is attributed to him4 ,the exact contents and character of that ,gospel are not quite so clear1 and its relation to the ,synoptic ,gospels1 and especially to our third ,synoptic1 which bears the name of ,st4 ,luke1 is the point that we have to determine4 ,the ,church writers1 ,irenaeus1 ,tertullian1 and ,epiphanius1 without exception1 describe ,marcion's ,gospel as a mutilated or amputated version of ,st4 ,luke4 ,they contrast his treatment of the evangelical tradition with that pursued by his fellow-,gnostic1 ,valentinus ,endnote #bje3f4 ,valentinus sought to prove his tenets by wresting the interpretation of the ,apostolic writings2 ,marcion went more boldly to work1 and1 having first selected his ,gospel1 our third ,synoptic1 cut out the passages both in it and in ten ,epistles of ,st4 ,paul1 admitted by him to be genuine1 which seemed to conflict with his own system4 ,he is also said to have made additions1 but these were in any case exceedingly slight4 ,the statement of the ,church writers should hardly1 perhaps1 be put aside quite so summarily as is sometimes done4 ,the life of ,irenaeus overlapped that of ,marcion considerably1 and there seems to have been somewhat frequent communication between the ,church at ,lyons1 where he was first presbyter and afterwards bishop1 and that of ,rome1 where ,marcion was settled2 but ,irenaeus ,endnote #bjf3a1 as well as ,tertullian and ,epiphanius1 alludes to the mutilation of ,st4 ,luke's ,gospel by ,marcion as a notorious fact4 ,too much stress1 however1 must not be laid upon this1 because the ,catholic writers were certainly apt to assume that their own view was the only one tenable4 ,the modern controversy is more important1 though it has to go back to the ancient for its data4 ,the question in debate may be stated thus4 ,did ,marcion1 as the ,church writers say1 really mutilate our so-called ,st4 ,luke 7the name is not of importance1 but we may use it as standing for our third ,synoptic in its present shape78 ,or1 is it not possible that the converse may be true1 and that ,marcion's ,gospel was the original and ours an interpolated version8 ,the importance of this may1 indeed1 be exaggerated1 because ,marcion's ,gospel is at any rate evidence for the existence at his date in a collected form of so much of the third ,gospel 7rather more than two-thirds7 as he received4 ,still the issue is not inconsiderable3 for1 upon the second hypothesis1 if the editor of our present ,gospel made use of that which was in the possession of ,marcion1 his date may be--though it does not follow that it certainly would be--thrown into the middle of the second century1 or even beyond1 if the other external evidence would permit2 whereas1 upon the first hypothesis1 the ,synoptic ,gospel would be proved to be current as early as #adj ,a4,d42 and there will be room for considerations which may tend to date it much earlier4 ,there will still be the third possibility that ,marcion's ,gospel may be altogether independent of our present ,synoptic1 and that it may represent a parallel recension of the evangelical tradition4 ,this would leave the date of the canonical ,gospel undetermined4 ,it is a fact worth noting that the controversy1 at least in its later and more important stages1 had been fought1 and1 to all appearance1 fought out1 within the ,tbingen school itself4 ,olshausen and ,hahn1 the two orthodox critics who were most prominently engaged in it1 after a time retired and left the field entirely to the ,tbingen writers4 ,the earlier critics who impugned the traditional view appear to have leaned rather to the theory that ,marcion's ,gospel and the canonical ,luke are1 more or less1 independent offshoots from the common ground-stock of the evangelical narratives4 ,ritschl1 and after him ,baur and ,schwegler1 adopted more decidedly the view that the canonical ,gospel was constructed out of ,marcion's by interpolations directed against that heretic's teaching4 ,the reaction came from a quarter whence it would not quite naturally have been expected--from one whose name we have already seen associated with some daring theories1 ,volkmar1 ,professor of ,theology at ,zrich4 ,with him was allied the more sober-minded1 laborious investigator1 ,hilgenfeld4 ,both these writers returned to the charge once and again4 ,volkmar's original paper was supplemented by an elaborate volume in #aheb1 and ,hilgenfeld1 in like manner1 has reasserted his conclusions4 ,baur and ,ritschl professed themselves convinced by the arguments brought forward1 and retracted or greatly modified their views4 ,so far as ,i am aware1 ,schwegler is the only writer whose opinion still stands as it was at first expressed2 but for some years before his death1 which occurred in #aheg1 he had left the theological field4 ,without at all prejudging the question on this score1 it is difficult not to feel a certain presumption in favour of a conclusion which has been reached after such elaborate argument1 especially where1 as here1 there could be no suspicion of a merely apologetic tendency on either side4 ,are we1 then1 to think that our ,english critic has shown cause for reopening the discussion8 ,there is room to doubt whether he would quite maintain as much as this himself4 ,he has gone over the old ground1 and reproduced the old arguments2 but these arguments already lay before ,hilgenfeld and ,volkmar in their elaborate researches1 and simply as a matter of scale the chapter in ',supernatural ,religion' can hardly profess to compete with these4 ,supposing1 for the moment1 that the author has proved the points that he sets himself to prove1 to what will this amount8 ,he will have shown 7a7 that the patristic statement that ,marcion mutilated ,st4 ,luke is not to be accepted at once without further question2 7b7 that we cannot depend with perfect accuracy upon the details of his ,gospel1 as reconstructed from the statements of ,tertullian and ,epiphanius2 7c7 that it is difficult to explain the whole of ,marcion's alleged omissions1 on purely1 dogmatic grounds--assuming the consistency of his method4 ,with the exception of the first1 ,i do not think these points are proved to any important extent2 but1 even if they were1 it would still1 ,i believe1 be possible to show that ,marcion's ,gospel was based upon our third ,synoptic by arguments which hardly cross or touch them at all4 ,but1 before we proceed further1 it is well that we should have some idea as to the contents of the ,marcionitic ,gospel4 ,and here we are brought into collision with the second of the propositions just enunciated4 ,are we able to reconstruct that ,gospel from the materials available to us with any tolerable or sufficient approach to accuracy8 ,i believe no one who has gone into the question carefully would deny that we can4 ,here it is necessary to define and guard our statements1 so that they may cover exactly as much ground as they ought and no more4 ,our author quotes largely1 especially from ,volkmar1 to show that the evidence of ,tertullian and ,epiphanius is not to be relied upon4 ,when we refer to the chapter in which ,volkmar deals with this subject ,endnote #bji3a--;a chapter which is an admirable specimen of the closeness and thoroughness of ,german research--we do indeed find some such expressions1 but to quote them alone would give an entirely erroneous impression of the conclusion to which the writer comes4 ,he does not say that the statements of ,tertullian and ,epiphanius are untrustworthy1 simply and absolutely1 but only that they need to be applied with caution on certain points4 ,such a point is especially the silence of these writers as proving1 or being supposed to prove1 the absence of the corresponding passage in ,marcion's ,gospel4 ,it is argued1 very justly1 that such an inference is sometimes precarious4 ,again1 in quoting longer passages1 ,epiphanius is in the habit of abridging or putting an c4 7,greek3 kai ta hexaes-- kai ta loipa71 instead of quoting the whole4 ,this does not give a complete guarantee for the intermediate portions1 and leaves some uncertainty as to where the passage ends4 ,generally it is true that the object of the ,fathers is not critical but dogmatic1 to refute ,marcion's system out of his own ,gospel4 ,but when all deductions have been made on these grounds1 there are still ample materials for reconstructing that ,gospel with such an amount of accuracy at least as can leave no doubt as to its character4 ,the wonder is that we are able to do so1 and that the statements of the ,fathers should stand the test so well as they do4 ,epiphanius especially often shows the most painstaking care and minuteness of detail4 ,he has reproduced the manuscript of ,marcion's ,gospel that he had before him1 even to its clerical errors ,endnote #baj3a4 ,he and ,tertullian are writing quite independently1 and yet they confirm each other in a remarkable manner4 ',if we compare the two witnesses1' says ,volkmar1 'we find the most satisfactory 7sicher- stellendste7 coincidence in their statements1 entirely independent as they are1 as well in regard to that which ,marcion has in common with ,luke1 as in regard to very many of the points in which his text differed from the canonical4 ,and this applies not only to simple omissions which ,epiphanius expressly notes and ,tertullian confirms by passing over what would otherwise have told against ,marcion1 but also to the minor variations of the text which ,tertullian either happens to name or indicate by his translation1 while they are confirmed by the direct statement of the other opponent who is equally bent on finding such differences' ,endnote #baa3a4 ,out of all the points on which they can be compared1 there is a real divergence only in two4 ,of these1 one ,volkmar attributes to an oversight on the part of ,epiphanius1 and the other to a clerical omission in his manuscript ,endnote #baa3b4 ,when we consider the cumbrousness of ancient ,,mss41 the absence of divisions in the text1 and the consequent difficulty of making exact references1 this must needs be taken for a remarkable result4 ,and the very fact that we have two--or1 including ,irenaeus1 even three--independent authorities1 makes the text of ,marcion's ,gospel1 so far as those authorities are available1 or1 in other words1 for the greater part of it1 instead of being uncertain among quite the most certain of all the achievements of modern criticism ,endnote #baa3c4 ,this is seen practically--to apply a simple test--in the large amount of agreement between critics of the most various schools as to the real contents of the ,gospel4 ,our author indeed speaks much of the 'disagreement4' ,but by what standard does he judge8 ,or1 has he ever estimated its extent8 ,putting aside merely verbal differences1 the total number of whole verses affected will be represented in the following table3-- iv4 #af-cj3 doubt as to exact extent of omissions affecting about half the verses4 #ch1 #ci3 omitted according to ,hahn2 retained according to ,hilgenfeld and ,volkmar4 vii4 #bi-ce3 omitted1 ,hahn and ,ritschl2 retained1 ,hilgenfeld and ,volkmar4 x4 #ab-ae3 ditto ditto4 xiii4 #f-aj3 omitted1 ,volkmar2 retained1 ,hilgenfeld and ,rettig4 xvii4 #e-aj3 omitted1 ,ritschl2 retained1 ,volkmar and ,hilgenfeld4 #ad-ai3 doubt as to exact omissions4 xix4 #dg1 #dh3 omitted1 ,hilgenfeld and ,volkmar2 retained1 ,hahn and ,anger4 xxii4 #ag1 #ah3 doubtful4 #bc-bg3 omitted1 ,ritschl2 retained1 ,hilgenfeld and ,volkmar4 #dc1 #dd3 ditto ditto4 xxiii4 #ci-db3 ditto ditto4 #dg-di3 omitted1 ,hahn2 retained1 ,ritschl1 ,hilgenfeld1 ,volkmar4 xxiv4 #dg-ec3 uncertain ,endnote #bab3a4 ,this would give1 as a maximum estimate of variation1 some #ee verses out of about #hjd1 or1 in other words1 about seven per cent4 ,but such an estimate would be in fact much too high1 as there can be no doubt that the earlier researches of ,hahn and ,ritschl ought to be corrected by those of ,hilgenfeld and ,volkmar2 and the difference between these two critics is quite insignificant4 ,taking the severest view that it is possible to take1 no one will maintain that the differences between the critics are such as to affect the main issue1 so that upon one hypothesis one theory would hold good1 and upon another hypothesis another4 ,it is a mere question of detail4 ,we may1 then1 reconstruct the ,gospel used by ,marcion with very considerable confidence that we have its real contents before us4 ,in order to avoid any suspicion ,i will take the outline given in ',supernatural ,religion' 7ii4 p4 #abg71 adding only the passage ,st4 ,luke vii4 #bi-ce1 which1 according to the author's statement 7a mistaken one1 however7 ,endnote #bac3a1 is 'generally agreed' to have been wanting in ,marcion's ,gospel4 ,in that ,gospel1 then1 the following portions of our present ,st4 ,luke were omitted3-- ,chaps4 i4 and ii1 including the prologue1 the ,nativity1 and the birth of ,john the ,baptist4 ,chap4 iii 7with the exception of ver4 #a71 containing the baptism of our ,lord1 the preaching of ,st4 ,john1 and the genealogy4 iv4 #a-ac1 #ag-bj1 #bd3 the ,temptation1 the reading from ,isaiah4 vii4 #bi-ce3 the gluttonous man4 xi4 #bi-cb1 #di-ea3 the sign of ,jonas1 and the blood of the prophets4 xiii4 #a-i1 #bi-ce3 the slain ,galileans1 the fig-tree1 ,herod1 ,jerusalem4 xv4 #aa-cb3 the prodigal son4 xvii4 #e-aj3 the servant at meat4 xviii4 #ca-cd3 announcement of the ,passion4 xix4 #bi-dh3 the ,triumphal ,entry1 woes of ,jerusalem1 cleansing of the ,temple4 xx4 #i-ah1 #cg1 #ch3 the wicked husbandmen2 the ,god of ,abraham4 xxi4 #a-d1 #ah1 #ba1 #bb3 the widow's mite2 'a hair of your head2' flight of the ,church4 xxii4 #af-ah1 #bh-cj1 #ce-ch1 #di-ea3 the fruit of the vine1 'eat at my table1' 'buy a sword1' the high-priest's servant4 xxiv4 #dg-ec3 the last commission1 the ,ascension4 ,here we have another remarkable phenomenon4 ,the ,gospel stands to our ,synoptic entirely in the relation of defect4 ,we may say entirely1 for the additions are so insignificant--some thirty words in all1 and those for the most part supported by other authority--that for practical purposes they need not be reckoned4 ,with the exception of these thirty words inserted1 and some1 also slight1 alterations of phrase1 ,marcion's ,gospel presents simply an abridgment of our ,st4 ,luke4 ,does not this almost at once exclude the idea that they can be independent works8 ,if it does not1 then let us compare the two in detail4 ,there is some disturbance and re-arrangement in the first chapter of ,marcion's ,gospel1 though the substance is that of the third ,synoptic2 but from this point onwards the two move step by step together but for the omissions and a single transposition 7iv4 #bg to xvii4 #ah74 ,out of fifty-three sections peculiar to ,st4 ,luke--from iv4 #af onwards--all but eight were found also in ,marcion's ,gospel4 ,they are found1 too1 in precisely the same order4 ,curious and intricate as is the mosaic work of the third ,gospel1 all the intricacies of its pattern are reproduced in the ,gospel of ,marcion4 ,where ,luke makes an insertion in the groundstock of the narrative1 there ,marcion makes an insertion also2 where ,luke omits part of the narrative1 ,marcion does the same4 ,among the documents peculiar to ,st4 ,luke are some of a very marked and individual character1 which seem to have come from some private source of information4 ,such1 for instance1 would be the document viii4 #a-c1 which introduces names so entirely unknown to the rest of the evangelical tradition as ,joanna and ,susanna ,endnote #bae3a4 ,a trace of the same1 or an allied document1 appears in chap4 xxiv1 where we have again the name ,joanna1 and afterwards that of the obscure disciple ,cleopas4 ,again1 the mention of ,martha and ,mary is common only to ,st4 ,luke and the fourth ,gospel4 ,zacchaeus is peculiar to ,st4 ,luke4 ,yet1 not only does each of the sections relating to these personages re-appear in ,marcion's ,gospel1 but it re-appears precisely at the same place4 ,a marked peculiarity in ,st4 ,luke's ,gospel is the 'great intercalation' of discourses1 ix4 #ea to xviii4 #ad1 evidently inserted without regard to chronological order4 ,yet this peculiarity1 too1 is faithfully reproduced in the ,gospel of ,marcion with the same disregard of chronology--the only change being the omission of about forty-one verses from a total of three hundred and eighty4 ,when ,luke has the other two ,synoptics against him1 as in the insertions ,matt4 xiv4 #c-ab1 ,mark vi4 #ag-bi1 and again ,matt4 xx4 #bj-bh1 ,mark x4 #ce-de1 and ,matt4 xxi4 #bj-bb1 ,mark xi4 #bj-bf1 ,marcion has them against him too4 ,where the third ,synoptist breaks off from his companions 7,luke ix4 #ag1 #ah7 and leaves a gap1 ,marcion leaves one too4 ,it has been noticed as characteristic of ,st4 ,luke that1 where he has recorded a similar incident before1 he omits what might seem to be a repetition of it3 this characteristic is exactly reflected in ,marcion1 and that in regard to the very same incidents4 ,then1 wherever the patristic statements give us the opportunity of comparing ,marcion's text with the ,synoptic--and this they do very largely indeed--the two are found to coincide with no greater variation than would be found between any two not directly related manuscripts of the same text4 ,it would be easy to multiply these points1 and to carry them to any degree of detail2 if more precise and particular evidence is needed it shall be forthcoming1 but in the meantime ,i think it may be asserted with confidence that two alternatives only are possible4 ,either ,marcion's ,gospel is an abridgment of our present ,st4 ,luke1 or else our present ,st4 ,luke is an expansion by interpolation of ,marcion's ,gospel1 or of a document co-extensive with it4 ,no third hypothesis is tenable4 ,it remains1 then1 to enquire which of these two ,gospels had the priority--,marcion's or ,luke's2 which is to stand first1 both in order of time and of authenticity4 ,this1 too1 is a point that there are ample data for determining4 7#a47 ,and1 first1 let us consider what presumption is raised by any other part of ,marcion's procedure4 ,is it likely that he would have cut down a document previously existing8 or1 have we reason for thinking that he would be scrupulous in keeping such a document intact8 ,the author of ',supernatural ,religion' himself makes use of this very argument2 but ,i cannot help suspecting that his application of it has slipped in through an oversight or misapprehension4 ,when first ,i came across the argument as employed by him1 ,i was struck by it at once as important if only it was sound4 ,but1 upon examination1 not only does it vanish into thin air as an argument in support of the thesis he is maintaining1 but there remains in its place a positive argument that tells directly and strongly against that thesis4 ,a passage is quoted from ,canon ,westcott1 in which it is stated that while ,tertullian and ,epiphanius accuse ,marcion of altering the text of the books which he received1 so far as his treatment of the ,epistles is concerned this is not borne out by the facts1 out of seven readings noticed by ,epiphanius two only being unsupported by other authority4 ,it is argued from this that ,marcion 'equally preserved without alteration the text which he found in his manuscript of the ,gospel4' ',we have no reason to believe the accusation of the ,fathers in regard to the ,gospel--which we cannot fully test-- better founded than that in regard to the ,epistles1 which we can test1 and find unfounded' ,endnote #bag3a4 ,no doubt the premisses of this argument are true1 and so also is the conclusion1 strictly as it stands4 ,it is true that the ,fathers accuse ,marcion of tampering with the text in various places1 both in the ,epistles and in the ,gospels where the allegation can be tested1 and where it is found that the supposed perversion is simply a difference of reading1 proved to be such by its presence in other authorities ,endnote #bag3b4 ,but what is this to the point8 ,it is not contended that ,marcion altered to any considerable extent 7though he did slightly even in the ,epistles ,endnote #bag3c7 the text which he retained1 but that he mutilated and cut out whole passages from that text4 ,he can be proved to have done this in regard to the ,epistles1 and therefore it is fair to infer that he dealt in the same way with the ,gospel4 ,this is the amended form in which the argument ought to stand4 ,it is certain that ,marcion made a large excision before ,rom4 xi4 #cc1 and another after ,rom4 viii4 #aa2 he also cut out the 'mentiones ,abrahae' from ,gal4 iii4 #g1 #ad1 #af-ah ,endnote #bah3a4 ,i say nothing about his excision of the last two chapters of the ,epistle to the ,romans1 because on that point a controversy might be raised4 ,but the genuineness of these other passages is undisputed and indisputable4 ,it cannot be argued here that our text of the ,epistle has suffered from later interpolation1 and therefore1 ,i repeat1 it is so much the more probable that ,marcion took from the text of the ,gospel than that a later editor added to it4 7#b47 ,in examining the internal evidence from the nature and structure of ,marcion's ,gospel1 it has hitherto been the custom to lay most stress upon its dogmatic character4 ,the controversy in ,germany has turned chiefly on this4 ,the critics have set themselves to show that the variations in ,marcion's ,gospel either could or could not be explained as omissions dictated by the exigencies of his dogmatic system4 ,this was a task which suited well the subtlety and inventiveness of the ,german mind1 and it has been handled with all the usual minuteness and elaboration4 ,the result has been that not only have ,volkmar and ,hilgenfeld proved their point to their own satisfaction1 but they also convinced ,ritschl and partially ,baur2 and generally we may say that in ,germany it seems to be agreed at the present time that the hypothesis of a mutilated ,luke suits the dogmatic argument better than that of later ,judaising interpolations4 ,i have no wish to disparage the results of these labours1 which are carried out with the splendid thoroughness that one so much admires4 ,looking at the subject as impartially as ,i can1 ,i am inclined to think that the case is made out in the main4 ,the single instance of the perverted sense assigned to ,greek3 kataelthen in iv4 #ca must needs go a long way4 ,marcion evidently intends the word to be taken in a transcendental sense of the emanation and descent to earth of the ,aeon ,christus ,endnote #bai3a4 ,it is impossible to think that this sense is more original than the plain historical use of the word by ,st4 ,luke1 or to mistake the dogmatic motive in the heretical recension4 ,there is also an evident reason for the omission of the first chapters which relate the human birth of ,christ1 which ,marcion denied1 and one somewhat less evident1 though highly probable1 for the omission of the account of the ,baptist's ministry1 ,john being regarded as the finisher of the ,old ,testament dispensation--the work of the ,demiurge4 ,this omission is not quite consistently carried out1 as the passage vii4 #bd-bh is retained--probably because ver4 #bh itself seemed to contain a sufficient qualification4 ,the genealogy1 as well as viii4 #ai1 was naturally omitted for the same reason as the ,nativity4 ,the narrative of the ,baptism ,marcion could not admit1 because it supplied the foundation for that very ,ebionism to which his own system was diametrically opposed4 ,the ,temptation1 x4 #ba 7',lord 444 of earth'71 xxii4 #ah 7'the fruit of the vine'71 xxii4 #cj 7'eat and drink at my table'71 and the ,ascension1 may have been omitted because they contained matter that seemed too anthropomorphic or derogatory to the ,divine ,nature4 ,on the other hand1 xi4 #bi-cb 7,jonah and ,solomon71 xi4 #di-ea 7prophets and apostles71 xiii4 #a sqq4 7the fig-tree1 as the ,jewish people871 xiii4 #ca-ce 7the prophet in ,jerusalem71 the prodigal son 7perhaps871 the wicked husbandmen 7more probably71 the triumphal entry 7as the fulfilment of prophecy71 the announcement of the ,passion 7also as such71 xxi4 #ba1 #bb 7the same71 and the frequent allusions to the ,old ,testament ,scriptures1 seem to have been expunged as recognising or belonging to the kingdom of the ,demiurge ,endnote #bbj3a4 ,again1 the changes in xiii4 #bh1 xvi4 #ag1 xx4 #ce1 are fully in accordance with ,marcion's system ,endnote #bbj3b4 ,the reading which ,marcion had in xi4 #bb is expressly stated to have been common to the ,gnostic heretics generally4 ,in some of these instances the dogmatic motive is gross and palpable1 in most it seems to have been made out1 but some 7such as especially xiii4 #a-i7 are still doubtful1 and the method of excision does not appear to have been carried out with complete consistency4 ,this1 indeed1 was only to be expected4 ,we are constantly reminded that ,tertullian1 a man1 with all his faults1 of enormous literary and general power1 did not possess the critical faculty1 and no more was that faculty likely to be found in ,marcion4 ,it is an anachronism to suppose that he would sit down to his work with that regularity of method and with that subtle appreciation of the affinities of dogma which characterise the modern critic4 ,the ,septuagint translators betray an evident desire to soften down the anthropomorphism of the ,hebrew2 but how easy would it be to convict them of inconsistency1 and to show that they left standing expressions as strong as any that they changed6 ,if we judge ,marcion's procedure by a standard suited to the age in which he lived1 our wonder will be1 not that he has shown so little1 but so much1 consistency and insight4 ,i think1 therefore1 that the dogmatic argument1 so far as it goes1 tells distinctly in favour of the 'mutilation' hypothesis4 ,but at the same time it should not be pressed too far4 ,i should be tempted to say that the almost exclusive and certainly excessive use of arguments derived from the history of dogma was the prime fallacy which lies at the root of the ,tbingen criticism4 ,how can it be thought that an ,englishman1 or a ,german1 trained under and surrounded by the circumstances of the nineteenth century1 should be able to thread all the mazes in the mind of a ,gnostic or an ,ebionite in the second8 ,it is difficult enough for us to lay down a law for the actions of our own immediate neighbours and friends2 how much more difficult to 'cast the shell of habit1' and place ourselves at the point of view of a civilisation and world of thought wholly different from our own1 so as not only to explain its apparent aberrations1 but to be able to say1 positively1 'this must have been so1' 'that must have been otherwise4' ,yet such is the strange and extravagant supposition that we are assumed to make4 ,no doubt the argument from dogma has its place in criticism2 but1 on the whole1 the literary argument is safer1 more removed from the influence of subjective impressions1 more capable of being cast into a really scientific form4 7#c47 ,i pass over other literary arguments which hardly admit of this form of expression--such as the improbability that the ,preface or ,prologue was not part of the original ,gospel1 but a later accretion2 or1 again1 from ,marcion's treatment of the ,synoptic matter in the third ,gospel1 both points which might be otherwise worth dilating upon4 ,i pass over these1 and come at once1 without further delay1 to the one point which seems to me really to decide the character of ,marcion's ,gospel and its relation to the ,synoptic4 ,the argument to which ,i allude is that from style and diction4 ,true the ,english mind is apt to receive literary arguments of that kind with suspicion1 and very justly so long as they rest upon a mere vague subjective ipse dixit2 but here the question can be reduced to one of definite figures and of weighing and measuring4 ,bruder's ,concordance is a dismal- looking volume--a mere index of words1 and nothing more4 ,but it has an eloquence of its own for the scientific investigator4 ,it is strange how clearly many points stand out when this test comes to be applied1 which before had been vague and obscure4 ,this is especially the case in regard to the ,synoptic ,gospels2 for1 in the first place1 the vocabulary of the writers is very limited and similar phrases have constant tendency to recur1 and1 in the second place1 the critic has the immense advantage of being enabled to compare their treatment of the same common matter1 so that he can readily ascertain what are the characteristic modifications introduced by each4 ,dr4 ,holtzmann1 following ,zeller and ,lekebusch1 has made a full and careful analysis of the style and vocabulary of ,st4 ,luke ,endnote #bbc3a1 but of course without reference to the particular omissions of ,marcion4 ,let us then1 with the help of ,bruder1 apply ,holtzmann's results to these omissions1 with a view to see whether there is evidence that they are by the same hand as the rest of the ,gospel4 ,it would be beyond the proportions of the present enquiry to exhibit all the evidence in full4 ,i shall1 therefore1 not transcribe the whole of my notes1 but merely give a few samples of the sort of evidence producible1 along with a brief summary of the general results4 ,taking first certain points by which the style of the third ,evangelist is distinguished from that of the first in their treatment of common matter1 ,dr4 ,holtzmann observes1 that where ,matthew has ,greek3 grammateus1 ,luke has in six places the word ,greek3 nomikos1 which is only found three times besides in the ,new ,testament 7once in ,st4 ,mark1 and twice in the ,epistle to ,titus74 ,of the places where it is used by ,st4 ,luke1 one is the omitted passage1 vii4 #cj4 ,in citations where ,matthew has ,greek3 to rhaethen 7#ad times2 not at all in ,luke71 ,luke prefers the perfect form ,greek3 to eiraemenon1 so in ii4 #bd 7,acts twice72 compare ,greek3 eiraetai1 iv4 #ba4 ,where ,matthew has ,greek3 arti 7#g times71 ,luke has always ,greek3 nun1 never ,greek3 arti3 ,greek3 nun is used in the following passages1 omitted by ,marcion3 i4 #dh1 ii4 #bi1 xix4 #db1 xxii4 #ah1 #cf4 ,with ,matthew the word ,greek3 eleos is masculine1 with ,luke neuter1 so five times in ch4 i4 and in x4 #cg1 which was retained by ,marcion4 ,among the peculiarities of style noted by ,dr4 ,holtzmann which recur in the omitted portions the following are perhaps some of the more striking4 ,peculiar use of ,greek3 to covering a whole phrase1 i4 #fb ,greek3 to ti an theloi kaleisthai1 xix4 #dh1 xxii4 #cg1 and five other places4 ,peculiar attraction of the relative with preceding case of ,greek3 pas1 iii4 #ai1 xix4 #cg1 and elsewhere4 ,the formula ,greek3 elege 7eipe7 de parabolaen 7not found in the other ,synoptics71 xiii4 #f1 xx4 #i1 #ai1 and ten times besides4 ,greek3 ,tou pleonastic with the infinitive1 once in ,mark1 six times in ,matthew1 twenty-five times in ,luke1 of which three times in chap4 i1 twice in chap4 ii1 iv4 #aj1 xxi4 #bb4 ,peculiar combinations with ,greek3 kata1 kata to ethos1 eiothos1 eithismenon1 i4 #i1 ii4 #bg1 #db1 and twice4 ,greek3 ,kath' haemeran1 once in the other ,gospels1 thirteen times in ,luke and ,acts xix4 #dg2 ,greek3 kat' etos1 ii4 #da2 ,greek3 kata with peculiar genitive of place1 iv4 #ad 7xxiii4 #e7 ,endnote #bbd3a4 ,protasis introduced by ,greek3 kai hote1 ii4 #ba1 #bb1 #db1 ,greek3 kai hos1 ii4 #ci1 xv4 #be1 xix4 #da4 ,uses of ,greek3 egeneto1 especially with ,greek3 en to and infinitive1 twice in ,mark1 in ,luke twenty-two times1 i4 #h1 ii4 #f1 iii4 #ba1 xxiv4 #ea2 ,greek3 en to with the infinitive1 three times in ,st4 ,matthew1 once in ,st4 ,mark1 thirty-seven times in ,st4 ,luke1 including i4 #h1 #ba1 ii4 #f1 #bg1 #dc1 iii4 #ba4 ,adverbs3 ,greek3 exaes and ,greek3 kathexaes1 ten times in the third ,gospel and the ,acts alone in the ,new ,testament1 i4 #c2 ,greek3 achri1 twenty times in the third ,gospel and ,acts1 only once in the other ,gospels1 i4 #bj1 iv4 #ac2 ,greek3 exaiphnaes1 four times in the ,gospel and ,acts1 once besides in the ,new ,testament1 ii4 #ac2 ,greek3 parachraema1 seventeen times in the ,gospel and ,acts1 twice in the rest of the ,new ,testament1 i4 #fd2 ,greek3 en meso1 thirteen times in the ,gospel and ,acts1 five times in the other ,synoptics1 ii4 #df1 xxi4 #ba4 ,fondness for optative in indirect constructions1 i4 #bi1 #fb1 iii4 #ae1 xv4 #bf4 ,peculiar combination of participles1 ii4 #cf 7,greek3 probebaekuia zaesasa71 iii4 #bc 7,greek3 archomenos on71 iv4 #bj 7,greek3 ptuxas apodous71 very frequent4 ,greek3 ,einai1 with participle for finite verb 7forty-eight times in all71 i4 #g1 #aj1 #bj1 #ba1 #bb1 ii4 #h1 #bf1 #cc1 #ea1 iii4 #bc1 iv4 #af 7,greek3 aen tethrammenos1 omitted by ,marcion71 iv4 #ag1 #bj1 xv4 #bd1 #cb1 xviii4 #cd1 xix4 #dg1 xx4 #ag1 xxiv4 #ec4 ,construction of ,greek3 pros with accusative after ,greek3 eipein1 lalein1 apokrinesthai1 frequent in ,luke1 rare in the rest of the ,new ,testament1 i4 #ac1 #ah1 #ai1 #bh1 #cd1 #ee1 #fa1 #gc1 ii4 #ae1 #ah1 #cd1 #dh1 #di1 iii4 #ab1 #ac1 #ad1 iv4 #d1 xiii4 #g1 #cd1 xv4 #bb1 xviii4 #ca1 xix4 #cc1 #ci1 xx4 #i1 #ad1 #ai4 ,this is thrown into marked relief by the contrast with the other ,synoptics2 the only two places where ,matthew appears to have the construction are both ambiguous1 iii4 #ae 7doubtful reading1 probably ,greek3 auto71 and xxvii4 #ad 7,greek3 apekrithae auto pros oude hen rhaema74 ,no other evangelist speaks so much of ,greek3 ,pneuma hagion1 i4 #ae1 #ce1 #da1 #fg1 ii4 #be1 #ff1 iii4 #af1 #bb1 iv4 #a 7found also in ,marcion's reading of xi4 #b74 ,peculiar use of pronouns3 ,luke has the combination ,greek3 kai autos twenty-eight times1 ,matthew only twice 7one false reading71 ,mark four or perhaps five times1 i4 #ag1 #bb1 ii4 #bh1 iii4 #bc1 xv4 #ad2 ,greek3 kai autoi ,mark has not at all1 ,matthew twice1 ,luke thirteen times1 including ii4 #ej1 xviii4 #cd1 xxiv4 #eb4 ,we now come to the test supplied by the vocabulary4 ,the following are some of the words peculiar to ,st4 ,luke1 or found in his writings with marked and characteristic frequency1 which occur in those parts of our present ,gospel that were wanting in ,marcion's recension3 ,greek3 anestaen1 anastas occur three times in ,st4 ,matthew1 twice in ,st4 ,john1 four times in the writings of ,st4 ,paul1 twenty-six times in the third ,gospel and thirty-five times in the ,acts1 and are found in i4 #ci1 xv4 #ah1 #bj2 ,greek3 antilegein appears in ii4 #cd1 five times in the rest of the ,gospel and the ,acts1 and only four times together in the rest of the ,new ,testament2 ,greek3 hapas occurs twenty times in the ,gospel1 sixteen times in the ,acts1 only ten times in the rest of the ,new ,testament1 but in ii4 #ci1 iii4 #af1 #ba1 iv4 #f1 xv4 #ac1 xix4 #cg1 #dh1 xxi4 #d 7bis72 three of these are1 however1 doubtful readings4 ,greek3 aphesis ton amartion1 ten times in the ,gospel and ,acts1 seven times in the rest of the ,new ,testament1 i4 #gg1 iii4 #c4 ,greek3 dei1 ,dr4 ,holtzmann says1 'is found more often in ,st4 ,luke than in all the other writers of the ,new ,testament put together4' ,this does not appear to be strictly true2 it is1 however1 found nineteen times in the ,gospel and twenty-five times in the ,acts to twenty-four times in the three other ,gospels2 it occurs in ii4 #di1 xiii4 #cc1 xv4 #cb1 xxii4 #cg4 ,greek3 dechesthai1 twenty-four times in the ,gospel and ,acts1 twenty-six times in the rest of the ,new ,testament1 six times in ,st4 ,matthew1 three in ,st4 ,mark1 ii4 #bh1 xxii4 #ag4 ,greek3 diatassein1 nine times in the ,gospel and ,acts1 seven times in the rest of the ,new ,testament 7,matthew once71 iii4 #ac1 xvii4 #i1 #aj4 ,greek3 dierchesthai occurs thirty-two times in the ,gospel and ,acts1 twice in each of the other ,synoptics1 and eight times in the rest of the ,new ,testament1 and is found in ii4 #ae1 #ce4 ,greek3 dioti1 i4 #ac1 ii4 #g 7xxi4 #bh1 and ,acts1 not besides in the ,gospels74 ,greek3 ean1 xxii4 #ea 7once besides in the ,gospel1 eight times in the ,acts1 and three times in the rest of the ,new ,testament74 ,greek3 ethos1 i4 #i1 ii4 #db1 eight times besides in ,st4 ,luke's writings and only twice in the rest of the ,new ,testament4 ,greek3 enantion1 five times in ,st4 ,luke's writings1 once besides1 i4 #h4 ,greek3 enopion1 correcting the readings1 twenty times in the ,gospel1 fourteen times in the ,acts1 not at all in the other ,synoptists1 once in ,st4 ,john1 four times in chap4 i1 iv4 #g1 xv4 #ah1 #ba 7this will be noticed as a very remarkable instance of the extent to which the diction of the third ,evangelist impressed itself upon his writings74 ,greek3 epibibazein1 xix4 #ce 7and twice1 only by ,st4 ,luke74 ,greek3 epipiptein1 i4 #ab1 xv4 #bj 7eight times in the ,acts and three times in the rest of the ,new ,testament74 ,greek3 ai eraemoi1 only in ,st4 ,luke1 i4 #hj1 and twice4 ,greek3 etos 7fifteen times in the ,gospel1 eleven times in the ,acts1 three times in the other ,synoptics and three times in ,st4 ,john71 four times in chap4 ii1 iii4 #a1 #bc1 xiii1 #g1 #h1 xv4 #bi4 ,greek3 thaumazein epi tini1 ,gospel and ,acts five times 7only besides in ,mark xii4 #ag71 ii4 #cc4 ,greek3 ikanos in the sense of 'much1' 'many1' seven times in the ,gospel1 eighteen times in the ,acts1 and only three times besides in the ,new ,testament1 iii4 #af1 xx4 #i 7compare xxii4 #ch74 ,greek3 kathoti 7like ,greek3 kathexaes above71 is only found in ,st4 ,luke's writings1 i4 #g1 and five times in the rest of the ,gospel and the ,acts4 ,greek3 latreuein1 'in ,luke1 much oftener than in other parts of the ,new ,testament1' i4 #gd1 ii4 #cg1 iv4 #h1 and five times in the ,acts4 ,greek3 limos1 six times in the ,gospel and ,acts1 six times in the rest of the ,new ,testament1 xv4 #ad1 #ag4 ,greek3 maen 7month71 i4 #bd1 #bf1 #cf1 #ef 7iv4 #be71 alone in the ,gospels1 in the ,acts five times4 ,greek3 oikos for 'family1' i4 #bg1 #cc1 #fi1 ii4 #d1 and three times besides in the ,gospel1 nine times in the ,acts4 ,greek3 plaethos 7especially in the form ,greek3 pan to plaethos71 twenty-five times in ,st4 ,luke's writings1 seven times in the rest of the ,new ,testament1 #a4 #ai1 ii4 #ac1 xix4 #cg4 ,greek3 plaesai1 plaesthaenai1 twenty-two times in ,st4 ,luke's writings1 only three times besides in the ,new ,testament1 i4 #ae1 #bc1 #da1 #eg1 #fg1 ii4 #f1 #ba1 #bb1 xxi4 #bb4 ,greek3 prosdokan1 eleven times in the ,gospel and ,acts1 five times in the rest of the ,new ,testament 7,matthew twice and #b ,peter71 i4 #ba1 iii4 #ae4 ,greek3 skaptein1 only in ,luke three times1 xiii4 #h4 ,greek3 speudein1 except in #b ,peter iii4 #ab1 only in ,st4 ,luke's writings1 ii4 #af4 ,greek3 sullambanein1 ten times in the ,gospel and ,acts1 five times in the rest of the ,new ,testament1 i4 #bd1 #ca1 #cf1 ii4 #ba4 ,greek3 sumballein1 only in ,lucan writings1 six times1 ii4 #ai4 ,greek3 sunechein1 nine times in the ,gospel and ,acts1 three times besides in the ,new ,testament1 xix4 #dc4 ,greek3 sotaeria1 in chap4 i4 three times1 in the rest of the ,gospel and ,acts seven times1 not in the other ,synoptic ,gospels4 ,greek3 hupostrephein1 twenty-two times in the ,gospel1 eleven times in the ,acts1 and only five times in the rest of the ,new ,testament 7three of which are doubtful readings71 i4 #ef1 ii4 #bj1 #ci1 #dc1 #de1 iv4 #a1 7#ad71 xxiv4 #eb4 ,greek3 hupsistos occurs nine times in the ,gospel and ,acts1 four times in the rest of the ,new ,testament1 i4 #cb1 #ce1 #gf1 ii4 #ad1 xix4 #ch4 ,greek3 hupsos is also found in i4 #gh1 xxiv4 #di4 ,greek3 charis is found1 among the ,synoptics1 only in ,st4 ,luke1 eight times in the ,gospel1 seventeen times in the ,acts1 i4 #cj1 ii4 #dj1 #eb1 xvii4 #i4 ,greek3 hosei occurs nineteen times in the ,gospel and ,acts 7four doubtful readings1 of which two are probably false71 seventeen times in the rest of the ,new ,testament 7ten doubtful readings1 of which in the ,synoptic ,gospels three are probably false71 i4 #ef1 iii4 #bc4 ,it should be remembered that the above are only samples from the whole body of evidence1 which would take up a much larger space if exhibited in full4 ,the total result may be summarised thus4 ,accepting the scheme of ,marcion's ,gospel given some pages back1 which is substantially that of ',supernatural ,religion1' ,marcion will have omitted a total of #cji verses4 ,in those verses there are found #aaa distinct peculiarities of ,st4 ,luke's style1 numbering in all #ahe separate instances2 there are also found #ach words peculiar to or specially characteristic of the third ,evangelist1 with #bbd instances4 ,in other words1 the verified peculiarities of ,st4 ,luke's style and diction 7and how marked many of these are will have been seen from the examples above7 are found in the portions of the ,gospel omitted by ,marcion in a proportion averaging considerably more than one to each verse6 ,endnote #bbi3a ,coming to detail1 we find that in the principal omission-- that of the first two chapters1 containing #acb verses--there are #dg distinct peculiarities of style1 with #aje instances2 and #hb characteristic words1 with #add instances4 ,in the #bc verses of chap4 iii4 omitted by ,marcion 7for the genealogy need not be reckoned71 the instances are #ah and #ad1 making a total of #cb4 ,in #ah verses omitted from chap4 iv4 the instances are #ac and #h #ba4 ,in another longer passage--the parable of the prodigal son--the instances are #h of the first class and #bj of the second4 ,in #bj verses omitted from chap4 xix4 the instances are #aa and #f2 and in #aa verses omitted from chap4 xx1 #i and #h4 ,of all the isolated fragments that ,marcion had ejected from his ,gospel1 there are only four--iv4 #bd1 xi4 #di-ea1 xx4 #cg1 #ch1 xxii4 #bh-cj1 nine verses in all--in which no peculiarities have been noticed4 ,and yet even here the traces of authorship are not wanting4 ,it happens strangely enough that in a list of parallel passages given by ,dr4 ,holtzmann to illustrate the affinities of thought between ,st4 ,luke and ,st4 ,paul1 two of these very passages--xi4 #di and xx4 #ch-- occur4 ,i had intended to pursue the investigation through these resemblances1 but it seems superfluous to carry it further4 ,it is difficult to see what appeal can be made against evidence such as this4 ,a certain allowance should indeed be made for possible errors of computation1 and some of the points may have been wrongly entered1 though care has been taken to put down nothing that was not verified by its preponderating presence in the ,lucan writings1 and especially by its presence in that portion of the ,gospel which ,marcion undoubtedly received4 ,but as a rule the method applies itself mechanically1 and when every deduction has been made1 there will still remain a mass of evidence that it does not seem too much to describe as overwhelming4 7#d47 ,we may assume1 then1 that there is definite proof that the ,gospel used by ,marcion presupposes our present ,st4 ,luke1 in its complete form1 as it has been handed down to us4 ,but when once this assumption has been made1 another set of considerations comes in1 which also carry with them an important inference4 ,if ,marcion's ,gospel was an extract from a manuscript containing our present ,st4 ,luke1 then not only is it certain that that ,gospel was already in existence1 but there is further evidence to show that it must have been in existence for some time4 ,the argument in this case is drawn from another branch of ,biblical science to which we have already had occasion to appeal--text-criticism4 ,marcion's ,gospel1 it is known1 presents certain readings which differ both from the received and other texts4 ,some of these are thought by ,volkmar and ,hilgenfeld to be more original and to have a better right to stand in the text than those which are at present found there4 ,these critics1 however1 base their opinion for the most part on internal grounds1 and the readings defended by them are not as a rule those which are supported by other manuscript authority4 ,it is to this second class rather that ,i refer as bearing upon the age of the canonical ,gospel4 ,the most important various readings of the existence of which we have proof in ,marcion's ,gospel are as follows ,endnote #bca3a3-- v4 #ad4 ,the received 7and best7 text is ,greek3 eis marturion autois4 ,marcion1 according to the express statement of ,epiphanius 7#cab ,b71 read ,greek3 hina ae morturion touto humin1 which is confirmed by ,tertullian1 who gives 7,marc4 iv4 #h7 ',ut sit vobis in testimonium4' ,the same or a similar reading is found in ,d1 ,greek3 hina eis marturion ae humin touto1 'ut sit in testimonium vobis hoc1' d2 'ut sit in testimonium 7--monia1 ff7 hoc vobis1' a 7,codex ,vercellensis71 b 7,codex ,veronensis71 c 7,codex ,colbertinus71 ff 7,codex ,corbeiensis71 l 7,codex ,rhedigerianus71 of the ,old ,latin ,endnote #bca3b4 v4 #ci was probably omitted by ,marcion 7this is inferred from the silence of ,tertullian by ,hilgenfeld1 p4 #djc1 and ,rnsch1 p4 #fcd74 ,the verse is also omitted in ,d1 a1 b1 c1 d1 e1 ff4 x4 #bb4 ,marcion's reading of this verse corresponded with that of other ,gnostics1 but has no extant manuscript authority4 ,we have touched upon it elsewhere4 x4 #be4 ,greek3 zoaen aionion1 ,marcion omitted ,greek3 aionion 7,tert4 ,adv4 ,marc4 iv4 #be72 so also the ,old ,latin ,codex g'#b 7,san ,germanensis74 xi4 #b4 ,marcion read ,greek3 eltheto to hagion pneuma sou eph' haemas 7or an equivalent2 see ,rnsch1 p4 #fdj7 either for the clause ,greek3 hagiasthaeto to onoma sou or for ,greek3 genaethaeto to thelaema sou1 which is omitted in ,b1 ,l1 #a1 ,vulg41 ff1 ,syr4 ,crt4 ,there is a curious stray ,greek3 eph' haemas in ,d which may conceivably be a trace of ,marcion's reading4 xii4 #ad4 ,marcion 7and probably ,tertullian7 read ,greek3 kritaen 7or ,greek3 dikastaen7 only for ,greek3 kritaen ae meristaen2 so ,d1 a 7'ut videtur1' ,tregelles71 c1 ,syr4 ,crt4 xii4 #ch4 ,marcion had ,greek3 tae hesperinae phulakae for ,greek3 en tae deutera phulakae kai en tae tritae phulakae4 ,so b3 ,d1 c1 e1 ff1 i1 ,iren4 #ccd1 ,syr4 ,crt41 combine the two readings in various ways4 xvi4 #ab4 ,marcion read ,greek3 emon for ,greek3 humeteron4 ,so e 7,palatinus71 i 7,vindobonensis71 l 7,rhedigerianus74 ,greek3 haemeteron ,b4 ,l1 ,origen4 xvii4 #b4 ,marcion inserted the words ,greek3 ouk egennaethae ae 7,tert4 iv4 #ce71 'ne nasceretur aut1' a1 b1 c1 ff1 i1 l4 xviii4 #ai4 ,here again ,marcion had a variation which is unsupported by manuscript authority1 but has to some extent a parallel in the ,clementine ,homilies1 ,justin1 c4 xxi4 #ah4 was omitted by ,marcion 7,epiph4 #caf ,b71 and is also omitted in the ,curetonian ,syriac4 xxi4 #bg4 ,tertullian 7iv4 #ci7 gives the reading of ,marcion as 'cum plurima virtute' ,greek3 meta dunameos pollaes kai doxaes1 for ,greek3 meta dun4 k4 dox4 pollaes2 so ,d 7,greek3 en dun4 pol471 and approximately ,vulg41 a1 c1 e1 f1 ff1 ,syr4 ,crt41 ,syr4 ,pst4 xxiii4 #b4 ,marcion read ,greek3 diastrephonta to ethnos kai katalionta ton nomon kai tous prophaetas kai keleuonta phorous mae dounai kai anastrephonta tas gunaikas kai ta tekna 7,epiph41 #caf ,d71 where ,greek3 kataluonta ton nomon kai tous prophaetas and ,greek3 anastrephonta tas gunaikas kai ta tekna are additions to the text1 and ,greek3 keleuonta phorous mae dounai is a variation4 ,of the two additions the first finds support in b1 7c71 e1 7ff71 i1 l2 the second is inserted1 with some variation1 by c and e in verse #e4 ,we may thus tabulate the relation of ,marcion to these various authorities4 ,the brackets indicate that the agreement is only approximate4 ,marcion agrees with-- ,d1 d1 v4 #ad1 v4 #ci2 xii4 #ad1 7xii4 #bh71 7xxi4 #bg74 a 7,verc471 v4 #ad1 v4 #ci1 xii4 #ad 7apparently71 xvii4 #b1 7xxi4 #bg74 b 7,ver471 v4 #ad1 v4 #ci4 xii4 #ch1 xvii4 #b1 7xxiii4 #b74 c 7,colb471 v4 #ad1 v4 #ci1 xii4 #ad1 7xii4 #ch71 xvii4 #b1 7xxi4 #bg71 7xxiii4 #b71 7xxiii4 #b74 e 7,pal471 v4 #ci1 7xii4 #ch71 xvi4 #ab1 7xxi4 #bg71 xxiii4 #b1 7xxiii4 #b74 ff 7,corb471 v4 #ad1 v4 #ci1 7xii4 #ch71 xvii4 #b1 7xxi4 #bg71 7xxiii4 #b74 g'#b 7,germ471 x4 #be4 i 7,vind471 7xii4 #ch71 xvi4 #ab1 xvii4 #b1 xxiii4 #b4 l 7,rhed471 v4 #ad1 xvi4 #ab1 xvii4 #b1 xiii4 #b4 ,syr4 ,crt41 xii4 #ad1 7xii4 #ch71 xxi4 #ah1 7xxi4 #bg74 ,it is worth noticing that xxii4 #ai b1 #bj 7which is omitted in ,d1 a1 b1 c1 ff1 i1 l7 appears to have been found in ,marcion's ,gospel1 as in the ,vulgate1 c1 and f 7see ,rnsch1 p4 #bci74 ,greek3 apo tou mnaemeiou in xxiv4 #i is also found 7,rnsch1 p4 #bdf71 though omitted by ,d1 a1 b1 c1 e1 ff1 l4 ,there is no evidence to show whether the additions in ix4 #ee1 xxiii4 #cd1 and xxii4 #dc1 #dd were present in ,marcion's ,gospel or not4 ,it will be observed that the readings given above have all what is called a ',western' character4 ,the ,curetonian ,syriac is well known to have ,western affinities ,endnote #bcc3a4 ,codd4 a1 b1 c1 and the fragment of i which extends from ,luke x4 #f to xxiii4 #aj1 represent the most primitive type of the ,old ,latin version2 e1 ff1 and ,i give a more mixed text4 ,as we should expect1 the revised ,latin text of ,cod4 f has no representation in ,marcion's ,gospel ,endnote #bcc3b4 ,these textual phenomena are highly interesting1 but at the same time an exact analysis of them is difficult4 ,no simple hypothesis will account for them4 ,there can be no doubt that ,marcion's readings are1 in the technical sense1 false2 they are a deviation from the type of the pure and unadulterated text4 ,at a certain point1 evidently of the remotest antiquity1 in the history of transcription1 there was a branching off which gave rise to those varieties of reading which1 though they are not confined to ,western manuscripts1 still1 from their preponderance in these1 are called by the general name of ',western4' ,but when we come to consider the relations among those ,western documents themselves1 no regular descent or filiation seems traceable4 ,certain broad lines indeed we can mark off as between the earlier and later forms of the ,old ,latin1 though even here the outline is in places confused2 but at what point are we to insert that most remarkable document of antiquity1 the ,curetonian ,syriac8 ,for instance1 there are cases 7e4g4 xvii4 #b1 xxiii4 #b7 where ,marcion and the ,old ,latin are opposed to the ,old ,syriac1 where the latter has undoubtedly preserved the correct reading4 ,to judge from these alone1 we should naturally conclude that the ,syriac was simply an older and purer type than ,marcion's ,gospel and the ,latin4 ,but then again1 on the other hand1 there are cases 7such as the omission of xxi4 #ah7 where ,marcion and the ,syriac are combined1 and the ,old ,latin adheres to the truer type4 ,this will tend to show that1 even at that early period1 there must have been some comparison and correction--a convergence as well as a divergence-- of manuscripts1 and not always a mere reproduction of the particular copy which the scribe had before him2 at the same time it will also show that ,marcion's ,gospel1 so far from being an original document1 has behind it a deep historical background1 and stands at the head of a series of copies which have already passed through a number of hands1 and been exposed to a proportionate amount of corruption4 ,our author is inclined to lay stress upon the 'slow multiplication and dissemination of ,,mss4' ,perhaps he may somewhat exaggerate this1 as antiquarians give us a surprising account of the case and rapidity with which books were produced by the aid of slave-labour ,endnote #bce3a4 ,but even at ,rome the publishing trade upon this large scale was a novelty dating back no further than to ,atticus1 the friend of ,cicero1 and we should naturally expect that among the ,christians--a poor and widely scattered body1 whose tenets would cut them off from the use of such public machinery--the multiplication of ,,mss4 would be slower and more attended with difficulty4 ,but the slower it was the more certainly do such phenomena as these of ,marcion's text throw back the origin of the prototype from which that text was derived4 ,in the year #adj ,a4,d4 ,marcion possesses a ,gospel which is already in an advanced stage of transcription--which has not only undergone those changes which in some regions the text underwent before it was translated into ,latin1 but has undergone other changes besides4 ,some of its peculiarities are not those of the earliest form of the ,latin version1 but of that version in what may be called its second stage 7e4g4 xvi4 #ab74 ,it has also affinities to another version kindred to the ,latin and occupying a similar place to the ,old ,latin among the ,churches of ,syria4 ,these circumstances together point to an antiquity fully as great as any that an orthodox critic would claim4 ,it should not be thought that because such indications are indirect they are therefore any the less certain4 ,there is perhaps hardly a single uncanonical ,christian document that is admittedly and indubitably older than ,marcion2 so that direct evidence there is naturally none4 ,but neither is there any direct evidence for the antiquity of man or of the earth4 ,the geologist judges by the fossils which he finds embedded in the strata as relics of an extinct age2 so here1 in the ,gospel of ,marcion1 do we find relics which to the initiated eye carry with them their own story4 ,nor1 on the other hand1 can it rightly be argued that because the history of these remains is not wholly to be recovered1 therefore no inference from them is possible4 ,in the earlier stages of a science like palaeontology it might have been argued in just the same way that the difficulties and confusion in the classification invalidated the science along with its one main inference altogether4 ,yet we can see that such an argument would have been mistaken4 ,there will probably be some points in every science which will never be cleared up to the end of time4 ,the affirmation of the antiquity of ,marcion's ,gospel rests upon the simple axiom that every event must have a cause1 and that in order to produce complicated phenomena the interaction of complicated causes is necessary4 ,such an assumption involves time1 and ,i think it is a safe proposition to assert that1 in order to bring the text of ,marcion's ,gospel into the state in which we find it1 there must have been a long previous history1 and the manuscripts through which it was conveyed must have parted far from the parent stem4 ,the only way in which the inference drawn from the text of ,marcion's ,gospel can be really met would be by showing that the text of the ,latin and ,syriac translations is older and more original than that which is universally adopted by text-critics4 ,i should hardly suppose that the author of ',supernatural ,religion' will be prepared to maintain this4 ,if he does1 the subject can then be argued4 ,in the meantime1 these two arguments1 the literary and the textual--for the others are but subsidiary--must1 ,i think1 be held to prove the high antiquity of our present ,gospel4 ,,chapter ,,ix4 ,,tatian--,,dionysius ,,of ,,corinth4 ,tatian was a teacher of rhetoric1 an ,assyrian by birth1 who was converted to ,christianity by ,justin ,martyr1 but after his death fell into heresy1 leaning towards the ,valentinian ,gnosticism1 and combining with this an extreme asceticism4 ,the death of ,justin is clearly the pivot on which his date will hinge4 ,if we are to accept the conclusions of ,mr4 ,hort this will have occurred in the year #adh ,a4,d42 according to ,volkmar it would fall not before #aee ,a4,d41 and in the ordinary view as late as #afc- #afe ,a4,d4 ,endnote #bch3a ,the beginning of ,tatian's literary activity will follow accordingly4 ,tatian's first work of importance1 an ',address to ,greeks1' which is still extant1 was written soon after the death of ,justin4 ,it contains no references to the ,synoptic ,gospels upon which stress can be laid4 ,an allusion to ,matth4 vi4 #ai in the ,stromateis of ,clement ,endnote #bch3b has been attributed to ,tatian1 but ,i hardly know for what reason4 ,it is introduced simply by ,greek3 tis 7biazetai tis legon71 but there were other ,encratites besides ,tatian1 and the very fact that he has been mentioned by name twice before in the chapter makes it the less likely that he should be introduced so vaguely4 ,the chief interest however in regard to ,tatian centres in his so- called ',diatessaron1' which is usually supposed to have been a harmony of the four ,gospels4 ,eusebius mentions this in the following terms3 ',tatian however1 their former leader1 put together1 ,i know not how1 a sort of patchwork or combination of the ,gospels and called it the ,diatessaron1 which is still current with some4' ,endnote #bci3a ,i am rather surprised to see that ,credner1 who is followed by the author of ',supernatural ,religion1' argues from this that ,eusebius had not seen the work in question ,endnote #bci3b4 ,this inference is not by any means conveyed by the ,greek4 ,greek3 ,ouk oid' hopos 7thus introduced7 is an idiomatic phrase referring to the principle on which the harmony was constructed1 and might well be paraphrased 'a curious sort of patchwork or dovetailing1' 'a not very intelligible dovetailing1' c4 ,standing in the position it does1 the phrase can hardly mean anything else4 ,besides it is not likely that ,eusebius1 an eager collector and reader of books1 with the run of ,pamphilus' library1 should not have been acquainted with a work that he says himself was current in more quarters than one4 ,eusebius1 it will be observed1 is quite explicit in his statement4 ,he says that the ,diatessaron was a harmony of the ,gospels1 i4e4 7in his sense7 of our present ,gospels1 and that ,tatian gave the name of ,diatessaron to his work himself4 ,we do not know upon what these statements rest1 but there ought to be some valid reason before we dismiss them entirely4 ,epiphanius writes that ',tatian is said to have composed the ,diatessaron ,gospel which some call the ,gospel according to the ,hebrews' ,endnote #bdj3a4 ,and ,theodoret tells us that ',tatian also composed the ,gospel which is called the ,diatessaron1 cutting out the genealogies and all that shows the ,lord to have been born of the seed of ,david according to the flesh4' ',this1' he adds1 'was used not only by his own party1 but also by those who followed the teaching of the ,apostles1 as they had not perceived the mischievous design of the composition1 but in their simplicity made use of the book on account of its conciseness4' ,theodoret found more than two hundred copies in the churches of his diocese 7,cyrrhus in ,syria71 which he removed and replaced with the works of the four ,evangelists ,endnote #bdj3b4 ,victor of ,capua in the sixth century speaks of ,tatian's work as a ',diapente' rather than a ',diatessaron' ,endnote #bdj3c4 ,if we are to believe the ,syrian writer ,bar-,salibi in the twelfth century1 ,ephrem ,syrus commented on ,tatian's ,diatessaron1 and it began with the opening words of ,st4 ,john4 ,this statement however is referred by ,gregory ,bar-,hebraeus not to the ,harmony of ,tatian1 but to one by ,ammonius made in the third century ,endnote #bda3a4 ,here there is clearly a good deal of confusion4 ,but now we come to the question1 was ,tatian's work really a ,harmony of our four ,gospels8 ,the strongest presumption that it was is derived from ,irenaeus4 ,irenaeus1 it is well known1 speaks of the four ,gospels with absolute decision1 as if it were a law of nature that their number must be four1 neither more nor less ,endnote #bda3b1 and his four ,gospels were certainly the same as our own4 ,but ,tatian wrote within a comparatively short interval of ,irenaeus4 ,it is sufficiently clear that ,irenaeus held his opinion at the very time that ,tatian wrote1 though it was not published until later4 ,here then we have a coincidence which makes it difficult to think that ,tatian's four ,gospels were different from ours4 ,the theory that finds favour with ,credner ,endnote #bda3c and his followers1 including the author of ',supernatural ,religion1' is that ,tatian's ,gospel was the same as that used by ,justin4 ,i am myself not inclined to think this theory improbable2 it would have been still less so1 if ,tatian had been the master and ,justin the pupil ,endnote #bda3d4 ,we have seen that the phenomena of ,justin's evangelical quotations are as well met by the hypothesis that he made use of a ,harmony as by any other4 ,but that ,harmony1 as we have also seen1 included at least our three ,synoptics4 ,the evidence 7which we shall consider presently7 for the use of the fourth ,gospel by ,tatian is so strong as to make it improbable that that work was not included in the ,diatessaron4 ,the fifth work1 alluded to by ,victor of ,capua1 may possibly have been the ,gospel according to the ,hebrews4 #b4 ,just as the interest of ,tatian turns upon the interpretation to be put upon a single term ',diatessaron1' so the interest of ,dionysius of ,corinth depends upon what we are to understand by his phrase 'the ,scriptures of the ,lord4' ,in a fragment1 preserved by ,eusebius1 of an epistle addressed to ,soter ,bishop of ,rome 7#afh-agf ,a4,d47 and the ,roman ,church1 ,dionysius complains that his letters had been tampered with4 ',as brethren pressed me to write letters ,i wrote them4 ,and these the apostles of the devil have filled with tares1 taking away some things and adding others1 for whom the woe is prepared4 ,it is not wonderful1 then1 if some have ventured to tamper with the ,scriptures of the ,lord when they have laid their plots against writings that have no such claims as they' ,endnote #bdb3a4 ,it must needs be a straining of language to make the ,scriptures here refer1 as the author of ',supernatural ,religion' seems to do1 to the ,old ,testament4 ,it is true that ,justin lays great stress upon type and prophecy as pointing to ,christ1 but there is a considerable step between this and calling the whole of the ,old ,testament ',scriptures of the ,lord4' ,on the other hand1 we can hardly think that ,dionysius refers to a complete collection of writings like the ,new ,testament4 ,it seems most natural to suppose that he is speaking of ,gospels--possibly not the canonical alone1 and yet1 with ,irenaeus in our mind's eye1 we shall say probably to them4 ,there is the further reason for this application of the words that ,dionysius is known to have written against ,marcion--'he defended the canon of the truth' ,endnote #bdc3a1 ,eusebius says-- and such 'tampering' as he describes was precisely what ,marcion had been guilty of4 99 99 99 99 99 ,the reader will judge for himself what is the weight of the kind of evidence produced in this chapter4 ,i give a chapter to it because the author of ',supernatural ,religion' has done the same4 ,doubtless it is not the sort of evidence that would bear pressing in a court of ,english law1 but in a question of balanced probabilities it has ,i think a decided leaning to one side1 and that the side opposed to the conclusions of ',supernatural ,religion4' ,,chapter ,x4 ,,melito--,,apollinaris--,,athenagoras-- ,,the ,,epistle ,,of ,,vienne ,,and ,,lyons4 ,we pass on1 still in a region of fragments--'waifs and strays' of the literature of the second century--and of partial and indirect 7though on that account not necessarily less important7 indications4 ,in ,melito of ,sardis 7c4 #agf ,a4,d7 it is interesting to notice the first appearance of a phrase that was destined later to occupy a conspicuous position4 ,writing to his friend ,onesimus1 who had frequently asked for selections from the ,law and the ,prophets bearing upon the ,saviour1 and generally for information respecting the number and order of 'the ,old ,books1' ,melito says 'that he had gone to the ,east and reached the spot where the preaching had been delivered and the acts done1 and that having learnt accurately the books of the ,old ,covenant 7or ,testament7 he had sent a list of them'--which is subjoined ,endnote #bdd3a4 ,melito uses the word which became established as the title used to distinguish the elder ,scriptures from the younger--the ,old ,covenant or ,testament 7,greek3 hae palaia diathaekae72 and it is argued from this that he implies the existence of a 'definite ,new ,testament1 a written antitype to 'the ,old' ,endnote #bde3a ,the inference however seems to be somewhat in excess of what can be legitimately drawn4 ,by ,greek3 palaia diathaekae is meant rather the subject or contents of the books than the books themselves4 ,it is the system of things1 the dispensation accomplished 'in heavenly places1' to which the books belong1 not the actual collected volume4 ,the parallel of #b ,cor4 iii4 #ad 7,greek3 epi tae anagnosei taes palaias diathaekaes71 which is ably pointed to in ',supernatural ,religion' ,endnote #bde3b1 is too close to allow the inference of a written ,new ,testament4 ,and yet1 though the word has not actually acquired this meaning1 it was in process of acquiring it1 and had already gone some way to acquire it4 ,the books were already there1 and1 as we see from ,irenaeus1 critical collections of them had already begun to be made4 ,within thirty years of the time when ,melito is writing ,tertullian uses the phrase ,novum ,testamentum precisely in our modern sense1 intimating that it had then become the current designation ,endnote #bde3c4 ,this being the case we cannot wonder that there should be a certain reflex hint of such a sense in the words of ,melito4 ,the tract ',on ,faith1' published in ,syriac by ,dr4 ,cureton and attributed to ,melito1 is not sufficiently authenticated to have value as evidence4 ,it should be noted that ,melito's fragments contain nothing especially on the ,gospels4 #b4 ,some time between #agf-ahj ,a4,d4 ,claudius ,apollinaris1 ,bishop of ,hierapolis1 addressed to the ,emperor ,marcus ,aurelius an apology of which rather more than three lines have come down to us4 ,a more important fragment however is assigned to this writer in the ,paschal ,chronicle1 a work of the seventh century4 ,here it is said that ',apollinaris1 the most holy bishop of ,hierapolis in ,asia1 who lived near the times of the ,apostles1 in his book about ,easter1 taught much the same1 saying thus3 ,there are some who through ignorance wrangle about these matters1 in a pardonable manner2 for ignorance does not admit of blame but rather needs instruction4 ,and they say that on the #adth the ,lord ate the lamb with ,his disciples1 and that on the great day of unleavened bread ,he himself suffered2 and they relate that this is in their view the statement of ,matthew4 ,whence their opinion is in conflict with the law1 and according to them the ,gospels are made to be at variance' ,endnote #bdf3a4 ,this variance or disagreement in the ,gospels evidently has reference to the apparent discrepancy between the ,synoptics1 especially ,st4 ,matthew and ,st4 ,john1 the former treating the ,last ,supper as the ,paschal meal1 the latter placing it before the ,feast of the ,passover and making the ,crucifixion coincide with the slaughter of the ,paschal lamb4 ,apollinaris would thus seem to recognise both the first and the fourth ,gospels as authoritative4 ,is this fragment of ,apollinaris genuine8 ,it is alleged against it ,endnote #bdg3a 7#a7 that ,eusebius was ignorant of any such work on ,easter1 and that there is no mention of it in such notices of ,apollinaris and his writings as have come down to us from ,theodoret1 ,jerome1 and ,photius4 ,there are some good remarks on this point by ,routh 7who is quoted in ',supernatural ,religion' apparently as adverse to the genuineness of the fragments74 ,he says3 ',there seems to me to be nothing in these extracts to compel us to deny the authorship of ,apollinaris4 ,nor must we refuse credit to the author of the ,preface to the ,paschal ,chronicle any more than to other writers of the same times on whose testimony many books of the ancients have been received1 although not mentioned by ,eusebius or any other of his contemporaries2 especially as ,eusebius declares below that it was only some select books that had come to his hands out of many that ,apollinaris had written' ,endnote #bdg3b4 ,it is objected 7#b7 that ,apollinaris is not likely to have spoken of a controversy in which the whole ,asiatic ,church was engaged as the opinion of a 'few ignorant wranglers' ,a fair objection1 if he was really speaking of such a controversy4 ,but the great issue between the ,churches of ,asia and that of ,rome was whether the ,paschal festival should be kept1 according to the ,jewish custom1 always on the fourteenth day of the month ,nisan1 or whether it should be kept on the ,friday after the ,paschal full moon1 on whatever day of the month it might fall4 ,the fragment appears rather to allude to some local dispute as to the day on which the ,lord suffered4 ,to go thoroughly into this question would involve us in all the mazes of the so-called ,paschal controversy1 and in the end a precise and certain conclusion would probably be impossible4 ,so far as ,i am aware1 all the writers who have entered into the discussion start with assuming the genuineness of the ,apollinarian fragment4 ,there remains however the fact that it rests only upon the attestation of a writer of the seventh century1 who may possibly be wrong1 but1 if so1 has been led into his error not wilfully but by accident4 ,no reason can be alleged for the forging or purposely false ascription of a fragment like this1 and it bears the stamp of good faith in that it asks indulgence for opponents instead of censure4 ,we may perhaps safely accept the fragment with some1 not large1 deduction from its weight4 #c4 ,an instance of the precariousness of the argument from silence would be supplied by the writer who comes next under review-- ,athenagoras4 ,no mention whatever is made of ,athenagoras either by ,eusebius or ,jerome1 though he appears to have been an author of a certain importance1 two of whose works1 an ,apology addressed to ,marcus ,aurelius and ,commodus and a treatise on the ,resurrection1 are still extant4 ,the genuineness of neither of these works is doubted4 ,the ,apology1 which may be dated about #agg ,a4,d41 contains a few references to our ,lord's discourses1 but not such as can have any great weight as evidence4 ,the first that is usually given1 a parallel to ,matt4 v4 #ci1 #dj 7good for evil71 is introduced in such a way as to show that the author intends only to give the sense and not the words4 ,the same may be said of another sentence that is compared with ,mark x4 #f ,endnote #bdi3a3-- ,athenagoras1 ,leg4 pro ,christ4 #cc4 ,greek3 ,hoti en archae ho ,theos hena andra eplase kai mian gunaika4 ,mark x4 #f ,greek3 ,apo de archaes ktiseos arsen kai thaelu epoiaesen autous ho ,theos4 ,all that can be said is that the thought here appears to have been suggested by the ,gospel--and that not quite immediately4 ,a much closer--and indeed1 we can hardly doubt1 a real--parallel is presented by a longer passage3-- ,athenagoras1 ,leg4 pro ,christ4 #aa4 ,what then are the precepts in which we are instructed8 ,i say unto you3 ,love your enemies1 bless them that curse1 pray for them that persecute you2 that ye may become the sons of your ,father which is in heaven3 who maketh his sun to rise on the evil and the good1 and sendeth rain on the just and the unjust4 ,greek3 ,tines oun haemon hoi logoi1 hois entrephometha2 lego humin1 agapate tous echthrous humon1 eulogeite tous kataromenous1 proseuchesthe huper ton diokonton humas1 hopos genaesthe huioi tou patros humon tou en ouranois1 hos ton haelion autou anatellei epi ponaerous kai agathous kai brechei epi dikaious kai adikous4 ,matt4 v4 #dd1 #de4 ,i say unto you3 ,love your enemies bless them that curse you1 do good to them that hate you1 and pray for them that persecute you2 that ye may become the sons of your ,father which is in heaven3 for he maketh his sun to rise on the evil and the good1 and sendeth rain on the just and the unjust4 ,greek3 ego de lego humin1 agapate tous echthrous humon eulogeite tous kataromenous humas1 kalos poiete tous misountas humas1 proseuchesthe huper ton diokonton humas hopos genaesthe huioi tou patros humon tou en ouranois1 hoti ton haelion autou anatellei epi ponaerous kai agathous kai brechei epi dikaious kai adikous4 ,the bracketed clauses in the text of ,st4 ,matthew are both omitted and inserted by a large body of authorities1 but1 as it is rightly remarked in ',supernatural ,religion1' they are always either both omitted or both inserted2 we must therefore believe that the omission and insertion of one only by ,athenagoras is without manuscript precedent4 ,otherwise the exactness of the parallel is great2 and it is thrown the more into relief when we compare the corresponding passage in ,st4 ,luke4 ,the quotation is completed in the next chapter of ,athenagoras' work3-- ,athenagoras1 ,leg4 pro ,christ4 #ab4 ,for if ye love1 he says1 them which love and lend to them which lend to you1 what reward shall ye have8 ,greek3 ,ean gar agapate1 phaesin1 tous agapontas1 kai daineizete tois daneizousin humin1 tina misthon hexete2 ,matt4 v4 #df4 ,for if ye shall love them which love you1 what reward have ye8 ,greek3 ,ean gar agapaesaete tous agapontas humas tina misthon echete2 ,here the middle clause in the quotation appears to be a reminiscence of ,st4 ,luke vi4 #cd 7,greek3 ean danisaete par' hon elpizete labein74 ,justin also1 it should be noted1 has ,greek3 agapate 7but ,greek3 ei agapate7 for ,greek3 agapaesaete4 ,if this passage had stood alone1 taking into account the variations and the even run and balance of the language we might have thought perhaps that ,athenagoras had had before him a different version4 ,yet the ,greek3 tina misthon1 compared with the ,greek3 poia charis of ,st4 ,luke and ,greek3 ti kainon poieite of ,justin1 would cause misgivings1 and greater run and balance is precisely what would result from 'unconscious cerebration4' ,two more references are pointed out to ,matt4 v4 #bh and ,matt4 v4 #cb1 one with slight1 the other with medium1 variation1 which leave the question very much in the same position4 ,we ought not to omit to notice that ,athenagoras quotes one uncanonical saying1 introducing it with the phrase ,greek3 palin haemin legontos tou logou4 ,i am not at all clear that this is not merely one of the 'precepts' ,greek3 oi logoi alluded to above4 ,at any rate it is exceedingly doubtful that the ,logos is here personified4 ,it seems rather parallel to the ,greek3 ho logos edaelou of ,justin 7,dial4 c4 ,tryph4 #abi74 ,considering the date at which he wrote ,i have little doubt that ,athenagoras is actually quoting from the ,synoptics1 but he cannot1 on the whole1 be regarded as a very powerful witness for them4 #d4 ,after the cruel persecution from which the ,churches of ,vienne and ,lyons had suffered in the year #agg ,a4,d41 a letter was written in their name1 containing an account of what had happened1 which ,lardner describes as 'the finest thing of the kind in all antiquity' ,endnote #bea3a4 ,this letter1 which was addressed to the ,churches of ,asia and ,phrygia1 contained several quotations from the ,new ,testament1 and among them one that is evidently from ,st4 ,luke's ,gospel4 ,it is said of one of the martyrs1 ,vettius ,epagathus1 that his manner of life was so strict that1 young as he was1 he could claim a share in the testimony borne to the more aged ,zacharias4 ,indeed he had walked in all the commandments and ordinances of the ,lord blameless1 and in the service of his neighbour untiring1 c4 ,endnote #beb3a ,the italicised words are a verbatim reproduction of ,luke i4 #f4 ,there is an ambiguity in the words ,greek3 sunexisousthai tae tou presbuterou ,zachariou marturia4 ,the genitive after ,greek3 marturia may be either subjective or objective--'the testimony borne by' or 'the testimony borne to or of' the aged ,zacharias4 ,i have little doubt that the translation given above is the right one4 ,it has the authority of ,lardner 7'equalled the character of'7 and ,routh 7',zachariae senioris elogio aequaretur'71 and seems to be imperatively required by the context4 ,the eulogy passed upon ,vettius ,epagathus is justified by the uniform strictness of his daily life 7he has walked in all the commandments c471 not by the single act of his constancy in death4 ,the author of ',supernatural ,religion1' apparently following ,hilgenfeld ,endnote #beb3b1 adopts the other translation1 and bases on it an argument that the allusion is to the martyrdom of ,zacharias1 and therefore not to our third ,gospel in which no mention of that martyrdom is contained4 ,on the other hand1 we are reminded that the narrative of the martyrdom of ,zacharias enters into the ,protevangelium of ,james4 ,that apocryphal ,gospel however contains nothing approaching to the words which coincide exactly with the text of ,st4 ,luke4 ,even if there had been a greater doubt than there is as to the application of ,greek3 marturia1 it would be difficult to resist the conclusion that the ,synoptic ,gospel is being quoted4 ,the words occur in the most peculiar and distinctive portion of the ,gospel2 and the correspondence is so exact and the phrase itself so striking as not to admit of any other source4 ,the order1 the choice of words1 the construction1 even to the use of the nominative ,greek3 memptos where we might very well have had the adverb ,greek3 ammpts1 all point the same way4 ,these fine edges of the quotation1 so to speak1 must needs have been rubbed off in the course of transmission through several documents4 ,but there is not a trace of any other document that contained such a remark upon the character of ,zacharias4 ,this instance of a ,synoptic quotation may1 ,i think1 safely be depended upon4 ,another allusion1 a little lower down in the ,epistle1 which speaks of the same ,vettius ,epagathus as 'having in himself the ,paraclete there is a play on the use of the word ,greek3 paraklaetos just before1 the ,spirit1 more abundantly than ,zacharias1' though in exaggerated and bad taste1 probably has reference to ,luke i4 #fg1 ',and ,zacharias his father was filled with the ,holy ,ghost1' c4 ,footnote3 ,mr4 ,mason calls my attention to ,greek3 enduma numphikon in #ac1 and also to the misleading statement in ,s4,r4 ii4 p4 #bja that 'no writing of the ,new ,testament is directly referred to4' ,i should perhaps have more fault to find with the sentence on p4 #bjd1 ',it follows clearly and few venture to doubt1' c4 ,i have assumed however for some time that the reader will be on his guard against expressions such as these4 ,,chapter ,,xi4 ,,ptolemaeus ,,and ,,heracleon--,,celsus--,,the ,,muratorian ,,fragment4 ,we are now very near emerging into open daylight2 but there are three items in the evidence which lie upon the border of the debateable ground1 and as questions have been raised about these it may be well for us to discuss them4 ,we have already had occasion to speak of the two ,gnostics ,ptolemaeus and ,heracleon4 ,it is necessary1 in the first place1 to define the date of their evidence with greater precision1 and1 in the second1 to consider its bearing4 ,let us then1 in attempting to do this1 dismiss all secondary and precarious matter2 such as 7#a7 the argument drawn by ,tischendorf ,endnote #bed3a from the order in which the names of the disciples of ,valentinus are mentioned and from an impossible statement of ,epiphanius which seems to make ,heracleon older than ,cerdon1 and 7#b7 the argument that we find in ,volkmar and ',supernatural ,religion' ,endnote #bed3b from the use of the present tense by ,hippolytus1 as if the two writers1 ,ptolemaeus and ,heracleon1 were contemporaries of his own in #bbe-bce ,a4,d4 ,hippolytus does indeed say1 speaking of a division in the school of ,valentinus1 ',those who are of ,italy1 of whom is ,heracleon and ,ptolemaeus1 say' c4 ,but there is no reason why there should not be a kind of historic present1 just as we might say1 ',the ,atomists1 of whom are ,leucippus and ,democritus1 hold' c41 or ',st4 ,peter says this1 ,st4 ,paul says that4' ,the account of such presents would seem to be that the writer speaks as if quoting from a book that he has actually before him4 ,it is not impossible that ,heracleon and ,ptolemaeus may have been still living at the time when ,hippolytus wrote1 but this cannot be inferred simply from the tense of the verb4 ,surer data are supplied by ,irenaeus4 ,irenaeus mentions ,ptolemaeus several times in his first and second books1 and on one occasion he couples with his the name of ,heracleon4 ,but to what date does this evidence of ,irenaeus refer8 ,at what time was ,irenaeus himself writing4 ,we have seen that the terminus ad quem1 at least for the first three books1 is supplied by the death of ,eleutherus 7c4 ,a4,d4 #aij74 ,on the other hand1 the third book at least was written after the publication of the ,greek version of the ,old ,testament by ,theodotion1 which ,epiphanius tells us appeared in the reign of ,commodus 7#ahj-aij ,a4,d474 ,a still more precise date is given to ,theodotion's work in the ,paschal ,chronicle1 which places it under the ,consuls ,marcellus 7,massuet would read ',marullus'7 and ,aelian in the year #ahd ,a4,d4 ,endnote #bee3a ,this last statement is worth very little1 and it is indeed disputed whether ,theodotion's version can have appeared so late as this4 ,at any rate we must assume that it was in the hands of ,irenaeus about #ahe ,a4,d41 and it will be not before this that the third book of the work ',against ,heresies' was written4 ,it will perhaps sufficiently satisfy all parties if we suppose that ,irenaeus was engaged in writing his first three books between the years #ahb-ahh ,a4,d4 ,but the name of ,ptolemaeus is mentioned very near the beginning of the ,preface2 so that ,irenaeus would be committing to paper the statement of his acquaintance with ,ptolemaeus as early as #ahb ,a4,d4 ,this is however the last link in the chain4 ,let us trace it a little further backwards4 ,irenaeus' acquaintance with ,ptolemaeus can hardly have been a fact of yesterday at the time when he wrote4 ,ptolemaeus represented the ',italian' branch of the ,valentinian school1 and therefore it seems a fair supposition that ,irenaeus would come in contact with him during his visit to ,rome in #agh ,a4,d42 and the four years from that date to #ahb ,a4,d4 can hardly be otherwise than a short period to allow for the necessary intimacy with his teaching to have been formed4 ,but we are carried back one step further still4 ,it is not only ,ptolemaeus but ,ptolemaeus and his party 7,greek3 hoi peri ,ptolemaion7 ,endnote #bef3a4 ,there has been time for ,ptolemaeus to found a school within a school of his own2 and his school has already begun to express its opinions1 either collectively or through its individual members4 ,in this way the real date of ,ptolemaeus seems still to recede1 but ,i will not endeavour any further to put a numerical value upon it which might be thought to be prejudiced4 ,it will be best for the reader to fill up the blank according to his own judgment4 ,heracleon will to a certain extent go with ,ptolemaeus1 with whom he is persistently coupled1 though1 as he is only mentioned once by ,irenaeus1 the data concerning him are less precise4 ,they are however supplemented by an allusion in the fourth book of the ,stromateis of ,clement of ,alexandria 7which appears to have been written in the last decade of the century7 to ,heracleon as one of the chief of the school of ,valentinus ,endnote #beg3a1 and perhaps also by a statement of ,origen to the effect that ,heracleon was said to be a ,greek3 gnorimos of ,valentinus himself ,endnote #beg3b4 ,the meaning of the latter term is questioned1 and it is certainly true that it may stand for pupil or scholar1 as ,elisha was to ,elijah or as the ,apostles were to their ,master2 but that it could possibly be applied to two persons who never came into personal contact must be1 ,i cannot but think1 very doubtful4 ,this then1 if true1 would throw back ,heracleon some little way even beyond #afj ,a4,d4 ,from the passage in the ,stromateis we gather that ,heracleon1 if he did not 7as is usually inferred7 write a commentary1 yet wrote an isolated exposition of a portion of ,st4 ,luke's ,gospel4 ,in the same way we learn from ,origen that he wrote a commentary upon ,st4 ,john4 ,we shall probably not be wrong in referring many of the ,valentinian quotations given by ,irenaeus to ,ptolemaeus and ,heracleon4 ,by the first writer we also have extant an ,epistle to a disciple called ,flora1 which has been preserved by ,epiphanius4 ,this ,epistle1 which there is no reason to doubt1 contains unequivocal references to our first ,gospel4 ,epistle to ,flora4 ,epiph4 ,haer4 #bag ,a4 ,greek3 oikia gar ae polis meristheisa eph' heautaen hoti mae dunatai staenai ho sotaer haemon apephaenato4 ,ibid4 #bag ,d4 ,greek3 ephae autois hoti ,mousaes pros taen sklaerokardian humon epetrepse to apoluein taen gunaika autou4 ,ap' archaes gar ou gegonen houtos4 ,theos gar 7phaesi7 sunezeuxe tautaen taen suzugian kai ho sunezeuxen ho kurios1 anthropos 7ephae7 mae chorizeto4 ,ibid4 #bah ,d4 ,greek3 ho gar ,theos 7phaesin7 eipe tima ton patera sou kai taen maetera sou1 hina eu soi genaetai2 humeis de 7phaesin7 eiraekate 7tois presbuterois legon71 doron to ,theo ho ean ophelaethaes ex emou1 kai aekurosate ton nomon tou ,theou1 dia taen paradosin humon ton presbuteron4 ,touto de ,haesaias exephonaesen eipon2 ho laos houtos tois cheilesi me tima hae de kardia auton porro apechei ap' emou4 ,mataen de sebontai me1 didaskontes didaskalias1 entalmata anthropon4 ,ibid4 #bbj ,d1 #bba ,a4 ,greek3 to gar1 ,ophthalmon anti ophthalmou kai odonta anti odontos 444 ego gar lego humin mae antistaenai holos to ponaero alla ean tis se rhapisae strepson auto kai taen allaen siagona4 ,matt4 xii4 #be 7,mark iii4 #be1 ,luke xi4 #ag74 ,greek3 pasa polis ae oikia meristheisa kath' heautaes ou stathaesetai4 ,matt4 xix4 #h1 #f 7,mark x4 #e1 #f1 #i74 ,greek3 legei autois2 ,hoti ,mousaes pros taen sklaerokardian humon epetrepsen humin apolusai tas gunaikas humon' ap' archaes de ou gegonen houtos4 444 ho oun ho theos sunezeuxen anthropos mae chorizeto4 ,matt4 xv4 #d-h 7,mark vii4 #aj1 #aa1 #f1 #i74 ,greek3 ho gar theos eneteilato legon1 ,tima ton patera kai taen maetera 444 humeis de legete2 hos an eipae to patri ae tae maetri2 ,doron ho ean ex emou ophelaethaes1444 kai aekurosate ton nomon tou ,theou dia taen paradosin humon4 ,hupokritai1 kalos eprophaeteusen peri humon ,haesaias legon2 ,ho laos houtos tois cheilesin me tima1 hae de kardia auton porro apechei ap' emou2 mataen de sebontai me didaskontes didaskalias entalmata anthropon4 ,matt4 v4 #ch1 #ci 7,luke vi4 #bi74 ,greek3 aekousate oti erraethae1 ,ophthalmon anti ophthalmou kai odonta anti odontos ego de lego hymin mae antistaenai to ponaero all hostis se rapizei eis taen dexian siagona sou1 strephon auto kai taen allaen4 ,some doubt indeed appears to be entertained by the author of ',supernatural ,religion' ,endnote #bei3a as to whether these quotations are really taken from the first ,synoptic2 but it would hardly have arisen if he had made a more special study of the phenomena of patristic quotation4 ,if he had done this1 ,i do not think there would have been any question on the subject4 ,a comparison of the other ,synoptic parallels1 and of the ,septuagint in the case of the quotation from ,isaiah1 will make the agreement with the ,matthaean text still more conspicuous4 ,it is instructive to notice the reproduction of the most characteristic features of this text--,greek3 polis1 meristheisa 7,greek3 ean meristhae ,mark1 ,greek3 diameristheisa ,luke71 ,greek3 hoti ,mousaes1 epetrepsen apolusai tas gunaikas1 ou gegonen oitos1 aekurosate 44 dia taen p41 ophthalmon 444 odontos1 antistaenai to ponaero1 strepson1 and the order and cast of sentence in all the quotations4 ,the first quotation1 with ,greek3 eph eautaen and ,greek3 dunatai staenai1 which may be compared 7though1 from the context1 somewhat doubtfully7 with ,mark1 presents1 ,i believe1 the only trace of the influence of any other text4 ,to what period in the life of ,ptolemaeus this ,epistle to ,flora may have belonged we have no means of knowing2 but it is unlikely that the writer should have used one set of documents at one part of his life and another set at another4 ,viewed along with so much confirmatory matter in the account of the ,valentinians by ,irenaeus1 the evidence may be taken as that of ,ptolemaeus himself rather than of this single letter4 #b4 ,the question in regard to ,celsus1 whose attacks upon ,christianity called forth such an elaborate reply from ,origen1 is chiefly one of date4 ,to go into this at once adequately and independently would need a much longer investigation than can be admitted into the present work4 ,the subject has quite recently been treated in a monograph by the well-known writer ,dr4 ,keim ,endnote #bfj3a1 and1 as there will be in this case no suspicion of partiality1 ,i shall content myself with stating ,dr4 ,keim's conclusions4 ,origen himself1 ,dr4 ,keim thinks1 was writing under the ,emperor ,philip about ,a4,d4 #bdh4 ,but he regards his opponent ,celsus1 not as a contemporary1 but as belonging to a past age 7,contra ,celsum1 i4 #h1 vii4 #aa71 and his work as nothing recent1 but rather as having obtained a certain celebrity in heathen literature 7v4 #c74 ,for all this it had to be disinterred1 as it were1 and that not without difficulty1 by a ,christian 7viii4 #gf74 ,exact and certain knowledge however about ,celsus ,origen did not possess4 ,he leans to the opinion that his opponent was an ,epicurean of that name who lived 'under ,hadrian and later' 7i4 #h74 ,this ,epicurean had also written several books against ,magic 7i4 #fh74 ,now it is known that there was a ,celsus1 a friend of ,lucian1 who had also written against ,magic1 and to whom ,lucian dedicated his ',pseudomantis1 or ,alexander of ,abonoteichos4' ,it was clearly obvious to identify the two persons1 and there was much to be said in favour of the identification4 ,but there was this difficulty4 ,origen indeed speaks of the ,celsus to whom he is replying as an ,epicurean1 and here and there ,epicurean opinions are expressed in the fragments of the original work that ,origen has preserved4 ,but ,origen himself was somewhat puzzled to find that the main principles of the author were rather ,platonic or ,neo-platonic than ,epicurean1 and this observation has been confirmed by modern enquiry4 ,the ,celsus of ,origen is in reality a ,platonist4 ,it still being acknowledged that the friend of ,lucian was an ,epicurean1 this discovery seemed fatal to the supposition that he was the author of the work against the ,christians4 ,accordingly there was a tendency among critics1 though not quite a unanimous tendency1 to separate again the two personalities which had been united4 ,at this point ,dr4 ,keim comes upon the scene1 and he asks the question1 ,was ,lucian's friend really an ,epicurean8 ,lucian nowhere says so in plain words1 but it was taken as a prim facie inference from some of the language used by him4 ,for instance1 he describes the ,platonists as being on good terms with this very ,alexander of ,abonoteichos whom he is ridiculing and exposing4 ,he appeals to ,celsus to say whether a certain work of ,epicurus is not his finest4 ,he says that his friend will be pleased to know that one of his objects in writing is to see justice done to ,epicurus4 ,all these expressions ,dr4 ,keim thinks may be explained as the quiet playful irony that was natural to ,lucian1 and from other indications in the work he concludes that ,lucian's ,celsus may well have been a ,platonist1 though not a bigoted one1 just as ,lucian himself was not in any strict and narrow sense an ,epicurean4 ,when once the possibility of the identification is conceded1 there are1 as ,dr4 ,keim urges1 strong reasons for its adoption4 ,the characters of the two owners of the name ,celsus1 so far as they can be judged from the work of ,origen on the one hand and ,lucian on the other1 are the same4 ,both are distinguished for their opposition to magical arts4 ,the ,celsus of the ,pseudomantis is a friend of ,lucian1 and it is precisely from a friend of ,lucian that the ',word of ,truth' replied to by ,origen might be supposed to have come4 ,lastly1 time and place both support the identification4 ,the ,celsus of ,lucian lived under ,marcus ,aurelius and ,commodus1 and ,dr4 ,keim decides1 after an elaborate examination of the internal evidence1 that the ,celsus of ,origen wrote his work in the year #agh ,a4,d41 towards the close of the reign of ,marcus ,aurelius4 ,such is ,dr4 ,keim's view4 ,in the date assigned to the ,greek3 ,logos alaethaes it does not differ materially from that of the large majority of critics4 ,grtz alone goes as far back as to the time of ,hadrian4 ,hagenbach1 ,hasse1 ,tischendorf1 and ,friedlnder fix upon the middle1 ,mosheim1 ,gieseler1 ,baur1 and ,engelhardt upon the second half1 of the second century2 while the following writers assume either generally the reign of ,marcus ,aurelius1 or specially with ,dr4 ,keim one of the two great persecutions--,spencer1 ,tillemont1 ,neander1 ,tzschirner1 ,jachmann1 ,bindemann1 ,lommatzsch1 ,hase1 ,redepenning1 ,zeller4 ,the only two writers mentioned by ,dr4 ,keim as contending for a later date are ,ueberweg and ,volkmar1 'who strangely misunderstands both ,origen and ,baur' ,endnote #bfc3a4 ,volkmar is followed by the author of ',supernatural ,religion4' ,at whatever date ,celsus wrote1 it appears to be sufficiently clear that he knew and used all the four canonical ,gospels ,endnote #bfc3b4 #c4 ,the last document that need be discussed by us at present is the remarkable fragment which1 from its discoverer and from its contents1 bears the name of the ,canon of ,muratori ,endnote #bfc3c4 ,whatever was the original title and whatever may have been the extent of the work from which it is taken1 the portion of it that has come down to us is by far the most important of all the direct evidence for the ,canon both of the ,gospels and of the ,new ,testament in general with which we have yet had to deal4 ,it is indeed the first in which the conception of a ,canon is quite unequivocally put forward4 ,we have for the first time a definite list of the books received by the ,church and a distinct separation made between these and those that are rejected4 ,the fragment begins abruptly with the end of a sentence apparently relating to the composition of the ,gospel according to ,st4 ,mark4 ,then follows 'in the third place the ,gospel according to ,st4 ,luke1' of which some account is given4 ',the fourth of the ,gospels' is that of ,john1 'one of the disciples of the ,lord4' ,a legend is related as to the origin of this ,gospel4 ,then mention is made of the ,acts1 which are attributed to ,luke4 ,then follow thirteen ,epistles of ,st4 ,paul by name4 ,two ,epistles professing to be addressed to the ,laodiceans and ,alexandrines are dismissed as forged in the interests of the heresy of ,marcion4 ,the ,epistle of ,jude and two that bear the superscription of ,john are admitted4 ,likewise the two ,apocalypses of ,john and ,peter4 ,no mention is made1 it will be seen1 of the ,epistle to the ,hebrews1 of that of ,james1 of ,i and ,,ii ,peter1 and of ,,iii ,john4 ,endnote #bfd3a ,the ,pastor of ,hermas1 a work of recent date1 may be read but not published in the ,church before the people1 and cannot be included either in the number of the prophets or apostles4 ,on the other hand nothing at all can be received of ,arsinous1 ,valentinus1 or ,miltiades2 neither the new ,marcionite book of ,psalms1 which with ,basilides and the ,asian founder of the ,cataphryges 7or the founder of the ,asian ,cataphryges1 i4e4 ,montanus7 is rejected4 ,the importance of this will be seen at a glance4 ,the chief question is here again in regard to the date1 which must be determined from the document itself4 ,a sufficiently clear indication seems to be given in the language used respecting the ,pastor of ,hermas4 ,this work is said to have been composed 'very lately in our times1 ,pius the brother of the writer occupying the episcopal chair of the ,roman ,church4' ,the episcopate of ,pius is dated from #adb-aeg ,a4,d41 so that #aeg ,a4,d4 may be taken as the starting-point from which we have to reckon the interval implied by the words 'very recently in our times' 7nuperrime temporibus nostris74 ,taking these words in their natural sense1 ,i should think that the furthest limit they would fairly admit of would be a generation1 or say thirty years1 after the death of ,pius 7for even in taking a date such as this we are obliged to assume that the ,pastor was published only just before the death of that bishop74 ,the most probable construction seems to be that the unknown author meant that the ,pastor of ,hermas was composed within his own memory4 ,volkmar is doubtless right in saying ,endnote #bfe3a that he meant to distinguish the work in question from the writings of the ,prophets and ,apostles1 but still the double use of the words 'nuperrime' and 'temporibus nostris' plainly indicate something more definite than merely 'our post-apostolic time4' ,if this had been the sense we should have had some such word as 'recentius' instead of 'nuperrime4' ,the argument of ',supernatural ,religion' ,endnote #bfe3b1 that 'in supposing that the writer may have appropriately used the phrase thirty or forty years after the time of ,pius so much licence is taken that there is absolutely no reason why a still greater interval may not be allowed1' is clearly playing fast and loose with language1 and doing so for no good reason2 for the only ground for assigning a later date is that the earlier one is inconvenient for the critic's theory4 ,the other indications tally quite sufficiently with the date #agj-aij ,a4,d4 ,basilides1 ,valentinus1 ,marcion1 the ,marcionites1 we know were active long before this period4 ,the ,montanists 7who appear under the name by which they were generally known in the earlier writings1 ',cataphryges'7 were beginning to be notorious1 and are mentioned in the letter of the ,churches of ,vienne and ,lyons4 ,miltiades was a contemporary of ,claudius ,apollinaris who wrote against him ,endnote #bff3a4 ,all the circumstances point to such a date as that of ,irenaeus1 and the conception of the ,canon is very similar to that which we should gather from the great work ',against ,heresies4' ,if this does not agree with preconceived opinions as to what the state of the ,canon ought to have been1 it is the opinion that ought to be rectified accordingly1 and not plain words explained away4 ,i can see no sound objection to the date #agj-ahj ,a4,d41 but by adding ten years to this we shall reach the extreme limit admissible4 ,i do not know whether it is necessary to refer to the objection from the absence of any mention of the first two ,synoptic ,gospels1 through the mutilated state of the document4 ,it is true that the inference that they were originally mentioned rests only 'upon conjecture' ,endnote #bff3b1 but it is the kind of conjecture that1 taking all things into consideration--the extent to which the evidence of the fragment in other respects corresponds with the ,catholic tradition1 the state of the ,canon in ,irenaeus1 the relation of the evidence for the first ,gospel in particular to that for the others--can be reckoned at very little less than ninety-nine chances out of a hundred4 ,to the same class belongs ,dr4 ,donaldson's suggestion ,endnote #bfg3a that the passage which contains the indication of date may be an interpolation4 ,it is always possible that the particular passage that happens to be important in any document of this date may be an interpolation1 but the chances that it really is so must be in any case very slight1 and here there is no valid reason for suspecting interpolation4 ,it does not at all follow1 as ,dr4 ,donaldson seems to think1 that because a document is mutilated therefore it is more likely to be interpolated2 for interpolation is the result of quite a different series of accidents4 ,the interpolation1 if it were such1 could not well be accidental because it has no appearance of being a gloss2 on the other hand1 only far-fetched and improbable motives can be alleged for it as intentional4 ,the full statement of the fragment in regard to ,st4 ,luke's ,gospel is as follows4 ',luke the physician after the ,ascension of ,christ1 having been taken into his company by ,paul1 wrote in his own name to the best of his judgment 7ex opinione71 and1 though he had not himself seen the ,lord in the flesh1 so far as he could ascertain2 accordingly he begins his narrative with the birth of ,john4' ,the greater part of this account appears to be taken simply from the ,preface to the ,gospel1 which is supplemented by the tradition that ,st4 ,luke was a physician and also the author of the ,acts4 ,as evidence to those facts a document dating some hundred years after the composition of the ,gospel is not of course very weighty2 its real importance is as showing the authority which the ,gospel at this date possessed in the ,church4 ,that authority cannot have been acquired in a day1 but represents the culmination of a long and gradual movement4 ,what we have to note is that the movement1 some of the stages of which we have been tracing1 has now definitely reached its culmination4 ,in regard to the fourth ,gospel the ,muratorian fragment has a longer story to tell1 but before we touch upon this1 and before we proceed to draw together the threads of the previous enquiry1 it will be well for us first to bring up the evidence for the fourth ,gospel to the same date and position as that for the other three4 ,this then will be the subject of the next chapter4 ,,chapter ,,xii4 ,,the ,,external ,,evidence ,,for ,,the ,,fourth ,,gospel4 ,the fourth ,gospel was1 upon any theory1 written later than the others1 and it is not clear that it was published as soon as it was written4 ,both tradition and the internal evidence of the concluding chapter seem to point to the existence of somewhat peculiar relations between the ,evangelist and the presbyters of the ,asian ,church1 which would make it not improbable that the ,gospel was retained for some time by the latter within their own private circle before it was given to the ,church at large4 ,we have the express statement of ,irenaeus ,endnote #bfi3a1 who1 if he was born as is commonly supposed at ,smyrna about #adj ,a4,d41 must be a good authority1 that the ,apostle ,st4 ,john lived on till the times of ,trajan 7#ih-aag ,a4,d474 ,if so1 it is very possible that the ,gospel was not yet published1 or barely published1 when ,clement of ,rome wrote his ,epistle to the ,corinthians4 ,neither1 considering its almost esoteric character and the slow rate at which such a work would travel at first1 should we be very much surprised if it was not in the hands of ,barnabas 7probably in ,alexandria7 and ,hermas 7at ,rome74 ,in no case indeed could the silence of these two writers be of much moment1 as in the ,epistle of ,barnabas the allusions to the ,new ,testament literature are extremely few and slight1 while in the ,shepherd of ,hermas there are no clear and certain references either to the ,old ,testament or the ,new ,testament at all4 ,and yet there is a lively controversy round these two names as to whether or not they contain evidence for the fourth ,gospel1 and that they do is maintained not only by apologists1 but also by writers of quite unquestionable impartiality like ,dr4 ,keim4 ,dr4 ,keim1 it will be remembered1 argues against the ,johannean authorship of the ,gospel1 and yet on this particular point he seems to be almost an advocate for the side to which he is opposed4 ',volkmar1' he says ,endnote #bgj3a1 'has recently spoken of ,barnabas as undeniably ignorant of the ,logos-,gospel1 and explained the early date assigned to his ,epistle by ,ewald and ,weizscker and now also by ,riggenbach as due to their perplexity at finding in it no trace of ,st4 ,john4 ,there is room for another opinion4 ,however much it may be shown that ,barnabas gives neither an incident nor a single sentence from the ,gospel1 that he is unacquainted with the conception of the ,logos1 that expressions like 'water and blood1' or the ,old ,testament types of ,christ1 and especially the serpent reared in the wilderness as an object of faith1 are employed by him independently--for all this the deeper order of conceptions in the ,epistle coincides in the gross or in detail so repeatedly with the ,gospel that science must either assume a connection between them1 or1 if it leaves the problem unsolved1 renounces its own calling4 ,the ,son of ,god was to be manifested in the flesh1 manifested through suffering1 to go to his glory through death and the ,cross1 to bring life and the immanent presence of the ,godhead1 such is here and there the leading idea4 ,existing before the foundation of the world1 the ,lord of the world1 the sender of the prophets1 the object of their prophecies1 beheld even by ,abraham1 in the person of ,moses himself typified as the only centre of ,israel's hopes1 and in so far already revealed and glorified in type before his incarnation1 he was at last to appear1 to dwell among us1 to be seen1 not as son of ,david but as ,son of ,god1 in the garment of the flesh1 by those who could not even endure the light of this world's sun4 ,so did he come2 nay1 so did he die to fulfil the promise1 in the very act of his apparent defeat to dispense purification1 pardon1 life1 to destroy death1 to overcome the devil1 to show forth the ,resurrection1 and with the ,resurrection his right to future judgment2 at the same time1 it is true1 to fill up the measure of the sins of ,israel1 whom he had loved exceedingly and for whom he had done such great wonders and signs1 and to prepare for himself again a new people who should keep his commandments1 his new law4 ,the mission that his ,father gave him he has accomplished1 of his own free will and for our sake--the true explanation of his death--did he suffer4 ,the ,jews have not hoped upon him1 clearly as the typical design of the ,old ,testament and ,moses himself pointed to him1 and1 in opposition to the spiritual teaching of ,moses1 they have been seduced into the carnal and sensual by the devil2 they have set their trust and their hopes1 not upon ,god1 but upon the fleshly circumcision and upon the visible house of ,god1 worshipping the ,lord in the temple almost like the heathen4 ,but the ,christian raises himself above the flesh and its lusts1 which disturb the faculties of knowledge as well as those of will1 to the ,spirit and the spiritual service of ,god1 above the ways of darkness to the ways of light2 he presses on to faith1 and with faith to perfect knowledge1 as one born again1 who is full of the ,spirit of ,god1 in whom ,god dwells and prophesies1 interpreting past and future without being seen or heard2 as taught of ,god and fulfilling the commandments of the new law of the ,lord1 a lover of the brethren1 and in himself the child of peace1 of joy1 and of love4 ,for this class of ideas there is no analogy in ,st4 ,paul1 or even in the ,epistle to the ,hebrews1 but only in this ,gospel1 much as the connection has hitherto been overlooked4 ,indeed1 though it may still in places be questioned on which side the relation of dependence lies 7it might be thought that ,barnabas supplied the ideas1 ,john the application of them1 and the conception of the ,logos crowning all71 in any case the ,gospel appeared at a date near to that of the ,epistle of ,barnabas4 ,with more reason may it be said that it is not until we come to the ,epistle of ,barnabas that we find stiff scholastic theory a more predominant typology1 an artificialised view of ,judaism2 besides the points of view always appear as something received and not originated--water and blood1 new law1 new people--and in the solemn manifestation of the ,son of ,god immediately after the selection of the ,apostles1 in the great but fruitless exhibition of miracle and love for ,israel1 there is evidently allusion to history1 that is1 to ,john ii and xii4' ',the ,epistle of ,barnabas1' ,dr4 ,keim adds1 'after the lucid demonstration of ,volkmar--in spite of ,hilgenfeld and ,weizcker1 and now also of ,riggenbach--was undoubtedly written at the time of the rebuilding of the temple under the ,emperor ,hadrian1 about the year #abj ,a4,d4 7according to ,volkmar1 at the earliest1 #aah-aai71 at latest #acj4' ,it is not to be expected that this full and able statement should carry conviction to every reader4 ,and yet ,i believe that it has some solid foundation4 ,the single instances are not perhaps such as could be pressed very far1 but they derive a certain weight when taken together and as parts of a wider circle of ideas4 ,the application of the type of the brazen serpent to ,jesus in c4 xii4 may have been suggested by ,john iii4 #ad sqq41 but we cannot say that it was so with certainty4 ,the same application is made by ,justin in a place where there is perhaps less reason to assume a connection with the fourth ,gospel2 and we know that types and prophecies were eagerly sought out by the early ,christians1 and were soon collected in a kind of common stock from which every one drew at his pleasure4 ,a stronger case1 and one that ,i incline to think of some importance1 is supplied by the peculiar combination of 'the water and the cross' in ,barn4 c4 xi2 not that here there is a direct and immediate1 but more probably a mediate1 connection with the fourth ,gospel4 ,the phrase ,greek3 ho uios tou theou is not peculiar to1 though it is more frequent in1 and to some degree characteristic of1 the ,gospel and ,first ,epistle of ,st4 ,john4 ,greek3 ,phanerousthai may be claimed more decidedly1 especially by comparison with the other ,gospels1 though it occurs with similar reference to the ,incarnation in the later ,pauline ,epistles4 ,greek3 ',elthein en sarki is again rightly classed as a ,johannean phrase1 though the exact counterpart is found rather in the ,epistles than the ,gospel4 ,the doctrine of pre-existence is certainly taught in such passages as the application of the text1 ',let us make man in our image1' which is said to have been addressed to the ,son 'from the foundation of the world' 7c4 v74 ,generally ,i think it may be said that the doctrine of the ,incarnation1 the typology1 and the use of the ,old ,testament prophecies1 approximate1 most distinctly to the ,johannean type1 though under the latter heads there is of course much debased exaggeration4 ,the soteriology we might be perhaps tempted to connect rather on the one hand with the ,epistle to the ,hebrews1 and on the other with those of ,st4 ,paul4 ,there may be something of an echo of the fourth ,gospel in the allusion--to the unbelief and carnalised religion of the ,jews4 ,but the whole question of the speculative affinities of a writing like this requires subtle and delicate handling1 and should be rather a subject for special treatment than an episode in an enquiry like the present4 ,the opinion of ,dr4 ,keim must be of weight1 but on the whole ,i think it will be safest and fairest to say that1 while the round assertion that the author of the ,epistle was ignorant of our ,gospel is not justified1 the positive evidence that he made use of it is not sufficiently clear to be pressed controversially4 99 99 99 99 99 ,a similar condition of things may be predicated of the ,shepherd of ,hermas1 though with a more decided leaning to the negative side4 ,here again ,dr4 ,keim ,endnote #bgc3a1 as well as ,canon ,westcott ,endnote #bgc3b1 thinks that we can trace an acquaintance with the ,gospel1 but the indications are too general and uncertain to be relied upon4 ,the imagery of the shepherd and the flock1 as perhaps of the tower and the gate1 may1 be as well taken from the scenes of the ,roman ,campagna as from any previous writing4 ,the keeping of the commandments is a commonplace of ,christianity1 not to say of religion4 ,and the ,divine immanence in the soul is conceived rather in the spirit of the elder ,gospels than of the fourth4 ,there is a nearer approach perhaps in the identification of 'the gate' with the ',son of ,god1' and in the explanation with which it is accompanied4 ',the rock is old because the ,son of ,god is older than the whole of ,his creation2 so that ,he was assessor to ,his ,father in the creation of the world2 the gate is new1 because ,he was made manifest at the consummation of the last days1 and they who are to be saved enter by it into the kingdom of ,god' 7,sim4 ix4 #ab74 ,here too we have the doctrine of pre-existence2 and considering the juxtaposition of these three points1 the pre- existence1 the gate 7which is the only access to the ,lord71 the identification of the gate with the incarnation of ,jesus1 we may say perhaps a possible reference to the fourth ,gospel2 probable it might be somewhat too much to call it4 ,we must leave the reader to form his own estimate4 99 99 99 99 99 ,a somewhat greater force1 but not as yet complete cogency1 attaches to the evidence of the ,ignatian letters4 ,a parallel is alleged to a passage in the ,epistle to the ,romans which is found both in the ,syriac and in the shorter ,greek or ,vossian version4 ',i take no relish in corruptible food or in the pleasures of this life4 ,i desire bread of ,god1 heavenly bread1 bread of life1 which is the flesh of ,jesus ,christ1 the ,son of ,god1 who was born in the latter days of the seed of ,david and ,abraham2 and ,i desire drink of ,god1 ,his blood1 which is love imperishable and ever-abiding life' ,endnote #bge3a 7,ep4 ad ,rom4 c4 vii74 ,this is compared with the discourse in the synagogue at ,capernaum in the sixth chapter of ,st4 ,john4 ,it should be said that there is a difference of reading1 though not one that materially influences the question1 in the ,syriac4 ,if the parallel holds good1 the peculiar diction of the author must be seen in the substitution of ,greek3 poma for ,greek3 posis of ,john vi4 #ee1 and ,greek3 aennaos zoae for ,greek zoae aionios1 of ,john vi4 #ed4 ,the ,ignatian phrase is perhaps more than doubtful1 as it does not appear either in the ,syriac1 the ,armenian1 or the ,latin version4 ,still this need not stand in the way of referring the original of the passage ultimately to the ,gospel4 ,the ideas are so remarkable that it seems difficult to suppose either are accidental coincidence or quotation from another writer4 ,i suspect that ,ignatius or the author of the ,epistle really had the fourth ,gospel in his mind1 though not quite vividly1 and by a train of comparatively remote suggestions4 ,the next supposed allusion is from the ,epistle to the ,philadelphians3 ',the ,spirit1 coming from ,god1 is not to be deceived2 for it knoweth whence it cometh and whither it goeth1 and it searcheth that which is hidden' ,endnote #bge3b4 ,this is obviously the converse of ,john iii4 #e1 where it is said that we do not know the way of the ,spirit1 which is like the wind1 c4 ,and yet the exact verbal similarity of the phrase ,greek3 oiden pothen erchetai kai pou hupagei1 and its appearance in the same connection1 spoken of the ,spirit1 leads us to think that there was--as there may very well have been--an association of ideas4 ,this particular phrase ,greek3 pothen erchetai kai pou hupagei is very characteristically ,johannean4 ,it occurs three times over in the fourth ,gospel1 and not at all in the rest of the ,new ,testament4 ,the combination of ,greek3 erchesthai and ,greek hupagein also occurs twice1 and ,greek3 pou opou hupago -gei1 -geis in all twelve times in the ,gospel and once in the ,epistle 7,greek3 ouk oide pou hupagei72 this too1 it is striking to observe1 not at all elsewhere4 ,the very word ,greek3 hupago is not found at all in ,st4 ,paul1 ,st4 ,peter1 or the ,epistle to the ,hebrews4 ,taken together with the special application to the ,spirit1 this must be regarded as a strong case4 ,neither do the arguments of ',supernatural ,religion' succeed in proving that there is no connection with ,st4 ,john in such sentences as1 ',there is one ,god who manifested ,himself through ,jesus ,christ ,his ,son1 who is ,his eternal ,word' 7,ad ,magn4 c4 viii71 or who is ,himself the door of the ,father 7,ad ,philad4 c4 ix74 ,in regard to the first of these especially1 it is doubtless true that ,philo also has 'the eternal ,word1' which is even the ',son' of ,god2 but the idea is much more consciously metaphorical1 and not only did the incarnation of the ,logos in a historical person never enter into ,philo's mind1 but 'there is no room for it in his system' ,endnote #bgf3a4 ,it should be said that these latter passages are all found only in the ,vossian recension of the ,epistles1 and therefore1 as we saw above1 are in any case evidence for the first half of the second century1 while they may be the genuine works of ,ignatius4 99 99 99 99 99 ,the ,epistle of ,polycarp to the ,philippians1 which goes very much with the ,ignatian ,epistles and the external evidence for which it is so hard to resist1 testifies to the fourth ,gospel through the so-called first ,epistle4 ,that this ,epistle is really by the same author as the ,gospel is not indeed absolutely undoubted1 but ,i imagine that it is as certain as any fact of literature can be4 ,the evidence of style and diction is overwhelming ,endnote #bgg3a4 ,we may set side by side the two passages which are thought to be parallel4 ,ep4 ad ,phil4 c4 vii4 ,greek3 ,pas gar hos an mae homologae ,iaesoun ,christon en sarki elaeluthenai antichristos esti2 kai hos an mae homologae to marturion tou staurou ek tou diabolou esti2 kai hos an methodeuae ta logia tou ,kuriou pros tas idias epithumias1 kai legae maete anastasin maete krisin einai1 outos prototokos esti tou ,satana4 #a ,john vi4 #b1 #c4 ,greek3 ,pan pneuma ho homologei ,iaesoun ,christon en sarki elaeluthota ek tou ,theou estin4 ,kai pan pneuma ho mae homologei tou ,iaesoun ek tou ,theou ouk estin1 kai touto estin to tou antichristou1 k4t4l4 ,this is precisely one of those passages where at a superficial glance we are inclined to think that there is no parallel1 but where a deeper consideration tends to convince us of the opposite4 ,the suggestion of ,dr4 ,scholten cannot indeed be quite excluded1 that both writers ,i have adopted a formula in use in the early ,church against various heretics' ,endnote #bgg3b4 ,but if such a formula existed it is highly probable that it took its rise from ,st4 ,john's ,epistle4 ,this passage of the ,epistle of ,polycarp is the earliest instance of the use of the word ',antichrist' outside the ,johannean writings in which1 alone of the ,new ,testament1 it occurs five times4 ,here too it occurs in conjunction with other characteristic phrases1 ,greek3 homologein1 en sarki elaeluthenai1 ek tou diabolou4 ,the phraseology and turns of expression in these two verses accord so entirely with those of the rest of the ,epistle and of the ,gospel that we must needs take them to be the original work of the writer and not a quotation1 and we can hardly do otherwise than see an echo of them in the words of ,polycarp4 ,there is naturally a certain hesitation in using evidence for the ,epistle as available also for the ,gospel1 but ,i have little doubt that it may justly so be used and with no real diminution of its force4 ,the chance that the ,epistle had a separate author is too small to be practically worth considering4 ,this then will apply to the case of ,papias1 of whose relations to the fourth ,gospel we have no record1 but of whom ,eusebius expressly says1 that 'he made use of testimonies from the first ,epistle of ,john4' ,there is the less reason to doubt this statement1 as in every instance in which a similar assertion of ,eusebius can be verified it is found to hold good4 ,it is much more probable that he would overlook real analogies than be led astray by merely imaginary ones--which is rather a modern form of error4 ,in textual matters the ancients were not apt to go wrong through over-subtlety1 and ,eusebius himself does not1 ,i believe1 deserve the charge of 'inaccuracy and haste' that is made against him ,endnote #bgh3a4 99 99 99 99 99 ,in regard to the much disputed question of the use of the fourth ,gospel by ,justin1 those who maintain the affirmative have again emphatic support from ,dr4 ,keim ,endnote #bgh3b4 ,we will examine some of the instances which are adduced on this side4 ,and first1 in his account of ,john the ,baptist1 ,justin has two particulars which are found in the fourth ,gospel and in no other4 ,that ,gospel alone makes the ,baptist himself declare1 ',i am not the ,christ2' and it alone puts into his mouth the application of the prophecy of ,isaiah1 ',i am the voice of one crying in the wilderness4' ,justin combines these two sayings1 treating them as an answer made by ,john to some who supposed that he was the ,christ4 ,justin1 ,dial4 c4 #hh4 ,to whom he himself also cried3 ',i am not the ,christ1 but the voice of one crying ,greek3 ouk eimi o ,christos1 alla phonae boontos2 for there shall come one stronger than ,i1' c4 ,john i4 #ai1 #bj1 #bc4 ,and this is the record of ,john1 when the ,jews sent priests and ,levites from ,jerusalem to ask him1 ,who art thou8 ,and he confessed1 and denied not3 but confessed1 ,i am not the ,christ ,greek3 oti ouk eimi ego o ,christos444 ,i am the voice of one crying ,greek3 ego phonae boontos in the wilderness1' c4 ,the passage in ,justin does not profess to be a direct quotation2 it is merely a historical reproduction1 and1 as such1 it has quite as much accuracy as we should expect to find4 ,the circumstantial coincidences are too close to be the result of accident4 ,and ,dr4 ,keim is doubtless right in ridiculing ,volkmar's notion that ,justin has merely developed ,acts xiii4 #be1 which contains neither of the two phrases 7,greek3 ho ,christos1 phonae boontos7 in question4 ,to refer the passage to an unknown source such as the ,gospel according to the ,hebrews--all we know of which shows its affinities to have been rather on the side of the ,synoptics--when we have a known source in the fourth ,gospel ready to hand1 is quite unreasonable ,endnote #bhj3a4 ,no great weight1 though perhaps some fractional quantity1 can be ascribed to the statement that ,jesus healed those who were maimed from their birth 7,greek3 tous ek genetaes paerous ,endnote #bhj3b74 ,the word ,greek3 paeros is used specially for the blind1 and the fourth ,evangelist is the only one who mentions the healing of congenital infirmity1 which he does under this same phrase ,greek3 ek genetaes1 and that of a case of blindness 7,john ix4 #a74 ,the possibility urged in ',supernatural ,religion1' that ,justin may be merely drawing from tradition1 may detract from the force of this but cannot altogether remove it1 especially as we have no other trace of a tradition containing this particular4 ,tischendorf ,endnote #bhj3c lays stress on a somewhat remarkable phenomenon in connection with the quotation of ,zech4 xvi4 #aj1 ',they shall look on him whom they pierced4' ,justin gives the text of this in precisely the same form as ,st4 ,john1 and with the same variation from the ,septuagint1 ,greek3 opsontai eis hon exekentaesan for ,greek3 epiblepsontai pros me anth hon katorchaesanto--a variation which is also found in ,rev4 i4 #g4 ,those who believe that the ,apocalypse had the same author as the ,gospel1 naturally see in this a confirmation of their view1 and it would seem to follow that ,justin had had either one or both writings before him4 ,but the assumption of an identity of authorship between the ,apocalypse and the ,gospel1 though ,i believe less unreasonable than is generally supposed1 still is too much disputed to build anything upon in argument4 ,we must not ignore the other theory1 that all three writers had before them and may have used independently a divergent text of the ,septuagint4 ,some countenance is given to this by the fact that ten ,,mss4 of the ,septuagint present the same reading ,endnote #bha3a4 ,there can be little doubt however that it was in its origin a ,christian correction1 which had the double advantage of at once bringing the ,greek into closer conformity to the ,hebrew1 and of also furnishing support to the ,christian application of the prophecy4 ,whether this correction was made before either the ,apocalypse or the ,gospel were written1 or whether it appeared in these works for the first time and from them was copied into other ,christian writings1 must remain an open question4 ,the saying in ,apol4 i4 #fc1 'so that they are rightly convicted both by the prophetic ,spirit and by ,christ ,himself1 that they knew neither the ,father nor the ,son' 7,greek3 oute ton patera oute ton uion egnosan71 certainly presents a close resemblance to ,john xvi4 #c1 ,greek3 ouk egnosan ton patera oude eme4 ,but a study of the context seems to make it clear that the only passage consciously present to ,justin's mind was ,matt4 xi4 #bg4 ,dr4 ,keim thinks that ,st4 ,john supplied him with a commentary oh the ,matthaean text2 but the coincidence may be after all accidental4 ,but the most important isolated case of literary parallelism is the well-known passage in ,apol4 i4 #fa ,endnote #bha3b4 ,apol4 i4 #fa4 ,for ,christ said3 ,except ye be born again ye shall not enter into the kingdom of heaven4 ,now that it is impossible for those who have once been born to return into the wombs of those who bare them is evident to all4 ,greek3 ,kai gar ho ,christos eipen1 ,an mae anagennaethaete1 ou mae eiselthaete eis taen ,basileian ton ouranon4 ,hoti de kai adunaton eis tas maetras ton tekouson tous hapax gennomenous embaenai1 phaneron pasin esti4 ,john iii4 #c-e4 ,jesus answered and said unto him1 ,verily1 verily1 ,i say unto thee1 ,except any one be born over again 7or possibly 'from above'71 he cannot see the kingdom of ,god4 ,nicodemus saith unto him1 ,how can a man be born when he is old8 can he enter a second time into his mother's womb1 and be born8 ,jesus answered1 ,verily1 verily1 ,i say unto thee1 ,except any one be born of ,water and ,spirit1 he cannot enter into the kingdom of ,god4 ,greek3 ,apekrithae ,iaesous kai eipen auto ,amaen amaen lego soi1 ean mae tis gennaethae anothen ou dunatai idein taen ,basilaian tou ,theou4 ,legei pros aouton ho ,nikodaemos1 ,pos dunatai anthropos gennaethaenai geron on2 mae dunatai eis taen koilian taes maertros autou deuteron eiselthein kai gennaethaenai2 k4t4l4 ,here we have first to determine the meaning of the word ,greek3 anothen in the phrase ,greek3 gennaethae anothen of ,john iii4 #c on which the extent of the parallelism to some degree turns4 ,does it mean 'be born over again1' like ,justin's ,greek3 anagennaethaete8 ,or does it mean 'be born from above1' i4e4 by a heavenly1 divine1 regeneration8 ,to express an opinion in favour of the first of these views would naturally be to incur the charge of taking it up merely to suit the occasion4 ,it is not however necessary2 for it is sufficient to know that whether or not this meaning was originally intended by the ,evangelist1 it is a meaning that ,justin might certainly put upon the words4 ,that this is the case is sufficiently proved by the fact that the ,syriac version 7which is quoted in ',supernatural ,religion1' by a pardonable mistake1 on the other side ,endnote #bhc3a7 actually translates the words thus4 ,so also does the ,vulgate2 with ,tertullian 7'renatus'71 ,augustine1 ,chrysostom 7partly71 ,luther1 ,calvin1 ,maldonatus1 c4 ,for the sense 'from above' are the ,gothic version1 ,origen1 ,cyril1 ,theophylact1 ,bengel1 c42 on the whole a fairly equal division of opinion4 ,the question has been of late elaborately re-argued by ,mr4 ,mc,clellan ,endnote #bhc3b1 who decides in favour of 'again4' ,but1 without taking sides either way1 it is clear that ,justin would have had abundant support1 in particular that of his own national version1 if he intended ,greek3 anagennaethaete to be a paraphrase of ,greek3 gennaethae anothen4 ,it is obvious that if he is quoting ,st4 ,john the quotation is throughout paraphrastic4 ,and yet it is equally noticeable that he does not use the exact ,johannean phrase1 he uses others that are in each case almost precisely equivalent4 ,he does not say ,greek3 our dunatai idein--taen basileian ton ouranon1 but he says ,greek3 ou mae eiselthaete eis--taen basileian ton ouranon1 the latter pair phrases which the ,synoptics have already taught us to regard as convertible4 ,he does not say ,greek3 mae dunatai eis taen koilian taes maetros autou deuteron eiselthein kai gennaethaenai1 but he says ,greek3 adunaton eis tas maetras ton tekouson tous hapax gennomenous embaebai4 ,and the scale seems decisively turned by the very remarkable combination in ,justin and ,st4 ,john of the saying respecting spiritual regeneration with the same strangely gross physical misconception4 ,it is all but impossible that two minds without concert or connection should have thought of introducing anything of the kind4 ,nicodemus makes an objection1 and ,justin by repeating the same objection1 and in a form that savours so strongly of platitude1 has shown1 ,i think we must say1 conclusively1 that he was aware that the objection had been made4 ,such are some of the chief literary coincidences between ,justin and the fourth ,gospel2 but there are others more profound4 ,justin undoubtedly has the one cardinal doctrine of the fourth ,gospel-- the doctrine of the ,logos4 ,thus he writes4 ',jesus ,christ is in the proper sense ,greek3 idios the only ,son begotten of ,god1 being ,his ,word ,greek3 logos and ,firstborn ,power' ,endnote #bhd3a4 ,again1 ',but ,his ,son who alone is rightly ,greek3 kurios called ,son1 who before all created things was with ,him and begotten of ,him as ,his ,word1 when in the beginning ,he created and ordered all things through ,him1' c4 ,again1 ',now the next ,power to ,god the ,father and ,lord of all1 and ,son ,endnote #bhd3b1 is the ,word1 of whom we shall relate in what follows how ,he was made flesh and became ,man4' ,again1 ',the ,word of ,god is ,his ,son4' ,again1 speaking of the ,gentile philosophers and lawgivers1 ',since they did not know all things respecting the ,word1 who is ,christ1 they have also frequently contradicted each other4' ,these passages are given by ,tischendorf1 and they might be added to without difficulty2 but it is not questioned that the term ,logos is found frequently in ,justin's writings1 and in the same sense in which it is used in the ,prologue of the fourth ,gospel of the eternal ,son of ,god1 who is at the same time the historical person ,jesus ,christ4 ,the natural inference that ,justin was acquainted with the fourth ,gospel is met by suggesting other sources for the doctrine4 ,these sources are of two kinds1 ,jewish or ,alexandrine4 ,it is no doubt true that a vivid personification of the ,wisdom of ,god is found both in the ,old ,testament and in the ,apocrypha4 ,thus in the book of ,proverbs we have an elaborate ode upon ,wisdom as the eternal assessor in the counsels of ,god3 ',the ,lord possessed me in' the beginning of ,his way1 before ,his works of old4 ,i was set up from everlasting1 from the beginning1 or ever the earth was4 ,when there were no depths1 ,i was brought forth2 when there were no fountains of water 444 ,when ,he prepared the heavens1 ,i was there3 when ,he set a compass upon the face of the deep 444 ,then ,i was by ,him1 as one brought up with ,him3 and ,i was daily ,his delight1 rejoicing always before ,him' ,endnote #bhe3a4 ,the ideas of which this is perhaps the clearest expression are found more vaguely in other parts of the same book1 in the ,psalms1 and in the book of ,job1 but they are further expanded and developed in the two ,apocryphal books of ,wisdom4 ,there ,endnote #bhe3b ,wisdom is represented as the 'breath of the power of ,god1 and a pure influence flowing from the glory of the ,almighty1' as 'the brightness ,greek3 apaugasma of the everlasting light1 the unspotted mirror of the power of ,god1 and the image of ,his goodness4' ,wisdom 'sitteth by the throne' of ,god4 ,she reacheth from one end to another mightily3 and sweetly doth she order all things4' ',she is privy to the mysteries of the knowledge of ,god and a lover of ,his works4' ,god 'created her before the world' ,endnote #bhf3a4 ,we also get by the side of this1 but in quite a subordinate place and in a much less advanced stage of personification1 the idea of the ,word or ,logos3 ',o ,god of my fathers 444 who hast made all things with thy word1 and ordained man through thy wisdom' ,endnote #bhf3b4 ',it was neither herb nor mollifying plaister that restored them to health3 but thy word1 ,o ,lord1 which healeth all things4' ,it was 'the ,almighty word' 7,greek3 ho pantodunamos logos7 'that leaped down from heaven' to slay the ,egyptians4 ,but still it will be seen that there is a distinct gap between these conceptions and that which we find in ,justin4 ,the leading idea is that of ,wisdom1 not of the ,word4 ,the ,word is not even personified separately2 it is merely the emitted power or energy of ,god4 ,and the personification of ,wisdom is still to a large extent poetical1 it does not attain to separate metaphysical hypostasis2 it is not thought of as being really personal4 ,the ,philonian conception1 on the other hand1 is metaphysical1 but it contains many elements that are quite discordant and inconsistent with that which we find in ,justin4 ,that it must have been so will be seen at once when we think of the sources from which ,philo's doctrine was derived4 ,it included in itself the ,platonic theory of ,ideas1 the diffused ,logos or anima mundi of the ,stoics1 and the ,oriental angelology or doctrine of intermediate beings between ,god and man4 ,on its ,platonic side the ,logos is the ,idea of ,ideas summing up the world of high abstractions which themselves are also regarded as possessing a separate individuality2 they are ,logoi by the side of the ,logos4 ,on its ,stoic side it becomes a ,pantheistic ,essence pervading the life of things2 it is 'the law1' 'the bond' which holds the world together2 the world is its 'garment4' ,on its ,eastern side1 the ,logos is the ',archangel1' the ',captain of the hosts of heaven1' the ',mother-city' from which they issue as colonists1 the ',vice- gerent' of the ,great ,king ,endnote #bhg3a4 ,it needed a more powerful mind than ,justin's to reduce all this to its simple ,christian expression1 to take the poetry of ,judaea and the philosophy of ,alexandria and to interpret and realise both in the light of the historical events of the birth and life of ,christ4 ',the ,word became flesh' is the key by which ,justin is made intelligible1 and that key is supplied by the fourth ,gospel4 ,no other ,christian writer had combined these two ideas before--the divine ,logos1 with the historical personality of ,jesus4 ,when therefore we find the ideas combined as in ,justin1 we are necessarily referred to the fourth ,gospel for them2 for the strangely inverted suggestion of ,volkmar1 that the author of the fourth ,gospel borrowed from ,justin1 is on chronological1 if not on other grounds1 certainly untenable4 ,we shall see that the fourth ,gospel was without doubt in existence at the date which ,volkmar assigns to ,justin's ,apology1 #aej ,a4 ,d4 99 99 99 99 99 ,the history of the discussion as to the relation of the ,clementine ,homilies to the fourth ,gospel is highly instructive1 not only in itself1 but also for the light which it throws upon the general character of our enquiry and the documents with which it is concerned4 ,it has been already mentioned that up to the year #ahec the ,clementine ,homilies were only extant in a mutilated form1 ending abruptly in the middle of ,hom4 xix4 #ad4 ,in that year a complete edition was at last published by ,dressel from a manuscript in the ,vatican containing the rest of the nineteenth and the twentieth ,homily4 ,the older portion occupies in all1 with the translation and critical apparatus1 #cha large octavo pages in ,dressel's edition2 the portion added by ,dressel occupies #cd4 ,and yet up to #ahec1 though the ,clementine ,homilies had been carefully studied with reference to the use of the fourth ,gospel1 only a few indications had been found1 and those were disputed4 ,in fact1 the controversy was very much at such a point as others with which we have been dealing2 there was a certain probability in favour of the conclusion that the ,gospel had been used1 but still considerably short of the highest4 ,since the publication of the conclusion of the ,homilies the question has been set at rest4 ,hilgenfeld1 who had hitherto been a determined advocate of the negative theory1 at once gave up his ground ,endnote #bhh3a2 and ,volkmar1 who had somewhat less to retract1 admitted and admits ,endnote #bhh3b that the fact of the use of the ,gospel must be considered as proved4 ,the author of ',supernatural ,religion' stands alone in still resisting this conviction ,endnote #bhh3c1 but the result ,i suspect will be only to show in stronger relief the one- sidedness of his critical method4 ,we will follow the example that is set us in presenting the whole of the passages alleged to contain allusions to the fourth ,gospel2 and it is the more interesting to do so with the key that the recent discovery has put into ,our hands4 ,the first runs thus3-- ,hom4 iii4 #eb4 ,therefore he1 being a true prophet1 said3 ,i am the gate of life2 he that entereth in through me entereth into life3 for the teaching that can save is none other than mine4 ,greek3 ,dia touto autos alaethaes on prophaetaes elegen2 ,ego eimi hae pulae taes zoaes2 ho di' emou eiserchomenos eiserchetai eis taen zoaen2 hos ouk ousaes heteras taes sozein dunamenaes didaskalias4 ,john x4 #i4 ,i am the door3 by me if any one enter in1 he shall be saved1 and shall come in and go out1 and shall find pasture4 ,greek3 ,ego eimi hae thura2 di' emou ean tis eiselthae sothaesetai kai eiseleusetai kai exeleusetai kai nomaen heuraesei4 ,apart from other evidence it would have been somewhat precarious to allege this as proof of the use of the fourth ,gospel1 and yet ,i believe there would have been a distinct probability that it was taken from that work4 ,the parallel is much closer--in spite of ,greek3 thura for ,greek3 pulae--than is ,matt4 vii4 #ac1 #ad 7the 'narrow gate'7 which is adduced in ',supernatural ,religion1' and the interval is very insufficiently bridged over by ,ps4 cxviii4 #ai1 #bj 7',this is the gate of the ,lord'74 ,the key-note of the passage is given in the identification of the gate with the person of the ,saviour 7',i am the door'7 and in the remarkable expression 'he that entereth in through me1' which is retained in the ,homily4 ,it is curious to notice the way in which the ,greek3 sothaesetai of the ,gospel has been expanded exegetically4 ,less doubtful--and indeed we should have thought almost beyond a doubt--is the next reference2 ',my sheep hear my voice4' ,hom4 iii4 #eb4 ,greek3 ta ema probata akouei taes emaes phonaes4 ,john x4 #bg4 ,greek3 ta probata ta ema taes phonaes mou akouei4 ',there was no more common representation amongst the ,jews of the relation of ,god and his people than that of ,shepherd and his sheep' ,endnote #bij3a4 ,that is to say1 it occurs of ,jehovah or of the ,messiah some twelve or fifteen times in the ,old and ,new ,testament together1 but never with anything at all closely approaching to the precise and particular feature given here4 ,let the reader try to estimate the chances that another source than the fourth ,gospel is being quoted4 ,criticism is made null and void when such seemingly plain indications as this are discarded in favour of entirely unknown quantities like the ',gospel according to the ,hebrews4' ,if the author of ',supernatural ,religion' were to turn his own powers of derisive statement against his own hypotheses they would present a very strange appearance4 ,the reference that follows has in some respects a rather marked resemblance to that which we were discussing in ,justin1 and for the relation between them to be fully appreciated should be given along with it3-- ,justin1 ,apol4 i4 #fa4 ,except ye be born again ye shall not enter into the kingdom of heaven4 ,greek3 ,an mae anagennaethaete ou mae eiselthaete eis taen basileian ton ouranon4 ,clem4 ,hom4 xi4 #bf4 ,verily ,i say unto you1 ,except ye be born again with living water1 in the name of the ,father1 ,son1 and ,holy ,ghost1 ye shall not enter into the kingdom of heaven4 ,greek3 ,amaen humin lego1 ean mae anagennaethaete hudati zonti eis onoma patros1 uhiou1 hagiou pneumatos1 ou mae eiselthaete eis taen basileian ton ouranon4 ,john iii4 #c1 #e4 ,verily1 verily1 ,i say unto thee1 ,except any one be born over again 7or 'from above'7 he cannot see the kingdom of ,god 444 ,except any one be born of water and ,spirit1 he cannot enter into the kingdom of ,god4 ,greek3 ,amaen amaen lego soi1 ean mae tis gennaethae anothen1 ou dunatai idein taen basileian tou ,theou 444 ean mae tis gennaethae ex hudatos kai pneumatos1 ou dunatai eiselthein eis taen basileian tou ,theou4 ,greek3 pneum4 add4 ,greek3 hagiou ,vulg4 7,clementine edition71 a1 ff1 m1 ,aeth41 ,orig4 7,latin translator74 ,here it will be noticed that ,justin and the ,clementines have four points in common1 ,greek3 anagennaethaete for ,greek3 gennaethae anothen1 the second person plural 7twice over7 for ,greek3 tis and the singular1 ,greek3 ou mae and the subjunctive for ,greek3 ou dunatai and infinitive1 and ,greek3 taen basileian ton ouranon1 for ,greek3 taen basileian tou ,theou4 ,to the last of these points much importance could not be attached in itself1 as it represents a persistent difference between the first and the other ,synoptists even where they had the same original4 ,as both the ,clementines and ,justin used the first ,gospel more than the others1 it is only natural that they should fall into the habit of using its characteristic phrase4 ,neither would the other points have had very much importance taken separately1 but their importance increases considerably when they come to be taken together4 ,on the other hand1 we observe in the ,clementines 7where it is however connected with ,matt4 xxviii4 #ai7 the sufficiently near equivalent for the striking ,johannean phrase ,greek3 ex hudatos kai pneumatos which is omitted entirely by ,justin4 ,the most probable view of the case seems to be that both the ,clementines and ,justin are quoting from memory4 ,both have in their memory the passage of ,st4 ,john1 but both have also distinctly before them 7so much the more distinctly as it is the ,gospel which they habitually used7 the parallel passage in ,matt4 xviii4 #c-- where all the last three out of the four common variations are found1 besides1 along with the ,clementines1 the omission of the second ,greek3 amaen1--',verily ,i say unto you1 ,except ye be converted1 and become as little children1 ye shall not enter into the kingdom of heaven' 7,greek3 on mae eiseathaete eis taen basileian ton ouranon74 ,it is out of the question that this only should have been present to the mind of the writers2 and1 in view of the repetition of ,nicodemus' misunderstanding by ,justin and of the baptism by water and ,spirit in the ,clementine ,homilies1 it seems equally difficult to exclude the reference to ,st4 ,john4 ,it is in fact a ,johannean saying in a ,matthaean framework4 ,there is the more reason to accept this solution1 that neither ,justin nor the ,clementines can in any case represent the original form of the passages quoted4 ,if ,justin's version were correct1 whence did the ,clementines get the ,greek3 hudati zonti k4t4l48 if the ,clementine1 then whence did ,justin get the misconception of ,nicodemus8 ,but the ,clementine version is in any case too eccentric to stand4 ,the last passage is the one that is usually considered to be decisive as to the use of the fourth ,gospel4 ,hom4 xix4 #bb4 ,hence too our ,teacher1 when explaining to those who asked of him respecting the man who was blind from his birth and recovered his sight1 whether this man sinned or his parents that he should be born blind1 replied3 ,neither this man sinned1 nor his parents2 but that through him the power of ,god might be manifested healing the sins of ignorance4 ,greek3 ,hothen kai didaskalos haemon peri tou ,endnote #bic3a ek genetaes paerou kai anablepsantos par' autou exetazon erotaesasin1 ei ohutos haemarten ae oi goneis autou1 hina tuphlos gennaethae ,endnote #bic3a apekrinato oute ohutos ti haemarten1 oute oi goneis autou1 all' hina di autou phanerothae hae dunamis tou ,theou taes agnoias iomenae ta hamartaemata4 ,john ix4 #a-c4 ,and as he passed by1 he saw a man blind from his birth4 ,and his disciples asked him1 saying1 ,rabbi1 who sinned1 this man or his parents1 that he should be born blind8 ,jesus answered1 ,neither hath this man sinned1 nor his parents3 but that the works of ,god should be manifested in him4 ,greek3 ,kai paragon eiden anthropon tuphlon ek genetaes4 ,kai aerotaesan auton oi mathaetai autou legontes1 ,rhabbei1 tis haemarten1 ohutos ae oi goneis autou1 hina tuphlos gennaethae2 apekrithae ,iaesous1 ,oute ohutos haemarten oute oi goneis autou1 all' hina phanerothae ta erga tou ,theou en auto4 ,the author of ',supernatural ,religion' undertakes to show 'that the context of this passage in the ,homily bears positive characteristics which render it impossible that it can have been taken from the fourth ,gospel' ,endnote #bic3b4 ,i think we may venture to say that he does indeed show somewhat conspicuously the way in which he uses the word 'impossible' and the kind of grounds on which that and such like terms are employed throughout his work4 ,it is a notorious fact1 abundantly established by certain quotations from the ,old ,testament and elsewhere1 that the last thing regarded by the early patristic writers was context4 ,but in this case the context is perfectly in keeping1 and to a clear and unprejudiced eye it presents no difficulty4 ,the ,clementine writer is speaking of the origin of physical infirmities1 and he says that these are frequently due1 not to moral error1 but to mere ignorance on the part of parents4 ,as an instance of this he gives the case of the man who was born blind1 of whom our ,lord expressly said that neither he nor his parents had sinned--morally or in such a way as to deserve punishment4 ,on the contrary they had erred simply through ignorance1 and the object of the miracle was to make a display of the ,divine mercy removing the consequences of such error4 ',and in reality1' he proceeds1 'things of this kind are the result of ignorance4 ,the misfortunes of which you spoke1 proceed from ignorance and not from any wicked action4' ,this is perfectly compatible with every word of the ,johannean narrative4 ,the concluding clause of the quotation is merely a paraphrase of the original 7no part of the quotation professes to be exact71 bringing out a little more prominently the special point of the argument4 ,there is ample room for this4 ,the predetermined object of the miracle1 says ,st4 ,john1 was to display the works of ,god1 and the ,clementine writer specifies the particular work of ,god displayed--the mercy which heals the evil consequences of ignorance4 ,if there is anything here at all inconsistent with the ,gospel it would be interesting to know 7and we are not told7 what was the kind of original that the author of the ,homily really had before him4 ,a further discussion of this passage ,i should hardly suppose to be necessary4 ,nothing could be more wanton than to assign this passage to an imaginary ,gospel merely on the ground alleged4 ,the hypothesis was less violent in regard to the ,synoptic ,gospels1 which clearly contain a large amount of common matter that might also have found its way into other hands4 ,we have evidence of the existence of other ,gospels presenting a certain amount of affinity to the first ,gospel1 but the fourth is stamped with an idiosyncracy which makes it unique in its kind4 ,if there is to be this freedom in inventing unknown documents1 reproducing almost verbatim the features of known ones1 sober criticism is at an end4 ,that the ,clementine ,homilies imply the use of the fourth ,gospel may be considered to be1 not indeed certain in a strict sense of the word1 but as probable as most human affairs can be4 ,the real element or doubt is in regard to their date1 and their evidence must be taken subject to this uncertainty4 99 99 99 99 99 ,it is perhaps hardly worth while to delay over the ,epistle to ,diognetus3 not that ,i do not believe the instances alleged by ,tischendorf and ,dr4 ,westcott ,endnote #bie3a to be in themselves sound1 but because there exists too little evidence to determine the date of the ,epistle1 and because it may be doubted whether the argument for the use of the fourth ,gospel in the ,epistle can be expressed strongly in an objective form4 ,the allusions in question are not direct quotations1 but are rather reminiscences of language4 ,the author of ',supernatural ,religion' has treated them as if they were the former ,endnote #bif3a2 he has enquired into the context c41 not very successfully4 ,but such enquiry is really out of place4 ,when the writer of the ,epistle says1 ',christians dwell in the world but are not of the world' ,greek3 ouk xisi de ek tou kosmou exactly ,john xvii4 #ad2 note peculiar use of the preposition72 ',for ,god loved men for whose sakes ,he made the world 444 unto whom ,he sent ,his only begotten ,son' 7 ,john iii4 #af1 ',god so loved the world that ,he gave ,his only-begotten ,son'72 ',how will you love ,him who so beforehand loved you' ,greek3 proagapaesanta2 cf4 i ,john iv4 #ai1 ,greek3 protos aegapaesen ',he sent ,his ,son as wishing to save 444 and not to condemn' 7,greek3 sozon 444 krinon of4 ,john iii4 #af71--the probability is about as great that he had in his mind ,st4 ,john's language as it would be if the same phrases were to occur in a modern sermon4 ,it is a real probability2 but not one that can be urged very strongly4 99 99 99 99 99 ,of more importance--indeed of high importance--is the evidence drawn from the remains of earlier writers preserved by ,irenaeus and ,hippolytus4 ,there is a clear reference to the fourth ,gospel in a passage for which ,irenaeus alleges the authority of certain ',presbyters1' who at the least belonged to an elder generation than his own4 ,there can be little doubt indeed that they are the same as those whom he describes three sentences later and with only a momentary break in the oblique narration into which the passage is thrown1 as 'the ,presbyters1 disciples of the ,apostles4' ,it may be well to give the language of ,irenaeus in full as it has been the subject of some controversy4 ,speaking of the rewards of the just in the next world1 he says ,endnote #big3a3-- ',for ,esaias says1 ,like as the new heaven and new earth which ,i create remain before me1 saith the ,lord1 so your seed and your name shall stand4 ,and as the ,presbyters say1 then too those who are thought worthy to have their abode in ,heaven shall go thither1 and some shall enjoy the delights of ,paradise1 while others shall possess the splendour of the ,city2 for everywhere the ,saviour shall be seen according as they shall be worthy who look upon ,him4 ,so far the sentence has been in oratio recta1 but here it becomes oblique4 ,and they say that there is this distinction in dwelling between those who bear fruit an hundred fold and those who bear sixty and those who bear thirty1 some of whom shall be carried off into the ,heavens1 some shall stay in ,paradise1 and some shall dwell in the ,city4 ,and for this reason1 they say that the ,lord declared 7,greek3 eipaekenai7 that in my ,father's realm are many mansions2 for all things are of ,god1 who gives to all the fitting habitation3 even as ,his ,word saith 7ait71 that to all is allotted by the ,father as each is or shall be worthy4 ,and this is 7est7 the couch upon which they shall recline who are bidden to ,his marriage supper4 ,that this is 7esse7 the order and disposition of the saved1 the ,presbyters1 disciples of the ,apostles1 say1' etc4 ,that ,irenaeus is here merely giving the 'exegesis of his own day1' as the author of ',supernatural ,religion' suggests ,endnote #big3b1 is not for a moment tenable4 ,irenaeus does indeed interpose for two sentences 7,omnia enim444 ad nuptias7 to give his own comment on the saying of the ,presbyters2 but these are sharply cut off from the rest by the use of the present indicative instead of the infinitive4 ,there can be no question at all that the quotation 'in ,my ,father's realm are many mansions' ,greek3 en tois ton ,patros mon monas einai pollas belongs to the ,presbyters1 and there can be but little doubt that these ,presbyters are the same as those spoken of as 'disciples of the ,apostles4' ,whether they were also 'the ,presbyters' referred to as his authority by ,papias is quite a secondary and subordinate question4 ,considering the ,chiliastic character of the passage1 the conjecture ,endnote #bih3a that they were does not seem to me unreasonable4 ,this however we cannot determine positively4 ,it is quite enough that ,irenaeus evidently attributes to them an antiquity considerably beyond his own2 that1 in fact1 he looks upon them as supplying the intermediate link between his age and that of the ,apostles4 99 99 99 99 99 ,two quotations from the fourth ,gospel are attributed to ,basilides1 both of them quite indisputable as quotations4 ,the first is found in the twenty-second chapter of the seventh book of the ',refutation1' ',that was the true light which lighteth every man that cometh into the world ,endnote #bih3b 7,greek3 aen to phos to alaethinon1 o photizei panta anthropon erchomenon eis ton kosmon ,john i4 #i71 and the second in the twenty-seventh chapter1 ',my hour is not yet come' 7,greek3 oupo aekei aeora mon ,john ii4 #d74 ,both of these passages are instances of the exegesis by which the ,basilidian doctrines were defended4 ,the real question is here1 as in regard to the ,synoptics1 whether the quotations were made by ,basilides himself or by his disciples1 ',isidore and his crew4' ,the second instance ,i am disposed to think may possibly be due to the later representatives of this school1 because1 though the quotation is introduced by ,greek3 phaesi in the singular1 and though ,basilides himself can in no case be excluded1 still there is nothing in the chapter to identify the subject of ,greek3 phaesi specially with him1 and in the next sentence ,hippolytus writes1 ',this is that which they understand 7,greek3 ho kat' autous nenoaemenos7 by the inner spiritual man1' c4 ,but the earlier instance is different4 ,there ,basilides himself does seem to be specially singled out4 ,he is mentioned by name only two sentences above that in which the quotation occurs4 ,hippolytus is referring to the ,basilidian doctrine of the origin of things4 ,he says1 ',now since it was not allowable to say that something non-existent had come into being as a projection from a non-existent ,deity--for ,basilides avoids and shuns the existences of things brought into being by projection ,endnote #bii3a--;for what need is there of projection1 or why should matter be presupposed in order that ,god should make a world1 just as a spider its web or as mortal man in making things takes brass or wood or any other portion of matter8 ,but ,he spake--so he says--and it was done1 and this is1 as these men say1 that which is said by ,moses3 ,let there be light1 and there was light4 ,whence1 he says1 came the light8 ,out of nothing2 for we are not told--he says--whence it came1 but only that it was at the voice of ,him that spake4 ,now ,he that spake--he says--was not1 and that which was made1 was not4 ,out of that which was not--he says-- was made the seed of the world1 the word which was spoken1 ,let there be light2 and this--he says--is that which is spoken in the ,gospels2 ,that was the true light which lighteth every man that cometh into the world4' ,we must not indeed overlook the fact that the plural occurs once in the middle of this passage as introducing the words of ,moses2 'as these men say4' ,and yet1 though this decidedly modifies1 ,i do not think that it removes the probability that ,basilides himself is being quoted4 ,it seems a fair inference that at the beginning of the passage ,hippolytus had the work of ,basilides actually before him2 and the single digression in ,greek3 legousin houtoi does not seem enough to show that it was laid aside4 ,this is confirmed when we look back two chapters at the terms in which the whole account of the ,basilidian system is introduced4 ',let us see1' ,hippolytus says1 'how flagrantly ,basilides as well as 7,b4 ,greek3 homou kai7 ,isidore and all their crew contradict not only ,matthias but the ,saviour himself4' ,stress is laid upon the name of ,basilides1 as if to say1 ',it is not merely a new-fangled heresy1 but dates back to the head and founder of the school4' ,when in the very next sentence ,hippolytus begins with ,greek3 phaesi1 the natural construction certainly seems to be that he is quoting some work of ,basilides which he takes as typical of the doctrine of the whole school4 ,a later work would not suit his purpose or prove his point4 ,basilides includes ,isidore1 but ,isidore does not include ,basilides4 ,we conclude then that there is a probability--not an overwhelming1 but quite a substantial1 probability--that ,basilides himself used the fourth ,gospel1 and used it as an authoritative record of the life of ,christ4 ,but ,basilides began to teach in #abe ,a4,d41 so that his evidence1 supposing it to be valid1 dates from a very early period indeed3 and it should be remembered that this is the only uncertainty to which it is subject4 ,that the quotation is really from ,st4 ,john cannot be doubted4 ,the account which ,hippolytus gives of the ,valentinians also contains an allusion to the fourth ,gospel2 ',all who came before ,me are thieves and robbers' 7cf4 ,john x4 #h74 ,but here the master and the disciples are more confused4 ,less equivocal evidence is afforded by the statements of ,irenaeus respecting the ,valentinians4 ,he says that the ,valentinians used the fourth ,gospel very freely 7plenissime7 ,endnote #cja3a4 ,this applies to a date that cannot be in any case later than #ahj ,a4,d41 and that may extend almost indefinitely backwards4 ,there is no reason to say that it does not include ,valentinus himself4 ,positive evidence is wanting1 but negative evidence still more4 ,apart from evidence to the contrary1 there must be a presumption against the introduction of a new work which becomes at once a frequently quoted authority midway in the history of a school4 ,but to keep to facts apart from presumptions4 ,irenaeus represents ,ptolemaeus as quoting largely from the ,prologue to the ,gospel4 ,but ,ptolemaeus1 as we have seen1 had already gathered a school about him when ,irenaeus became acquainted with him4 ,his evidence therefore may fairly be said to cover the period from #afe-age ,a4,d4 ,the author of ',supernatural ,religion' seems to be somewhat beside the mark when he says that 'in regard to ,ptolemaeus all that is affirmed is that in the ,epistle to ,flora ascribed to him expressions found in ,john i4 #c are used4' ,true it is that such expressions are found1 and before we accept the theory in ',supernatural ,religion' that the parenthesis in which they occur is due to ,epiphanius who quotes the letter in full himself ,endnote #cjb3a1 it is only right that some other instance should be given of such parenthetic interruption4 ,the form in which the letter is quoted1 not in fragments interspersed with comments but complete and at full length1 with a formal heading and close1 really excludes such a hypothesis4 ,but1 a century and a half before ,epiphanius1 ,irenaeus had given a string of ,valentinian comments on the ,prologue1 ending with the words1 ',et ,ptolemaeus quidem ita' ,endnote #cjb3b4 ,heracleon1 too1 is coupled with ,ptolemaeus by ,irenaeus ,endnote #cjb3c1 and according to the view of the author of ',supernatural ,religion1' had a school around him at the time of ,irenaeus' visit to ,rome in #agh ,a4,d4 ,but this ,heracleon was the author of a ,commentary on ,st4 ,john's ,gospel to which ,origen in his own parallel work frequently alludes4 ,these are indeed dismissed in ',supernatural ,religion' as 'unsupported references4' ,but we may well ask1 what support they need4 ,the references are made in evident good faith4 ,he says1 for instance ,endnote #cjb3d1 that ,heracleon's exegesis of ,john i4 #c1 ',all things were made by ,him1' excluding from this the world and its contents1 is very forced and without authority4 ,again1 he has misinterpreted ,john i4 #d1 making 'in ,him was life' mean not 'in ,him' but 'in spiritual men4' ,again1 he wrongly attributes ,john i4 #ah not to the ,evangelist1 but to the ,baptist4 ,and so on4 ,the allusions are all made in this incidental manner2 and the life of ,origen1 if he was born1 as is supposed1 about #ahe ,a4,d41 would overlap that of ,heracleon4 ,what evidence could be more sufficient8 or if such evidence is to be discarded1 what evidence are we to accept8 ,is it to be of the kind that is relied upon for referring quotations to the ,gospel according to the ,hebrews1 or the ,gospel according to ,peter1 or the ,greek3 ,genna ,marias8 ,there are sometimes no doubt reasonable grounds for scepticism as to the patristic statements1 but none such are visible here4 ,on the contrary1 that ,heracleon should have written a commentary on the fourth ,gospel falls in entirely with what ,irenaeus says as to the large use that was made of that ,gospel by the ,valentinians4 99 99 99 99 99 ,as we approach the end of the third and beginning of the fourth quarter of the second century the evidence for the fourth ,gospel becomes widespread and abundant4 ,at this date we have attention called to the discrepancy between the ,gospels as to the date of the ,crucifixion by ,claudius ,apollinaris4 ,we have also ,tatian1 the ,epistle of the ,churches of ,vienne and ,lyons1 the heathen ,celsus and the ,muratorian ,canon1 and then a very few years later ,theophilus of ,antioch and ,irenaeus4 ,i imagine that there can be really no doubt about ,tatian4 ,whatever may have been the nature of the ,diatessaron1 the ',address to the ,greeks' contains references which it is mere paradox to dispute4 ,i will not press the first of these which is given by ,dr4 ,westcott1 not because ,i do not believe that it is ultimately based upon the fourth ,gospel1 still less that there is the slightest contradiction to ,st4 ,john's doctrine1 but because ,tatian's is a philosophical comment perhaps a degree too far removed from the original to be quite producible as evidence4 ,it is one of the earliest speculations as to the ontological relation between the ,father and the ,son4 ,in the beginning ,god was alone--though all things were with ,him potentially4 ,by the mere act of volition ,he gave birth to the ,logos1 who was the real originative cause of things4 ,yet the existence of the ,logos was not such as to involve a separation of identity in the ,godhead2 it involved no diminution in ,him from whom the ,logos issued4 ,having been thus first begotten1 the ,logos in turn begat our creation1 c4 ,the ,logos is thus represented as being at once prior to creation 7the ,johannean ,greek3 en archae7 and the efficient cause of it--which is precisely the doctrine of the ,prologue4 ,the other two passages are however quite unequivocal4 ,orat4 ad ,graecos1 c4 xiii4 ,and this is therefore that saying3 ,the darkness comprehends not the light4 ,greek3 ,kai touto estin ara to eiraemenon ,hae skotia to phos ou katalambanei4 ,john i4 #e4 ,and the light shineth in the darkness2 and the darkness comprehended it not4 ,greek3 ,kai to phos en tae skotia phainei1 kai hae skotia auto ou katelaben4 ,on this there is the following comment in ',supernatural ,religion' ,endnote #cje3a3 ',the saying is distinctly different in language from the parallel in the ,gospel1 and it may be from a different ,gospel4 ,we have already remarked that ,philo called the ,logos the ,light1 and quoting in a peculiar form1 ,ps4 xxvi4 #a3 ',for the ,lord is my light 7,greek3 phos7 and my ,saviour1' he goes on to say that as the sun divides day and night1 so ,moses says1 ',god divides light and darkness' 7,greek3 ,theon phos kai skotos diateichisai71 when we turn away to things of sense we use 'another light' which is in no way different from 'darkness4' ,the constant use of the same similitude of light and darkness in the ,canonical ,epistles shows how current it was in the ,church2 and nothing is more certain than the fact that it was neither originated by1 nor confined to1 the fourth ,gospel4' ,such criticism refutes itself1 and it is far too characteristic of the whole book4 ,nothing is adduced that even remotely corresponds to the very remarkable phrase ,greek3 hae skotia to phos katalambanei1 and yet for these imaginary parallels one that is perfectly plain and direct is rejected4 ,the use of the phrase ,greek3 to eiraemenon should be noticed4 ,it is the formula used1 especially by ,st4 ,luke1 in quotation from the ,old ,testament ,scriptures4 ,the other passage is3-- ,orat4 ad ,graecos1 c4 xix4 ,all things were by him1 and without him hath been made nothing4 ,greek3 ,panta hup' autou kai choris autou gegonen oude hen4 ,john i4 #c4 ,all things were made through him2 and without him was nothing made that hath been made4 ,greek3 ,panta di' autou egeneto1 kai choris autou egeneto oude hen ho gegonen4 ',the early ,fathers1 no less than the early heretics1' placed the full stop at ,greek3 oude hen1 connecting the words that follow with the next sentence4 ,see ,m',clellan and ,tregelles ad loc4 ',tatian here speaks of ,god and not of the ,logos1 and in this respect1 as well as language and context1 the passage differs from the fourth ,gospel' ,endnote #cjf3a1 c4 ,nevertheless it may safely be left to the reader to say whether or not it was taken from it4 ,the ,epistle of the ,churches of ,vienne and ,lyons contains the following3-- ,ep4 ,vienne4 et ,lugd4 iv4 ,thus too was fulfilled that which was spoken by our ,lord2 that a time shall come in which every one that killeth you shall think that he offereth ,god service4 ,greek3 ,eleusetai kairos en o pas ho apokteinas humas doxei latreian prospherein to ,theo4 ,john xvi4 #b4 ,yea1 the hour cometh1 that every one that killeth you will think he offereth ,god service4 ,greek3 ,all' erchetai hora hina pas ho apokteinas humas1 doxae latreian prospherein to ,theo4 ,it is true that there are 'indications of similar discourses' in the ,synoptics1 but of none containing a trait at all closely resembling this4 ,the chances that precisely the same combination of words 7,greek3 ho apokteinas humas doxei latreian prospherein to ,theo7 occurred in a lost ,gospel must be necessarily very small indeed1 especially when we remember that the original saying was probably spoken in ,aramaic and not in ,greek ,endnote #cjg3a4 ,dr4 ,keim1 in the elaborate monograph mentioned above1 decides that ,celsus made use of the fourth ,gospel4 ,he remarks upon it as curious1 that more traces should indeed be found 'both in ,celsus and his contemporary ,tatian of ,john than of his two nearest predecessors' ,endnote #cjg3b4 ,of the instances given by ,dr4 ,keim1 the first 7i4 #da1 the sign seen by the ,baptist7 depends on a somewhat doubtful reading 7,greek3 para to ,ioannae1 which should be perhaps ,greek3 para to ,iordanae72 the second1 the demand for a sign localised specially in the temple 7i4 #fg2 of4 ,john x4 #bc1 #bd71 seems fairly to hold good4 ',the destination of ,jesus alike for good and evil' 7iv4 #g1 'that those who received it1 having been good1 should be saved2 while those who received it not1 having been shown to be bad1 should be punished'7 is indeed an idea peculiarly ,johannean and creates a presumption of the use of the ,gospel2 we ought not perhaps to say more4 ,i can hardly consider the simple allusions to 'flight' 7,greek3 pheugein1 ii4 #i2 ,greek3 taede kakeise apodedrakenai1 i4 #fb7 as necessarily references to the retreat to ,ephraim in ,john xi4 #ed4 ,so too the expression 'bound' in ii4 #i1 and the 'conflict with ,satan' in vi4 #db1 ii4 #dg1 seem too vague to be used as proof4 ,still ,volkmar too declares it to be 'notorious' that ,celsus was acquainted with the fourth ,gospel1 alleging i4 #fg 7as above71 ii4 #ca 7an allusion to the ,logos71 ii4 #cf 7a satirical allusion to the issue of blood and water71 which passages really seem on the whole to justify the assertion1 though not in a quite unqualified form4 ,we ought not to omit to mention that there is a second fragment by ,apollinaris1 bishop of ,hierapolis1 besides that to which we have already alluded1 and preserved like it in the ,paschal ,chronicle1 which confirms unequivocally the conclusion that he knew and used the fourth ,gospel4 ,amongst other titles that are applied to the crucified ,saviour1 he is spoken of as 'having been pierced in ,his sacred side1' as 'having poured out of ,his side those two cleansing streams1 water and blood1 word and spirit' ,endnote #cjh3a4 ,this incident is recorded only in the fourth ,gospel4 ,in like manner when ,athenagoras says ',the ,father and the ,son being one' 7,greek3 henos ontos tou ,patros kai tou ,uiou71 it is probable that he is alluding to ,john x4 #cj1 ',i and my ,father are one1' not to mention an alleged1 but perhaps somewhat more doubtful1 reference to ,john xvii4 #c ,endnote #cjh3b4 ,but the most decisive witness before we come to ,irenaeus is the ,muratorian ,canon4 ,here we have the fourth ,gospel definitely assigned to its author1 and finally established in its place amongst the canonical or authoritative books4 ,it is true that the account of the way in which the ,gospel came to be composed is mixed up with legendary matter4 ,according to it the ,gospel was written in obedience to a dream sent to ,andrew the ,apostle1 after he and his fellow disciples and bishops had fasted for three days at the request of ,john4 ,in this dream it was revealed that ,john should write the narrative subject to the revision of the rest4 ,so the ,gospel is the work of an eyewitness1 and1 though it and the other ,gospels differ in the objects of their teaching1 all are inspired by the same ,spirit4 ,there may perhaps in this be some kernel of historical fact1 as the sort of joint authorship or revision to which it points seems to find some support in the concluding verses of the ,gospel 7'we know that his witness is true'74 ,however this may be1 the evidence of the fragment is of more real importance and value1 as showing the estimation in which at this date the ,gospel was held4 ,it corresponds very much to what is now implied in the word 'canonical1' and indeed the ,muratorian fragment presents us with a tentative or provisional ,canon1 which was later to be amended1 completed1 and ratified4 ,so far as the ,gospels were concerned1 it had already reached its final shape4 ,it included the same four which now stand in our ,bibles1 and the opposition that they met with was so slight1 and so little serious1 that ,eusebius could class them all among the ,homologoumena or books that were universally acknowledged4 ,,chapter ,,xiii4 ,,on ,,the ,,state ,,of ,,the ,,canon ,,in ,,the ,,last ,,quarter ,,of ,,the ,,second ,,century4 ,i should not be very much surprised if the general reader who may have followed our enquiry so far should experience at this point a certain feeling of disappointment4 ,if he did not know beforehand something of the subject-matter that was to be enquired into1 he might not unnaturally be led to expect round assertions1 and plain1 pointblank1 decisive evidence4 ,such evidence has not been offered to him for the simple reason that it does not exist4 ,in its stead we have collected a great number of inferences of very various degrees of cogency1 from the possible and hypothetical1 up to strong and very strong probability4 ,most of our time has been taken up in weighing and testing these details1 and in the endeavour to assign to each as nearly as possible its just value4 ,it could not be thought strange if some minds were impatient of such minutiae2 and where this objection was not felt1 it would still be very pardonable to complain that the evidence was at best inferential and probable4 ,an inference in which there are two or three steps may be often quite as strong as that in which there is only one1 and probabilities may mount up to a high degree of what is called moral or practical certainty4 ,i cannot but think that many of those which have been already obtained are of this character4 ,i cannot but regard it as morally or practically certain that ,marcion used our third ,gospel2 as morally or practically certain that all four ,gospels were used in the ,clementine ,homilies2 as morally or practically certain that the existence of three at least out of our four ,gospels is implied in the writings of ,justin2 as probable in a lower degree that the four were used by ,basilides2 as not really disputable 7apart from the presumption afforded by earlier writers7 that they were widely used in the interval which separates the writings of ,justin from those of ,irenaeus4 ,all of these seem to me to be tolerably clear propositions4 ,but outside these there seems to be a considerable amount of convergent evidence1 the separate items of which are less convincing1 but which yet derive a certain force from the mere fact that they are convergent4 ,in the ,apostolic ,fathers1 for example1 there are instances of various kinds1 some stronger and some weaker2 but the important point to notice is that they confirm each other4 ,every new case adds to the total weight of the evidence1 and helps to determine the bearing of those which seem ambiguous4 ,it cannot be too much borne in mind that the evidence with which we have been dealing is cumulative2 and as in all other cases of cumulative evidence the subtraction of any single item is of less importance than the addition of a new one4 ,supposing it to be shown that some of the allusions which are thought to be taken from our ,gospels were merely accidental coincidences of language1 this would not materially affect the part of the evidence which could not be so explained4 ,supposing even that some of these allusions could be definitely referred to an apocryphal source1 the possibility would be somewhat1 but not so very much1 increased that other instances which bear resemblance to our ,gospels were also in their origin apocryphal4 ,but on the other hand1 if a single instance of the use of a canonical ,gospel really holds good1 it is proof of the existence of that ,gospel1 and every new instance renders the conclusion more probable1 and makes it more and more difficult to account for the phenomena in any other way4 ,the author of ',supernatural ,religion' seems to have overlooked this4 ,he does not seem to have considered the mutual support which the different instances taken together lend to each other4 ,he summons them up one by one1 and if any sort of possibility can be shown of accounting for them in any other way than by the use of our ,gospels he dismisses them altogether4 ,he makes no allowance for any residual weight they may have4 ,he does not ask which is the more probable hypothesis4 ,if the authentication of a document is incomplete1 if the reference of a passage is not certain1 he treats it as if it did not exist4 ,he forgets the old story of the faggots1 which1 weak singly1 become strong when combined4 ,his scales will not admit of any evidence short of the highest4 ,fractional quantities find no place in his reckoning4 ,if there is any flaw1 if there is any possible loophole for escape1 he does not make the due deduction and accept the evidence with that deduction1 but he ignores it entirely1 and goes on to the next item just as if he were leaving nothing behind him4 ,this is really part and parcel of what was pointed out at the outset as the fundamental mistake of his method4 ,it is much too forensic4 ,it takes as its model1 not the proper canons of historical enquiry1 but the procedure of ,english law4 ,yet the inappropriateness of such a method is seen as soon as we consider its object and origin4 ,the rules of evidence current in our law courts were constructed specially with a view to the protection of the accused1 and upon the assumption that it is better nine guilty persons should escape1 than that one innocent person should be condemned4 ,clearly such rules will be inapplicable to the historical question which of two hypotheses is most likely to be true4 ,the author forgets that the negative hypothesis is just as much a hypothesis as the positive1 and needs to be defended in precisely the same manner4 ,either the ,gospels were used1 or they were not used4 ,in order to prove the second side of this alternative1 it is necessary to show not merely that it is possible that they were not used1 but that the theory is the more probable of the two1 and accounts better for the facts4 ,but the author of ',supernatural ,religion' hardly professes or attempts to do this4 ,if he comes across a quotation apparently taken from our ,gospels he is at once ready with his reply1 ',but it may be taken from a lost ,gospel4' ,granted2 it may4 ,but the extant ,gospel is there1 and the quotation referable to it2 the lost ,gospel is an unknown entity which may contain anything or nothing4 ,if we admit that the possibility of quotation from a lost ,gospel impairs the certainty of the reference to an extant ,gospel1 it is still quite another thing to argue that it is the more probable explanation and an explanation that the critic ought to accept4 ,in very few cases1 ,i believe1 has the author so much as attempted to do this4 ,we might then take a stand here1 and on the strength of what can be satisfactorily proved1 as well as of what can be probably inferred1 claim to have sufficiently established the use and antiquity of the ,gospels4 ,this is1 ,i think1 quite a necessary conclusion from the data hitherto collected4 ,but there is a further objection to be made to the procedure in ',supernatural ,religion4' ,if the object were to obtain clear and simple and universally appreciable evidence1 ,i do not hesitate to say that the enquiry ends just where it ought to have begun4 ,through the faulty method that he has employed the author forgets that he has a hypothesis to make good and to carry through4 ,he forgets that he has to account on the negative theory1 just as we account on the positive1 for a definite state of things4 ,it may sound paradoxical1 but there is really no great boldness in the paradox1 when we affirm that at least the high antiquity of the ,gospels could be proved1 even if not one jot or tittle of the evidence that we have been discussing had existed4 ,supposing that all those fragmentary remains of the primitive ,christian literature that we have been ransacking so minutely had been swept away1 supposing that the causes that have handed it down to us in such a mutilated and impaired condition had done their work still more effectually1 and that for the first eighty years of the second century there was no ,christian literature extant at all2 still ,i maintain that1 in order to explain the phenomena that we find after that date1 we should have to recur to the same assumptions that our previous enquiry would seem to have established for us4 ,hitherto we have had to grope our way with difficulty and care2 but from this date onwards all ambiguity and uncertainty disappears4 ,it is like emerging out of twilight into the broad blaze of day4 ,there is really a greater disproportion than we might expect between the evidence of the end of the century and that which leads up to it4 ,from ,justin to ,irenaeus the ,christian writings are fragmentary and few1 but with ,irenaeus a whole body of literature seems suddenly to start into being4 ,irenaeus is succeeded closely by ,clement of ,alexandria1 ,clement by ,tertullian1 ,tertullian by ,hippolytus and ,origen1 and the testimony which these writers bear to the ,gospel is marvellously abundant and unanimous4 ,i calculate roughly that ,irenaeus quotes directly #aic verses of the first ,gospel and #gc of the fourth4 ,clement of ,alexandria and ,tertullian must have quoted considerably more1 while in the extant writings of ,origen the greater part of the ,new ,testament is actually quoted ,endnote #cae3a4 ,but more than this2 by the time of ,irenaeus the canon of the four ,gospels1 as we understand the word now1 was practically formed4 ,we have already seen that this was the case in the fragment of ,muratori4 ,irenaeus is still more explicit4 ,in the famous passage ,endnote #cae3b which is so often quoted as an instance of the weak-mindedness of the ,fathers1 he lays it down as a necessity of things that the ,gospels should be four in number1 neither less nor more3-- ',for as there are four quarters of the world in which we live1 as there are also four universal winds1 and as the ,church is scattered over all the earth1 and the ,gospel is the pillar and base of the ,church and the breath 7or spirit7 of life1 it is likely that it should have four pillars breathing immortality on every side and kindling afresh the life of men4 ,whence it is evident that the ,word1 the architect of all things1 who sitteth upon the cherubim and holdeth all things together1 having been made manifest unto men1 gave to us the ,gospel in a fourfold shape1 but held together by one ,spirit4 ,as ,david1 entreating for ,his presence1 saith3 ,thou that sittest upon the ,cherubim show thyself4 ,for the ,cherubim are of fourfold visage1 and their visages are symbols of the economy of the ,son of man4444 ,and the ,gospels therefore agree with them over which presideth ,jesus ,christ4 ,that which is according to ,john declares ,his generation from the ,father sovereign and glorious1 saying thus3 ,in the beginning was the ,word1 and the ,word was with ,god1 and the ,word was ,god4 ,and1 ,all things were made by ,him1 and without ,him was not anything made4444 ,but the ,gospel according to ,luke1 as having a sacerdotal character1 begins with ,zacharias the priest offering incense unto ,god4444 ,but ,matthew records ,his human generation1 saying1 ,the book of the generation of ,jesus ,christ1 the ,son of ,david1 the ,son of ,abraham4444 ,mark took his beginning from the prophetic ,spirit coming down as it were from on high among men4 ,the beginning1 he says1 of the ,gospel according as it is written in ,esaias the prophet1 c4' ,irenaeus also makes mention of the origin of the ,gospels1 claiming for their authors the gift of ,divine inspiration ,endnote #caf3a3-- ',for after that our ,lord rose from the dead and they were endowed with the power of the ,holy ,ghost coming upon them from on high1 they were fully informed concerning all things1 and had a perfect knowledge3 they went out to the ends of the earth1 preaching the ,gospel of those good things that ,god hath given to us and proclaiming heavenly peace to men1 having indeed both all in equal measure and each one singly the ,gospel of ,god4 ,so then ,matthew among the ,jews put forth a written ,gospel in their own tongue while ,peter and ,paul were preaching the ,gospel in ,rome and founding the ,church4 ,after their decease 7or 'departure'71 ,mark1 the disciple and interpreter of ,peter1 himself too has handed down to us in writing the subjects of ,peter's preaching4 ,and ,luke1 the companion of ,paul1 put down in a book the ,gospel preached by him4 ,afterwards1 ,john1 the disciple of the ,lord1 who also leaned upon ,his breast1 likewise published his ,gospel while he dwelt at ,ephesus in ,asia4' ,we have not now to determine the exact value of these traditions2 what we have rather to notice is the fact that the ,gospels are at this time definitely assigned to their reputed authors1 and that they are already regarded as containing a special knowledge divinely imparted4 ,it is evident that ,irenaeus would not for a moment think of classing any other ,gospel by the side of the now strictly canonical four4 ,clement of ,alexandria1 who1 ,eusebius says1 'was illustrious for his writings1' in the year #aid gives a somewhat similar1 but not quite identical1 account of the composition of the second ,gospel ,endnote #cag3a4 ,he differs from ,irenaeus in making ,st4 ,peter cognisant of the work of his follower4 ,neither is he quite consistent with himself2 in one place he makes ,st4 ,peter 'authorise the ,gospel to be read in the churches2' in another he says that the ,apostle 'neither forbade nor encouraged it' ,endnote #cag3b4 ,these statements have both of them been preserved for us by ,eusebius1 who also alleges1 upon the authority of ,clement1 that the ',gospels containing the genealogies were written first4' ',john1' he says1 'who came last1 observing that the natural details had been set forth clearly in the ,gospels1 at the instance of his friends and with the inspiration of the ,spirit 7,greek3 pneumati theophoraethenta71 wrote a spiritual ,gospel' ,endnote #cag3c4 ,clement draws a distinct line between the canonical and uncanonical ,gospels4 ,in quoting an apocryphal saying supposed to have been given in answer to ,salome1 he says1 expressly3 ',we do not find this saying in the four ,gospels that have been handed down to us1 but in that according to the ,egyptians' ,endnote #cag3d4 ,tertullian is still more exclusive4 ,he not only regards the four ,gospels as inspired and authoritative1 but he makes no use of any extra-canonical ,gospel4 ,the ,gospels indeed held for him precisely the same position that they do with orthodox ,christians now4 ,he says respecting the ,gospels3 ',in the first place we lay it down that the evangelical document 7evangelicum instrumentum ,endnote #cah3a7 has for its authors the ,apostles1 to whom this office of preaching the ,gospel was committed by the ,lord ,himself4 ,if it has also ,apostolic men1 yet not these alone but in company with ,apostles and after ,apostles4 ,for the preaching of disciples might have been suspected of a desire for notoriety if it were not supported by the authority of ,masters1 nay of ,christ1 who made the ,apostles ,masters4 ,in fine1 of the ,apostles1 ,john and ,matthew first implant in us faith1 ,luke and ,mark renew it1 starting from the same principles1 so far as relates to the one ,god the ,creator and ,his ,christ born of the virgin1 to fulfil the law and the prophets' ,endnote #cah3b4 ,he grounds the authority of the ,gospels upon the fact that they proceed either from ,apostles or from those who held close relation to ,apostles1 like ,mark1 'the interpreter of ,peter1' and ,luke1 the companion of ,paul ,endnote #cah3c4 ,in another passage he expressly asserts their authenticity ,endnote #cah3d1 and he claimed to use them and them alone as his weapons in the conflict with heresy ,endnote #cah3e4 ,no less decided is the assertion of ,origen1 who writes3 ',as ,i have learnt from tradition concerning the four ,gospels1 which alone are undisputed in the ,church of ,god under heaven1 that the first in order of the scripture is that according to ,matthew1 who was once a publican but afterwards an ,apostle of ,jesus ,christ 444 ,the second is that according to ,mark1 who wrote as ,peter suggested to him 444 ,the third is that according to ,luke1 the ,gospel commended by ,paul 444 ,last of all that according to ,john' ,endnote #cai3a4 ,and again in his commentary upon the ,preface to ,st4 ,luke's ,gospel he expressly guards against the possibility that it might be thought to have reference to the other 7,canonical7 ,gospels3 ',in this word of ,luke's have taken in hand there is a latent accusation of those who without the grace of the ,holy ,spirit have rushed to the composing of ,gospels4 ,matthew1 indeed1 and ,mark1 and ,john1 and ,luke1 have not taken in hand to write1 but have written ,gospels1 being full of the ,holy ,spirit 444 ,the ,church has four ,gospels2 the ,heresies have many' ,endnote #cai3b4 ,but besides the ,fathers1 and without going beyond the bounds of the second century1 there is other evidence of the most distinct and important kind for the existence of a canon of the ,gospels4 ,among the various translations of the ,new ,testament one certainly1 two very probably1 and three perhaps probably1 were made in the course of the second century4 ,the old ,latin 7as distinct from ,jerome's revised7 version of the ,gospels and with them of a considerable portion of the ,new ,testament was1 ,i think it may be said1 undoubtedly used by ,tertullian and by the ,latin translator of ,irenaeus1 who appears to be quoted by ,tertullian1 and in that case could not be placed later than #bjj ,a4,d4 ,endnote #cbj3a ,on this point ,i shall quote authorities that will hardly be questioned4 ,and first that of a writer who is accustomed to weigh1 with the accuracy of true science1 every word that he puts down1 and who upon this subject is giving the result of a most minute and careful investigation4 ,speaking of the ,latin translation of the ,new ,testament as found in ,tertullian he says3 ',although single portions of this1 especially passages which are translated in several different ways1 may be due to ,tertullian himself1 still it cannot be doubted that in by far the majority of cases he has followed the text of a version received in his time by the ,africans and specially the ,carthaginian ,christians1 and made perhaps long before his time1 and that consequently his quotations represent the form of the earliest ,latinized ,scriptures accepted in those regions' ,endnote #cbj3b4 ,again3 ',in the first place we may conclude from the writings of ,tertullian1 that remarkable ,carthaginian presbyter at the close of the second century1 that in his time there existed several1 perhaps many1 ,latin translations of the ,bible 444 ,tertullian himself frequently quotes in his writings one and the same passage of ,scripture in entirely different forms1 which indeed in many cases may be explained by his quoting freely from memory1 but certainly not seldom has its ground in the diversity of the translations used at the time' ,endnote #cba3a4 ,on this last point1 the unity of the ,old ,latin version1 there is a difference of opinion among scholars1 but none as to its date4 ,thus ,dr4 ,tregelles writes3 ',the expressions of ,tertullian have been rightly rested on as showing that he knew and recognised one translation1 and that this version was in several places 7in his opinion7 opposed to what was found in ,graeco authentico4 ,this version must have been made a sufficiently long time before the age when ,tertullian wrote1 and before the ,latin translator of ,irenaeus1 for it to have got into general circulation4 ,this leads us back towards the middle of the second century at the latest3 how much earlier the version may have been we have no proof2 for we are already led back into the time when no records tell us anything respecting the ,north ,african ,church' ,endnote #cba3b4 ,dr4 ,tregelles1 it should be remembered1 is speaking as a text critic1 of which branch of science his works are one of the noblest monuments1 and not directly of the history of the ,canon4 ,his usual opponent in text critical matters1 but an equally exact and trustworthy writer1 ,dr4 ,scrivener1 agrees with him here both as to the unity of the version and as to its date from the middle of the century ,endnote #cba3c4 ,dr4 ,westcott too writes in his well-known and valuable article on the ,vulgate in ,smith's ,dictionary ,endnote #cba3d3 ',tertullian distinctly recognises the general currency of a ,latin ,version of the ,new ,testament1 though not necessarily of every book at present included in the ,canon1 which even in his time had been able to mould the popular language4 ,this was characterised by a rudeness and simplicity1 which seems to point to the nature of its origin4' ,i do not suppose that the currency at the end of the second century of a ,latin version1 containing the four ,gospels and no others1 will be questioned ,endnote #cbb3a4 ,with regard to the ,syriac version there is perhaps a somewhat greater room to doubt1 though ,dr4 ,tregelles begins his account of this version by saying3 ',it may stand as an admitted fact that a version of the ,new ,testament in ,syriac existed in the second century' ,endnote #cbb3b4 ,dr4 ,scrivener also says ,endnote #cbb3c3 ',the universal belief of later ages1 and the very nature of the case1 seem to render it unquestionable that the ,syrian ,church was possessed of a translation both of the ,old and ,new ,testament1 which it used habitually1 and for public worship exclusively1 from the second century of our era downwards3 as early as ,a4,d4 #agj ,greek3 ho ,syros is cited by ,melito on ,genesis xxii4 #ac4' ,the external evidence1 however1 does not seem to be quite strong enough to bear out any very positive assertion4 ,the appeal to the ,syriac by ,melito ,endnote #cbb3d is pretty conclusive as to the existence of a ,syriac ,old ,testament1 which1 being of ,christian origin1 would probably be accompanied by a translation of the ,new4 ,but on the other hand1 the language of ,eusebius respecting ,hegesippus 7,greek3 ek te tou kath' ,hebraious euangeliou kai tou ,syriakou 444 tina tithaesin7 seems to be rightly interpreted by ,routh as having reference not to any 'version of the ,gospel1 but to a separate ,syro-,hebraic 787 ,gospel' like that according to the ,hebrews4 ,in any case the ,syriac ,scriptures 'were familiarly used and claimed as his national version by ,ephraem of ,edessa' 7#bii-cgh ,a4,d47 as well as by ,aphraates in writings dating ,a4,d4 #ccg and #cdd ,endnote #cbc3a4 ,a nearer approximation of date would be obtained by determining the age of the version represented by the celebrated ,curetonian fragments4 ,there is a strong tendency among critics1 which seems rapidly approaching to a consensus1 to regard this as bearing the same relation to the ,peshito that the ,old ,latin does to ,jerome's ,vulgate1 that of an older unrevised to a later revised version4 ,the strength of the tendency in this direction may be seen by the very cautious and qualified opinion expressed in the second edition of his ,introduction by ,dr4 ,scrivener1 who had previously taken a decidedly antagonistic view1 and also by the fact that ,mr4 ,m',clellan1 who is usually an ally of ,dr4 ,scrivener1 here appears on the side of his opponents ,endnote #cbc3b4 ,all the writers who have hitherto been mentioned place either the ,curetonian ,syriac or the ,peshito in the second century1 and the majority1 as we have seen1 the ,curetonian4 ,dr4 ,tregelles1 on a comparative examination of the text1 affirms that 'the ,curetonian ,syriac presents such a text as we might have concluded would be current in the second century' ,endnote #cbc3c4 ,english text criticism is probably on the whole in advance of ,continental2 but it may be noted that ,bleek 7who however was imperfectly acquainted with the ,curetonian form of the text7 yet asserts that the ,syriac version 'belongs without doubt to the second century ,a4,d4' ,endnote #cbd3a ,reuss ,endnote #cbd3b places it at the beginning1 ,hilgenfeld towards the end ,endnote #cbd3c1 of the third century4 ,the question as to the age of the version is not necessarily identical with that as to the age of the particular form of it preserved in ,cureton's fragments4 ,this would hold the same sort of relation to the original text of the version that 7e4g47 a1 or b1 or c--any primitive codex of the version--holds to the original text of the ,old ,latin4 ,it also appears that the translation into ,syriac of the different ,gospels1 conspicuously of ,st4 ,matthew's1 was made by different hands and at different times ,endnote #cbd3d4 ,bearing these considerations in mind1 we should still be glad to know what answer those who assign the ,curetonian text to the second century make to the observation that it contains the reading ,greek3 ,baethabara in ,john i4 #bh which is generally assumed to be not older than ,origen ,endnote #cbd3e4 ,on the other hand1 the ,curetonian1 like the ,old ,latin1 still has in ,john vii4 #h ,greek3 ouk for ,greek3 oupo--a change which1 according to ,dr4 ,scrivener ,endnote #cbd3f1 'from the end of the third century downwards was very generally and widely diffused4' ,this whole set of questions needs perhaps a more exhaustive discussion than it has obtained hitherto ,endnote #cbd3g4 ,the third version that may be mentioned is the ,egyptian4 ,in regard to this ,dr4 ,lightfoot says ,endnote #cbe3a1 that 'we should probably not be exaggerating if we placed one or both of the principal ,egyptian versions1 the ,memphitic and the ,thebaic1 or at least parts of them1 before the close of the second century4' ,in support of this statement he quotes ,schwartz1 the principal authority on the subject1 'who will not be suspected of any theological bias4' ,the historical notices on which the conclusion is founded are given in ,scrivener's ',introduction4' ,if we are to put a separate estimate upon these1 it would be perhaps that the version was made in the second century somewhat more probably than not2 it was certainly not made later than the first half of the third ,endnote #cbe3b4 ,putting this version however on one side1 the facts that have to be explained are these4 ,towards the end of the second century we find the four ,gospels in general circulation and invested with full canonical authority1 in ,gaul1 at ,rome1 in the province of ,africa1 at ,alexandria1 and in ,syria4 ,now if we think merely of the time that would be taken in the transcription and dissemination of ,,mss41 and of the struggle that works such as the ,gospels would have to go through before they could obtain recognition1 and still more an exclusive recognition1 this alone would tend to overthrow any such theory as that one of the ,gospels1 the fourth1 was not composed before #aej ,a4,d41 or indeed anywhere near that date4 ,but this is not by any means all4 ,it is merely the first step in a process that1 quite independently of the other external evidence1 thrusts the composition of the ,gospels backwards and backwards to a date certainly as early as that which is claimed for them4 ,let us define a little more closely the chronological bearings of the subject4 ,there is a decidedly preponderant probability that the ,muratorian fragment was not written much later than #agj ,a4,d4 ,irenaeus1 as we have seen1 was writing in the decade #ahj-aij ,a4,d4 ,but his evidence is surely valid for an earlier date than this4 ,he is usually supposed to have been born about the year #adj ,a4,d4 ,endnote #cbf3a1 and the way in which he describes his relations to ,polycarp will not admit of a date many years later4 ,but his strong sense of the continuity of ,church doctrine and the exceptional veneration that he accords to the ,gospels seem alone to exclude the supposition that any of them should have been composed in his own lifetime4 ,he is fond of quoting the ',presbyters1' who connected his own age with that1 if not of the ,apostles1 yet of ,apostolic men4 ,pothinus1 bishop of ,lyons1 whom he succeeded1 was more than ninety years old at the time of his martyrdom in the persecution of ,a4,d4 #agg ,endnote #cbf3b1 and would thus in his boyhood be contemporary with the closing years of the last ,evangelist4 ,irenaeus also had before him a number of writings--some1 e4g4 the works of the ,marcosians1 in addition to those that have been discussed in the course of this work--in which our ,gospels are largely quoted1 and which1 to say the least1 were earlier than his own time of writing4 ,clement of ,alexandria began to flourish1 7,greek3 egnorizeto7 ,endnote #cbg3a1 in the reign of ,commodus 7#ahj-aij ,a4,d471 and had obtained a still wider celebrity as head of the ,catechetical ,school of ,alexandria in the time of ,severus ,endnote #cbg3b 7#aic- #baa74 ,the opinions therefore to which he gives expression in his works of this date were no doubt formed at a earlier period4 ,he too appeals to the tradition of which he had been himself a recipient4 ,he speaks of his teachers1 'those blessed and truly memorable men1' one in ,greece1 another in ,magna ,graecia1 a third in ,coele-,syria1 a fourth in ,egypt1 a fifth in ,assyria1 a sixth in ,palestine1 to whom the doctrine of the ,apostles had been handed down from father to son ,endnote #cbg3c4 ,tertullian is still bolder4 ,in his controversy with ,marcion he confidently claims as on his side the tradition of the ,apostolic ,churches4 ,by it is guaranteed the ,gospel of ,st4 ,luke which he is defending1 and not only that1 but the other ,gospels ,endnote #cbg3d4 ,in one passage ,tertullian even goes so far as to send his readers to the ,churches of ,corinth1 ,philippi1 c4 for the very autographs 7'authenticae literae'7 of ,st4 ,paul's ,epistles ,endnote #cbg3e4 ,but this is merely a characteristic flourish of rhetoric4 ,all for which the statements of ,tertullian may safely be said to vouch is1 that the ,gospels had held their 'prerogative' position within his memory and that of most members of the ,church to which he belonged4 ,but the evidence of the ,fathers is most decisive when it is unconscious4 ,that the ,gospels as used by the ,christian writers at the end of the first century1 so far from being of recent composition1 had already a long history behind them1 is nothing less than certain4 ,at this date they exhibit a text which bears the marks of frequent transcription and advanced corruption4 ',origen's1' says ,dr4 ,scrivener ,endnote #cbh3a1 'is the highest name among the critics and expositors of the early ,church2 he is perpetually engaged in the discussion of various readings of the ,new ,testament1 and employs language in describing the then state of the text1 which would be deemed strong if applied even to its present condition with the changes which sixteen more centuries must needs have produced 444 ,respecting the sacred autographs1 their fate or their continued existence1 he seems to have had no information1 and to have entertained no curiosity3 they had simply passed by and were out of his reach4 ,had it not been for the diversities of copies in all the ,gospels on other points 7he writes7 he should not have ventured to object to the authenticity of a certain passage 7,matt4 xix4 #ai7 on internal grounds3 ,but now1 saith he1 great in truth has become the diversity of copies1 be it from the negligence of certain scribes1 or from the evil daring of some who correct what is written1 or from those who in correcting add or take away what they think fit4' ,this is respecting the ,,mss4 of one region only1 and now for another ,endnote #cbh3b3 ',it is no less true to fact than paradoxical in sound1 that the worst corruptions to which the ,new ,testament has ever been subjected1 originated within a hundred years after it was composed2 that ,irenaeus and the ,african ,fathers and the whole ,western1 with a portion of the ,syrian ,church1 used far inferior manuscripts to those employed by ,stunica1 or ,erasmus1 or ,stephens thirteen centuries later1 when moulding the ,textus ,receptus4' ,possibly this is an exaggeration1 but no one will maintain that it is a very large exaggeration of the facts4 ,i proceed to give a few examples which serve to bring out the antiquity of the text4 ,and first from ,irenaeus4 ,there is a very remarkable passage in the work ,against ,heresies ,endnote #cbi3a1 bearing not indeed directly upon the ,gospels1 but upon another book of the ,new ,testament1 and yet throwing so much light upon the condition of the text in ,irenaeus' time that it may be well to refer to it here4 ,in discussing the signification of the number of the beast in ,rev4 xiii4 #ah1 ,irenaeus already found himself confronted by a variety of reading3 some ,,mss4 with which he was acquainted read #faf 7,greek3 chis'7 for #fff 7,greek3 chxs'74 ,irenaeus himself was not in doubt that the latter was the true reading4 ,he says that it was found in all the 'good and ancient copies1' and that it was further attested by 'those who had seen ,john face to face4' ,he thinks that the error was due to the copyists1 who had substituted by mistake the letter ,greek3 i for ,greek3 x4 ,he adds his belief that ,god would pardon those who had done this without any evil motive4 ,here we have opened out a kind of vista extending back almost to the person of ,st4 ,john himself4 ,there is already a multiplicity of ,,mss41 and of these some are set apart 'as good and ancient' 7,greek3 en pasi tois spoudaiois kai archaiois antigraphois74 ,the method by which the correct reading had to be determined was as much historical as it is with us at the present day4 ,a not dissimilar state of things is indicated somewhat less explicitly in regard to the first ,gospel4 ,in the text of ,matt4 i4 #ah all the ,greek ,,mss41 with one exception1 read1 ,greek3 tou de ,iaesou ,christou hae genesis outos aen1 ,b alone has ,greek3 tou de ,christou ,iaesou4 ,the ,greek of ,d is wanting at this point1 but the ,latin1 d1 reads with the best codices of the ,old ,latin1 the ,vulgate1 and the ,curetonian ,syriac1 ',christi autem generatio sic erat' 7or an equivalent74 ,now ,irenaeus quotes this passage three times4 ,in the first passage ,endnote #ccj3a the original ,greek text of ,irenaeus has been preserved in a quotation of ,germanus1 ,patriarch of ,constantinople 7the context also by ,anastasius ,sinaita1 but these words appear to be omitted72 and the reading of ,germanus corresponds to that of the great mass of ,,mss4 ,this however is almost certainly false1 as the ancient ,latin translation of ,irenaeus has ',christi autem generatio1' and it was extremely natural for a copyist to substitute the generally received text1 especially in a combination of words that was so familiar4 ,irenaeus leaves no doubt as to his own reading on the next occasion when he quotes the passage1 as he does twice over4 ,here he says expressly3 ',ceterum1 potuerat dicere ,matthaeus3 ,jesu vero generatio sic erat2 sed praevidens ,spiritus sanctus depravatores1 et praemuniens contra fraudulentiam eorum1 per ,matthaeum ait3 ,christi autem generatio sic erat' ,endnote #ccj3b4 ,irenaeus founds an argument upon this directed against the heretics who supposed that the ,christus and ,jesus were not identical1 but that ,jesus was the son of ,mary1 upon whom the aeon ,christus afterwards descended4 ,in opposition to these ,irenaeus maintains that the ,christus and ,jesus are one and the same person4 ,there is a division of opinion among modern critics as to which of the two readings is to be admitted into the text2 ,griesbach1 ,lachmann1 ,tischendorf 7eighth edition71 and ,scrivener support the reading of the ,,mss42 ,tregelles1 ,westcott and ,hort1 and ,m',clellan prefer that of ,irenaeus4 ,the presence of this reading in the ,old ,latin and ,curetonian ,syriac proves its wide diffusion4 ,at the same time it is clear that ,irenaeus himself was aware of the presence of the other reading in some copies which he regarded as bearing the marks of heretical depravation4 ,it is unfortunate that fuller illustration cannot be given from ,irenaeus1 but the number of the quotations from the ,gospels of which the ,greek text still remains is not large1 and where we have only the ,latin interpretation we cannot be sure that the actual text of ,irenaeus is before us4 ,much uncertainty is thus raised4 ,for instance1 a doubt is expressed by the editors of ,irenaeus whether the words 'without a cause' 7,greek3 eikae--sine caussa7 in the quotation of ,matt4 v4 #bb ,endnote #cca3a belong to the original text or not4 ,probably they did so1 as they are found in the ,old ,latin and ,curetonian ,syriac and in ,western authorities generally4 ,they are wanting however in ,b1 in ,origen1 and 'in the true copies' according to ,jerome1 c4 ,the words are expunged from the sacred text by ,lachmann1 ,tischendorf1 ,westcott and ,hort1 and ,m',clellan4 ,there is a less weight of authority for their retention4 ,in any case the double reading was certainly current at the end of the second century1 as the words are found in ,irenaeus and omitted by ,tertullian4 ,the elaborately varied readings of ,matt4 xi4 #be-bg and ,matt4 xix4 #af1 #ag there can be little doubt are taken from the canonical text4 ,they are both indeed found in a passage 7,adv4 ,haer4 i4 #bj4 #b1 #c7 where ,irenaeus is quoting the heretical ,marcosians2 and various approximations are met with1 as we have seen1 under ambiguous circumstances in ,justin1 the ,clementine ,homilies1 and ,marcion4 ,but similar approximations are also found in ,irenaeus himself 7speaking in his own person71 in ,clement of ,alexandria1 ,origen1 and ,epiphanius1 who are undoubtedly quoting from our ,gospels2 so that the presence of the variations at that early date is proved1 though in the first case they receive none1 and in the second very limited1 support from the extant ,,mss4 ,endnote #ccb3a ,a variety of reading that was in the first instance accidental seemed to afford a handle either to the orthodox or to heretical parties1 and each for a time maintained its own2 but with the victory of the orthodox cause the heretical reading gave way1 and was finally suppressed before the time at which the extant ,,mss4 were written4 ,these are really conspicuous instances of the confusion of text already existing1 but ,i forbear to press them because1 though ,i do not doubt myself the correctness of the account that has been given of them1 still there is just the ambiguity alluded to1 and ,i do not wish to seem to assume the truth of any particular view4 ,for minor variations the text of ,irenaeus cannot be used satisfactorily1 because it is always doubtful whether the ,latin version has correctly reproduced the original4 ,and even in those comparatively small portions where the ,greek is still preserved1 it has come down to us through the medium of other writers1 and we have just had an instance how easily the distinctive features of the text might be obliterated4 ,neither of these elements of uncertainty exists in the case of ,tertullian2 and therefore1 as the text of his ,new ,testament quotations has been edited in a very exact and careful form1 ,i shall illustrate what has been said respecting the corruptions introduced in the second century chiefly from him4 ,the following may be taken as a few of the instances in which the existence of a variety of reading can be verified by a comparison of ,tertullian's text with that of the ,,mss4 ,the brackets 7as before7 indicate partial support4 ,matt4 iii4 #h4 ,dignos poenitentiae fructus 7,pudic4 #aj74 ,greek3 ,karpous axious taes metanoias ,textus ,receptus1 ,l1 ,u1 #cc1 a1 g'#b1 m1 ,syrr4 ,crt4 and ,pst41 etc4 ,greek3 ,karpon axion t4 met4 ,b1 ,c 7,d71 ,greek3 ,d1 #a1 etc42 ,vulg41 b1 c1 d1 f1 ff'#a1 ,syr4 ,hcl41 ,memph41 ,theb41 ,iren41 ,orig41 etc4 ,tertullian himself has the singular in ,hermog4 #ab1 so that he seems to have had both readings in his copies4 ,matt4 v4 #d1 #e4 ,the received order 'beati lugentes' and 'beati mites' is followed in ,pat4 #aa ,rnsch p4 #ehi and ,tisch41 correcting ,treg41 ,so ,hebrew3 ,aleph symbol1 ,b1 ,c1 rel41 b1 f1 ,syrr4 ,pst4 and ,hcl41 ,memph41 ,arm41 ,aeth4 ,order inverted in ,d1 #cc1 ,vulg41 a1 c1 ff'#a1 g'#a4b1 h1 k1 l1 ,syr4 ,crt41 ,clem41 ,orig41 ,eus41 ,hil4 ,matt4 v4 #af4 ',luceant opera vestra' for 'luceat lux vestra1' ,tert4 7bis74 ,so ,hil41 ,ambr41 ,aug41 ,celest4 see above1 p4 #acd against all ,,mss4 and versions4 ,matt4 v4 #bh4 ,qui viderit ad concupiscentiam1 etc4 ,this verse is cited six times by ,tertullian1 and ,rnsch says 7p4 #eij7 that 'in these six citations almost every variant of the ,greek text is represented4' ,matt4 v4 #dh4 ,qui est in caelis3 ,greek3 ho en tois ouranois1 ,textus ,receptus1 with ,greek3 ,delta symbol1 ,e'#b1 rel41 b1 c1 d1 g'#a1 h1 ,syrr4 ,crt4 and ,pst41 ,clem41 ,greek3 ho ouranios1 ,hebrew3 ,aleph symbol1 ,b1 ,d'#b1 ,z1 and i1 #cc1 ,vulg41 a1 f1 etc4 ,matt4 vi4 #aj4 ,fiat voluntas tua in caelis et in terra1 omitting 'sicut4' ,so ,d1 a1 b1 c1 ,aug4 7expressly1 'some codices'74 ,matt4 xi4 ii4 ,nemo major inter natos feminarum ,joanne baptizatore4 ',the form of this citation1 which neither corresponds with ,matt4 xi4 #aa nor with ,luke vii4 #bh1 coincides almost exactly with the words which in both the ,greek and ,latin text of the ,codex ,bezae form the conclusion of ,luke vii4 #bf1 ,greek3 hoti oudeis meizon en gennaetois gunaikon prophaetaes ,ioannou tou baptistou' 7,rnsch1 p4 #fjh74 ,matt4 xiii4 #ae4 ,sanem3 ,greek3 iasmai1 ,k1 ,u1 ,x1 ,greek3 ,delta1 ,i2 ,latt4 7exc4 d71 ,syr4 ,crt42 ,greek3 iasomai1 ,b1 ,c1 ,d1 ,hebrew3 ,aleph symbol1 rel4 ,matt4 xv4 #bf4 ,non est 7only71 so ,eus4 in ,ps4 #hc2 ,greek3 exestin1 ,d1 a1 b1 c1 ff1 g'#a1 #a1 ,syr4 ,crt41 ,orig41 ,hil42 ,greek3 ouk estin kalon1 ,b1 ,c1 ,hebrew aleph1 rel41 ,vulg41 c1 f1 g'#b1 k1 ,orig4 ,there are of course few quotations that can be distinctly identified as taken from ,st4 ,mark1 but among these may be noticed3-- ,mark i4 #bd4 ,scimus3 ,greek3 oidamen se1 ,hebrew aleph1 ,l1 ,greek3 ,delta1 ,memph41 ,iren41 ,orig41 ,eus42 ,greek3 oida se tis ei1 ,a1 ,b1 ,c1 ,d1 rel41 ,latt41 ,syrr4 ,mark ix4 #g4 ,hunc audite3 ,greek3 autou akouete1 ,a1 ,x1 rel41 b1 f1 ,syrr42 ,greek3 akouete autou1 ,hebrew3 aleph ,b1 ,c1 ,d1 ,l1 a1 c1 ff'#a1 etc4 ,this may be however from ,matt4 xvii4 #e1 where ,tertullian's reading has somewhat stronger support4 ,the variations in quotations from ,st4 ,luke have been perhaps sufficiently illustrated in the chapter on ,marcion4 ,we may therefore omit this ,gospel and pass to ,st4 ,john4 ,a very remarkable reading meets us at the outset4 ,john i4 #ac4 ,non ex sanguine nec ex voluntate carnis nec ex voluntate viri1 sed ex deo natus est4 ,the ,greek of all the ,,mss4 and ,versions1 with the single exception of b of the ,old ,latin1 is ,greek3 oi egennaethaesan4 ,a sentence is thus applied to ,christ that was originally intended to be applied to the ,christian4 ,tertullian 7,de ,carne ,christ4 #ai1 #bd71 though he also had the right reading before him1 boldly accuses the ,valentinians of a falsification1 and lays stress upon the reading which he adopts as proof of the veritable birth of ,christ from a virgin4 ,the same text is found in b 7,codex ,veronensis7 of the ,old ,latin1 ,pseudo- ,athanasius1 the ,latin translator of ,origen's commentary on ,st4 ,matthew1 in ,augustine1 and three times in ,irenaeus4 ,the same codex has1 like ,tertullian1 the singular ex sanguine for the plural ,greek3 ex ahimaton3 so ,eusebius and ,hilary4 ,john iii4 #cf4 ,manebit 7,greek3 mene1 for ,greek3 mnei74 ,so b1 e1 g1 ,syr4 ,pst41 ,memph41 ,aeth41 ,iren41 ,cypr42 against a1 c1 d1 f1 ff1 ,syrr4 ,crt4 and ,hcl41 etc4 ,john v4 #c1 #d4 ,the famous paragraph which describes the moving of the waters of the pool of ,bethesda was found in ,tertullian's ,,ms4 ,it is also found in the mass of ,,mss41 in the ,old ,latin and ,vulgate1 in ,syrr4 ,pst4 and ,jer41 and in some ,,mss4 of ,memph4 ,it is omitted in ,hebrew3 ,aleph symbol1 ,b1 ,c1 ,d 7v4 #d71 f1 l1 ,syr4 ,crt41 ,theb41 ,memph4 7most ,,mss474 ,tertullian gives the name of the pool as ,bethsaida with ,b1 ,vulg41 c1 ,syr4 ,hcl41 ,memph4 ,most of the authorities read ,greek3 baethesda4 ,greek3 baethzatha1 baezatha1 ,berzeta1 ,belzatha1 and ,betzeta are also found4 ,john v4 #dc4 ,recepistis1 perf4 for pres4 7,greek3 lambanete74 ,so a1 b1 ,iren41 ,vigil41 ,ambr41 ,jer4 ,john vi4 #ci4 ,non perdam ex eo quicquam4 ,here 'quicquam' is an addition 7,greek3 maeden71 found in ,d1 a1 b1 ff1 ,syr4 ,crt4 ,john vi4 #ea4 ,et panis quem ego dedero pro salute mundi1 caro mea est4 ,this almost exactly corresponds with the reading of ,hebrew3 ,aleph1 ,greek3 ho artos hon ego doso huper taes tou kosmou zoaes1 hae sarx mou estin4 ,similarly1 but with inversion of the last two clauses 7,greek3 hae sarx mou estin huper taes tou kosmou zoaes71 ,b1 ,c1 ,d and ,t1 #cc1 ,vulg41 a1 b1 c1 e1 m1 ,syr4 ,crt41 ,theb41 ,aeth41 ,orig41 ,cypr4 ,the received text is ,greek3 kai ho artos de dae ego doso1 hae sarx mou estin aen ego doso huper taes tou kosmou zoaes1 after ,e1 ,g1 ,h1 ,k1 ,m1 ,s1 etc4 ,john xii4 #cj4 ,venit 7 ,greek3 aelthen for ,greek3 gegonen71 with ,d 7,tregelles71 also a1 b1 l1 n 7871 ,vulg4 7fuld471 ,hil41 ,victorin42 ,rnsch4 ,the instances that have been here given are all1 or nearly all1 false readings on the part of ,tertullian4 ,it is1 of course1 only as such that they are in point for the present enquiry4 ,some few of those mentioned have been admitted into the text by certain modern editors4 ,thus1 on ,matt4 v4 #d1 #e ,tertullian's reading finds support in ,westcott and ,hort3 and ,m',clellan1 against ,tischendorf and ,tregelles4 ,this instance perhaps should not be pressed4 ,i leave it standing1 because it shows interesting relations between ,tertullian and the various forms of the ,old ,latin4 ,the passage omitted in ,john v4 #c1 #d is argued for strenuously by ,mr4 ,m',clellan1 with more hesitation by ,dr4 ,scrivener1 and in ',supernatural ,religion' 7sixth edition71 against ,tregelles1 ,tischendorf1 ,milligan1 ,lightfoot1 ,westcott and ,hort4 ,in the same passage ,bethsaida is read by ,lachmann 7margin7 and by ,westcott and ,hort4 ,in ,john vi4 #ea the reading of ,tertullian and the ,sinaitic ,codex is defended by ,tischendorf2 the approximate reading of ,b1 ,c1 ,d1 c4 is admitted by ,lachmann1 ,tregelles1 ,milligan1 ,westcott and ,hort1 and the received text has an apologist in ,mr4 ,m',clellan 7with ,tholuck and ,wordsworth74 ,on these points then it should be borne in mind that ,tertullian may present the true reading2 on all the others he is pretty certainly wrong4 ,let us now proceed to analyse roughly these erroneous 7in three cases doubtfully erroneous7 readings4 ,we shall find ,endnote #ccf3a that ,tertullian-- ,agrees with ,differs from x 7,codex ,sinaiticus7 in ,mark in ,matt4 iii4 #ah1 v4 #af1 v4 #dh1 i4 #b #d1 ,john vi4 #ea4 vi4 #aj1 xi4 #aa1 xiii4 #ae1 xv4 #bf1 ,mark ix4 #g1 ,john i4 #ac1 v4 #c1 #dc1 v4 #dc1 vi4 #ci1 xii4 #cj4 ,a 7,codex ,alexandrinus7 in ,a in ,mark i4 #bd1 ,john i4 #ac1 ,mark ix4 #g1 ,john v4 #c1 #d4 v4 #dc1 vi4 #ci1 xii4 #cj4 ,b 7,codex ,vaticanus7 in ,john ,b in ,matt4 iii4 #h1 v4 #af1 v4 #dh1 vi4 v4 #b1 7vi4 #ea74 #aj1 xi4 #aa1 xiii4 #ae1 xv4 #bf1 ,mark i4 #bd1 ix4 #g1 ,john i4 #ac1 v4 #c1d1 ,v4 #dc1 vi4 #ci1 xii4 #cj4 ,c 7,codex ,ephraemi--somewhat ,c in ,matt4 iii4 #h1 xi4 #aa1 xiii4 fragmentary7 in ,john #ae1 xv4 #bf1 ,mark i4 #bd1 ix4 #g1 7vi4 #ea74 ,john i4 #ac1 v4 #c1 #d1 vi4 #ci4 ,d 7,codex ,bezae--in some ,d in ,matt4 7iii4 #h71 v4 #af1 v4 #dh1 places wanting7 in ,matt4 vi4 xiii4 #ae1 ,mark i4 #bd1 ix4 #g1 #aj1 ,xi4 #aa1 7xv4 #bf71 ,john 7vi4 ,john i4 #ac1 iii4 #cf1 v4 #d1 v4 #dc4 #ea71 xii4 #cj4 ,,greek ,,fathers4 ,clement of ,alexandria1 in ,matt4 v4 #af1 v4 #dh4 ,origen1 in ,matt4 7xv4 #bf71 ,mark ,origen1 in ,matt4 iii4 #h1 7xv4 #bf71 i4 #bd1 ,john i4 #ac 7,latin trans- lator71 7vi4 #ea74 ,eusebius1 in ,matt4 xv4 #bf1 ,mark i4 #bd1 ,john i4 #ac 7partially74 ,,latin ,,fathers4 ,irenaeus1 in ,mark i4 #bd1 ,john ,irenaeus in ,matt4 iii4 #h4 i4 #ac 7ter71 iii4 #cf1 v4 #dc4 ,cyprian1 in ,john iii4 #cf1 7vi4 #ea74 ,augustine1 in ,matt4 v4 #af1 vi4 #aj4 ,ambrose1 in ,matt4 v4 #af1 ,john v4 #dc4 ,hilary1 in ,matt4 v4 #af1 7xv4 #bf71 ,john xii4 #cj4 ,others1 in ,matt4 v4 #af1 v4 #dh1 ,john i4 #ac1 v4 #dc1 xii4 #cj4 ,,versions4 ,old ,latin-- a 7,codex ,vercellensis71 in ,matt4 a1 in ,matt4 v4 #af1 v4 #dh1 xi4 #aa1 7iii4 #h71 vi4 #aj1 xiii4 #ae1 7xv4 ,mark i4 #bd1 ix4 #g1 ,john i4 #ac1 #bf71 ,john v4 #c1 #d1 v4 #dc1 7vi4 iii4 #cf4 #ea71 xii4 #cj4 b 7,codex ,veronensis71 in ,matt4 b1 in ,matt4 iii4 #h1 v4 #af1 xi4 #aa1 v4 #dh1 vi4 #aj1 xiii4 #ae1 7xv4 #cf71 ,mark i4 #bd4 ,mark ix4 #g1 ,john i4 #ac1 iii4 #cf1 v4 #c1 #d1 v4 #dc1 7vi4 #ea71 xii4 #cj4 c 7,codex ,colbertinus71 in ,matt4 c1 in ,matt4 iii4 #h1 v4 #af1 xi4 #aa1 v4 #dh1 vi4 #aj1 xiii4 #ae1 7xv4 #bf71 ,mark i4 #bd1 ix4 #g1 ,john i4 #ac1 ,john v4 #c1 #d1 7vi4 #ea74 iii4 #cf1 ,v4 #dc1 vi4 #ci1 xii4 #cj4 f 7,codex ,brixianus71 in ,matt4 f1 in ,matt4 iii4 #h1 v4 #af1 v4 #dh1 xiii4 #ae1 ,mark ix4 #g4 vi4 #aj1 xi4 #aj1 xv4 #bf1 ,mark i4 #bd1 ,john i4 #ac1 iii4 #cf1 v4 #c1 #d1 v4 #dc1 vi4 #ci1 vi4 #ea1 xii4 #cj4 ,other codices1 in ,matt4 iii4 #h1 ,other codices1 in ,matt4 iii4 #h1 vi4 #aj1 ,xiii4 #e1 7xv4 #bf71 ,john v4 #af1 v4 #dh1 vi4 #aj1 xi4 #aa1 iii4 #cf1 v4 #c1 #d1 vi4 #ci1 7vi4 #ea71 ,mark i4 #bd1 ix4 #g1 ,john i4 #ac1 xii4 #cj4 iii4 #cf1 v4 #c1 #d1 v4 #dc1 vi4 #ci1 vi4 #ea1 xii4 #cj4 ,vulgate1 in ,matt4 xiii4 #ae1 ,john ,vulgate1 in ,matt4 iii4 #h1 v4 #af1 v4 #c1 #d1 7vi4 #ea71 xii4 #cj v4 #dh1 vi4 #aj1 xi4 #aa1 xv4 #bf1 7fuld474 ,mark i4 #bd1 ix4 #g1 ,john i4 #ac1 iii4 #cf1 v4 #dc1 vi4 #ci4 ,syriac-- ,syr4 ,crt4 7fragmentary71 in ,syr4 ,crt41 in ,matt4 v4 #af1 vi4 #aj1 ,matt4 iii4 #h1 v4 #dh1 xiii4 #ae1 xi4 #aa1 ,john 7i4 #ac1 8 ,tregelles7 7xv4 #bf71 ,john 7i4 #ac1 8 ,crowfoot71 iii4 #cf1 v4 #c1 #d1 v4 #dc4 vi4 #ci1 7vi4 #ea474 ,syr4 ,pst41 in ,matt4 iii4 #h1 v4 #dh1 ,syr4 ,pst41 in ,matt4 vi4 #aj1 ,mark ,mark ix4 #g1 ,john iii4 #cf1 v4 #c1 #d4 i4 #bd1 ,john i4 #ac1 7vi4 #ea71 xii4 #cj ,the evidence of this and the following versions is only given where it is either expressly stated or left to be clearly inferred by the editors4 ,egyptian-- ,thebaic1 in ,john 7vi4 #ea74 ,thebaic1 in ,matt4 iii4 #h1 v4 #af1 ,mark ix4 #g1 ,john v4 #c1 #d4 ,memphitic1 in ,mark i4 #bd1 ,john ,memphitic1 in ,matt4 iii4 #h1 v4 iii4 #cf4 #af1 7v4 #dh71 ,mark ix4 #g1 ,john v4 #c1 #d1 vi4 #ea4 ,summing up the results numerically they would be something of this kind3-- ,,uncial ,,mss4 ,hebrew3 ,a ,b ,c ,d ,alef ,agreement #b #b #b #a #e ,difference #ac #e #ad #i #aj ,,greek ,,fathers4 ,clement of ,alexandria4 ,origen4 ,eusebius4 ,agreement #a #d #c ,difference #j #b #j ,,latin ,,fathers4 ,irenaeus4 ,cyprian4 ,augustine4 ,ambrose4 ,hilary4 ,others4 ,agreement #d #b #b #b #c #e ,difference #a #j #j #j #j #j ,,versions4 ,,old ,,latin4 ,,vulgate4 a b c f rel4 ,agreement #h #aa #f #b #i #d ,difference #g #d #aj #ad #ad #ab ,,syriac4 ,,egyptian4 ,crt4 ,pst4 ,theb4 ,memph4 ,agreement #g #e #a #b ,difference #g #e #d #f ,now the phenomena here1 as on other occasions when we have had to touch upon text criticism1 are not quite simple and straightforward4 ,it must be remembered too that our observations extend only over a very narrow area4 ,within that area they are confined to the cases where ,tertullian has gone wrong2 whereas1 in order to anything like a complete induction1 all the cases of various reading ought to be considered4 ,some results1 however1 of a rough and approximate kind may be said to be reached2 and ,i think that these will be perhaps best exhibited if1 premising that they are thus rough and approximate1 we throw them into the shape of a genealogical tree4 ,tert4 b _/ _/ ,o4,l4 7a4c4 c47 _/ _/ ,syr4 ,crt4 _/ ,tert4 ,o4,l4 _/ _/ ,greek ,fathers4 _/ ,tert4 ,o4,l4_/ ,syr4 ,crt4_/ _/ _/ _/ _/ ,best ,alexandrine ,authorities4 _/ _/ ,western4 _/ ,greek ,fathers _/ ,memph4 ,theb4 _/ _/ _/ _/ _/ _/ _/ _/ ,alexandrine4 ,western4 _/ ,the ,sacred ,autographs4 ,in accordance with the sketch here given we may present the history of the text1 up to the time when it reached ,tertullian1 thus4 ,first we have the sacred autographs1 which are copied for some time1 we need not say immaculately1 but without change on the points included in the above analysis4 ,gradually a few errors slip in1 which are found especially in the ,egyptian1 versions and in the works of some ,alexandrine and ,palestinian ,fathers4 ,but in time a wider breach is made4 ,the process of corruption becomes more rapid4 ,we reach at last that strange document which1 through more or less remote descent1 became the parent of the ,curetonian ,syriac on the one hand and of the ,old ,latin on the other4 ,these two lines severally branch off4 ,the ,old ,latin itself divides4 ,one of its copies in particular 7b7 seems to represent a text that has a close affinity to that of ,tertullian1 and among the group of manuscripts to which it belongs is that which ,tertullian himself most frequently and habitually used4 ,strictly speaking indeed there can be no true genealogical tree4 ,the course of descent is not clear and direct all the way4 ,there is some confusion and some crossing and recrossing of the lines4 ,thus1 for instance1 there is the curious coincidence of ,tertullian with ,hebrew3 ,aleph1 a member of a group that had long seemed to be left behind1 in ,john vi4 #ea4 ,this however1 as it is only on a point of order and that in a translation1 may very possibly be accidental2 ,i should incline to think that the reading of the ,greek ,codex from which ,tertullian's ,latin was derived agreed rather with that of ,b1 ,c1 ,d1 c41 and these phenomena would increase the probability that these manuscripts and ,tertullian had really preserved the original text4 ,if that were the case--and it is the conclusion arrived at by a decided majority of the best editors--there would then be no considerable difficulty in regard to the relation between ,tertullian and the five great ,uncials1 for the reading of ,mark ix4 #g is of much less importance4 ,somewhat more difficult to adjust would be ,tertullian's relations to the different forms of the ,old ,latin and ,curetonian ,syriac4 ,in one instance1 ,matt4 xi4 #aa 7or ,luke vii4 #bf71 ,tertullian seems to derive his text from the ,dd branch rather than the b branch of the ,old ,latin4 ,in another 7,matt4 iii4 #h7 he seems to overleap b and most copies of the ,old ,latin altogether and go to the ,curetonian ,syriac4 ,how1 too1 did he come to have the paraphrastic reading of ,matt4 v4 #af which is found in no ,,mss4 or versions but in ,justin 7approximately71 ,clement of ,alexandria1 and several ,latin ,fathers8 ,the paraphrase might naturally enough occur to a single writer here or there1 but the extent of the coincidence is remarkable4 ,perhaps we are to see here another sign of the study bestowed by the ,fathers upon the writings of their predecessors leading to an unconscious or semi-conscious reproduction of their deviations4 ,it is a noticeable fact that in regard to the order of the clauses in ,matt4 v4 #d1 #e1 ,tertullian has preserved what is probably the right reading along with b alone1 the other copies of the ,old ,latin 7all except the revised f7 with the ,curetonian ,syriac having gone wrong4 ,on the whole the complexities and cross relations are less1 and the genealogical tree holds good to a greater extent1 than we might have been prepared for4 ,the hypothesis that ,tertullian used a manuscript in the main resembling b of the ,old ,latin satisfies most elements of the problem4 ,but the merest glance at these phenomena must be enough to show that the ,tbingen theory1 or any theory which attributes a late origin to our ,gospels1 is out of the question4 ,to bring the text into the state in which it is found in the writings of ,tertullian1 a century is not at all too long a period to allow4 ,in fact ,i doubt whether any subsequent century saw changes so great1 though we should naturally suppose that corruption would proceed at an advancing rate for every fresh copy that was made4 ,the phenomena that have to be accounted for are not1 be it remembered1 such as might be caused by the carelessness of a single scribe4 ,they are spread over whole groups of ,,mss4 together4 ,we can trace the gradual accessions of corruption at each step as we advance in the history of the text4 ,a certain false reading comes in at such a point and spreads over all the manuscripts that start from that2 another comes in at a further stage and vitiates succeeding copies there2 until at last a process of correction and revision sets in2 recourse is had to the best standard manuscripts1 and a purer text is recovered by comparison with these4 ,it is precisely such a text that is presented by the ,old ,latin ,codex f1 which1 we find accordingly1 shows a maximum of difference from ,tertullian4 ,a still more systematic revision1 though executed--if we are to judge from the instances brought to our notice--with somewhat more reserve1 is seen in ,jerome's ,vulgate4 ,it seems unnecessary to dilate upon this point4 ,i will only venture to repeat the statement which ,i made at starting2 that if the whole of the ,christian literature for the first three quarters of the second century could be blotted out1 and ,irenaeus and ,tertullian alone remained1 as well as the later manuscripts with which to compare them1 there would still be ample proof that the latest of our ,gospels cannot overstep the bounds of the first century4 ,the abundant indications of internal evidence are thus confirmed1 and the age and date of the ,synoptic ,gospels1 ,i think we may say1 within approximate limits1 established4 ,but we must not forget that there is a double challenge to be met4 ,the first part of it--that which relates to the evidence for the existence of the ,gospels--has been answered4 ,it remains to consider how far the external evidence for the ,gospels goes to prove their authenticity4 ,it may indeed well be asked how the external evidence can be expected to prove the authenticity of these records4 ,it does so1 to a considerable extent1 indirectly by throwing them back into closer contact with the facts4 ,it also tends to establish the authority in which they were held1 certainly in the last quarter of the second century1 and very probably before4 ,by this time the ,gospels were acknowledged to be all that is now understood by the word 'canonical4' ,they were placed upon the same footing as the ,old ,testament ,scriptures4 ,they were looked up to with the same reverence and regarded as possessing the same ,divine inspiration4 ,we may trace indeed some of the steps by which this position was attained4 ,the ,greek3 gegraptai of the ,epistle of ,barnabas1 the public reading of the ,gospels in the churches mentioned by ,justin1 the ,greek3 to eiraemenon of ,tatian1 the ,greek3 guriakai graphai of ,dionysius of ,corinth1 all prepare the way for the final culmination in the ,muratorian ,canon and ,irenaeus4 ,so complete had the process been that ,irenaeus does not seem to know of a time when the authority of the ,gospels had been less than it was to him4 ,yet the process had been1 of course1 gradual4 ,the canonical ,gospels had to compete with several others before they became canonical4 ,they had to make good their own claims and to displace rival documents2 and they succeeded4 ,it is a striking instance of the 'survival of the fittest4' ,that they were really the fittest is confirmed by nearly every fragment of the lost ,gospels that remains1 but it would be almost sufficiently proved by the very fact that they survived4 ,in this indirect manner ,i think that the external evidence bears out the position assigned to the canonical ,gospels4 ,it has preserved to us the judgment of the men of that time1 and there is a certain relative sense in which the maxim1 ',securus judicat orbis terrarum1' is true4 ,the decisions of an age1 especially decisions such as this where quite as much depended upon pious feeling as upon logical reasoning1 are usually sounder than the arguments that are put forward to defend them4 ,we should hardly endorse the arguments by which ,irenaeus proves a priori the necessity of a 'four-fold ,gospel1' but there is real weight in the fact that four ,gospels and no more were accepted by him and others like him4 ,it is difficult to read without impatience the rough words that are applied to the early ,christian writers and to contrast the self-complacency in which our own superior knowledge is surveyed4 ,if there is something in which they are behind us1 there is much also in which we are behind them4 ,among the many things for which ,mr4 ,arnold deserves our gratitude he deserves it not least for the way in which he has singled out two sentences1 one from ,st4 ,augustine and the other from the ,imitation1 ',domine fecisti nos ad te et irrequietum est cor nostrum donec requiescat in te1' and1 ',esto humilis et pacificus et erit tecum1 ,jesus4' ,the men who could write thus are not to be despised4 ,but beyond their more general testimony it is not clear what else the early ,fathers could be expected to do4 ,they could not prove-- at least their written remains that have come down to us could not prove--that the ,gospels were really written by the authors traditionally assigned to them4 ,when we say that the very names of the first two ,evangelists are not mentioned before a date that may be from #abj-aff 7or #aee7 ,a4,d4 and the third and fourth not before #agj-age ,a4,d41 this alone is enough1 without introducing other elements of doubt1 to show that the evidence must needs be inconclusive4 ,if the author of ',supernatural ,religion' undertook to show this1 he undertook a superfluous task4 ,so much at least1 ,mr4 ,arnold was right in saying1 'might be stated in a sentence and proved in a page4' ,there is a presumption in favour of the tradition1 and perhaps1 considering the relation of ,irenaeus to ,polycarp and of ,polycarp to ,st4 ,john1 we may say1 a fairly strong one2 but we need now-a-days1 to authenticate a document1 closer evidence than this4 ,the cases are not quite parallel1 and the difference between them is decidedly in favour of ,irenaeus1 but if ,clement of ,alexandria could speak of an ,epistle written about #abe ,a4,d4 is the work of the apostolic ,barnabas the companion of ,st4 ,paul ,endnote #cdf3a1 we must not lay too much stress upon the direct testimony of ,irenaeus when he attributes the fourth ,gospel to the ,apostle ,st4 ,john4 ,these are points for a different set of arguments to determine4 ,the ,gospel itself affords sufficient indications as to the position of its author4 ,for the conclusion that he was a ,palestinian ,jew1 who had lived in ,palestine before the destruction of ,jerusalem1 familiar with the hopes and expectations of his people1 and himself mixed up with the events which he describes1 there is evidence of such volume and variety as seems exceedingly difficult to resist4 ,as ,i have gone into this subject at length elsewhere ,endnote #cdg3a1 and as1 so far as ,i can see1 no new element has been introduced into the question by ',supernatural ,religion1' ,i shall not break the unity of the present work by considering the objections brought in detail4 ,i am very ready to recognise the ability with which many of these are stated1 but it is the ability of the advocate rather than of the impartial critic4 ,there is a constant tendency to draw conclusions much in excess of the premisses4 ,an observation1 true in itself with a certain qualification and restriction1 is made in an unqualified form1 and the truth that it contains is exaggerated4 ,above all1 wherever there is a margin of ignorance1 wherever a statement of the ,evangelist is not capable of direct and exact verification1 the doubt is invariably given against him and he is brought in guilty either of ignorance or deception4 ,i have no hesitation in saying that if the principles of criticism applied to the fourth ,gospel--not only by the author of ',supernatural ,religion1' but by some other writers of repute1 such as ,dr4 ,scholten--were applied to ordinary history or to the affairs of every-day life1 much that is known actually to have happened could be shown on a priori grounds to be impossible4 ,it is time that the extreme negative school should justify more completely their canons of criticism4 ,as it is1 the laxity of these repels many a thoughtful mind quite as firmly convinced as they can be of the necessity of free enquiry and quite as anxious to reconcile the different sides of knowledge4 ,the question is not one merely of freedom or tradition1 but of reason and logic2 and until there is more agreement as to what is reasonable and what the laws of logic demand1 the arguments are apt to run in parallel lines that never meet ,endnote #cdh3a4 ,but1 it is said1 ',miracles require exceptional evidence4' ,true3 exceptional evidence they both require and possess2 but that evidence is not external4 ,incomparably the strongest attestation to the ,gospel narratives is that which they bear to themselves4 ,miracles have exceptional evidence because the non-miraculous portions of the narrative with which they are bound up are exceptional4 ,these carry their truth stamped upon their face1 and that truth is reflected back upon the miracles4 ,it is on the internal investigation of the ,gospels that the real issue lies4 ,and this is one main reason why the belief of mankind so little depends upon formal apologetics4 ,we can all feel the self- evidential force of the ,gospel story2 but who shall present it adequately in words8 ,we are reminded of the fate of him who thought the ark of ,god was falling and put out his hand to steady it--and1 for his profanity1 died4 ,it can hardly be said that good intentions would be a sufficient justification1 because that a man should think himself fit for the task would be in itself almost a sufficient sign that he was mistaken4 ,it is not indeed quite incredible that the qualifications should one day be found4 ,we seem almost to see that1 with a slight alteration of circumstances1 a little different training in early life1 such an one has almost been among us4 ,there are passages that make us think that the author of ',parochial and ,plain ,sermons' might have touched even the ,gospels with cogency that yet was not profane4 ,but the combination of qualities required is such as would hardly be found for centuries together4 ,the most fine and sensitive tact of piety would be essential4 ,with it must go absolute sincerity and singleness of purpose4 ,any dash of mere conventionalism or self-seeking would spoil the whole4 ,there must be that clear illuminated insight that is only given to those who are in a more than ordinary sense 'pure in heart4' ,and on the other hand1 along with these unique spiritual qualities must go a sound and exact scientific training1 a just perception of logical force and method1 and a wide range of knowledge4 ,one of the great dangers and drawbacks to the exercise of the critical faculty is that it tends to destroy the spiritual intuition4 ,and just in like manner the too great reliance upon this intuition benumbs and impoverishes the critical faculty4 ,yet1 in a mind that should present at all adequately the internal evidence of the ,gospels1 both should co-exist in equal balance and proportion4 ,we cannot say that there will never be such a mind1 but the asceticism of a life would be a necessary discipline for it to go through1 and that such a life as the world has seldom seen4 ,in the meantime the private ,christian may well be content with what he has4 ',if any man will do ,his will1 he shall know of the doctrine whether it be of ,god4' ,,chapter ,,xiv4 ,,conclusion4 ,and now that we have come to the end of the purely critical portion of this enquiry1 ,i may perhaps be allowed to say a few words on its general tendency and bearing4 ,as critics we have only the critical question to deal with4 ,certain evidence is presented to us which it is our duty to weigh and test by reference to logical and critical laws4 ,it must stand or fall on its own merits1 and any considerations brought in from without will be irrelevant to the question at issue4 ,but after this is done we may fairly look round and consider how our conclusion affects other conclusions and in what direction it is leading us4 ,if we look at ',supernatural ,religion' in this way we shall see that its tendency is distinctly marked4 ,its attack will fall chiefly upon the middle party in opinion4 ,and it will play into the hands of the two extreme parties on either side4 ,there can be little doubt that indirectly it will help the movement that is carrying so many into ,ultramontanism1 and directly it is of course intended to win converts to what may perhaps be called comprehensively ,secularism4 ,now it is certainly true that the argument from consequences is one that ought to be applied with great caution4 ,yet ,i am not at all sure that it has not a real basis in philosophy as well as in nature4 ,the very existence of these two great parties1 the ,ultramontane and the ,secularist1 over against each other1 seems to be it kind of standing protest against either of them4 ,if ,ultramontanism is true1 how is it that so many wise and good men openly avow ,secularism8 ,if ',secularism is true1 how is it that so many of the finest and highest minds take refuge from it--a treacherous refuge1 ,i allow--in ,ultramontanism8 ,there is something in this more than a mere defective syllogism--more than an insufficient presentation of the evidence4 ,truth1 in the widest sense1 is that which is in accordance with the laws and conditions of human nature4 ,but where beliefs are so directly antithetical as they are here1 the repugnance and resistance which each is found to cause in so large a number of minds is in itself a proof that those laws and conditions are insufficiently complied with4 ,to the spectator1 standing outside of both1 this will seem to be easily explained3 the one sacrifices reason to faith2 the other sacrifices faith to reason4 ,but there is abundant evidence to show that both faith 7meaning thereby the religious emotions7 and reason are ineradicable elements in the human mind4 ,that which seriously and permanently offends against either cannot be true4 ,for creatures differently constituted from man--either all reason or all pure disembodied emotion--it might be otherwise2 but1 for man1 as he is1 the epithet 'true' seems to be excluded from any set of propositions that has such results4 ,even in the more limited sense1 and confining the term to propositions purely intellectual1 there is1 ,i think we must say1 a presumption against the truth of that which involves so deep and wide a chasm in human nature4 ,without importing teleology1 we should naturally expect that the intellect and the emotions should be capable of working harmoniously together4 ,they do so in most things3 why should they not in the highest matters of all8 ,if the one set of opinions is anti-rational and the other anti-emotional1 as we see practically that they are1 is not this in itself an antecedent presumption against either of them8 ,it may not be enough to prove at once that the syllogism is defective3 still less is it a sufficient warrant for establishing an opposite syllogism4 ,but it does seem to be enough to give the scientific reasoner pause1 and to make him go over the line of his argument again and again and yet again1 with the suspicion that there is 7as how well there may be67 a flaw somewhere4 ,it would not1 ,i think1 be difficult to point out such flaws ,endnote #ceb3a--some of them1 as it appears1 of considerable magnitude4 ,but the subject is one that would take us far away out of our present course1 and for its proper development would require a technical knowledge of the processes of physical science which ,i do not possess4 ,leaving this on one side1 and regarding them only in the abstract1 the considerations stated above seem to point to the necessity of something of the nature of a compromise4 ,and yet there is1 strictly speaking1 no such thing as compromise in opinions4 ,compromise belongs to the world of practice2 it is only admitted by an illicit process into the world of thought4 ,the author of ',supernatural ,religion' is doubtless right in deprecating that 'illogical zeal which flings to the pursuing wolves of doubt and unbelief1 scrap by scrap1' all the distinctive doctrines of ,christianity4 ,belief1 it is true1 must be ultimately logical to stand4 ,it must have an inner cohesion and inter- dependence4 ,it must start from a fixed principle4 ,this has been1 and still is1 the besetting weakness of the theology of mediation4 ,it is apt to form itself merely by stripping off what seem to be excrescences from the outside1 and not by radically reconstructing itself1 on a firmly established basis1 from within4 ,the difficulty in such a process is to draw the line4 ,there is a delusive appearance of roundness and completeness in the creeds of those who either accept everything or deny everything3 though1 even here1 there is1 ,i think we may say1 always1 some little loophole left of belief or of denial1 which will inevitably expand until it splits and destroys the whole structure4 ,but the moment we begin to meet both parties half way1 there comes in that crucial question3 ,why do you accept just so much and no more8 ,why do you deny just so much and no more8 ,endnote #ced3a ,it must1 in candour1 be confessed that the synthetic formula for the middle party in opinion has not yet been found4 ,other parties have their formulae1 but none that will really bear examination4 ,quod semper1 quod ubique1 quod ab omnibus1 would do excellently if there was any belief that had been held 'always1 everywhere1 and by all1' if no discoveries had been made as to the facts1 and if there had been no advance in the methods of knowledge4 ,the ultimate universality and the absolute uniformity of physical antecedents has a plausible appearance until it is seen that logically carried out it reduces men to machines1 annihilates responsibility1 and involves conclusions on the assumption of the truth of which society could not hold together for a single day4 ,if we abandon these ,macedonian methods for unloosing the ,gordian knot of things and keep to the slow and laborious way of gradual induction1 then ,i think it will be clear that all opinions must be held on the most provisional tenure4 ,a vast number of problems will need to be worked out before any can be said to be established with a pretence to finality4 ,and the course which the inductive process is taking supplies one of the chief 'grounds of hope' to those who wish to hold that middle position of which ,i have been speaking4 ,the extreme theories which from time to time have been advanced have not been able to hold their ground4 ,no doubt they may have done the good that extreme theories usually do1 in bringing out either positively or negatively one side or another of the truth2 but in themselves they have been rejected as at once inadequate and unreal solutions of the facts4 ,first we had the ,rationalism 7properly so called7 of ,paulus1 then the ,mythical hypothesis of ,strauss1 and after that the ',tendenz-kritik' of ,baur4 ,but what candid person does not feel that each and all of these contained exaggerations more incredible than the difficulties which they sought to remove8 ,there has been on each of the points raised a more or less definite ebb in the tide4 ,the moderate conclusion is seen to be also the reasonable conclusion4 ,and not least is this the case with the enquiry on which we have been just engaged4 ,the author of ',supernatural ,religion' has overshot the mark very much indeed4 ,there is1 as we have seen1 a certain truth in some things that he has said1 but the whole sum of truth is very far from bearing out his conclusions4 ,when we look up from these detailed enquiries and lift up our eyes to a wider horizon we shall be able to relegate them to their true place4 ,the really imposing witness to the truth of ,christianity is that which is supplied by history on the one hand1 and its own internal attractiveness and conformity to human nature on the other4 ,strictly speaking1 perhaps1 these are but two sides of the same thing4 ,it is in history that the laws of human nature assume a concrete shape and expression4 ,the fact that ,christianity has held its ground in the face of such long-continued and hostile criticism is a proof that it must have some deeply-seated fitness and appropriateness for man4 ,and this goes a long way towards saying that it is true4 ,it is a theory of things that is being constantly tested by experience4 ,but the results of experience are often expressed unconsciously4 ,they include many a subtle indication that the mind has followed but cannot reproduce to itself in set terms4 ,all the reasons that go to form a judge's decision do not appear in his charge4 ,yet there we have a select and highly-trained mind working upon matter that presents no very great degree of complexity4 ,when we come to a question so wide1 so subtle and complex as ,christianity1 the individual mind ceases to be competent to sit in judgment upon it4 ,it becomes necessary to appeal to a much more extended tribunal1 and the verdict of that tribunal will be given rather by acts than in words4 ,thus there seems to have always been a sort of half-conscious feeling in men's minds that there was more in ,christianity than the arguments for it were able to bring out4 ,in looking back over the course that apologetics have taken1 we cannot help being struck by a disproportion between the controversial aspect and the practical4 ,it will probably on the whole be admitted that the balance of argument has in the past been usually somewhat on the side of the apologists2 but the argumentative victory has seldom if ever been so decisive as quite to account for the comparatively undisturbed continuity of the religious life4 ,it was in the height of the ,deist controversy that ,wesley and ,whitfield began to preach1 and they made more converts by appealing to the emotions than probably ,butler did by appealing to the reason4 ,a true philosophy must take account of these phenomena4 ,beliefs which issue in that peculiarly fine and chastened and tender spirit which is the proper note of ,christianity1 cannot1 under any circumstances1 be dismissed as 'delusion4' ,surely if any product of humanity is true and genuine1 it is to be found here4 ,there are indeed truths which find a response in our hearts without apparently going through any logical process1 not because they are illogical1 but because the scales of logic are not delicate and sensitive enough to weigh them4 ',except ye be converted and become as little children1 ye shall not enter into the kingdom of heaven4' ',i will arise and go to my father1 and will say unto him3 ,father1 ,i have sinned against heaven and before thee1 and am no more worthy to be called thy son4' ',come unto me all ye that labour and are heavy laden1 and ,i will give you rest4' ,the plummet of science--physical or metaphysical1 moral or critical--has never sounded so deep as sayings such as these4 ,we may pass them over unnoticed in our ,bibles1 or let them slip glibly and thoughtlessly from the tongue2 but when they once really come home1 there is nothing to do but to bow the head and cover the face and exclaim with the ,apostle1 ',depart from me1 for ,i am a sinful man1 ,o ,lord4' ,and yet there is that other side of the question which is represented in ',supernatural ,religion1' and this too must have justice done to it4 ,there is an intellectual1 as well as a moral and spiritual1 synthesis of things4 ,only it should be remembered that this synthesis has to cover an immense number of facts of the most varied and intricate kind1 and that at present the nature of the facts themselves is in many cases very far from being accurately ascertained4 ,we are constantly reminded in reading ',supernatural ,religion1' able and vigorous as it is1 how much of its force depends rather upon our ignorance than our knowledge4 ,it supplies us with many opportunities of seeing how easily the whole course and tenour of an argument may be changed by the introduction of a new element4 ,for instance1 ,i imagine that if the author had given a little deeper study to the seemingly minute and secondary subject of text-criticism1 it would have aroused in him very considerable misgivings as to the results at which he seemed to have arrived4 ,there is a solidarity in all the different departments of human knowledge and research1 especially among those that are allied in subject4 ,these are continually sending out offshoots and projections into the neighbouring regions1 and the conclusions of one science very often have to depend upon those of another4 ,the course of enquiry that has been taken in ',supernatural ,religion' is peculiarly unfortunate4 ,it starts from the wrong end4 ,it begins with propositions into which a priori considerations largely enter1 and1 from the standpoint given by these1 it proceeds to dictate terms in a field that can only be trodden by patient and unprejudiced study4 ,a far more hopeful and scientific process would have been to begin upon ground where dogmatic questions do not enter1 or enter only in a remote degree1 and where there is a sufficient number of solid ascertainable facts to go upon1 and then to work the way steadily and cautiously upwards to higher generalisations4 ,it will have been seen in the course of the present enquiry how many side questions need to be determined4 ,it would be well if monographs were written upon all the quotations from the ,old ,testament in the ,christian literature of the first two centuries1 modelled upon ,credner's investigations into the quotations in ,justin4 ,before this is done there should be a new and revised edition of ,holmes' and ,parsons' ,septuagint ,endnote #cei3a4 ,everything short of this would be inadequate1 because we need to know not only the best text1 but every text that has definite historical attestation4 ,in this way it would be possible to arrive at a tolerably exact1 instead of a merely approximate1 deduction as to the habit of quotation generally1 which would supply a firmer basis for inference in regard to the ,new ,testament than that which has been assumed here4 ,at the same time monographs should be written in ,english1 besides those already existing in ,german1 upon the date or position of the writers whose works come under review4 ,without any attempt to prove a particular thesis1 the reader should be allowed to see precisely what the evidence is and how far it goes4 ,then if he could not arrive at a positive conclusion1 he could at least attain to the most probable4 ,and1 lastly1 it is highly important that the whole question of the composition and structure of the ,synoptic ,gospels should be investigated to the very bottom4 ,much valuable labour has already been expended upon this subject1 but the result1 though progress has been made1 is rather to show its extreme complexity and difficulty than to produce any final settlement4 ,yet1 as the author of ',supernatural ,religion' has rather dimly and inadequately seen1 we are constantly thrown back upon assumptions borrowed from this quarter4 ,pending such more mature and thorough enquiries1 ,i quite feel that my own present contribution belongs to a transition stage1 and cannot profess to be more than provisional4 ,but it will have served its purpose sufficiently if it has helped to mark out more distinctly certain lines of the enquiry and to carry the investigation along these a little way2 suggesting at the same time--what the facts themselves really suggest--counsels of sobriety and moderation4 ,what the end will be1 it would be presumptuous to attempt to foretell4 ,it will probably be a long time before even these minor questions--much more the major questions into which they run up-- will be solved4 ,whether they will ever be solved--all of them at least--in such a way as to compel entire assent is very doubtful4 ,error and imperfection seem to be permanently1 if we may hope diminishingly1 a condition of human thought and action4 ,it does not appear to be the will of ,god that ,truth should ever be so presented as to crush out all variety of opinion4 ,the conflict of opinions is like that of ,hercules with the ,hydra4 ,as fast as one is cut down another arises in its place2 and there is no searing- iron to scorch and cicatrize the wound4 ,however much we may labour1 we can only arrive at an inner conviction1 not at objective certainty4 ,all the glosses and asseverations in the world cannot carry us an inch beyond the due weight of the evidence vouchsafed to us4 ,an honest and brave mind will accept manfully this condition of things1 and not seek for infallibility where it can find none4 ,it will adopt as its motto that noble saying of ,bishop ,butler--noble1 because so unflinchingly true1 though opposed to a sentimental optimism--',probability is the very guide of life4' ,with probabilities we have to deal1 in the intellectual sphere4 ,but1 when once this is thoroughly and honestly recognised1 even a comparatively small balance of probability comes to have as much moral weight as the most loudly vaunted certainty4 ,and meantime1 apart from and beneath the strife of tongues1 there is the still small voice which whispers to a man and bids him1 in no superstitious sense but with the gravity and humility which befits a ,christian1 to 'work out his own salvation with fear and trembling4' ,,endnotes #b3a ,with regard to the references in vol4 i4 p4 #bei1 n4 #a1 ,i had already observed1 before the appearance of the preface to the sixth edition1 that they were really intended to apply to the first part of the sentence annotated rather than the second4 ,still1 as there is only one reference out of nine that really supports the proposition in immediate connection with which the references are made1 the reader would be very apt to carry away a mistaken impression4 ,the same must be said of the set of references defended on p4 xl4 sqq4 of the new preface4 ,the expressions used do not accurately represent the state of the facts4 ,it is not careful writing1 and ,i am afraid it must be said that the prejudice of the author has determined the side which the expression leans4 ,but how difficult is it to make words express all the due shades and qualifications of meaning--how difficult especially for a mind that seems to be naturally distinguished by force rather than by exactness and delicacy of observation6 ,we have all 'les dfauts de nos qualits4' #aj3a ,much harm has been done by rashly pressing human metaphors and analogies2 such as1 that ,revelation is a message from ,god and therefore must be infallible1 c4 ,this is just the sort of argument that the ,deists used in the last century1 insisting that a revelation1 properly so called1 must be presented with conclusive proofs1 must be universal1 must be complete1 and drawing the conclusion that ,christianity is not such a revelation4 ,this kind of reasoning has received its sentence once for all from ,bishop ,butler4 ,we have nothing to do with what must be 7of which we are1 by the nature of the case1 incompetent judges71 but simply with what is4 #ah3a ,cf4 ,westcott1 ,canon1 p4 #aeb1 n4 #b 7#crd ed4 #ahgj74 #ah3b ,see ,lightfoot1 ,galatians1 p4 #fj2 also ,credner1 ,beitrge1 ii4 #ff 7'certainly' from ,st4 ,paul74 #bj3a ,the ,old ,testament in the ,new 7,london and ,edinburgh1 #ahfh74 #ba3a ,mr4 ,m',clellan 7,the ,new ,testament1 c41 vol4 i4 p4 #fjf1 n4 c7 makes the suggestion1 which from his point of view is necessary1 that ',s4 ,matthew has cited a prophecy spoken by ,jeremiah1 but nowhere written in the ,old ,testament1 and of which the passage in ,zechariah is only a partial reproduction4' ,cf4 ,credner1 ,beitrge1 ii4 #aeb4 #be3a ,we do not stay to discuss the real origin of these quotations3 the last is probably not from the ,old ,testament at all4 #bg3a ,the quotations in this chapter are continuous1 and are also found in ,clement of ,alexandria4 #cd3a ,it should be noticed1 however1 that the same reading is found in ,justin and other writers4 #ch3a ,clementis ,romani quae feruntur ,homiliae ,viginti 7,gottingae1 #ahec74 #ci3a ,beitrge zur ,einleitung in die biblischen ,schriften 7,halle1 #ahcb74 #dj3a ,the ,epistles of ,s4 ,clement of ,rome 7,london and ,cambridge1 #ahfi74 #di3a ,the ,latin translation is not in most cases a sufficient guarantee for the original text4 ,the ,greek has been preserved in the shape of long extracts by ,epiphanius and others4 ,the edition used is that of ,stieren1 ,lipsiae1 #ahec4 #di3b ,horne's ,introduction 7ed4 #ahef71 p4 #ccc4 #eb3a ,ed4 ,dindorf1 ,lipsiae1 #ahei4 ,the index given in vol4 iii4 p4 #hic sqq4 contains many inaccuracies1 and is1 indeed1 of little use for identifying the passages of ,scripture4 #ef3a ,some ,account of the ,writings and ,opinions of ,clement of ,alexandria1 p4 #djg sqq4 #ef3b ,in the new ,preface to his work on the ,canon 7#dth edition1 #ahge71 p4 xxxii4 #eh3a ,s4,r4 i4 p4 #bba1 and note4 #ei3a ,s4,r4 i4 p4 #bbb1 n4 #c4 #ei3b ,lehrb4 chr4 ,dogmengesch4 p4 #gd 7p4 #hb ,s4,r4874 #ei3c ,das nachapost4 ,zeitalter1 p4 #abf sq4 #fj3a ,der ,ursprung unserer ,evangelien1 p4 #fd2 compare ,fritzche1 art4 ',judith' in ,schenkel's ,bibel-,lexicon4 #fa3a ,vol4 i4 p4 #bba1 n4 ,i feel it due to the author to say that ,i have found his long lists of references1 though not seldom faulty1 very useful4 ,i willingly acknowledge the justice of his claim to have 'fully laid before readers the actual means of judging of the accuracy of every statement which has been made' 7,preface to sixth edition1 p4 lxxx74 #fe3a i4 p4 #bbf4 #ff3a i4 p4 #bbh4 #fi3a ,der ,ursprung1 p4 #ach4 #ga3a ,the ,apostolical ,fathers 7,london1 #ahgd71 p4 #bgc4 #ga3b ,the original ,greek of this work is lost1 but in the text as reconstructed by ,hilgenfeld from five still extant versions 7,latin1 ,syriac1 ,aethiopic1 ,arabic1 ,armenian7 the verse runs thus1 ,greek3 polloi men ektisthaesan1 oligoi de sothaesontai 7,messias ,judaeorum1 p4 #fi74 #gc3a ,a curious instance of disregard of context is to be seen in ,tertullian's reading of ,john i4 #ac1 which he referred to ,christ1 accusing the ,valentinians of falsification because they had the ordinary reading 7cf4 ,rnsch1 ,das ,neue ,testament ,tertullian's1 pp4 #beb1 #fed74 ,compare also p4 #bd above4 #gc3b ,novum ,testamentum extra ,canonem ,receptum1 ,fasc4 ii4 p4 #fi4 #gd3a c4 v4 #gd3b ,s4 ,r4 i4 p4 #bej sqq4 #gf3a ,lardner1 ,credibility1 c41 ii4 p 4#bc2 ,westcott1 ,on the ,canon1 p4 #ej1 n4 #e4 #gg3a ,since this was written the author of ',supernatural ,religion' has replied in the preface to his sixth edition4 ,he has stated his case in the ablest possible manner3 still ,i do not think that there is anything to retract in what has been written above4 ,there would have been something to retract if ,dr4 ,lightfoot had maintained positively the genuineness of the ,vossian ,epistles4 ,as to the ,syriac1 the question seems to me to stand thus4 ,on the one side are certain improbabilities--,i admit1 improbabilities1 though not of the weightiest kind--which are met about half way by the parallel cases quoted4 ,on the other hand1 there is the express testimony of the ,epistle of ,polycarp quoted in its turn by ,irenaeus4 ,now ,i cannot think that there is any improbability so great 7considering our ignorance7 as not to be outweighed by this external evidence4 #ha3a ,cf4 ,hilgenfeld1 ,nov4 ,test4 ext4 ,can4 ,rec41 ,fasc4 iv4 p4 #ae4 #ha3b ,cf4 ibid41 pp4 #ef1 #fb1 also p4 #bi4 #hb3a ,but see ,contemporary ,review1 #ahge1 p4 #hch1 from which it appears that ,m4 ,waddington has recently proved the date to be rather #aee or #aef4 ,compare ,hilgenfeld1 ,einleitung1 p4 #gb1 where reference is made to an essay by ,lipsius1 ,der ,mrtyrertod ,polycarp's in ,z4 f4 w4 ,t4 #ahgd1 ii4 p4 #ahj f4 #hb3b ,adv4 ,haer4 iii4 #c1 #d4 #hc3a ,entstehung der alt-katholischen ,kirche1 p4 #ehf2 ,hefele1 ,patrum ,apostolicorum ,opera1 p4 lxxx4 #hd3a ,cf4 ,s4 ,r4 i4 p4 #bgh4 #hd3b ,ent4 d4 a4 ,k4 pp4 #eic1 #eii4 #hd3c ,apostolical ,fathers1 p4 #bbg sq4 #hd3d ,ursprung1 pp4 #dc1 #aca4 #he3a ,greek3 mnaemoneuontes de hon eipen ho kurios didaskon2 mae krinete hina mae krithaete2 aphiete kai aphethaesetai hymin2 eleeite hina eleaethaete2 en ho metro metreite1 antimetraethaesetai hymin2 kai hoti makarioi hoi ptochoi kai hoi diokomenoi heneken dikaiosynaes1 hoti auton estin hae basileia tou ,theou4 #hi3a ,geschichte ,jesu von ,nazara1 #a4 p4 #ach1 n4 #b4 #hi3b ,einleilung in das ,n4 ,t4 p4 #ff1 where ,lipsius' view is also quoted4 #hi3c ,cf4 ,westcott1 ,on the ,canon1 p4 #hh1 n4 #d4 #hi3d ,as appears to be suggested in ,s4 ,r4 i4 p4 #bib4 ,the reference in the note to ,bleek1 ,einl4 p4 #fcg 7and ,ewald871 does not seem to be exactly to the point4 #hi3e ,apol4 i4 #fg4 #ij3a ,dial4 c4 ,tryph4 #ajc4 #ij3b ,apol4 i4 #ff2 cf4 ,s4,r4 i4 p4 #bid4 #ia3a ,the evangelical references and allusions in ,justin have been carefully collected by ,credner and ,hilgenfeld1 and are here thrown together in a sort of running narrative4 #aja3a ,this was written before the appearance of ,mr4 ,m',clellan's important work on the ,four ,gospels 7,the ,new ,testament1 vol4 i1 ,london1 #ahge71 to which ,i have not yet had time to give the study that it deserves4 #ajc3a ,unless indeed it was found in one of the many forms of the ,gospel 7cf4 ,s4,r4 i4 ,p4 #dcf1 and p4 #ada below74 ,the section appears in none of the forms reproduced by ,dr4 ,hilgenfeld 7,n4,t4 extra ,can4 ,recept4 ,fasc4 iv74 #ajg3a ,in like manner ,tertullian refers his readers to the 'autograph copies' of ,st4 ,paul's ,epistles1 and the very 'chairs of the ,apostles1' preserved at ,corinth and elsewhere4 7,de ,praescript4 ,haeret4 c4 #cf74 ,tertullian also refers to the census of ,augustus1 'quem testem fidelissimum dominicae nativitatis ,romana archiva custodiunt' 7,adv4 ,marc4 iv4 #g74 #aaj3a ,beitrge1 i4 p4 #bfa sqq4 #aaj3b ,evangelien ,justin's u4s4w41 p4 #bgj sqq4 #aaj3c ,the chief authority is ,eus4 ,h4 ,e4 vi4 #ab4 #aaj3d ,cf4 ,hilgenfeld1 ,ev4 ,justin's1 p4 #aeg4 #aaf3a ,a somewhat similar classification has been made by ,de ,wette1 ,einleitung in das ,n4 ,t41 pp4 #ajd-aaj1 in which however the standard seems to be somewhat lower than that which ,i have assumed2 several instances of variation which ,i had classed as decided1 ,de ,wette considers to be only slight4 ,i hope ,i may consider this a proof that the classification above given has not been influenced by bias4 #aai3a ,beitrge1 i4 p4 #bcg4 #aai3b ,s4,r4 i4 p4 #cif sqq4 #abj3a ,die drei ersten ,evangelien1 ,gttingen1 #ahej4 ,a second1 revised1 edition of this work has recently appeared4 #abj3b ,die ,synoptischen ,evangelien1 ,leipzig1 #ahfc1 p4 #hh4 #abj3c ,das ,marcus-evangelium1 ,berlin1 #ahgb1 p4 #bii4 #abj3d ,beitrge1 i4 p4 #bai4 #abj3e ,dr4 ,westcott well calls this 'the prophetic sense of the present' 7,on the ,canon1 p4 #abh74 #abb3a ',this is meaningless1' writes ,mr4 ,baring-,gould of the canonical text1 rather hastily1 and forgetting1 as it would appear1 the concluding cause 7,lost and ,hostile ,gospels1 p4 #aff72 cp4 ,s4,r4 i4 p4 #ced1 ii4 p4 #bh4 #abc3a i4 pp4 #aif1 #bbg1 #beh4 #abc3b ,geschichte des ,neutestamentlichen ,kanon 7ed4 ,volkmar1 ,berlin1 #ahfj71 p4 #af4 #abd3a ,adv4 ,haer4 #dbh ,d4 #abd3b ,i am not quite clear that more is meant 7as ,meyer1 ,ellicott ,huls4 ,lect4 p4 #cci1 n4 #b1 and others maintain7 in the evangelical language than that the drops of sweat 'resembled blood2' ,greek3 hosei seems to qualify ,greek3 haimatos as much as ,greek3 thromboi4 ,compare especially the interesting parallels from medical writers quoted by ,mc,clellan ad loc4 #abh3a ,the only parallel that ,i can find quoted is a reference by ,mr4 ,mc,clellan to ,philo i4#afd 7ed4 ,mangey71 where the phrase is however ,greek3 isos angeloi 7gegonos74 #abi3a ,s4,r4 i4 p4 #cjd sqq4 #acj3a ,ev4 ,justin's1 p4 #aeg4 #ace3a ,scrivener1 ,introduction to the ,criticism of the ,n4 ,t4 p4 #deb 7#bnd edition1 #ahgd74 #acf3a ,on reviewing this chapter ,i am inclined to lean more than ,i did to the hypothesis that ,justin used a ,harmony4 ,the phenomena of variation seem to be too persistent and too evenly distributed to allow of the supposition of alternate quoting from different ,gospels4 ,but the data will need a closer weighing before this can be determined4 #ach3a ,contemporary ,review1 #ahge1 p4 #afi sqq4 #ach3b ,tischendorf1 however1 devotes several pages to an argument which follows in the same line as ,dr4 ,lightfoot's1 and is1 ,i believe1 in the main sound 7,wann wurden unsere ,evangelien verfasst8 p4 #aac sqq41 #dth edition1 #ahff74 #ach3c ,i gather from the sixth edition of ,s4 ,r4 that the argument from silence is practically waived4 ,if the silence of ,eusebius is not pressed as proving that the authors about whom he is silent were ignorant of or did not acknowledge particular ,gospels1 we on our side may be content not to press it as proving that the ,gospels in question were acknowledged4 ,the matter may well be allowed to rest thus3 that1 so far as the silence of ,eusebius is concerned1 ,hegesippus1 ,papias1 and ,dionysius of ,corinth are not alleged either for the ,gospels or against them4 ,i agree with the author of ',supernatural ,religion' that the point is not one of paramount importance1 though it has been made more of by other writers1 e4g4 ,strauss and ,renan4 ,the author has missed ,dr4 ,lightfoot's point on p4 xxiii4 ,what ,eusebius bears testimony to is1 not his own belief in the canonicity of the fourth ,gospel1 but its undisputed canonicity1 i4e4 a historical fact which includes within its range ,hegesippus1 ,papias1 c4 ,if ,i say that ,hamlet is an undisputed play of ,shakspeare's1 ,i mean1 not that ,i believe it to be ,shakspeare's myself1 but that all the critics from ,shakspeare's time downwards have believed it to be his4 #adj3a ,h4 ,e4 iv4 #bb4 #ada3a ,s4 ,r4 i4 p4 #dcf4 #ada3b ,einleitung1 p4 #ajc4 #ada3c ,das ,nachapost4 ,zeit4 i4 p4 #bch4 #ada3d ,beitrge1 i4 p4 #dja4 #ada3e ,nov4 ,test4 extra ,can4 ,recept4 ,fasc4 iv4 pp4 #ai1 #bj4 #adc3a ,we have1 however1 had occasion to note a somewhat parallel1 though not quite parallel1 instance in the quotation of ,clement of ,rome and ,polycarp1 ,greek3 aphiete1 hina aphethae humin 7kai aphethaesetai humin74 #add3a ,contemporary ,review1 ,dec4 #ahgd1 p4 #h2 cf4 ,routh1 ,reliquiae ,sacrae1 i4 p4 #bha ad fin4 #add3b ,tregelles1 writing on the ',ancient ,syriac ,versions' in ,smith's ,dictionary1 iii4 p4 #afce a1 says that 'these words might be a ,greek rendering of ,matt4 xiii4 #af as they stand' in the ,curetonian text4 #ade3a ,or rather perhaps #aee1 #aef2 see p4 #hb above4 #adf3a ,h4,e4 iii4 #ci4 #adg3a ,in ,mr4 ,m',clellan's recent ,harmony ,i notice only two deviations from the order in ,st4 ,mark1 ii4 #ae-bb1 vi4 #ag-bi4 ,in ,mr4 ,fuller's ,harmony 7the ,harmony itself and not the ,table of ,contents1 in which there are several oversights7 there seem to be two1 ,mark vi4 #ag-bj1 xiv4 #c-i2 in ,dr4 ,robinson's ,english ,harmony three1 ii4 #ae-bb1 vi4 #ag-bj1 xiv4 #bb-gb 7considerable variation74 ,of these passages vi4 #ag-bj 7the imprisonment of the ,baptist7 is the only one the place of which all three writers agree in changing4 ,dr4 ,lightfoot1 in ,cont4 ,rev41 ,aug4 #ahge1 p4 #cid1 appeals to ,anger and ,tischendorf in proof of the contrary proposition1 that the order of ,mark cannot be maintained4 ,but ,tischendorf's ,harmony is based on the assumption that ,st4 ,luke's use of ,greek3 kathexaes pledges him to a chronological order1 and ,anger adopts ,griesbach's hypothesis that ,mark is a compilation from ,matthew and ,luke4 ,the remarks in the text turn1 not upon precarious harmonistic results1 but upon a simple comparison of the three ,gospels4 #adi3a ,perhaps ,i should explain that this was made by underlining the points of resemblance between the ,gospels in different coloured pencil and reckoning up the results at the end of each section4 #aec3a ,this subject has been carefully worked out since ,credner by ,bleek and ,de ,wette4 ,the results will be found in ,holtzmann1 ,synopt4 ,ev4 p4 #bei sqq4 #aed3a ,cf4 ,holtzmann1 ,die ,synoptischen ,evangelien1 p4 #bee sq42 ,ebrard1 ,the ,gospel ,history 7,engl4 trans471 p4 #bdg2 ,bleek1 ,synoptische ,erklarung der drei ersten ,evangelien1 i4 p4 #cfg4 ,the theory rests upon an acute observation1 and has much plausibility4 #aee3a ,on the ,canon1 p4 #aha1 n4 #b4 ,that the word will bear this sense appears still more decidedly from ,dr4 ,lightfoot's recent investigations1 in view of which the two sentences that follow should perhaps be cancelled2 see ,cont4 ,rev41 ,aug4 #ahge1 p4 #cii sqq4 #aei3a ,it will be seen that the arguments above hardly touch those of ,dr4 ,lightfoot in the ,contemporary ,review for ,august and ,october3 neither do ,dr4 ,lightfoot's arguments seem very much to affect them4 ,the method of the one is chiefly external1 that of the other almost entirely internal4 ,i can only for the present leave what ,i had written2 but ,i do not for a moment suppose that the subject is fathomed even from the particular standpoint that ,i have taken4 #afb3a ,the lists given in ,supernatural ,religion 7ii4 p4 #b7 seem to be correct so far as ,i am able to check them4 ,in the second edition of his work on the ,origin of the ,old ,catholic ,church1 ,ritschl modified his previous opinion so far as to admit that the indications were divided1 sometimes on the one side1 sometimes on the other 7p4 #dea1 n4 #a74 ,there is a seasonable warning in ,reuss 7,gesch4 h4 ,s4 ,n4 ,t4 p4 #bed7 that the ,tbingen critics here1 as elsewhere1 are apt to exaggerate the polemical aspect of the writing4 #afb3b ,it should be noticed that ,hilgenfeld and ,volkmar1 though assigning the second place to the ,homilies1 both take the terminus ad quem for this work no later than #ahj ,a4,d4 ,it seems that a ,syriac version1 partly of the ,homilies1 partly of the ,recognitions1 exists in a ,,ms4 which itself was written in the year #daa1 and bears at that date marks of transcription from a still earlier copy 7cf4 ,lightfoot1 ,galatians1 p4 #cda1 n4 #a74 #afc3a ,this table is made1 as in the case of ,justin1 with the help of the collection of passages in the works of ,credner and ,hilgenfeld4 #afg3a ,or rather perhaps 'morning baptism4' 7,cf4 ,lightfoot1 ,colossians1 p4 #afb sqq41 where the meaning of the name and the character and relations of the sect are fully discussed74 #afh3a ,hom4 i4 #f2 ii4 #ai1 #bc2 iii4 #gc2 iv4 #a2 xiii4 #g2 xvii4 #ai4 #agj3a ,so ,tregelles expressly 7,introduction1 p4 #bdj71 after ,wiseman2 ,scrivener 7,introd41 p4 #cjh7 adds 7872 ,m',clellan classes with ',italic ,family' 7p4 lxxiii74 ,on returning to this passage ,i incline rather more definitely to regard the reading ,greek3 ,haesaiou1 from the group in which it is found1 as an early ,alexandrine corruption4 ,still the ,clementine writer may have had it before him4 #agj3b ii4 p4 #aj sqq4 #agb3a ii4 p4 #ba4 #agb3b ,preface to the fourth edition of ,canon1 p4 xxxii4 #agd3a ,evangelien1 p4 #ca4 #agd3b ,das ,marcus-evangelium1 p4 #bhb4 #age3a ,synopt4 ,ev4 p4 #aic4 #agf3a ,das ,marcus-evangelium1 p4 #bie4 #agh3a ,a friend has kindly extracted for me1 from ,holmes and ,parsons1 the authorities for the ,septuagint text of ,deut4 vi4 #d4 ,for ,greek3 sou there are ',const4 ,app4 #bai1 #ced1 #cee2 ,ignat4 ,epp4 #ajd1 #aab2 ,clem4 ,al4 #fh1 #gah2 ,chrys4 i4 #dhb et saepe1 al4' ,for tuus1 ',iren4 7int471 ,tert41 ,cypr41 ,ambr41 ,anonym4 ap4 ,aug41 ,gaud41 ,brix41 ,alii ,latini4' ,no authorities for ,greek3 humon4 ,was the change first introduced into the text of the ,new ,testament8 #agh3b ,s4 ,r4 ii4 p4 #be4 #agi3a ,beitrge1 i4 p4 #cbf4 #agi3b ,on the ,canon1 p4 #bfa1 n4 #b4 #ahh3a ,hom4 #a4 in ,lucam4 #ahi3a ,h4,e4 iv4 #g4 #ahi3b ,strom4 iv4 #ab4 #ahi3c ,s4,r4 ii4 p4 #db4 #ahi3d ,ibid4 n4 #b2 cp4 p4 #dg4 #aij3a ,ref4 ,omn4 ,haer4 vii1 #bg4 #aij3b ii4 p4 #de4 #aia3a ,ref4 ,omn4 ,haer4 vii4 #bj4 #aib3a ,s4 ,r4 ii4 p4 #di4 #aig3a ,adv4 ,haer4 i4 ,pref4 #b4 #aih3a ii4 p4 #ei4 #aii3a ,s4,r4 ii4 p4 #baa sq4 #bjj3a ,strom4 ii4 #bj2 see ,westcott1 ,canon1 p4 #bfi2 ,volkmar1 ,ursprung1 p4 #aeb4 #bjc3a ,adv4 ,haer4 iii4 #aa4 #g1 #i4 #bjc3b ,ibid4 iii4 #ab4 #ab4 #bjd3a ,the corresponding chapter to this in ',supernatural ,religion' has been considerably altered1 and indeed in part rewritten1 in the sixth edition4 ,the author very kindly sent me a copy of this after the appearance of my article in the ,fortnightly ,review1 and ,i at once made use of it for the part of the work on which ,i was engaged2 but ,i regret that my attention was not directed1 as it should have been1 to the changes in this chapter until it was too late to take quite sufficient account of them4 ,the argument1 however1 ,i think ,i may say1 is not materially affected4 ,several criticisms which ,i had been led to make in the ,fortnightly ,i now find had been anticipated1 and these have been cancelled or a note added in the present work2 ,i have also appended to the volume a supplemental note of greater length on the reconstruction of ,marcion's text1 the only point on which ,i believe there is really very much room for doubt4 #bje3a ,see above1 p4 #hi4 #bje3b ,apol4 i4 #bf4 #bje3c ,ibid4 i4 #eh4 #bje3d ii4 p4 #hj4 #bje3e ,der ,ursprung1 p4 #hi4 #bje3f ,cf4 ,tertullian1 ,de ,praescript4 ,haeret4 c4 #ch4 #bjf3a ,adv4 ,haer4 iv4 #bg4 #b2 #ab4 #ab4 #bji3a ,das ,ev4 ,marcion's1 pp4 #bh-ed4 ,volkmar's view is stated less inadequately in the sixth edition of ,s4 ,r41 but still not quite adequately4 ,perhaps it could hardly be otherwise where arguments that were originally adduced in favour of one conclusion are employed to support its opposite4 #baj3a ,greek3 oida for ,greek3 oidas in ,luke xiv4 #bj4 ,cf4 ,volkmar1 p4 #df4 #baa3a ,das ,ev4 ,marcion's1 p4 #de4 #baa3b ,ibid4 pp4 #df-dh4 #baa3c ',we have1 in fact1 no guarantee of the accuracy or trustworthiness of any of their statements' 7,s4,r4 ii4 p4 #ajj74 ,we have just the remarkable coincidence spoken of above4 ,it does not prove that ,tertullian did not faithfully reproduce the text of ,marcion to show1 which is the real drift of the argument on the preceding page 7,s4,r4 ii4 p4 #ii71 that he had not the canonical ,gospel before him2 rather it removes the suspicion that he might have confused the text of ,marcion's ,gospel with the canonical4 #bab3a ,this table has been constructed from that of ,de ,wette1 ,einleitung1 pp4 #abc-acb1 compared with the works of ,volkmar and ,hilgenfeld4 #bac3a3 ,s4,r4 ii4 p4 #aaj1 n4 #c4 ,the statement is mistaken in regard to ,volkmar and ,hilgenfeld4 ,both these writers would make ,marcion retain this passage4 ,it happens rather oddly that this is one of the sections on which the philological evidence for ,st4 ,luke's authorship is least abundant 7see below74 #bae3a ,there is direct evidence for the presence in ,marcion's ,gospel of the passages relating to the personages here named1 except ,martha and ,mary2 see ,tert4 ,adv4 ,marc4 iv4 #ai1 #cg1 #dc4 #bag3a ,s4 ,r4 ii4 #adb sq4 #bag3b ,this admission does not damage the credit of ,tertullian and ,epiphanius as witnesses2 because what we want from them is a statement of the facts2 the construction which they put upon the facts is a matter of no importance4 #bag3c ,the omission in #b ,cor4 iv4 #ac must be due to ,marcion 7,epiph4 #cba c472 so probably an insertion in #a ,cor4 ix4 #h4 #bah3a ,tert4 ,adv4 ,marc4 v4 #af3 ',haec si ,marcion de industria erasit1' c4 ,v4 #ad3 ',salio et hic amplissimum abruptum intercisae scripturae4' ,v4 #c3 ',ostenditur quid supra haeretica industria eraserit1 mentionem scilicet ,abrahae1' c4 ,cf4 ,bleek1 ,einleitung1 p4 #acf2 ,hilgenfeld1 ,evv4 ,justin's1 c41 p4 #dgc4 #bai3a ',anno xv4 ,tiberii ,christus ,jesus de coelo manare dignatus est' 7,tert4 ,adv4 ,marc4 i4 #ai74 #bbj3a ,i give mainly the explanations of ,volkmar1 who1 it should be remembered1 is the very reverse of an apologist1 indicating the points where they seem least satisfactory4 #bbj3b ,it is highly probable that many of the points mentioned by ,tertullian and ,epiphanius as 'adulterations' were simply various readings in ,marcion's ,codex2 such would be v4 #ad1 x4 #be1 xvii4 #b1 and xxiii4 #b1 which are directly supported by other authority3 xi4 #b and xii4 #bh would probably belong to this class4 ,so perhaps the insertion of iv4 #bg in the history of the ,samaritan leper4 ,the phenomenon of a transposition of verses from one part of a ,gospel to another is not an infrequent one in early ,,mss4 #bbc3a ,die ,synoptischen ,evangelien1 #ahfc1 pp4 #cjb sqq4 #bbd3a ,where a reference is given thus in brackets1 it is confirmatory1 from the part of the ,gospel retained by ,marcion4 #bbi3a ,an analysis of the words which are only found in ,st4 ,luke1 or very rarely found elsewhere1 gives the following results4--,the number of words found only in the portion of the ,gospel retained by ,marcion and in the ,acts is #bca2 that of words found in these retained portions and not besides in the ,gospels or the two other ,synoptics is #eh2 and both these classes together for the portions omitted in ,marcion's ,gospel reach a total of #fb1 which is decidedly under the proportion that might have been expected4 ,the list is diminished by a number of words which are found only in the omitted and retained portions1 furnishing evidence1 as above1 that both proceed from the same hand4 #bca3a ,this list has been made from the valuable work of ,rnsch1 ,das ,neue ,testament ,tertullian's1 #ahga1 and the critical editions1 compared with the text of ,marcion's ,gospel as given by ,hilgenfeld and ,volkmar4 #bca3b ,it might be thought that ,tertullian was giving his own text and not that of ,marcion's ,gospel1 but this supposition is excluded both by the confirmation which he receives from ,epiphanius1 and also by the fact1 which is generally admitted 7see ,s4,r4 ii4 p4 #ajj71 that he had not the canonical ,luke1 but only ,marcion's ,gospel before him4 #bcc3a ,see ,crowfoot1 ,observations on the ,collation in ,greek of ,cureton's ,syriac ,fragments of the ,gospels1 #ahgb1 p4 #e2 ,scrivener1 ,introduction to the ,criticism of the ,new ,testament1 #bnd edition1 #ahgd1 p4 #deb4 #bcc3b ,see ,scrivener1 ,introduction1 p4 #cjg sq42 and ,dr4 ,westcott's article on the ',vulgate' in ,smith's ,dictionary4 ,it should be noticed that ,dr4 ,westcott's literation differs from that of ,dr4 ,scrivener and ,tregelles1 which has been adopted here4 #bce3a ,cf4 ,friedlnder1 ,sittengeschichte ,roms1 iii4 p4 #cae4 #bch3a ,see p4 #hi1 above4 #bch3b ,strom4 iii4 #ab2 compare ,s4,r4 ii4 p4 #aea4 #bci3a ,greek3 ,ho mentoi ge proteros auton archaegos ho ,tatianos sunapheian tina kai sunagogaen ouk oid' hopos ton euangelion suntheis to dia tessaron touto prosonomasin1 ho kai para tisin eiseti nun pheretai4 ,h4 ,e4 iv4 #bi4 #bci3b ,beitrge1 i4 p4 #dda4 #bdj3a ,haer4 #cia ,d 7xlvi4 #a74 #bdj3b ,greek3 ,outos kai to dia tessaron kaloumenon suntetheiken euangelion1 tas te genealogias perikopsas1 kai ta alla1 hosa ek spermatos ,dabid kata sorka genennaemenon ton ,kurion deiknusin4 ,echraesanto de touto ou monon oi taes ekeinou summorias1 alla kai oi tous apostolikois epomenoi dogmasi1 taen taes sunthaekaes kakourgian ouk egnokotes1 all' aplousteron hos suntomo to biblio chraesamenoi4 ,euron de kago pleious ae diakosias biblous toiautas en tais par' haemin ekklaesiois tetimaemenas1 kai pasas sunagagan apethemaen1 kai ta ton tettaron euangeliston anteisaegagon euangelia 7,haeret4 ,fab4 i4 #bj1 quoted by ,credner1 ,beitrge1 i4 p4 #ddb74 #bdj3c ,see ,s4,r4 ii4 p4 #ae4 #bda3a ,s4,r4 ii4 p4 #afb2 compare ,credner1 ,beitrge1 i4 p4 #ddf sqq4 #bda3b ,adv4 ,haer4 iii4 #aa4 #h4 #bda3c ,beit4 i4 p4 #ddc4 #bda3d ,may not ,tatian have given his name to a collection of materials begun1 used1 and left in a more or less advanced stage of compilation1 by ,justin8 ,however1 we can really do little more than note the resemblance3 any theory we may form must be purely conjectural4 #bdb3a ,greek3 ,epistolas gar adelphon axiosanton me grapsai egarapsa4 ,kai tautas oi tou diabolon apostoloi zizanion gegemikan1 ha men exairountes1 ha de prostithentes4 ,ois to ouai keitai4 ,ou thaumaston ara1 ei kai ton kuriakon rhadiourgaesai tines epibeblaentai graphon1 hopote tais ou toiautais epibebouleukasi4 ,h4,e4 iv4 #bc 7,routh1 ,rel4 ,sac4 i4 p4 #aha74 #bdc3a ,greek3 ,allae d' epistolae tis autou pros ,nikomaedeas pheretai en hae taen ,markionos airesin polemon to taes alaetheias paristatai kanoni4 ,h4,e4 iv4 #bc4 #bdd3a ,greek3 ,akribos mathon ta taes palaias diathaekaes ,biblia1 hipotaxas epempsa soi4 ,euseb4 ,h4,e4 iv4 #bf 7,routh1 ,rel4 ,sac4 i4 p4 #aai74 #bde3a ,westcott1 ,on the ,canon1 p4 #bja4 #bde3b ii4 p4 #agg4 #bde3c ,adv4 ,marc4 iv4 #a 7cf4 ,rnsch1 ,das neue ,testament ,tertullian's1 p4 #dh71 'duo deos dividens1 proinde diversos1 alterum alterius instrumenti--vel1 quod magis usui est dicere1 testamenti4' #bdf3a ,greek3 ,eisi toinun hoi di' hagnoian philoneikousi peri touton1 sungnoston pragma peponthotes agnoia gar ou kataegorian anadechetai1 alla didachaes prosdeitai4 ,kai legousin hoti tae id' to probaton meta ton mathaeton ephagen ho ,kurios tae de mealier haemera ton azumon autos epathen2 kai diaegountai ,matthaion outo legein hos nenoaekasin2 hothen asumphonos te nomo hae noaesis auton1 kai stasiazein dokei kat' autous ta euangelia4 ,chron4 ,pasch4 in ,routh1 ,rel4 ,sac4 i4 p4 #afj4 #bdg3a ,s4 ,r4 ii4 p4 #ahh sqq4 ,the reference to ,routh is given on p4 #ahh1 n4 #a2 that to ,lardner in the same note should1 ,i believe1 be ii4 p4 #caf1 not p4 #bif4 #bdg3b ,rel4 ,sac4 i4 p4 #afg4 #bdi3a ,the quotations from ,athenagoras are transcribed from ',supernatural ,religion' and ,lardner 7,credibility c41 ii4 p4 #aie sq474 ,i have not access to the original work4 #bea3a ,credibility c41 ii4 p4 #afa4 #beb3a ,ep4 ,vien4 et ,lugd4 #c 7in ,routh1 ,rel4 ,sac4 i4 p4 #big74 #beb3b ,s4,r4 ii4 p4 #bjc2 ,evv4 ,justin's u4s4w4 p4 #aee4 #bed3a ,wann wurden u4s4w4 p4 #dh sq4 #bed3b ,ursprung1 p4 #acj2 ,s4,r4 ii4 p4 #bbb4 #bee3a ,cf4 ,credner1 ,beitrge1 ii4 p4 #bed4 #bef3a ,adv4 ,haer4 i4 ,praef4 #b4 #beg3a ,strom4 iv4 #i4 #beg3b ,greek3 ,ton ,oualentinou legomenon einai gnorimon ,haerakleouna 444 ,origen1 ,comm4 in ,joh4 ii4 p4 #fj 7quoted by ,volkmar1 ,ursprung1 p4 #abg74 #bei3a ',in affirming that these quotations are taken from the ,gospel according to ,st4 ,matthew apologists exhibit their usual arbitrary haste1' c4 ,s4,r4 ii4 p4 #bbd4 #bfj3a ,celsus' ,wahres ,wort1 ,zurich1 #ahgc4 ,for what follows1 see especially p4 #bfa sqq4 #bfc3a ,keim1 ,celsus' ,wahres ,wort1 p4 #bfb4 #bfc3b ,ibid4 p4 #bbh sq42 ,volkmar1 ,ursprung1 p4 #hj4 #bfc3c ,the text of this document is printed in full by ,routh1 ,rel4 ,sac4 i4 pp4 #cid-cif2 ,westcott1 ,on the ,canon1 p4 #dhg sqq42 ,hilgenfeld1 ,der ,kanon und die ,kritik des ,n4,t4 ad p4 #dj1 n42 ,credner1 ,geschichte des ,noutestamentlichen ,kanon1 ed4 ,volkmar1 p4 #aec sqq41 c4 #bfd3a ,see however ,dr4 ,lightfoot in ,cont4 ,rev41 ,oct4 #ahge1 p4 #hcg4 #bfe3a ,ursprung1 p4 #bh4 #bfe3b ii4 p4 #bde4 #bff3a ,cf4 ,credner1 ,gesch4 des ,kanon1 p4 #afg4 #bff3b ,s4,r4 ii4 p4 #bda4 #bfg3a ,quoted in ,s4,r4 ii4 p4 #bdg4 #bfi3a ,adv4 ,haer4 ii1 #bb4 #e1 iii4 #c4d4 #bgj3a ,geschichte ,jesu von ,nazara1 i4 pp4 #ada-adc4 #bgc3a ,geschichte ,jesu von ,nazara4 i4 pp4 #adc1 #add4 #bgc3b ,on the ,canon1 p4 #ahb sqq4 #bge3a ,greek3 ,ouch haedomai trophae phthoras1 oude haedonais tou biou toutou4 ,arton ,theou thelo1 arton ouranion1 arton zoaes1 hos estin sarx ,iaesou ,christou tou ,huiou tou ,theou tou genomenou en hustero ek spermatos ,dabid kai ,abraam2 kai poma ,theou thelo to haima aoutou1 ho estin agapae aphthartos kai aennaos zoae4 ,ep4 ad ,rom4 c4 vii4 #bge3b ,greek3 ,alla to ,pneuma ou planatai1 apo ,theou on2 oiden gar pothen erchetai kai pou hupagei1 kai ta drupta elenche4 ,ep4 ad ,philad4 c4 vii4 #bgf3a ,cf4 ,lipsius in ,schenkel's ,bibel-,lexicon1 i4 p4 #ih4 #bgg3a ,the second and third ,epistles stand upon a somewhat different footing4 #bgg3b ,cf4 ,s4,r4 ii4 p4 #bfi4 #bgh3a ,s4,r4 ii p4 #cbc4 #bgh3b ,geschichte ,jesu von ,nazara1 i4 p4 #ach sq4 #bhj3a ,cf4 ,s4,r4 ii4 p4 #cjb4 #bhj3b ,so ,dial4 c4 ,tryph4 #fi2 in ,apol4 i4 #bb the ,,mss4 of ,justin read ,greek3 ponaerous1 which might stand1 though some editors substitute or prefer ,greek3 paerous4 ,in both quotations ,greek3 ek genetaes is added4 ,the nearest parallel in the ,synoptics is ,mark ix4 #ba1 ,greek3 ek paidiothen 7of the paralytic boy74 #bhj3c ,wann wurden u4 s4 w4 p4 #cd4 #bhc3a ii4 p4 #cjh4 ,has the author perhaps misunderstood ,credner 7,beit4 i4 p4 #bec71 whose argument on this head is not indeed quite clear8 #bhc3b ,the ,new ,testament c41 i4 p4 #gji4 #bhd3a ,see ,apol4 i4 #bc1 #cb1 #fc2 ii4 #aj4 #bhd3b ,greek3 ,hae de protae dunamis meta ton patera panton kai despotaen ,theon kai uios ho logos estin4 ,this is not quite rightly translated by ,tischendorf and in ',supernatural ,religion3' ,greek3 uios1 like ,greek3 dunamis1 is a predicate2 'the next ,power who also stands in the relation of ,son4' #bhe3a ,prov4 viii4 #bb-bd1 #bg1 #cj4 #bhe3b ,wisd4 vii4 #be1 #bf2 viii4 #a1 #d4 #bhf3a ,ecclus4 xxiv4 #i4 #bhf3b ,wisd4 ix4 #a1 #b2 xvi4 #ab2 xviii4 #ae4 #bhg3a ,cf4 ,lipsius in ,s4 ,b4 ,l4 i4 p4 #ie sqq4 #bhh3a ,der ,kanon und die ,kritik des ,n4 ,t4 7,halle1 #ahfc71 p4 #bi2 ,einleitung1 ,p4 #dc1 n4 #bhh3b ,der ,ursprung unserer ,evangelien1 p4 #fc4 #bhh3c ii4 p4 #cdf4 #bij3a ,s4 ,r4 ii4 p4 #cdj4 #bic3a ,the force of the article 7,greek3 tou paerou7 should be noticed1 as showing that the incident 7and therefore the ,gospel7 is assumed to be well known4 #bic3b ,s4,r4 ii4 p4 #cda4 #bie3a ,tischendorf1 ,wann wurden1 p4 #dj2 ,westcott1 ,canon1 p4 #hj4 #bif3a ii4 p4 #ceg sqq4 #big3a ,adv4 ,haer4 ,v4 #cf4 #a1 #b4 #big3b ,s4 ,r4 ii4 p4 #cbi4 #bih3a ,advanced by ,routh 7or rather ,feuardentius in his notes on ,irenaeus2 cf4 ,rel4 ,sac4 i4 p4 #ca71 and adopted by ,tischendorf and ,dr4 ,westcott4 ,the identification has since been ably and elaborately maintained by ,dr4 ,lightfoot2 see ,cont4 ,rev4 ,oct4 #ahge1 p4 #hda sqq4 #bih3b ,it is not necessary here to determine the sense in which these words are to be taken4 ,i had elsewhere given my reasons for taking ,greek3 erchomenon with ,greek3 anthropon1 as ,a4 ,v4 7,fourth ,gospel1 p4 #f1 n474 ,mr4 ,m',clellan is now to be added to the number of those who prefer to take it with ,greek3 phos1 and argues ably in favour of his opinion4 #bii3a ,the translation of this difficult passage has been left on purpose somewhat baldly literal4 ,the idea seems to be that ,basilides refused to accept projection or emanation as a hypothesis to account for the existence of created things4 ,compare ,mansel1 ,gnost4 ,her4 p4 #adh4 #cja3a ,adv4 ,haer44 iii4 #aa4 #g4 #cjb3a ,haer4 #baf-bbb4 #cjb3b ,it should however be noticed that these words are given only in the old ,latin translation of ,irenaeus and are wanting in the ,greek as preserved by ,epiphanius4 ,whether the words were accidentally omitted1 or whether they were inserted inferentially1 for greater clearness1 by the translator1 it is hard to say4 ,in any case the bearing of the quotations must be very much the same4 ,if not made by ,ptolemaeus himself1 they were made by a contemporary of ,ptolemaeus1 i4e4 at least by a writer anterior to ,irenaeus4 #cjb3c ,adv4 ,haer4 ii4 #d4 #a2 cf4 ,s4,r4 ii4 p4 #baa sq4 #cjb3d ,the somewhat copious fragments of ,heracleon's ,commentary are given in ,stieren's edition of ,irenaeus1 p4 #ich sqq4 ,origen says that ,heracleon read ',bethany' in ,john i4 #bh 7,m',clellan1 i4 p4 #gjh74 #cje3a ii4 p4 #cgh4 #cjf3a ,s4,r4 ii4 p4 #cgi4 #cjg3a ,there is also perhaps a probable reference to ,st4 ,john in ,section #f1 ,greek3 taes aionioi paegaes tou hudatos taes zoaes tou exiontos ek taes naeduos tou ,christou4 #cjg3b ,celsus' ,wahres ,wort1 p4 #bbi4 #cjh3a ,greek3 ho taen hagian pleuran ekkentaetheis1 ho ekcheas ek taes pleuras autou ta duo palin katharsia1 hudor kai aima1 logon kai pneuma4 ,see ,routh1 ,rel4 ,sac4 i4 p4 #afa4 #cjh3b ,lardner1 ,credibility1 c41 ii4 p4 #aif4 #cae3a ,tregelles in ,horne's ,introduction1 p4 #ccd4 #cae3b ,adv4 ,haer4 iii4 #aa4 #h4 #caf3a ,adv4 ,haer4 iii4 #a4 #a4 #cag3a ,see ,lardner1 ,credibility1 c41 ii4 pp4 #bbc1 #bbd1 and ,eus4 ,h4,e4 ii4 #ae 7#ad ,lardner74 #cag3b ,compare ,h4,e4 ii4 #ae and vi4 #ad4 #cag3c ,h4,e4 vi4 #ad4 #cag3d ,strom4 iii4 #ac4 #cah3a ,for the meaning of this word 7'schriftliche ,beweisurkunde'7 see ,rnsch1 ,das ,n4,t4 ,tertullian's1 p4 #dh4 #cah3b ,adv4 ,marc4 iv4 #b4 #cah3b ,ibid4 iv4 #e4 #cah3d ,ibid4 v4 #i4 #cah3e ,ibid4 iv4 #b-e2 compare v4 #i1 and ,rnsch1 pp4 #ec1 #ed4 #cai3a ,eus4 ,h4,e4 vi4 #be4 #cai3b ,see ,m',clellan on ,luke i4 #a-d4 ,on the general position of ,origen in regard to the ,canon1 compare ,hilgenfeld1 ,kanon1 p4 #di4 #cbj3a ,so ,westcott in ,s4,d4 iii4 #afib1 n4 ,tregelles1 in ,horne's ,introduction1 p4 #ccc1 speaks of this translation as 'coeval1 apparently1 with ,irenaeus himself4' ,we must not1 however1 omit to notice that ,rnsch 7p4 #dc1 n47 is more reserved in his verdict on the ground that the translation of ,irenaeus 'in its peculiarities and in its relation to ,tertullian has not yet received a thorough investigation2' compare ,hilgenfeld1 ,einleitung1 p4 #gig4 #cbj3b ,rnsch1 ,das ,n4,t4 ,tertullian's1 p4 #dc4 #cba3a ,rnsch1 ,itala und ,vulgata1 pp4 #b1 #c4 #cba3b ,horne's ,introduction1 p4 #bcc4 #cba3c ,introduction 7#bnd ed471 pp4 #cjj1 #cjb1 #dej1 #deb4 #cba3d iii4 p4 #afij b4 #cbb3a ,hilgenfeld1 in his recent ,einleitung1 says expressly 7p4 #gig7 that 'the ,new ,testament had already in the second century been translated into ,latin4' ,this admission is not affected by the argument which follows1 which goes to prove that the version used by ,tertullian was not the ',itala' properly so called4 #cbb3b ,see ,smith's ,dictionary1 iii4 p4 #afcj b4 #cbb3c ,introduction1 p4 #bgd4 #cbb3d ,see ,routh1 ,rel4 ,sac4 i4 pp4 #abd and #aeb4 #cbc3a ,see ,scrivener1 loc4 cit4 #cbc3b ,see ,new ,testament1 c41 i4 p4 #fce4 #cbc3c ,s4,d4 iii4 p4 #afcd b4 #cbd3a ,einleitung in das ,neue ,testament1 p4 #gbd4 #cbd3b ,geschichte der heiligen ,schriften ,neuen ,testaments1 p4 #cjb4 #cbd3c ,einleitung1 p4 #hjd4 #cbd3d ,see ,tregelles1 loc4 cit4 #cbd3e ,cf4 ,hilgenfeld1 ,einleitung1 p4 #hje4 ,it hardly seems clear that ,origen had no ,,ms4 authority for his reading4 #cbd3f ,introduction1 p4 #ecj4 ,but ,greek3 oupo is admitted into the text by ,westcott and ,hort4 #cbd3g ',the text of the ,curetonian ,gospels is in itself a sufficient proof of the extreme antiquity of the ,syriac ,version4 ,this1 as has been already remarked1 offers a striking resemblance to that of the ,old ,latin1 and cannot be later than the middle or close of the second century4 ,it would be difficult to point out a more interesting subject for criticism than the respective relations of the ,old ,latin and ,syriac ,versions to the ,latin and ,syriac ,vulgates4 ,but at present it is almost untouched4' ,westcott1 ,on the ,canon 7#crd ed471 p4 #bah1 n4 #c4 #cbe3a ,see ,scrivener's ,introduction1 p4 #cbd4 #cbe3b ,cf4 ,bleek1 ,einleitung1 p4 #gce2 ,reuss1 ,gesch4 ,n4,t4 p4 #ddg4 #cbf3a ,this is the date commonly accepted since ,massuet1 ,diss4 in ,irenaeum1 ii4 #a4 #b4 ,grabe had previously placed the date in ,a4,d4 #ajh1 ,dodwell as early as ,a4,d4 #ig 7of4 ,stieren1 ,irenaeus1 ii4 pp4 #cb1 #cd1 #ahb74 #cbf3b ,routh1 ,rel4 ,sac4 i4 p4 #cjf4 #cbg3a ,eus4 ,h4,e4 v4 #aa1 vi4 #f4 ,eusebius1 in his1 ',chronicle1' speaks of ,clement as eminent for his writings 7,greek suntatton dielampen7 in ,a4,d4 #aid4 #cbg3b ,the books called ',stromateis' or ',miscellanies' date from this reign4 ,h4,e4 vi4 #f4 #cbg3c ,stromateis1 i4 #a4 #cbg3d ,adv4 ,marc4 iv4 #e4 #cbg3e ,de ,praescript4 ,haeret4 c4 #cf2 see ,scrivener1 ,introduction1 p4 #ddf4 #cbh3a pp4 #dej1 #dea4 #cbh3b p4 #deb4 ,these facts may be held to show that the books were not regarded with the same veneration as now4 #cbi3a v4 #cj4 #a4 #ccj3a ,adv4 ,haer4 iii4 #aa4 #h4 #ccj3b ,ib4 iii4 #ad4 #b4 #cca3a ,cf4 ,adv4 ,haer4 iv4 #ac4 #a4 #ccb3a ,the varieties of reading in this verse are exhibited in full by ,dr4 ,westcott1 ,on the ,canon1 p4 #abj1 notes #d and #e4 #ccf3a ,matt4 v4 #bh is omitted as too ambiguous and confusing1 though it is especially important for the point in question as showing that ,tertullian himself had a variety of ,,mss4 before him4 #ccf3b ,st4 ,matthew's ,gospel is wanting in this ,,ms4 to xxv4 #f2 two leaves are also lost1 from ,john vi4 #ej to viii4 #eb4 #cdf3a ,strom4 ii4 #bj4 #cdg3a ,in a volume entitled ,the ,authorship and ,historical ,character of the ,fourth ,gospel1 ,macmillan1 #ahgb4 ,i may say with reference to this book--a 'firstling' of theological study-- that ,i am inclined now to think that ,i exaggerated somewhat the importance of minute details as an evidence of the work of an eye-witness4 ,the whole of the arguments1 however1 summarised on pp4 #bhg-bic seem to me to be still perfectly valid and sound1 and the greater part of them--notably that which relates to the ,messianic expectations--is quite untouched by ',supernatural ,religion4' #cdh3a ,it is instructive to compare the canons elaborately drawn up by ,mr4 ,m',clellan 7,n4,t4 i4 #cge-chi7 with those tacitly assumed in ',supernatural ,religion4' ,the inference in the one case seems to be 'possible1 therefore true1' in the other1 'not probable1 or not confirmed1 therefore false4' ,surely neither of these tallies with experience4 #ceb3a ,this1 perhaps1 is one that is apt to be overlooked4 ,in order to be quite sure that the process of analysis is complete it must be supplemented and verified by the reversed process of synthesis4 ,if a compound has been resolved into its elements1 we cannot be sure that it has been resolved into all its elements until the original compound has been produced by their recombination4 ,where this second reverse process fails1 the inference is that some unknown element which was originally present has escaped in the analysis4 ,the analysis may be true as far as it goes1 but it is incomplete4 ,the causes are 'verae causae1' but they are not all the causes in operation4 ,so it seems to be with the analysis of the vital organism4 ,we may be said to know entirely what air and water are because the chemist can produce them1 but we only know very imperfectly the nature of life and will and conscience1 because when the physiological analysis has been carried as far as it will go there still remains a large unknown element4 ,within this element may very well reside those distinctive properties which make man 7as the moralist is obliged to assume that he is7 a responsible and religious being4 ,the hypotheses which lie at the root of morals and religion are derived from another source than physiology1 but physiology does not exclude them1 and will not do so until it gives a far more verifiably complete account of human nature than it does at present4 #ced3a ,mr4 ,browning has expressed this with his usual incisiveness and penetration3-- ',i hear you recommend1 ,i might at least ,eliminate1 decrassify my faith 444 ,still1 when you bid me purify the same1 ,to such a process ,i discern no end1 ,clearing off one excrescence to see two2 ,there's ever a next in size1 now grown as big1 ,that meets the knife3 ,i cut and cut again6 ,first cut the liquefaction1 what comes last ,but ,fichte's clever cut at ,god himself8' ,but also1 on the other hand3-- ',where's ,the gain8 how can we guard our unbelief8 ,just when we are safest1 there's a sunset-touch1 ,a fancy from a flower-bell1 some one's death1 ,a chorus ending from ,euripides1-- ,and that's enough for fifty hopes and fears1 ,as old and new at once as ,nature's self1 ,to rap and knock and enter in our soul 444 ,all we have gained then by our unbelief ,is a life of doubt diversified by faith1 ,for one of faith diversified by doubt3 ,we called the chess-board white1--we call it black4' ,bishop ,blongram's ,apology4 #cei3a ,as to the defects of the present edition1 see ,tischendorf1 ,prolegomena to ,vetus ,testamentum ,graece juxta ,,lxx ,interpretes1 p4 liii3 ',eae vero 7collationes7 quemadmodum in editis habentur non modo universae graviter differunt inter se fide atque accuratione1 sed ad ipsos principales testes tam negligenter tamque male factae sunt ut etiam atque etiam dolendum sit tantos numos rara liberalitate per ,angliam suppeditatos criticae sacrae parum profuisse4' ,similarly ,credner1 in regard to the use of the ,codex ,alexandrinus1 ,beitrge1 ii4 #af3 ',wahrhaft unbegreiflich und unverzeihlich ist es1 dass die ,herausgeber der kostbaren ,kritischen ,ausgabe der ,,lxx1 welcher zu ,oxford vor wenigen ,jahren vollendet und von ,holmes und ,parsons besorgt worden ist1 statt cine sorgfltige ,vergleichung des in ,london aufbewahrten ,cod4 ,alex4 zu veranstalten1 sich lediglich auf die ,ausgabe von ,grabe beschrnkt haben1 dessen ,kritik vielfach nicht einmal verstanden worden ist4' ,,appendix4 ,,supplemental ,,note ,,on ,,the ,,reconstruction ,,of ,,marcion',s ,,gospel4 ,if the reader should happen to possess the work of ,rnsch1 ,das ,neue ,testament ,tertullian's1 to which allusion has frequently been made above1 and will simply glance over the pages1 noting the references1 from ,luke iv4 #af to the end of the ,gospel1 ,i do not think he will need any other proof of the sufficiency of the grounds for the reconstruction of ,marcion's ,gospel1 so as at least to admit of a decision as to whether it was our present ,st4 ,luke or not4 ,failing this1 it may be well to give a brief example of the kind of data available1 going back straight to the original authorities themselves4 ,for this purpose we will take the first chapter that ,marcion preserved entire1 ,luke v1 and set forth in full such fragments of it as have come down to us4 ,we take up the argument of ,tertullian at the point where he begins to treat of this chapter4 ,in the fourth book of the treatise against ,marcion ,tertullian begins by dealing with the ,antitheses 7a sort of criticism by ,marcion on what he regarded as the ,judaising portions of the ,canonical ,gospel71 and then1 in general terms1 with the actual ,gospel which ,marcion used4 ,from the general he descends to the particular1 and in c4#f ,tertullian pledges himself to show in detail1 that even in those parts of the ,gospel which ,marcion retained there was enough to refute his own system4 ,marcion's ,gospel began with the descent of ,jesus upon ,capernaum in the fifteenth year of ,tiberias4 ,tertullian makes points out of this1 also from the account of ,his preaching in the synagogue and of the expulsion of the devil4 ,after this incident ,marcion's ,gospel represented our ,lord as retiring into solitude4 ,it did this as it would appear in words very similar to those of the ,canonical ,gospel4 ,i place side by side the language of ,tertullian with that of the ,vulgate 7,codex ,fuldensis1 as given by ,tregelles74 ,i have also compared the translation in the two codd41 ,vercellensis and ,veronensis1 of the ,old ,latin in ,bianchini's edition4 ,it will be remembered however that ,tertullian is admitted to have ,marcion's 7and not the ,canonical7 ,gospel before him1 and he probably translates directly from that4 ,in solitudinem procedit4444 ,detentus a turbis3 ,oportet me1 inquit1 el aliis civitatibus annuntiare regnum dei4 ,luke v4 #db1 #dc3 ,ibat in desertum sertum locum 444 et detinebant illum ne discederet ab eis4 ,quibus ille ait quia1 ,et aliis civitatibus oportet me evangelizare regnum dei4 ,his discussion of the fifth chapter ,tertullian begins by asking why1 out of all possible occupations1 ,christ should have fixed upon that of fishing1 to take from thence ,his apostles1 ,simon and the sons of ,zebedee4 ,there was a meaning in the act which appears in the reply to ,peter1 ',thou shalt catch men1' where there is a reference to a prophecy of ,jeremiah 7ch4 xvi4 #af74 ,by this allusion ,jesus sanctioned those very prophecies which ,marcion rejected4 ,in the end the fishermen left their boats and followed ,him4 ,de tot generibus operum quid utique ad piscaturam respexit ut1 ab illa in apostolos sumeret ,simonem et filios ,zebedaei 444 dicens ,petro trepidanti de copiosa indagine piscium3 ne time abhinc enum homines eris capiens4444 ,denique relictis naviculis secuti sunt ipsum444 ,luke v4 #a-aa3a ,factum est autem cum turbae irruereut in eum et ipse stabat secus stagnum ,gennesareth3#b et vidit duas naves4444#c ,ascendens in unam navem quae erat ,simonis444#d dixit ad ,simonem1 ,duc in altum1 et laxate retia vestra in capturam4 #f;,et cum hoc fecissent concluserunt piscium multitudinem copiosam4444 #g;,et impleverunt ambas naviculas ita ut mergerentur4 #h,quod cum videret ,simon ,petrus1 procidit ad genua ,jesu4444 #i,stupor enim circumdederat eum 444 #ajsimiliter autem ,jacobum et ,johannem filios ,zebedaei4444 ,et ait ad ,simonem ,jesus1 ,noli timere1 ex hoc jam homines eris capiens4 #aa;,et subductis ad terram navibus relictis omnibus secuti sunt illum4 ,for ,noli timere c41 cod4 a has1 ,noli timere1 jam amodo eris vivificans homines2 cod4 b1 ,nol4 tim41 ex hoc jam eris homines vivificans4 ,in passing to the incident of the leper1 ,tertullian argues that the prohibition of contact with a leper was figurative1 applying really to the contact with sin4 ,but the ,godhead is incapable of pollution1 and therefore ,jesus touched the leper4 ,it would be in vain for ,marcion to suggest that this was done in contempt of the law4 ,for1 upon his own 7,docetic7 theory1 the body of ,jesus was phantasmal1 and therefore could not receive pollution3 so that there would be no real contact or contempt of the law4 ,neither1 as ,marcion maintained1 did a comparison with the miracle of ,elisha tend to the disparagement of that prophet4 ,true1 ,christ healed with a word4 ,so also with a word had the ,creator made the world4 ,and1 after all1 the word of ,christ produced no greater result than a river which came from the ,creator's hands4 ,further1 the command of ,jesus to the leper when healed1 showed ,his desire that the law should be fulfilled4 ,nay1 ,he added an explanation which conveyed that ,he was not come to destroy the law1 but ,himself to fulfil it4 ,this ,he did deliberately1 and not from mere indulgence to the man1 who1 ,he knew1 would wish to do as the law required4 ,argumentatur 444 in leprosi purgationem 444 ,tetigit leprosum 444 ,et hoc opponit ,marcion 444 ,christum 444 verbo solo1 et hoc semel functo1 curationem statim repraesentasse4 ,quantam ad gloriae humanae aversionem pertinebat1 vetuit eum divulgare4 ,quantum autem ad tutelam legis jussit ordinem impleri4 ,vade1 ostende te sacerdoti1 et offer munus quod praecepit ,moyses4444 ,itaque adjecit3 ut sit vobis in testimonium4 ,luke v4 #ab-ad3 #ab ,ecce vir plenus lepra3 et videns ,jesum 444 rogavit eum dicens1 ,domine1 si vis1 potes me mundare4 #ac ,et extendens manum tetigit illum dicens1 ,volo1 mundare4 ,et confestim lepra discessit ab illo4 #ad ,et ipse praecepit illi ut nemini diceret1 sed ,vade ostende te sacerdoti1 et offer pro emundatione tua sicut praecepit ,moses1 in testimonium illis4 ,for emundatione in ver4 #ad1 a has purgatione2 b as ,vulg4 ,both a and b have the form offers 7see ,rnsch1 ,it4 u4 ,vulg4 p4 #bid71 b the plural sacerdotibus4 ,both codd4 have a variation similar to that of ,marcion1 ut sit etc42 a inserts hoc4 ,next follows the healing of the paralytic1 which was done in fulfilment of ,is4 xxxv4 #b4 ,the miracle also itself in its details was a special and exact fulfilment of the prophecy contained in the next verse1 ,is4 xxxv4 #c4 ,that the ,messiah should forgive sins had been repeatedly prophesied1 e4g4 in ,is4 liii4 #ab1 i4 #ah1 ,micah vii4 #ah4 ,not only were these prophecies thus actually sanctioned by ,christ1 but1 in forgiving the sins of the paralytic1 ,he was only doing what the ,creator or ,demiurge had done before ,him4 ,in proof of this ,tertullian appeals to the examples of the ,ninevites1 of ,david and ,nathan1 of ,ahab1 of ,jonathan the son of ,saul1 and of the chosen people themselves4 ,thus ,marcion was doubly refuted1 because the prerogative of forgiveness was asserted of the ,messiah in the prophecies which he rejected and attributed to the ,creator whom he denied4 ,in like manner1 when ,jesus called ,himself the ',son of ,man1' ,he did so in a real sense1 signifying that ,he was really born of a virgin4 ,this appellation too had been applied to ,him by the prophet ,daniel4 7,dan4 vii4 #ac1 iii4 #be74 ,but if ,jesus claimed to be the ,son of ,man1 if1 standing before the ,jews as a man1 ,he claimed as man the power of forgiving sins1 ,he thereby showed that ,he possessed a real human body and not the mere phantasm of which ,marcion spoke4 ,curatur et paralyticus1 et quidem in coetu1 spectante populo444 ,cum redintegratione membrorum virium quoque repraesentationem pollicebatur3 ,exsurge et tolle grabatum tuum2--simul et animi vigorem ad non timendos qui dicturi erant3 ,qui dimittet peccata nisi solus deus8444 ,cum ,judaei merito retractarent non posse hominem delicta dimittere sed deum solum1 cur444 respondit1 habere eum potestatem dimittendi delicta1 quando et filium hominis nominans hominem nominaret8 ,luke v4 #ag-bf3 #ag ,et factum est in una dierum et ipse sedebat docens4444 #ah ,et ecce viri portantes in lecto hominem1 qui erat paralyticus1 et quaerebant eum inferre444 #ai et non invenientes qua parte illum inferrent prae turba1444 per tegulas444 summiserunt illum cum lecto in medium ante ,jesum4 #bj ,quorum fidem ut vidit1 dixit1 ,homo1 remittuntur tibi peccata tua4 #ba ,et coeperunt cogitare ,scribae et ,pharisaei1 dicentes1 ,quis est hic qui loquitur blasphemias8 quis potest dimittere peccata nisi solus deus8 #bb ,ut cognovit autem ,jesus cogitationes eorum1 respondens dixit ad illos4 444 #bc ,quid est facilius dicere1 ,dimittuntur tibi peccata1 an dicere1 ,surge et ambula8 #bd ,ut autem sciatis quia filius hominis potestatem habet in terra dimittere peccata1 ait paralytico1 ,tibi dico1 surge1 tolle lectum tuum et vade in domum tuam4 #be ,et confestim surgens 444 abiit in domum suam4 ,grabatum is the reading of a in ver4 #be4 ,marcion drew an argument from the calling of the publican 7,levi7-- one under ban of the law--as if it were done in disparagement of the law4 ,tertullian reminds him in reply of the calling and confession of ,peter1 who was a representative of the law4 ,further1 when he said that 'the whole need not a physician' ,jesus declared that the ,jews were whole1 the publicans sick4 ,publicanum adlectum a domino 444 dicendo1 medicum sanis non esse necessarium sed male habentibus444 ,luke v4 #bg-cb3 #bg ,et post hoc exiit et vidit publicanum 444 et ait illi1 ,sequere me4444 #cj ,et murmurabant ,pharisaei et ,scribae eorum444 #ca et respondens ,jesus dixit ad illos1 ,non egent qui sani sunt medico sed qui male habent4 ,the question respecting the disciples of ,john is turned against ,marcion1 as a recognition of the ,baptist's mission4 ,if ,john had not prepared the way for ,christ1 if he had not actually baptized ,him1 if1 in fact1 there was that diversity between the two which ,marcion assumed1 no one would ever have thought of instituting a comparison between them or the conduct of their disciples4 ,in ,his reply1 'that the children of the bridegroom could not fast1' ,jesus virtually allowed the practice of the disciples of ,john1 and excused1 as only for a time1 that of ,his own disciples4 ,the very name1 'bridegroom1' was taken from the ,old ,testament 7,ps4 xix4 #f sq41 ,is4 lxi4 #aj1 xlix4 #ah1 ,cant4 iv4 #h72 and its assumption by ,christ was a sanction of marriage1 and showed that ,marcion did wrong to condemn the married state4 ,unde autem et ,joannes venit in medium8444 ,si nihil omnino administrasset ,joannes 444 nemo discipulos ,christi manducantes et bibentes ad formam discipulorum ,joannis assidue jejunantium et orantium provocasset4444 ,nunc humiliter reddens rationem1 quod non possent jejunare filii sponsi quamdiu cum eis esset sponsus1 postea vero jejunaturos promittens1 cum ablatus ab eis sponsus esset4 ,luke v4 #cc-ce3 #cc ,at illi dixerunt ad eum1 ,quare discipuli ,johannis jejunant frequenter et obsecrationes faciunt1 444 tui autem edunt et bibunt8 #cd ,quibus ipse ait1 ,numquid potestis filios sponsi dum cum illis est sponsus facere jejunare8 #ce ,venient autem dies cum ablatus fuerit ab illis sponsus1 tune jejunabunt in illis diebus4 ,in ver4 #cc1 for obsecrationes a has orationes1 and for edunt manducant3 a and b also have quamdiu 7,vulg4 cum7 in ver4 #ce4 ,equally erroneous was ,marcion's interpretation of the concluding verses of the chapter which dealt with the distinction between old and new4 ,he indeed was intoxicated with 'new wine'--though the real 'new wine' had been prophesied as far back as ,jer4 iv4 #d and ,is4 xliii4 #ai--;but ,he to whom belonged the new wine and the new bottles also belonged the old4 ,the difference between the old and new dispensations was of developement and progression1 not of diversity or contrariety4 ,both had one and the same ,author4 ,errasti in illa etiam domini pronuntiatione qua videtur nova et vetera discernere4 ,inflatus es utribus veteribus et excerebratus es novo vino3 atque ita veteri1 i4e4 priori evangelio pannum haereticae novitatis adsuisli 444 ,venum novum is non committit in veteres utres qui et veteres utres non habuerit1 et novum additamentum nemo inicit veteri vestimento nisi cui non defuerit vetus vestimentum4 ,luke v4 #cf-ch3 #cf ,dicebat autem et similitudinem ad illos quia nemo commissuram a vestimento novo inmittit in vestimentum vetus4444 #cg ,et nemo mittit vinum novum in utres veteres4444 #ch ,sed vinum novum in utres novos mittendum est4 ,of the phrases peculiar to ,tertullian's version of ,marcion's text1 a has pannum 7-no7 and adsuisti 7-it74 ,it is observed that ,tertullian does not quote verse #ci1 which is omitted by ,d1 a1 b1 c1 c1 ff1 l1 and perhaps1 also by ,eusebius4 ,two of the ,scholia of ,epiphanius 7,adv4 ,haer4 #cbb ,d sqq471 nos4 #a and #b1 have reference to this chapter4 ,greek3 ,echul4 a4 ,apelthon deixon seauton to hierei kai prosenenke peri tou katharismou sou1 kathos prosetaxe ,mousaes1 hina ae marturion touto humin4 ,luke v4 #ad4 ,greek3 ,apeltheon deixon seauton to hierei1 kai prosenenke peri tou katharismou sou1 kathos prosetaxen ,mousaes1 eis marturion autois4 v4l4 ,greek3 hina eis marturion 7,d'#a1 ,greek3 ae ,d'#b7 ,greek3 humin touto ,d1 7a1 b71 c1 ff1 l4 ,the comment of ,epiphanius on this is similar to that of ,tertullian4 ,to bid the leper 'do as ,moses commanded1' was practically to sanction the law of ,moses4 ,epiphanius expressly accuses ,marcion of falsifying the phrase 'for a testimony unto them4' ,he says that he changed 'them' to 'you1' without however1 even in this perverted form1 preventing the text from recoiling upon his own head ,greek3 diestrepsas de to rhaeton1 o ,markion1 anti tou eipein 'eis marturion autois' marturion legon 'humin4' kai touto saphos epseuso kata taes sautou kephalaes4 ,greek3 ,echol4 ,b'4 ,hina de eidaete hoti exousian echei ho uhios tou anthropou aphienai hamartias epi taes gaes4 ,luke v4 #bd4 ,greek3 ,hina de eidaete hoti exousian echei ho uhios tou anthropou epi taes gaes aphienai hamartias4 ,in this order1 ,hebrew aleph1 ,a1 ,c1 ,d1 rel41 a1 c1 e1 ,syrr4 ,pst4 and ,hcl41 7,memph471 ,goth41 ,arm41 ,aeth42 ,greek3 ex4 ech4 after ,greek3 ho1 hu4 t4 a41 ,b1 ,l1 ,greek3 ,xi symbol1 ,k1 ,vulg41 b1 f1 g'#a1 ff1 l4 ,by calling ,himself ',son of ,man1' ,epiphanius says1 our ,lord asserts ,his proper manhood and repels ,docetism1 and1 by claiming 'power upon earth1' ,he declares that earth not to belong to an alien creation4 ,reverting to ,tertullian1 we observe1 7#a7 that the narrative of the draught of fishes1 with the fear of ,peter1 and the promise in this form1 ',thou shalt catch men1' 7,greek3 ,mae phobou apo tou nun anthropous esae zogron2 the other ,synoptists have1 ,greek3 ,deute opiso mou1 kai poiaeso humas halieis anthropon71 are found only in ,st4 ,luke2 7#b7 that the second section of the chapter1 the healing of the leper1 is placed by the other ,synoptists in a different order1 by ,mark immediately after our ,lord's retirement into solitude 7 ,luke iv4 #db-dd71 and by ,matthew after the ,sermon on the ,mount2 the phrase ,greek3 eis marturion autois is common to all three ,gospels1 but in the text of ,st4 ,luke alone is there the variant ,ut sit vobis c42 7#c7 that1 while the remaining sections follow in the same order in all the ,synoptics1 still there is much to identify the text from which ,tertullian is quoting with that of ,luke4 ,thus1 in the account of the case of ,levi1 the third ,evangelist alone has the word ,greek3 telonaen 7publicanum7 and ,greek3 hugiainontes 7sani2 the other ,gospels ,greek3 ischontes valentes72 in the question as to the practice of the disciples of ,john1 he alone has the allusion to prayers 7,greek3 deaeseis poiountai7 and the combination 'eat and drink' 7the other ,gospels1 ,greek3 ou naesteyousin73 he too has the simple ,greek3 epiblaema1 for ,greek3 epiblaema rhakous agnaphou4 ,it seems quite incredible that these accumulated coincidences should be merely the result of accident4 ,but this is only the beginning4 ,the same kind of coincidences run uniformly all through the ,gospel4 ,from the next chapter1 ,luke vi1 ,marcion had1 in due order1 the plucking of the ears of corn on the sabbath day 7'rubbing them with their hands1' ,luke and ,marcion alone71 the precedent of ,david and his companions and the shewbread1 the watching of the ,pharisees 7so ,luke only7 to see if ,he would heal on the sabbath day1 the healing of the withered hand--with an exact resemblance to the text of ,luke and divergence from the other ,gospels 7licetne animam liberare an perdere8 ,greek3 psuchaen apolesai ,luke1 ,greek3 apokteinai ,mark71 in the order and words of ,luke alone1 the retreat into the mountain for prayer1 the selection of the twelve ,apostles1 and then1 in a strictly ,lucan form and introduced precisely at the same point1 the ,sermon on the ,mount1 the blessing on 'the poor' 7not the 'poor in spirit'71 on those 'who hunger' 7not on those 'who hunger and thirst after righteousness'71 on those 'who weep1 for they shall laugh' 7not on those 'who mourn1 for they shall be comforted'71 with an exact translation of ,st4 ,luke and difference from ,st4 ,matthew1 the clause relating to those who are persecuted and reviled3 then follow the 'woes2' to the rich1 'for ye have received your consolation2' to 'those who are full1 for they shall hunger2' to 'those who laugh now1 for they shall mourn3' and so on almost verse by verse4 ,it is surely needless to go further4 ,there are indeed very rarely what seem to be reminiscences of the other ,gospels 7e4g4 'esurierunt discipuli' in the parallel to ,luke vi4 #a71 but the total amount of resemblance to ,st4 ,luke and divergence from ,st4 ,matthew and ,st4 ,mark is overwhelming4 ,of course the remainder of the evidence can easily be produced if necessary1 but ,i do not think it will long remain in doubt that our present ,st4 ,luke was really the foundation of the ,gospel that ,marcion used4 ,,index ,i4 ,references to the ,four ,gospels4 ,the asterisk indicates that the passage in question is discussed in some detail4 ,st4 ,matthew4 ,i4 #a #b-f #ah99 #ah ff #ah-be #ba #bc ,,ii4 #a #a-g #a-bc #b #e1f #f #aa #ab #ac #ac-ae #af #ag1ah #ah #bb4 ,,iii4 #b #d #h #aj #aa1ab #ae99 #af #ah ,,iv4 #a #h-aj #i #aj #aa #ag #ah #bc ,v4 #a-dh #c #d1e99 #g99 #h #aj99 #aa #ac1ad #ad #af99 #ag #ag1ah #ah99 #bj #ba-dh #bb #bh #bi #bi1cj #bi1cb #cb #cd99 #cg99 #ch1ci #ci1dj #da #db #dd1de #de99 #df99 #dh ,,vi4 #a #a-cd #f #h #aj #ac #ad #ai #ai1bj #bj #ba #be-bg #be-cg #cb99 #cb1cc ,,vii4 #a-bi #b #f #g #i-aa99 #ab #ac1ad99 #ae99 #af #ai #ba99 #bb #bb1bc #bh1bi ,,viii4 #i #aa #aa1ab #ag #bf #bh-cd ,,ix4 #a-h #ac99 #af #ag #bb #bi-ca #cc ,x4 #a #h #aj #aa99 #ac #ae #af99 #bb #bf #bh99 #bi1cj #cc #ch1ci #dj ,,xi4 #e #g #aj #aa #ab-ae #ah #bf #be-bg #bg99 #bh ,,xii4 #a-h99 #g #i-ad99 #ag-ba #ah-ba #bd #be99 #bf #ca1cb #cd #da #db #dc #dh ,,xiii4 #a-eh #c #c;ff #e #aa #ae #af #bd-cj #be #bf99 #cd #ce #cg-ci #ch #ci #db1dc ,,xiv4 #a #c #c-ab #f ,,xv4 #d-f #d-h99 #d-i #h99 #ac #ae #ag #bj #ba-bh #bf #cf ,,xvi4 #a #a-d #d #ae-ah #af99 #ai #ba #bd #bd1be #bf ,,xvii4 #c #e #aa #aa-ac99 #ab1ac #ac ,,xviii4 #a-ce #c99 #f #g #h #h1i #aj #ai ,,xix4 #d #f99 #h99 #i #aj-ab #aa1ab99 #ab99 #ac #af1ag99 #ag #ai #bb #bf99 ,,xx4 #h #af #ai #bj-bh ,,xxi4 #a #e #ab1ac #af #bj-bb #bc #cc #db ,,xxii4 #i #aa #ad99 #ba #bd #bi #cj #cb #cg #ch #ci #dj #dd99 ,,xxiii4 #b #b1c #e #aj #ac #ae #ah #bj #bc #bd #be #be1bf99 #bg #bi #ce ,,xxiv4 #a-ea #c #ad #de-ea99 ,,xxv4 #a-df #ad-cj #ba #bf1bg #cd #da99 ,,xxvi4 #a-ge #ag1ah #bd99 #cj #ca99 #cf1cg #ch #ci #da #dc #ef #ef1eg #eg #fd99 ,,xxvii4 #i #i1aj99 #aa;f4 #ad #ce #ci;ff #db #dc #df #eg-fj ,,xxviii4 #a #ab-ae #ai4 ,st4 ,mark4 ,i4 #a #b #d #ag #bb #bd #bf ,,ii4 #bc-bh99 #bh ,,iii4 #a-f99 #ag #bc #be #bi ,,iv4 #a-cd #aa #ab #cc1cd #cd99 ,v4 #a-bj #ca ,,vi4 #c #aa #ad #ag-bi ,,vii4 #f99 #f-ac #g #aj1aa #aa-ac #ac #ba1bb #bd-cj ,,viii4 #bi #ca #cd ,,ix4 #g #ba #dc #dg ,x4 #e #e1f #f #h #i #ag #ah #ai #ba #bb #bg99 #cg-de ,,xi4 #bj-bf ,,xii4 #ag #bj #bd #bg99 #bi99 #cj #ch-dd ,,xiii4 #b99 #bb ,,xiv4 #ab1ac #ab-ad #dj #ea1eb ,,xv4 #ad #cd ,,xvi4 #ad-af ,st4 ,luke4 ,i4 #a-d #a-hj #c #f #g #g-aj #h #i #ab #ac #ae #ag #ah1ai #ai #bj #bj-bb #ba #bc #bd #bf #bg #bh #bi #ca #cb #cc #cd #cd1ce #ce99 #cf #ci #da #dh #ee #ef #eg #fa #fb #fd #fg #fi #gc #gd #gf #gg #gh #hj ,,ii4 #a1b #a-eb #d #f #g #h #aa #ac #ad #ae #af #ah #ai #bj #ba #ba1bb #bb #bd #be #bf #bg #bh #bi #cc #cd #ce #cf #cg #ci #dj #da #db #dc #de #df #dh1di #di #ej #ea #eb #ff ,,iii4 #a #a-ch #c #ab-ad #ac #ae #af #af1ag #ag #ai #bj #ba #ba1bb #bb #bc #ca-cd ,,iv4 #a #a-ac #d #f #f-h #g #h #aj #ac #ad #af #ag #ag-bj #ah1ai #ai #bj #bd #be #cb #db1dc #db-dd ,v4 #a #a-aa #a-ci #ab-ad #ad #ag-bf #bd #bg-cb #cb #cc-ce #cf-ch #ci ,,vi4 #a #a-e99 #a-di #f-aa99 #ac #ad99 #bj99 #bg1bh #bi #cj #ca #cb #cd #ce #cf #cf1cg #cf-ch99 #cg1ch #de #df99 ,,vii4 #b99 #h #aa-ah #ab99 #bd-bh #bf #bg #bh #bi-ce #cj #ce #cf-ch ,,viii4 #a-c #e #aj #ai #bc #bf-ci #da ,,ix4 #e #g #ag1ah #bj #bb #ee #eg1eh #fj #fa #fa1fb #fb ,x4 #c #e1f #g99 #aj-ab #af #ah #ai99 #bj #ba #ba1bb #bb #bc #bd #be #cg ,,xi4 #b #i #aa-ac99 #ad #ag #bb #bi-cb #cb #ci #db #dg #di-ea #eb ,,xii4 #d1e99 #f1g #i #aj #ad #bb-bd #cj #ch #db-df99 #dh #ej ,,xiii4 #a sqq4 #a-i #f #g #g-h #bd99 #bf1bg #bg #bh #bh1bi #bi #bi-ce #ca-ce #cc #cd ,,xiv4 #bg ,,xv4 #d #h #aa-cb #ac #ad #ag #ah #bj #bb #bd #be #bf #bi ,,xvi4 #ab #af #ag99 ,,xvii4 #a1b99 #b #e-aj #i #i1aj ,,xviii4 #f-h #ah1ah #ai #bg99 #ca #ca-cd #cd #ce-dc ,,xix4 #e #i #ag #bb1bc #bi #bi-dh #cc-ci #ce #cg #cg-dh #ch #da #db #dc #df #dg ,,xx4 #i #i-l#h #ad #ag #ai #ba #bb #bb-be #bd #be #ce1cf #ce #cg1ch #ch ,,xxi4 #a-d #d #ah #ba #ba1bb #bb #bg #bh #cd ,,xxii4 #i-aa #af-ah #ag #ah #ah-cf #ai #ai1bj #bh-cj #cj #ce-ch #cg #ch #db-dd #dc1dd99 #ec1ed #ff ,,xxiii4 #a ff4 #b #e #g #cd #ce #df ,,xxiv4 #a ff4 #ba #bf #cb #ch1ci #ci99 #dj #db #df #dg-ec #di #ej #el #eb #ec ,st4 ,john4 ,i4 #a1b #a-c #c99 #d #e99 #i #ac #ad #ah #ai #ai1bj99 #bc99 #bh ,,ii4 #d #af1ag ,,iii4 #c-e99 #e99 #f #h #ab #ad #af #cf ,,iv4 #f ,v4 #b #c1d #d #h #ag #ah #dc #df ,,vi4 #ae #ci #ea #ec #ed99 #ee99 #gj ,,vii4 #h #ch #db ,,viii4 #ag #dj #dd ,,ix4 #a-c99 ,x4 #h #i99 #bc1bd #bg99 #cj ,,xi4 #ed ,,xii4 #ad1ae #bb #bg #cj #dj #da ,,xiii4 #ah ,,xiv4 #b #f #aj ,,xv4 #be ,,xvi4 #b99 #c ,,xvii4 #c #aa1ab #ad99 ,,xviii4 #cf ,,xix4 #cf #cg99 ,,index ,,ii4 ,chronological and ,analytical4 ,writer4 ,works ,extant4 ,date ,evangelical ,documents ,a4,d4 used4 ,clement of ,one genuine ,epistle c4#ie- ,traces1 perhaps ,rome4 addressed to the #ajj4 probable of the three ,philippians4 ,synoptics4 ,barnabas4 ,pseud-egraphical c4#ajj- ,probably ,st4 ,matthew1 ,epistle #abe4 perhaps ,st4 ,luke1 possibly the fourth ,gospel4 ,ignatius4 ,three short ,epistles1 #ajg or ,probably ,st4 ,matthew1 probably genuine4 #aae4 and perhaps ,st4 ,john4 ,spurious1 ,s4,r4 ,seven short ,epistles1 ,probably ,st4 ,matthew1 perhaps genuine4 perhaps also ,st4 ,john4 ,spurious1 ,s4,r4 ,hermas4 ,allegorical work1 c4#ace- ,no distinct traces of entitled the #adj4 any writing of ,old or ',shepherd4' ,new ,testament4 ,polycarp4 ,short ,epistle to c4#adj- ,doubtful traces of ,philippians1 #aee4 ,st4 ,matthew1 probable probably genuine4 of #a ,john4 ,spurious1 ,s4,r4 ,presbyters4 ,quoted by ,irenaeus4 c4#adj8 ,probably ,st4 ,john4 ,papias4 ,short fragments in #aee4 ,some account of ,eusebius4 see pp4 works written by #ade1 #hb2 ,st4 ,matthew and #afd-afg1 ,st4 ,mark1 but ,s4,r4 probably not our present ,gospels in their present form4 ,basilides4 ,allusions1 not c4#abe4 ,certain use of certain1 in ,st4 ,luke and ,st4 ,john1 ,hippolytus1 ,clem4 perhaps probably by ,basilidians4 ,alex41 ,epiphanius1 ,basilides himself4 ,marcion4 ,copious references c4#adj4 ,certainly the third in ,tertullian and ,gospel1 with text ,epiphanius4 already corrupt4 ,justin ,two ,apologies and #adh4 ,three ,synoptic ,martyr4 ,dialogue against #aff- ,gospels either ,tryphon4 #afg1 separately or in ,s4,r4 ,harmony1 probably the fourth ,gospel1 and also an ,apocryphal ,gospel or ,gospels2 text showing marks of corruption4 ,old ,latin translation c4#aej4 ,four ,canonical of ,n4,t4 ,gospels1 with corrupt text4 ,valentinus4 ,allusions1 not c4#adj4 ,references to all four certain in ,gospels1 but not clear ,valentinians ,hippolytus1 c4 before by whom made4 #agh4 ,clement4 ,nineteen pseudo- c4#afj8 ,four ,canonical ,gospels epigraphical 7possibly in a ,harmony71 with other ,apocryphal sources to some extent4 ,hegesippus4 ,few fragments fl4#aeg- ,apparent traces of chiefly preserved #ahj4 ,st4 ,matthew and by ,eusebius4 ,st4 ,luke4 ,tatian4 ,few allusions1 fl4#aej- ,diatessaron1 ',address to ,greeks4' #agj4 probably consisting of our four ,gospels1 quotations from ,st4 ,john in ,orat4 ad ,graec4 ,old ,syriac c4#afj8 ,four ,canonical ,gospels1 ,translation of ,n4,t4 with corrupt text4 ,muratorian ,fragment c4#agj4 ,four ,gospels as ,canonical4 ,ptolomaeus4 ,allusions in before ,clear references ,irenaeus1 c41 #agh4 to ,st4 ,matthew and fragments in ,st4 ,john4 ,epiphanius4 ,heracleon4 ,allusions in before ,third and fourth ,irenaeus1 c41 #agh4 gospels4 fragments in ,origen4 ,melito4 ,few slight fragments4 c4#agf4 ,doubtful indirect allusions to ,canon of ,n4,t4 ,apollinaris4 ,two slight fragments4 #agf- ,allusion to #ahj4 discrepancy between ,gospels1 fourth ,gospel4 ,athenagoras4 ,an ,apology and tract c4#agg4 ,one fairly clear on the ,resurrection4 quotation from ,st4 ,matthew1 perhaps from ,st4 ,mark and ,st4 ,john4 ,churches of ,an ,epistle4 #agg4 ,clear allusions to ,vienne and ,st4 ,luke and ,st4 ,john1 ,lyons4 perhaps also to ,st4 ,matthew4 ,celsus4 ,fragments in ,origen4 c4#agh4 ,somewhat vague traces of all four ,gospels4 ,irenaeus4 ,treatise ',against c4#adj- ,four ,gospels as ,heresies4' #bjb4 ,canonical1 with corrupt text4 ,clement of ,several considerable fl4#ahe- ,four ,gospels as ,alexandria works4 #baa4 ,canonical1 with corrupt text4 ,tertullian4 ,voluminous works4 fl4#aih- ,four ,gospels as #baj4 ,canonical1 with corrupt text4