,,caxton',s ,,game ,,and ,,playe ,,of ,,the ,,chesse4 #adgd4 ,a ,,verbatim ,,reprint ,,of ,,the ,,first ,,edition4 ,,with ,,an ,,introduction ,,by ,,william ,e4,a4 ,,axon1 ,m4,r4,s4,l4 ,and ther was founde by clerkes full prudent ,of the chesse the play most glorious4 ,,john ,,lydgate4 ,,london3 ,,elliot ,,stock1 #fb1 ,,paternoster ,,row1 ,e4,c4 #ahhc4 ,transcribers ,note3 ,this is a reprint of ,caxton's #adgd original4 ,englifh long s's which look very similar to f's have been transposed to s's for readability2 yogh 7looks like a mutated #c7 has been rendered as a #c2 thorn1 1 has been left as such and macrons over letters are given as e4g4 o4 ,otherwise the text has been left as is4 ,the original punctutation has been preseved4 ,virgula suspensiva1 shown here as _/ was in common use from the thirteenth to the seventeenth century4 ,often used for short pauses 7such as the csura in the middle of a line of poetry71 but sometimes was used as equivalent to the punctus4 '#i represents a superscripted #i and is an ancestor to the modern apostrophe4 ,it usually indicates the omission of a terminal -us4 ,a small amount of text in this edition is in ,blackletter1 which was used in the ,caxton original1 and these sections have been marked up as such4 ,the book contains many attractive illustrations copied from the ,caxton original and an ,,html version exists to give a better representation of this4 ,,contents ,,introduction4 ,jonathon ,oldbuck on the ,game of ,chess1 #adgd ,the ,first ,edition3 copies in libraries and at sales ,where was it printed8 ,caxton's account of the translation ,the ,second ,edition3 copies in libraries and at sales ,ferron and ,de ,vignay's ,jeu d',echecs ,jacques de ,cessoles3 ,liber de ,moribus hominum ,sermons on ,chess gidius ,romanus1 his life and his book3 ,de ,regimine ,principum ,occleve's imitation ,william ,caxton as a translator ,bibliography of the ,chess ,book3 ,colonna ,cessoles ,ferron and ,de ,vignay ,conrad van ,ammenhaufen ,mennel ,heinrich von ,beringen ,stephan ,caxton ,sloane ,the scope and language of the ,chess-book ,authors quoted and named ,biblical names and allusions ,xerxes the inventor of ,chess6 ,sidrac ,john the monk ,truphes of the ,philosophers ,helinand ,classical allusions ,medival allusions and stories ,john of ,ganazath ,st4 ,bernard ,the dishonest trader ,the drunken hermit ,a violent remedy ,murder of ,nero ,theodorus ,cyrenaicus ,democritus of ,abdera ,socrates disguised ,didymus and raised letters for the blind ,shaksperean etymology ,caxton at ,ghent ,the history of ,chess ,the ethical aim of the writer of the ,chess-book ,,the ,,game ,,of ,,the ,,chesse4 ,dedication to the ,duke of ,clarence ,prologue to second edition ,,book ,i4 ,this booke conteyneth4 iiii4 traytees_/ ,the first traytee is of the ,invencion of this playe of the chesse_/ and conteyneth4 iii4 chapitres4 ,the first chapitre is under what kynge this play was founden4 ,the 4ii4 chapitre_/ who fonde this playe4 ,the 4iii4 chapitre_/ treteth of4 iii4 causes why hit was made and founden4 ,,book ,,ii4 ,the seconde traytee treteth of the chesse men_/ and conteyneth 4v4 chapitres4 ,the first chapitre treteth of the forme of a kynge and of suche thinges as apperteyn to a kynge4 ,the 4ii4 chapitre treteth of y'e quene her forme maners4 ,the 4iii4 chapitre of the forme of the alphins and her offices and maners4 ,the 4iiii4 chapitre is of the knygth and of his offices4 ,the 4v4 is of the rooks and of their maners and offices4 ,,book ,,iii4 ,the thirde traytee is of the offices of the comyn peple ,and hath 4viii4 chapitres4 ,the first chapitre is of the labourers tilinge of the erthe4 ,the 4ii4 of smythis and other werkes in yron metall4 ,the 4iii4 is of drapers and makers of cloth notaries4 ,the 4iiii4 is of marchantes and chaungers4 ,the 4v4 is of phisicyens and cirugiens and apotecaries4 ,the 4vi4 is of tauerners and hostelers4 ,the 4vii4 is of y'e gardes of the citees tollers customers4 ,the 4viii4 is of ribauldes disepleyars and currours4 ,,book ,,iv4 ,the 4iiii4 traytee is of the meuyng and yssue of them ,and hath 4viii4 chapitres4 ,the first is of the eschequer4 ,the seconde of the yssue and progression of the kynge4 ,the thirde of the yssue of the quene4 ,the fourth is of the yssue of the alphyns4 ,the fifth is of the yssue of the knyghtes4 ,the sixty chapitre of the yssue of the rooks4 ,the seuenth is of the meuynge yssue of the comyn peple4 ,and the eyght and laste chapitre is of the epilegacion and of the recapitulacion of all these forsaid chapitres4 ,,glossary ,,index ,,introduction ,the readers of the ,antiquary will remember the anecdote told with so much effusion by ,jonathan ,oldbuck4 ',davy ,wilson1 he said1 commonly called ,snuffy ,davy1 from his inveterate addiction to black rappee1 was the very prince of scouts for searching blind alleys1 cellars1 and stalls1 for rare volumes4 ,he had the scent of a slow-hound1 sir1 and the snap of a bull-dog4 ,he would detect you an old black-letter ballad among the leaves of a law-paper1 and find an editio princeps under the mask of a school ,corderius4 ,snuffy ,davy bought the ',game of ,chess1 #adgd1' the first book ever printed in ,england1 from a stall in ,holland for about two groschen1 or two-pence of our money4 ,he sold it to ,osborne for twenty pounds1 and as many books as came to twenty pounds more4 ,osborne re-sold this inimitable windfall to ,dr4 ,askew for sixty guineas4 ,at ,dr4 ,askew's sale1 continued the old gentleman1 kindling as he spoke1 this inestimable treasure blazed forth in its full value and was purchased by ,royalty itself for one hundred and seventy pounds6 ,could a copy now occur1 ,lord only knows1 he ejaculated with a deep sigh and lifted-up hands1 ,lord only knows what would be its ransom2 and yet it was originally secured1 by skill and research1 for the easy equivalent of two-pence sterling4' ,sir ,walter ,scott in a footnote adds3--,this bibliomaniacal anecdote is literally true2 and ,david ,wilson1 the author need not tell his brethren of the ,roxburghe and ,bannatyne ,clubs1 was a real personage4 ,mr4 ,blades1 whose iconoclastic temper is not moved to mercy even by this good story1 says that although it looks like a true bibliographical anecdote1 its appearance is deceptive1 and that not a single statement is founded on fact4#a ,jonathan ,oldbuck did not venture to estimate the sum that would ransom a copy of the ,game of ,chesse1 and the world of the bibliomania has moved even since his days1 so that prices which seemed fabulous1 and were recounted with a sort of awe-struck wonder1 have been surpassed in these latter days1 and the chances of any successor of ,snuffy ,davy buying a ,caxton for two groschen have been greatly reduced4 ,according to ,mr4 ,william ,blades1 our latest and best authority on the subject1 there are but ten copies known of the first edition of the ,chesse book4#b ,there is a perfect copy in the ,king's ,library in the ,british ,museum4 ,this is what ought to be ,snuffy ,davy's copy4 ,a previous owner--,r4 ,boys--has noted that it cost him #cs4 ,the copy in the ,grenville ,library has the table and last leaf supplied in facsimile4 ,the copy in the ,public ,library at ,cambridge is defective to the extent of five leaves4 ,the ,bodleian copy wants the last leaf4 ,the ,duke of ,devonshire's copy formerly belonged to ,roger ,wilbraham1 and the first and eighth leaves are supplied in facsimile4 ,the exemplar belonging to the ,earl of ,pembroke is perfect1 but on weak and stained paper4 ,earl ,spencer's copy is perfect1 clean1 and unusually large4 ,mr4 ,h4 ,cunliffe's copy came from the ,alchorne and ,inglis ,libraries1 and wants the first two printed leaves1 two near the end1 and the last two4 ,mr4 ,j4 ,holford's copy is perfect and in its original binding4 ,it was once in the library of ,sir ,henry ,mainwaring of ,peover ,hall1 as his bookplate shows4 ,on a fly-leaf is written1 ,ex dono ,thom ,delves1 ,baronett #afhb4 ,the copy belonging to the ,rev4 ,edward ,bankes is imperfect1 and wants the dedicatory leaf and is slightly wormed4 ,the book1 when complete1 consists of eight quaternions or eight leaves folded together and one quinternion or section of five sheets folded together1 making in all seventy-four leaves1 of which the first and last are blank4 ,the only type used throughout is that styled ,no4 #a by ,mr4 ,blades4 ,the lines are not spaced out2 the longest measure five inches2 a full page has thirty-one lines4 ,without title-page1 signatures1 numerals1 or catch-words4 ,the volume1 as already mentioned1 begins with a blank leaf1 and on the second recto is ,caxton's prologue1 space being left for a two-line initial1 without director4 ,the text begins with a dedication3--7,t7o the right noble_/ right excellent vertuous prince ,george duc of ,clarence ,erl of ,warwyk and of ,salisburye_/ grete chamberlayn of ,englond leutenant of ,ireland oldest broder of kynge ,edward by the grace of god kynge of ,england and of ,france_/ your most humble servant william ,caxton amonge other of your servantes sendes unto yow peas4 helthe4 ,joye and victorye upon your ,enemyes_/ ,right highe puyssant and4 ,the text ends on the seventy-third recto1 thus3--,and sende yow thaccomplisshement of your hye noble4 ,joyous and vertuous desirs ,amen3_/3 ,fynysshid the lastday of ,marche the yer of our lord god4 a4 thousand foure honderd and ,,lxxiiii4 994 994 994 994 ,the seventy-fourth leaf is blank4 ,it is unnecessary to say that this book seldom comes into the market4 ,the recorded sales are very few4 ,in #afhb ,r4 ,smith sold a perfect copy for #acs4 #b;d4 ,in #aggc ,j4 ,west's copy was bought by ,george ,,iii4 for4#cb #js4 #f;d4 ,alchorne's imperfect copy was bought by ,inglis for #ed #abs41 and at the sale of his books found a purchaser in ,lord ,audley for #ca #ajs41 and was again transferred1 in #ahee1 to the possession of ,mr4 ,j4 ,cunliffe for #fj l#js4 #j;d4#c ,mr4 ,j4 ,holford's copy was bought at the ,mainwaring sale for #aja4 ,the last copy offered for sale was described in one of ,mr4 ,bernard ,quaritch's catalogues issued in #ahgb1 and the account given by that veteran bibliopole is well worth reproduction4 ,,caxton',s ,,game ,,and ,,play ,,of ,,chess ,,moralized1 7translated #adgd7 ,,first ,,edition1 folio1 #fe ,,leaves 7of the #gb71 bound in old ruffia gilt1 #djj4 ,blackletter3 ,fynyshid the last day of ,marche the yer of our ,lord ,god1 a thousand foure hondred and lxxiiii4444 ,an extremely large1 though somewhat imperfect copy of ,,the ,,first ,,book ,,printed ,,in ,,england1 from ,caxton's press4 ,mr4 ,blades quotes #i copies 7#d perfect1 #e imperfect71 the present is the #ajth known copy1 and is ,,taller than even the ,grenville--hitherto the tallest known copy2 my copy measures #aa-a_/h inch in height by #h in width1 whilst the ,grenville copy 7also imperfect7 is only #aa inches high4 ,,collation of my copy3 ,blackletter3 ,this ,booke conteyneth iiii traytees #a leaf4 ,blackletter3 ,this first chapiter of the first tractate #a leaf4 ,blackletter3 ,the trouthe for to do ,justice right wysly1 etc4 to the end #fb leaves4 ,the last leaf with the date3 ,blackletter3 ,in conquerynge his rightful inheritance1 ending3 ,blackletter3 fynyshed1 etc4 #adgd #a leaf4 ------------- #fe leaves4 ,my copy wants therefore #g leaves1 the two blank ones being out of question4 ,the imperfections include the first leaf1 and two leaves in the second chapitre of the fourth tractate1 the end is all right4 ,i should be glad to hear of any ,,imperfect ,,copy of this work1 which would supply me with what ,i want4 ,in the mean time this precious relic of the ,infancy of ,printing in ,england can be feen by ,,buyers of ,rare books4 ,see ,dibdin's ,bibl4 ,spenc4 ,,iv4 p4 #ahi4 ,no copy of this edition has been sold for years2 in #ahac1 ,alchorne's copy1 wanting first two leaves1 the last two leaves and two leaves in the second chapter of the fourth tractate1 fetched at ,evans'1 #ed4 #abs4 ,the value of this class of books has much risen since then1 and may now be considered1 as ten times greater4 ,in comparing the first edition of ,caxton's ,game of ,chess with the second1 one perceives many variations in the spelling4 ,i confider the first edition to be the more interesting1 for a variety of reasons3 #a4 ,it is the first book printed in ,england4 #b4 ,it is the ,editio princeps of the ,english version4 #c4 ,it shows the ,art of ,printing in its crudest form4 #d4 ,it has a ,post-script not in the second edition4 ,both editions run on together to the passage on the last page of the second edition3 ,blackletter3 ,and a mon that lyvyth in thys world without vertues lyveth not as a man but as a beste4 ,the first edition ends thus3 ,blackletter3 ,and therefore my right redoubted ,lord ,i pray almighty god to save the ,kyng our soverain lord to gyve him grace to yssue as a ,kynge tabounde in all vertues_/ to be assisted with all other his lordes in such wyse yn his noble royame of ,england may prospere_/ habounde in vertues and yn synne may be eschewid justice kepte_/ the royame defended good men rewarded malefactours punyshid the ydle peple to be put to laboure that he wyth the nobles of the royame may regne gloriously4 ,in conquerynge his rightfull inheritaunce _/ that verraypeas and charitie may endure in both his royames and that marchandise may have his cours in suche wise that every man eschewe synne_/ and encrese in vertuous occupacions _/ ,praynge your good grace to resseyve this lityll and symple book made under the hope and shadow of your noble protection by hym that is your most humble servant in gree and thanke4 ,and ,i shall praye almighty god for your long lyf welfare _/ which he preserve ,and sende now thaccomplishment of your hye noble joyous and vertuous desirs ,amen33 ,fynysshid the last day of marche the yer of our lord god a4 thousand four hondred and lxxiiii4 9943434994 ,the second edition ends thus3 ,blackletter3 ,thenne late every man of what condycion he be that redyth or herith this litel book redde4 take therby ensaumple to amend hym4 ,explicit per ,caxton4 ,this copy came from the library of ,mr4 ,l4,m4 ,petit4#d ,it will be noticed that ,mr4 ,quaritch calls the editio princeps of ,caxton's ,game and ,play of the ,chesse the first book printed in ,england4 ,this was the general opinion of bibliographers before the investigations of ,mr4 ,blades4 ,dibdin1 although he seems to have had some doubt1 pronounced in favour of that view4 ,yet it is clearly erroneous4 ,the only materials for judgment are those afforded by the colophon and the prologue to the second edition1 with the silent but eloquent testimony of typography4 ,caxton ends the first edition with the words3--,fynysshid the last day of ,marche the yer of our lord god a thousand four hondred and ,,lxxiiii4 ,the word fynysshid1 as ,mr4 ,blades observes1 has doubtless the same signification here as in the epilogue to the second book of ,caxton's translation of the ,histories of ,troy1 ',begonne in ,brugis1 contynued in ,gaunt and finysshed in ,coleyn1' which evidently refers to the translation only4 ,the date1 #adge-f1 has been affixed1 because in the ,low ,countries at that time the year commenced on ,easter-day2 this in #adgd fell on ,april #ajth1 thus giving1 as the day of the conclusion of the translation1 #ca ,march #adge1 the same year being the earliest possible period of its appearance as a printed book4 ,then there is ,caxton's own racy account of the circumstances under which the book first appeared3-- ,and emong alle other good werkys ,it is a werke of ryght special recomendacion to enforme and to late vnderstonde wysedom and vertue vnto them that be not lernyd ne can not dyscerne wysedom fro folye ,thene emonge whom there was an excellent doctour of dyuynyte in the royame of fraunce of the ordre of thospytal of ,saynt ,johns of ,jherusalem which entended the same and hath made a book of the chesse moralysed whiche at suche tyme as ,i was resident in brudgys in the counte of ,flaundres cam into my handes_/ whiche whan ,i had redde and ouerseen_/ me semed ful necessarye for to be had in englisshe_/ ,and in eschewyng of ydlenes ,and to thende that some which haue not seen it_/ ne vnderstonde frenssh ne latyn ,j delybered in my self to translate it in to our maternal tonge_/ ,and whan ,i so had achyeued the sayd translacion_/ ,j dyde doo sette in enprynte a certeyn nombre of theym_/ ,whiche anone were depesshed and solde wherfore by cause thys sayd book is ful of holsom wysedom and requysyte vnto euery astate and degree_/ ,j haue purposed to enprynte it_/ shewyng therin the figures of suche persons as longen to the playe4 ,it is clear from this that both the translation and printing belong to the period of ,caxton's residence in ,bruges4 ,from the use of the instrumental form dyde doo sette en enprynte it might be thought that ,caxton employed the services of some printer1 but although commonly so employed1 there are instances which will not bear this interpretation of its intention4#e ,he either employed a printer or made some partnerfhip with one1 and there are various indications that confirm ,mr4 ,blades' theory that the book came from the press of ,colard ,mansion4 ,the second edition is undoubtedly the work of our first ,english printer4 ,explicit per ,caxton is the unambiguous statement of the colophon4 ,it is a much more advanced specimen of typography than the first edition4 ,it has signatures1 of which a1 b1 c1 d1 e1 f1 g1 h1 i1 are quaternions1 k and l are terternions1 making in all eighty-four leaves1 of which the first is blank4 ,there is no title-page1 and the type used is that which ,mr4 ,blades reckons as ,no4 #b994 ,the lines are spaced out to an even length4 ,there are twenty-nine lines to a full page1 and the full line measures #d-g_/h inches4 ,the prologue begins on a ij41 and the table of chapters begins on the next page4 ,the text begins on the recto of a iii4 ,the text ends on the recto of l #f1 the last page being blank4 ,there are sixteen woodcuts in the volume1 which are used twenty-four times4 ,there has been some diversity of opinion as to the year in which this ,game of the ,chesse came from the press of ,caxton4 ,the book is not dated4 ,dibdin thought it one of the printer's earliest efforts4 ,figgins regarded it as the earliest issue of the ,westminster press1 and further believed that it was printed from cut metal types4 ,this is not the view of ,mr4 ,blades1 who says3 ,an examination of the work1 however1 with a typographical eye does not afford a single evidence of very early workmanship4 ,all ,caxton's early books were uneven in the length of their lines--this is quite even4 ,not one of the early works had any signatures--this is signed throughout4 ,these two features alone are quite sufficient to fix its date of impression at least as late as #adhj1 when ,caxton first began the use of signatures2 but when we find that every known copy of this edition of the ',chess-,book' presents a thicker and more worn appearance than any one copy of any other book1 there is good reason for supposing that this may have followed the ',tulli' of #adha1 and have been the last book for which ,type ,no4 #b99 was used4#f ,mr4 ,blades describes nine known copies1 so that even fewer exemplars remain of the second edition than of its predecessor4 ,the copy in the ,king's ,library in the ,british ,museum is imperfect1 wanting several leaves1 and is mended in many places4 ,the copy in the ,pepysian ,collection at ,cambridge wants one-half of the last leaf4 ,trinity ,college1 ,cambridge1 has a perfect copy1 but a bad impression4 ,the ,bodleian copy is defective in not having the last leaf4 ,st4 ,john's ,college1 ,oxford1 has a copy1 from which one-half of d iii4 has been torn away4 ,the ,imperial ,library at ,vienna has an imperfect copy4 ,the ,duke of ,devonshire's copy is perfect1 but it is a poor impression1 and slightly stained4 ,the ,earl of ,pembroke's copy is very imperfect4 ,earl ,spencer's is only slightly imperfect4 ,the prices fetched by the second edition have a sufficiently wide range4 ,in #afih1 at ,dr4 ,bernard's sale1 a copy fold for #as4 #f;d4 ,farmer's copy in #agih fetched #d #ds4 ,ratcliffe's copy was bought at his sale for #af by ,willett2 and when his books came to the hammer in #ahac1 it was purchased by the ,duke of ,devonshire for #agc #es4#g ,it is interesting to know that the copy of the second edition in the ,bibliotheca ,spenceriana formerly belonged to ,laurence ,sterne1 who bought it for a few shillings at ,york6#h ,in the present reprint1 the text followed is that of the first edition1 transcribed from the copy in the ,british ,museum2 but the variations1 alterations1 and additions made in the second issue are all recorded in footnotes4 ,the reader has1 therefore1 before him the work in all its fulness4 ,the same reasons that have led to the adoption of this course have also decided the publisher to include facsimiles of the curious woodcuts which appeared in the second edition4 ,these1 although necessarily reductions in size1 reproduce the quaint vigour of the originals4 ,caxton1 we have seen1 translated the ,game of the ,chesse from the ,french4 ,there were in effect two1 if not three1 from which he may have taken his version4 ,one of these is by ,jean ,faron1 ,perron1 or ,feron 7as the name is variously spelled71 a monk of the order of ,st4 ,dominic1 of whom the notices are exceedingly scanty4#i ,la ,croix du ,maine styles him de l',ordre des ,frres ,prescheurs ou ,jacobins du ,paris4 ,la ,monnaye says that the translation was made from the ,latin of ,cessoles1 and was begun in the year #acdg4 ,it has not been printed4#aj ,the translation is considered a literal version of the ,latin of ,cessoles4 ,the prologue of ,perron's version is as follows3--,chy ensuit le geu des ,eschas moralis1 ouquel a plusiers exemples bien noter4 ,a noblehomme1 ,bertrand de ,tarascon1 frere ,jehan ,perron1 de l'ordre des ,freres precheurs de ,paris1 son petil et humble chappelain soy tout4 ,le ,sainte ,escripture dit que ,dieux a fait a chascun commandement de pourchassier tous nos prochains leur sauvement4 ,or est-il ainsi que nos prochains ne sont pas tout un1 ains sont de diverses condicions1 estas et manieres1 sy comme il appert4 ,car les uns sont nobles2 les aultres non3 les aultres sont de cler engin2 les aultres1 non3 les aultres sont enclins a devocion2 les aultres1 non4 ,et pour ce1 affin que le commandement de ,dieu soit mis execution bien convenablement1 il convient avoir plusiers voyes et baillier chascun ce qui lui est plus convenable2 et ainsi pourroit il le commandement de ,dieu accomplir2 4444 ,pour tant je1 vostre petit chappelain1 vostre requeste1 que je tieng pour commendement1 vous ai volu translata de latin en franais le ,gieu des ,eschas moralis1 que fist l'un de nos freres1 appel frere ,jaques de ,cossoles1 maistre en divinit1 si que vous l'entends plus legierrement2 et exemple des nobles hystoires qui y sont nottes1 veuills maintenir1 quant vous1 honnestement1 et quant aux autres justement4444 ,or prens done ce petit present1 comenci le #d';e jour de ,may1 l'an #acdg4aa ,that ,caxton made use of ,perron's version is clear4 ,thus ,mr4 ,blades mentions the description of ,evilmerodach as un homme joly sans justice as peculiar to ,ferron1 whose version he regards as the basis of the first and third chapters of ,caxton's work4 ,dr4 ,van der ,linde mentions a number of ,,mss42 in some the date is given as #aceg1 and in one as #acag4 ,this version remains unprinted1 but there are ,,mss4 of it in the ,bibliotheque ,nationale1 at ,aosta1 ,cambrai1 at ,brussels1 in the ,british ,museum1 ,chartres1 at ,bern1 and at ,stockholm4#ab ,dr4 ,van der ,linde also describes a ,,ms4 on parchment of the fifteenth century1 forming part of the national library at ,paris1 which contains the ,game of ,chess in verse4 ,ms si d'esbat te prent tallant1 ,pren ton esbat duement2 ,ms si jouer vieulx attendre1 ,un noble jou te faulte attendre1 ,c'est des echecs qui est licite ,et touz bien les gens incite4 ,the author has concealed his name with an ingenuity that has so far defied penetration4 ,nommez mon nom et mon surnom1 ,je ey escript tout environ1 ,a vingt et dous lettres sans plus1 ,sera trouv cy au dessus ,en enscript1 et sans plus ne moins4 ,on this it is only necesiary to quote the remarks of a ,french critic3--,ou ne nous dit pas si c'est dans la suite mme de la phrase1 ou seulement en acrosticke1 que se trouvent les vingt-deux lettres de ces nom mystrieux4 ,nous ne saurions former aucun nom avec les initiales des trente vers qui prcdent ceux que nous venons de citer2 et le merite de l'ouvrage ne nous encourage pas faire des longues recherches pour dcouvrir un nom que l'auteur a pris plaisir nous cacher4#ac ,the bulk of ,caxton's work is undoubtedly from the ,french translation of ,jehan de ,vignay1 whose dedication to ,prince ,john of ,france has simply been transformed into a similar address to the ,duke of ,clarence4 ,he styles ,de ,vignay an excellent doctor of the order of the ,hospital of ,st4 ,john's of ,jerusalem4 ,this is the only authority we have for supposing ,de ,vignay to be connected with that order4 ,he styles himself hospitaller de l'ordre de haut pas1 which was situated in the ,faubourg ,st4 ,jacques of ,paris4 ,it is curious that two members of the same order--for ,ferron was also a ,jacobin--should independently have occupied themselves with the same work4 ,the version by ,de ,vignay was probably the later of the two1 and it was also the most popular1 for whilst ,ferron's is still unprinted1 that of ,de ,vignay has been frequently re-issued from the press4 ,the work is dedicated to ,jean de ,france1 ,duc de ,normandie1 who became king in #acej4 ,it will be seen from this that these two ,french versions were practically contemporaneous4 ,the prologue to the book is as follows3--,a ,tres noble excellent prince ,jehan de france duc de normendie auisne filz de philipe par le grace de dieu ,roy de france4 ,frere ,jehan de vignay vostre petit ,religieux entre les autres de vostre seignorie_/ paix sante ,joie victoire sur vos ennemis4 ,treschier redoubte seign'r_/ pour ce que ,jay entendu et scay que vous veez ouez volentiers choses proffitables honestes et qui tendent alinformacion de bonne meur ay ,je mis vn petit liuret de latin en francois le quel mest venuz a la main nouuellement_/ ou quel plussieurs auctoritez et dis de docteurs de philosophes de poetes des anciens sages_/ sont ,racontez sont appliquiez a la moralite des nobles hommes et des gens de peuple selon le gieu des eschez le quel liure ,tres puissant et tres redoubte seigneur jay fait ou nom soubz vmbre de vous pour laquelle chose treschr seign'r ,je vous suppli requier de bonne voulente de cuer que il vo daigne plaire a receuvoir ce liure en gre aussi bien que de vn greign'r maistre de moy_/ car la tres bonne voulente que ,jay de mielx faire se je pouoie me doit estre reputee pour le fait_/ ,et po'r plus clerement proceder en ceste ouure_/ ,jay ordene que les chappitres du liure soient escrips mis au commencement afin de veoir plus plainement la matiere de quoy le dit liure pole4#ad ,it will be seen that this is the foundation of ,caxton's dedication of the ,chess-book to the ,earl of ,warwick4 ,the ,golden ,legend1 printed by ,caxton in #adhd1 was in effect a translation from ,la ,legende ,dore1 made before the year #achj by ,jehan de ,vignay1 who in his prologue mentions that he had previously translated into ,french ,le miroir des hystoires du monde1 at the request of ,ma dame ,jehanne de ,borgoigne1 royne de ,france4#ae ,this preface ,caxton1 as usual1 adopted with some changes of name and other alterations1 amongst which is a reference to the book of the chesse as one of his works4 ,the ,legenda ,aurea of ,jacobus de ,voragine is1 of course1 the original source of ,de ,vignay's ,legende ,dore1 and ,caxton's ,golden ,legend4 ,ferron and de ,vignay were avowedly translators4 ,their original was ,jacques de ,cessoles4 ,the name of this author has been tortured into so many fantastic forms that one may almost despair of recovering the original4 ,csolis1 ,cassalis1 ,castulis1 ,casulis1 ,cesolis1 ,cessole1 ,cessulis1 ,cesulis1 ,cezoli1 de ,cezolis1 de ,cossoles1 de ,courcelles1 ,sesselis1 ,tessalis1 ,tessellis1 de ,thessolus1 de ,thessolonia1 and de ,thessolonica are different manners of spelling his surname1 and the two last are certainly masterpieces of transformation4 ,prosper ,marchand has amused himself by collecting some vain speculations of previous writers as to the age1 country1 and personality of ,jacques de ,cessoles4 ,some counted him a ,lombard1 some an ,italian1 whilst others again boldly asserted that he was a ,greek6 ,he lived towards the end of the thirteenth or beginning of the fourteenth century1 and having joined the ,dominican order1 was a ,matre en ,thologie of that brotherhood at ,reims4 ,various works are attributed to him1 and his learning and piety had many eulogists4 ,it is more than probable that his name would have been much less widely known but for the happy accident that turned his attention to the game of chess4 ,it was a popular diversion1 and in the moralizing spirit of the age he saw in it an allegory of the various components of the commonwealth4 ,the men who were merely killing time were perhaps flattered at the thought that they were at the same time learning the modes of statecraft4 ,then1 as now1 the teachers of morality felt that a song might reach him who a sermon flies1 and they did not scruple to use in the pulpit whatever aids came handy4 ,the popular stories1 wise saws1 and modern instances1 were common enough on the lips of the preachers1 and such collections as the ,gesta ,romanorum show what a pitch of ingenuity in unnatural interpretation they had reached4 ,an appropriate instance is furnished by it in the following quaint fashion of moralizing the chess play3-- ,antonius was a wys emperour regnyng in the cite of ,rome1 the which vsid moche to pley with houndis2 and aftir at pley1 all e day aftir he wolde vse e chesse4 ,so yn a day1 as he pleide at e chesse1 byheld the kyng fette yn the pley1 som tyme hy and som tyme lowe1 among aufyns and pownys1 he thought erwith at hit wold be so with him1 for he shuld dey1 and be hid vndir erth4 ,and erfore he devided his ,reame in thre parties2 and he yaf oo part to e kyng of ,ierusalem2 e secunde part vnto e lordis of his ,reame or his empire2 and the thrid partie vnto the pore people2 yede him self vnto the holy londe1 and ther he endid his lyf in peas4 ,,moralite4 ,seth now1 good sirs2 this emperour1 at lovith so wele play1 may be called eche worldly man at occupieth him in vanytes of the world2 but he moste take kepe of the pley of the chesse1 as did the emperoure4 the chekir or e chesse hath viij4 poyntes in eche partie4 ,in euery pley beth viij4 kyndes of men1 scil4 man1 woman1 wedewer1 wedowis1 lewid men1 clerkes1 riche men1 and pouere men4 at this pley pleieth vj4 men4 the first man1 at goth afore1 hath not but oo poynt1 but whenne he goth aside1 he takith anoer2 so by a pouere man2 he hath not1 but when he comyth to e deth with pacience1 en shall he be a kyng in heuen1 with e kyng of pore men4 ,but if he grucche ayenst his neighbour of his stat1 and be a thef1 and ravissh at wher he may1 en he is ytake1 and put in to the preson of helle4 ,the secund1 fcil4 alphyn1 renneth iij4 poyntes both vpward and douneward2 he betokenyth wise men1 the whiche by deceyuable eloquence takyng of money deceyueth1 so he is made oonly4 ,the iij4 scil4 e kny#ct1 hath iij4 poyntes1 goth erwith2 he betokenyth gentilmen at rennyth aboute1 ravisshith1 and ioyeth for her kynrede1 for habundaunce of richesse4 ,the fourth1 scil4 e rook1 he holdith length brede1 and takith vp what so is in his way2 he betokenyth okerers and false merchaunt#c1 at rennyth aboute ouer all1 for wynnyng lucre1 rechith not how thei geten1 so that thei haue hit4 ,the fifthe is e quene1 that goth fro blak to blak1 or fro white to white1 and is yset befide e kyng1 and is ytake fro the kyng4 ,this quene bytokenyth virgyns and damesels1 at goth fro chastite to synne1 and beth ytake by the devill1 for glovis or such maner yiftis4 ,the vj4 is to whom all owe to obey and mynystre2 and he goth forth1 and bakward ayen1 in either side1 takith ouer all2 so sone discendith in to e world1 and ascendith to god by praiers2 ,but when he takith no kepe of god1 and hath no meyne1 an is hit to e man chekmate4 ,and erfore let vs not charge of oure estatis1 no more an is with e men1 when ei be put vp in e poket2 then hit is no charge who be above or who be byneth2 and so by the ,spirit of loulynesse we may come to e ioy of heven4 ,and at graunt vs1 qui viuit c4 ,it is not1 therefore1 surprising to learn that ,jacques de ,cessoles found texts for sundry sermons on the game that formed so favourite a diversion of clergy and laity4 ,the favour with which these discourses were received no doubt gratified the worthy ,dominican father4 ,at the request of some of those who heard them he began to write down the substance of his sermons4 ,the result was the ,liber de moribus ,hominum et officiis ,nobilium ac ,popularium super ludo scachorum1 which immediately attained great popularity4 ,this is shown by the bibliography of ,dr4 ,a4 ,van der ,linde in a striking manner1 for he has described two hundred codices to be found in the various public libraries of ,europe4#af ,the difficulties in the way of forming any clear conception as to the life and personality of ,cessoles1 ,ferron1 and ,de ,vignay are well shown in an article by ,m4,c4 ,leber4#ag ,dr4 ,ernst ,kpke1 who has reexamined the evidences as to ,cessoles1 holds that he was a ,lombard4#ah ,the chief source from which ,cessoles took his material was the treatise ,de ,regimine ,principum of ,egidius ,romanus4 ,he was of the great ,neapolitan family of the ,colonna1 and his ,christian name appears to have been ,guido1 but his designations have undergone some curious transformations4 ,born at ,rome1 #bbnd ,sept41 #abaf1 ,guido ,colonna went at an early age to ,paris1 where1 from the name of his birthplace1 he became known as gidius ,romanus1 with the ,french form of ,gilles de ,rome4 ,he was an ardent and enthusiastic disciple of ,st4 ,thomas ,aquinas1 and his familiarity with that great doctor of the ,church led him to desire admission to the ,dominican order1 but a difficulty intervened from the circumstance that he had already contracted ties which bound him to the order of ,st4 ,augustine4 ,to this untoward accident may probably be attributed no little of the extension of the philosophical doctrine of ,aquinas2 for ,colonna1 unable or unwilling to be relieved of the vows that bound him to the ,augustinians1 preached eagerly amongst them the ,thomist speculations of his friend and master4 ,in the controversy with the ,franciscans1 those whom he had indoctrinated were valuable allies to the ,thomists1 for their aid1 coming from an independent organization1 appeared to carry the weight of impartiality1 and to be unassailable on the plea of partisan interest4 ,in the year #abhg there was a general convocation of the order of ,st4 ,augustine at ,florence1 and at this assembly it was decreed that the doctors of the order should teach in conformity with the decisions arrived at by ,colonna4 ,to him is largely due the success of the ,thomist scheme1 of which he was an able1 persistent1 and vigorous exponent4 ,many tracts by him remain in print and ,,ms4 on these subjects4 ,the fame he had thus acquired gained him the name of doctor fundamentarius and doctor fundatissimus4 ,his lectures at ,paris attracted to him the attention of ,philippe le ,hardi1 who thought him a fitting person to be entrusted with the education of his son1 who was afterwards known to hiftory as ,philippe le ,bel4 ,it was whilst occupied with this royal youth that the thought of composing or compiling--and the terms were in practice interchangeable in those days--occurred1 and the result was the treatise ,de regimine ,principum libri iii4 ,philippe le ,hardi1 if not an educated man himself--and there are doubts as to whether he could write his own name--was laudably anxious that his heir should have the best instruction that could be obtained4 ,it cannot well be claimed that the able1 handsome1 and unscrupulous ,philippe was any great credit to his preceptor4 ,the despotic and perfidious character of the king probably owed more to the influence of ,nogaret and other defenders of the right divine of kings to govern wrong1 than to the soberer precepts of ,colonna4 ,that ,philippe had some tincture of literary feeling may be inferred from his employment of ,jehan de ,meung to translate the military treatise of ,vegetius ,flavius ,renatus1 a compilation of the second century of the present era1 which was so popular in the middle ages that it was translated by ,caxton into ,english4 ,still better evidence is the translation made for the king by the same poet of ,boethius1 whose stoical philosophy must have had a special appropriateness for those times of political storm and stress1 when the fickleness of fortune must have been a matter of only too common repute4 ,guido ,colonna was elected by his admiring brethren the general of the order in #abib1 and took up his residence at ,bourges1 its metropolitan seat4 ,in this honourable office he continued his literary labours1 and to this period are assigned the greater part of his numerous works4 ,he died at ,avignon in #acaf4 ,his body was translated to ,paris1 where his effigy in black marble1 with his epitaph1 remained until the ,french revolution4#ai ,it would be superfluous to enumerate his philosophical writings1 for they would have no interest in the present day4 ,his commentary on ,aristotle ,de ,anima1 it may be observed1 was dedicated to ,edward ,i4 ,his name is now chiefly remembered because his work on the rule of princes formed the basis of the treatise in which ,jacques de ,cessoles moralized the fashionable game of the chess4 ,one interesting instance of the popularity of ,colonna's work is the translation of it made into ,english verse by ,thomas ,occleve4#bj ,he wrote it in #adaa or #adab1 and its object was to obtain the payment of an annuity from the exchequer which had been granted to him1 but the payment of which was very irregular4 ,the book was dedicated to the ,prince of ,wales4 ,after mentioning his purpose to translate from the 7apocryphal7 letter of ,aristotle to ,alexander and ,gyles of ,regement of ,prynces1 he proceeds3-- ,there is a booke1 ,jacob de ,cessoles1 ,of the ordre of ,prechours1 made1 a worthy man1 ,that the ,chesse moralisede clepede is1 ,in whiche ,i purpose eke to labour ywis ,and here and there1 as that my litelle witte ,afforthe may1 ,i thynke translate it4 ,and al be it that in that place square ,of the lystes1 ,i meane the eschekere1 ,a man may learn to be wise and ware2 ,i that have avanturede many a yere1 ,my witte therein is but litelle the nere1 ,save that somewhat ,i know a ,kynges draught1 ,of other draughts lernede have ,i naught4--7p4 #gg47 ,in those days1 says ,warton1 ecclesiastics and schoolmen presumed to dictate to kings and to give rules for administering states1 drawn from the narrow circle of speculation1 and conceived amid the pedantries of a cloister4 ,it was probably recommended to ,occleve's notice by having been translated into ,english by ,john ,trevisa1 a celebrated translator about the year #acij4ba ,having thus traced the stream back to its fountain1 we return to ,caxton4 ,the story of his life has been told by ,mr4 ,blades1 and only the most essential facts of his busy and useful career need be recapitulated here4 ,he was born in the ,weald of ,kent1 and it has been conjectured that the manor of ,caustons1 near ,hadlow1 was the original home of the family4 ,he was apprenticed to ,alderman ,robert ,large1 a mercer1 who was afterwards ,lord ,mayor4 ,the entry in the books of the ,mercers' ,company leads to the inference that ,caxton was born about #adbb4 ,probably on the death of ,large1 in #adda1 ,caxton went abroad1 for he tells us that in #adga he had been resident outside ,england for thirty years4 ,about #adfb or #adfc he was ,governor of the ,english ,nation or ,merchant ,adventurers at ,bruges4 ,this was a position of great influence1 and it is thought to have enabled the loyal mercer to give good service to ,edward ,,iv41 who was an exile in #adgj4 ,caxton's marriage was not much later than #adfi1 and it is conjectured that this led him to enter the service of the ,duchess of ,burgundy4 ,she had literary tastes1 and at her request he translated the ,recuyell des ,histoires de ,troyes of ,raoul ,le ,fevre4 ,it was the demand for copies of this that exhausted ,caxton's calligraphic patience1 and led to his employment of a printer4 ,the incident may have been casual1 but it led to great results4 ,it has been said that he learned the printers' art at ,cologne1 but ,mr4 ,blades supposes that he entered its mystery at ,bruges under ,colard ,mansion1 with whom he appears to have had some partnership4 ,probably towards the end of #adgf ,caxton returned to ,england4 ,he had the favour of ,edward ,,iv4 and of his sister1 ,duchess of ,burgundy1 and the friendship of the ,king's brother-in-law1 ,earl ,rivers4 ,ninety-nine distinct productions issued from ,caxton's press1 he was printer1 publisher1 translator1 and something of author as well4 ,he set in good earnest about the work that is still going on--of making the best accessible literature widely and commonly known4 ,this useful career was only ended by his death4 ,the exact date is not known1 but it was probably late in #adia4 ,he left a married daughter4 ,caxton was a good business man4 ,he was also a sincere lover of literature1 and he was at his favourite work of translation only a few hours before the final summons came4 ,the quality of ,caxton as a translator is not a matter of much doubt4 ,it may be that the archaic forms give an additional flavour to his style1 since they present few difficulties to the modern reader1 and yet sound like echoes from the earlier periods of the language4 ,generally he is content to follow his author with almost plodding fidelity1 but occasionally he makes additions which are eminently characteristic4 ,his author having remarked3--,il nest an ,jour ,duy nulle chose qui tant grieue ,rome ne ytalie come fait le college ,des notaires publiques ,car ilz ne sont mie en accort ensemble--,caxton improves the passage thus3-- ,for ther is no thynge at this day that so moche greueth rome and ,italye as doth the college of notaries and aduocates publicque4 ,for they ben not of oon a corde_/ ,alas and in ,engeland what hurte doon the aduocats4 men of law4 ,and attorneyes of court to the comyn peple of y'e royame as well in the spirituell lawe as in the temporall_/ how torne they the lawe and statutes at their pleasir_/ how ete they the peple_/ how enpouere they the comynte_/ ,i suppose that in alle ,cristendom ar not so many pletars attorneys and men of the lawe as ben in englond onely_/ for yf they were nombrid all that lange to the courtes of the channcery kinges benche4 comyn place4 cheker4 ressayt and helle ,and the bagge berars of the same_/ hit shold amounte to a grete multitude ,and how alle thyse lyue of whome4 yf hit shold be vttrid told_/ hit shold not be beleuyd4 ,for they entende to theyr synguler wele and prouffyt and not to the comyn_/ ,another addition is the brief passage in the first chapter of the fourth tract in which the good old times are lamented and contrasted with the decadence of the then present--now the four centuries past4 ,alas what haboundance was some tymes in the royames4 ,and what prosite_/ ,in whiche was ,iustice_/ ,and euery man in his office contente_/ how stood the cytees that tyme in worship and renome_/ how was renomed the noble royame of ,englond ,alle the world dredde hit ,and spack worship of hit_/ how hit now standeth and in what haboundance ,i reporte me to them that knowe hit yf ther ben theeuis wyth in the royame or on the see_/ they knowe that laboure in the royame ,and sayle on the see ,i wote well the same is grete therof ,i pray god saue that noble royame ,and sende good true and politicque counceyllours to the gouernours of the same c4_/ ,the concluding paragraph of the book is also due to ,caxton4 ,and therfore my ryght redoubted lord ,i pray almighty god to saue the kyng our souerain lord to gyue hym grace to yssue as a kynge tabounde in all vertues_/ to be assisted with all other his lordes in such wyse y't his noble royame of ,englond may prospere habounde in vertues_/ and y't synne may be eschewid iuftice kepte_/ the royame defended good men rewarded malefactours punysshid the ydle peple to be put to laboure that he wyth the nobles of the royame may regne gloriously ,in conquerynge his rightfull enheritaunce_/ that verray peas and charite may endure in bothe his royames_/ and that marchandise may haue his cours in suche wise that euery man eschewe synne_/ and encrece in vertuous occupacions_/ ,praynge your good grace to resseyue this lityll and symple book made vnder the hope and shadowe of your noble protection by hym that is your most humble seruant_/ in gree and thanke ,and ,i shall praye almighty god for your longe lyf welfare_/ whiche he preferue ,and sende yow thaccomplisshement of your hye noble4 ,ioyous and vertuous desirs ,amen3_/3 ,fynysshid the last day of marche the yer of our lord god4 a4 thousand foure honderd and lxxiiii ,this was struck out in the second edition1 and the following briefer farewell substituted3-- ,thenne late euery man of what condycion he be that redyth or herith this litel book redde take therby ensaumple to amend hym4 ,explicit per ,caxton4 ,the alteration may perhaps be received as an evidence of our first ,english printer's fastidiousness as an author4 ,the bibliography of the editions1 translations1 and imitations of ,cessoles is long and intricate4 ,details of ,,mss4 have not been thought necessary4 ,they have been amply described by ,dr4 ,van der ,linde4 ,the treatise on the rule of princes of ,colonna has been taken as furnishing the matter which ,jacques de ,cessoles afterwards re-arranged under the attractive form of a description of the game of chess4 ,the editions of the ,latin text are followed by particulars of the translations into ,french1 ,english1 ,spanish1 ,italian1 and other languages4 ,each title has appended the name of the bibliographer on whose authority it is given4 ,these are as follows3-- ,hain4--,repertorium ,bibliographicum 444 opera ,ludovici ,hain4 ,stuttgart1 #ahbf4 ,ebert4--,a ,general ,bibliographical ,dictionary1 from the ,german of ,frederic ,adolphus ,ebert4 ,oxford1 #ahcg4 #d vols4 ,grsse4--,trsor de ,livres rares et prcieux3 par ,jean ,george ,thodore ,grsse4 ,dresde1 #ahei-fg4 #f vols4 ,brunet4--,manuel du ,libraire par ,jacques-,charles ,brunei4 ,paris1 #ahfj4 ,linde4--,geschichte und ,literatur des ,schachspiels von ,antonius van der ,linde4 ,berlin1 #ahgd4 ,das erste ,jartausend der ,schachlitteratur 7#hej-ahhj7 zusammengestellt von ,dr4 ,a4v4d4 ,linde4 ,berlin1 #ahha4 ,dr4 van der ,linde's work is so complete that1 for the most part1 it has been thought sufficient to give his name1 even when older authorities have been consulted4 ,,colonna4 7,see ant1 p4 xxviii47 gidius ,romanus de regimine principum ,l4 ,,iii4 s4 l4 #adgc4 ,folio4 ,this ,ebert and ,grsse conjecture to have been printed by ,g4 ,zainer4 ,they describe it as the first edition of a work frequently reprinted1 and say that the last edition appeared at ,lugd4 ,batav4 in #afdc1 and had on the title-page the name of ,st4 ,thomas ,aquinas as author4 ,hain mentions editions at ,rome--,stephanum ,plannck1 #adhb1 folio2 ,venetiis1 #adih4 99 99 99 99 99 7,french translation47 ,miroir exemplaire1 selon la compilation du ,gilles de ,rome du regime et gouvernement des rois etc4 7by ,henri de ,gauchy or de ,gauchay7 et avec est compris le secret de ,aristote appell le secret des secrets1 et les noms des rois de ,france com bien de temps ils out regn4 ,paris1 #aeag4 ,folio4 7,grsse47 ,this was printed by ,guillaum ,eustace3 ,on les vet au palais au ,tiers pillier ,et a la me neufue nostre dame a lenseigne de ,lagnus dei 7,brunef74 ,ebert mentions a ,french translation as having been printed at ,paris1 in #adig2 but ,brunet1 in the article on ,aristotle1 gives a somewhat minute account of the book1 to show that it is not that of ,colonna4 99 99 99 99 99 7,spanish translation47 ,regimieto de los principes sechs y ordenado par ,don fray ,gil de ,roma de la orden de sat ,augustin4 ,e fizolo trasladar de latn en romace do ,bernardo obispo de osma etc4 ,suilla--a espenses de ,mstre ,conrado aleman4 ,melchior gurrizo1 mercadores de libros1 fue impresso per ,meynardo ,ungut alememo3 ,stanislas ,polono compaeros4 ,acabaron se a veynte dias del mes de octubre ,ao del seor de ,mill quarto cientos nouenta quarto #adid folio4 7,hain1 ,brunet1 ,grffe47 ,ebert notes that there was an edition under the name of ,th4 ,aquino at ,madrid1 #afbe1 #dto4 7,catalan translation47 ,regiment des ,princeps4 ,barcelona per ,mestre ,nicolau ,spindaler emprentador4 #adhj4 ,folio4 7,grffe47 ,regiment del ,princeps4 ,barcelona per ,johan ,luchner4 #adih4 ,fol4 7,brunei1 ,grffe47 7,italian translation47 ,ebert mentions an ,italian version by ,val4 ,averoni4 ,firenze1 #aegg1 #hvo4 7,grffe47 7,english translation47 ,de regimine ,principum1 a poem by ,thomas ,occleve1 written in the reign of ,henry ,,iv4 ,edited for the first time by ,thomas ,wright1 ,esq41 ,m4,a41 ,f4,s4,a41 c4 ,printed for the ,roxburghe ,club4 ,london1 ,j4,b4 ,nichols4 #ahfj4 #dto4 7,see ant1 p4 xxxii41 for notice of another ,early ,english version47 ,,cessoles4 7,see ant1 p4 xxiv47 ,incipit solatiu ludi schacor4 ,scilicz regiminis ac morum nominu et officium viror' nobiliu quor' si quis formas menti impresserit bellum ipsum et ludi virtutem cordi faciliter poterit optinere4 7,e7,go frater iacobus de thessolonia multor' fratru c4 ,ends3 ,explicit folaciu ludi schacor'4 ,folio4 #dj leaves4 ,there is neither date1 place1 nor printer's name given2 but it is considered to have been the work of ,nic4 ,ketelr and ,ger4 de ,leempt1 at ,utrecht 7,ultrajectus71 about #adgc4 7,linde1 ,grsse47 ,incipit libellus de ludo ,scaccorum1 et de dictis factisque nobilium virorum1 philosophorum et antiquorum4 ,explicit tabula super ludum ,scacchorum4 ,deo gratias4 #dto4 #bi leaves4 ,sign4 ,a--,h4 ,this is in black letter1 and has neither date nor place4 7,linde47 ,incipit libelles de ludo ,schaccorum4444 ,explicit doctrina vel morum informatio1 accepta de modo et ordine ,ludi ,schaccorum4 #dto4 7,linde47 ,incipit liber quem composuit frater4 ,jacobus' de cessolis ordinis fratru predicatorum qui intitulatur liber de moribus hominum et officiis nobilium super ludo scacorum4 ,impressum ,mediolani ad impensas ,paulini de suardis ,anno a natali christiano4 ,m,c,c,c,c,l,x,xviiij4 die xxiij4 ,mensis augusti4 ,folio4 #bd leaves4 7,linde1 ,grsse47 ,jacobi de ,cessolis ,ord4 ,prd4 ,informatio morum1 excerpta ex modo et ratione ludi ,scacchorum2 sive de moribus hominum officiisque nobilium et super eo commentarius4 ,mediolani4 #adig4 ,folio4 7,linde1 ,grsse47 ,tractatus de ,scachis mistice interpretatus de moribus per singulos hominu status4 #dto4 ,anno #aeje4 ,on leaf #ca;b3-- ,ad lectorum ,qum paucis rigidos possis compescere mons ,accipe3 quod offert hiberna ex arce ,johannes ,scacherii munus3 sapiens ,philometer et illud ,tradidit4 ut regis babilonis crimina mergat ,hunc tibi si soties capiet te lectio frequens ,noveris et iuste que ius moderamina vite4 ,no place or date1 but supposed to be printed at ,vienna1 by ,joh4 ,winterburg4 7,linde1 ,grsse47 ,jacobus de ,cessoles4 ,von ,prof4 ,dr4 ,ernft ,kpke1 ,mittheilungen1 aus den ,handschriften der ,ritter4 ,akademie zu ,brandenburg4 ,brandenburg a4d4 ,havel1 #ahgi1 #dto4 7,linde1 ,jartausend47 7,french translation47 ,les jeu des ,echez moralis1 nouvellement imprim ,paris 7ends74 ,cy finist le livre des ,echez et l',ordre de ,chevalerie1 translat de latin en franois1 imprim nouvellement ,paris2 et fut achev le vendredy1 ,,vi'e jour de septembre1 l'an ,,mvc et ,,iiii1 pour ,anthoine ,verart1 libraire jur en l'universit de ,paris1 demourant ,paris1 l'imaige ,sainct ,jehan l'evangeliste1 devant la rue neufve ,nostre ,dame1 c4 ,folio1 #ajb leaves4 7,linde47 ,on trouve an f4 ,,lx un autre trait de ,morale et an f4 lxxxij celui de ,melibee et de ,prudence4 ,il y a la bibl4 imp4 un exempl4 de cette d4 tir sur vlin et orn de #d ,miniatures4 7,grsse47 ,le ,jeu de ,echets moralis 444 ,cy finist le liure des eschecz et lordre de cheualerie1 translatte de latin en franoys imprim ,paris3 et fut acheu le xiiii iour de nouembre mil cinq cent et cinq4 ,par ,michel le noir libraire 444 demourant deuant ,saint ,denys de la chartre limaige nostre dame4 #ij leaves4 7,linde47 ,on trouve la fin du ,livre de l'ordre de chevalerie le mme ,dialogue entre ,melibe et ,prudence sous le titre3 ,ung petit traictie a lenseignement et au prouffit de tous princes barons aultres que le vouldront entendre garder lequel fut fonde extrait d'une fiction trouvee en escript4 ,ce qui a induit ,du ,verdier 7vol4 i4 p4 #eef7 en erreur de croire que cette traduction1 publie en #aeje1 diffre de celle de #aejd4 7,grsse47 ,italian translation4 ,libro di ,giuocho di ,scacchi intitulato de costumi degli huomin et degli officii de nobili4 #dto4 ,ohne ,angabe des ,druckortes und des ,jahres4 ,ausser dem ,titelblattbildchen bringt das ,buch dreizehn ,abbildungen1 welche die von ,cessoles auf dem ,schachbrett statuirten ,wrden und ,gewerke darstellen4 7,linde7 ,libro di givocho di scacchi intitulato de costumi degl huomini degli offitii de nobili4 7,fol4 #b;a37 ,in comincia un tractato gentile utile della uirtu del giuocho degli scachi cioe intitulato de costumi deglhuomini degli ufitii denobili3 composto pel ,reueredo ,mstro ,jacopo dacciesole dellordine de fratri predicatori4 ,fol4 #fg;b3 ,impresso in ,fireze per ,mstro ,antonio ,miscomini ,anno ,m4,,cccclxxxxiii4 ,adi primo di ,marzo #hvo4 7,linde47 ,cette ed4 bien incorrecte quant an texte 7comme les reimpressions3 f4 l4 #aecd1 in #hvo4 #ef ff4 ,i #a4 #bjf1 ,gallarini7 est recherche pour ses belles gravures en bois1 don't une partie a t copie par ,dibdin1 ,aedes ,althorp1 vol4 ii4 p4 #e-ac4 ,,ii y a une nouvelle dition3 ,mil4 tipogr4 di ,giulio ,terrario1 #ahbi1 gr4 in #h1 avec des copies de ces mmes figures et des corrections du texte d'aprs des de ,florence4 ,on a tir de cette dernire dition #bd exempl4 in carte distinte1 #a sur peau velin d',augsbourg et #a in capretti di ,roma4 7,grsse47 ,opera nvova nella quale se insigna il vero regimento delli huomini delle done di qualunqu grado1 stato1 e condition esser si voglia31 ,composta per lo ,reuerendissimo ,padre ,frate ,giacobo da ,cesole del ordine di predicatori sopra il giuoco delli ,scacchi1 ,intitulata ,costvme delli hvomini1 vfficii delli nobeli1 nuouamente ,stampata4 ,m4,d4 ,,xxxiiii4 ,stampata in ,vineggia per ,fransesco di ,alessandro ,bin doni ,mapheo ,pasini compagni3 ,nelli anni del ,signore1 #aecd4 del mese di ,zenaro #hvo4 #ef leaves4 7,linde47 ,volgarizzamento del libro de' costumi e degli officii de' nobili sopra il giuoco degli scacchi di frate ,jacopo da ,cessole tratto nuovamente da un codice ,magliabechiano4 ,milano1 #ahbi4 ,dalla tipografia del dottore ,giulio ,ferrario ,contrado del ,bocchetto al ,no4 #bdfe #hvo4 ,pp4 xx and #afb1 and #a leaf4 7,linde47 ,catalan translation4 ,this does not appear to have been printed4 ,there is a codex in the ,vatican and another at ,barcelona4 ,they are described by ,linde4 ,see ante1 p4 xxviii4 ,spanish translation4 ,dechado de la vida humana4 moralmento ,sacado del juego del ,axedrez4 tradizado agora de nuevo per el licenciado ,reyna ,vezino della ,villa de ,aranda de duero4 ,en este ao ,m4,d4,,xlix4 #dto4 #ef leaves4 ,printed at ,valladolid by ,francifque ,fernandes de ,cordoue4 7,linde47 ,german translation4 ,ich bruder ,jacob von ,caffalis prediger ordens1 bin berwunder worden von der bruder gebet 444 7,ends47 ,hie endet sich das buch menschlicher sitten vnd d'ampt der edeln4 ,folio4 #dj leaves4 ,without place or year1 but printed before the year #adhj4 7,linde47 ,i 7,ch7 bruder ,jacob von ,cassalis prediger ordens bin vberwunden worden vo7n7 der brder gebet wegen vn7d7 der weltlichen studenten vn7d7 andern edlen leut die mich haben horen predigen das spil das do heysset schachzabel4 ,das ich davon gemacht hab ditz buch4 vn7d7 hab das pracht zenutz menschlichs geschlechts4 ,vn7d7 hab es geheissen das buch menschlicher sitten vnnd der ampt der edlen 444 7,ends47 ,hie endet sich das buch menschlicher sitten vnd der ampt der edeln ,i4#d4g4g4 ,folio4 #dj leaves4 ,this is believed to have been printed with the type of ,g4 ,zainer at ,augftmrg4 7,linde7 7,i7ch bruder ,jacob vo7n7 ,cassalis prediger ordens bin vberwunden worden von der brder gebet 444 7,ends47 ,hie endet sich das ,buch menschlicher sitten vnd der ampt der edlen4 ,gedruckt zu ,augsburg in der ,kayserliche7n7stat anno dni ,,mcccc ,,lxxx ,,iij4 am osterabe7n7t geent4 ,folio4 #cf leaves4 7,linde47 ,dis buchlein weiset die aufzlegung des schachzabel spils1 ,vnd menschlicher fitten1 ,auch von den ampten der edeln4 7,leaf ,aiia7 7,i7ch bruder ,jacob vo7n7 ,cassalis prediger orde7n7s 444 7,leaf #ci;b7 ,getruckt vnd volendet von henrico knoblochzern in der hochgelobten stat ,strassburg vff ,sant ,egidius tag ,in dem ,,lxxx iij ,jor4 c4 ,folio4 #ci leaves4 7,linde47 ,jacobus de ,cessolis1 de moribus hominum et officiis nobilium ac popularium2 oder1 ,das ,schachwerk des ,cessolis1 von den ,sitten der ,menschen und den ,pflichten der ,vornehmen und ,niedern4 ,von ,heydebrand v4 d4 ,lafa4 7,schachzeitung1 #ahgj47 7,linde47 7,german rhyming version of ,conrad von ,ammenhausen47 ,ueber das ,schachzabelbuch ,konrads von ,ammenhausen und die ,zofinger ,handsschrift desselben1 von ,wilhelm ,wackernagel 7,beitrage zur ,geschichte und ,literatur vorzuglich aus den ,archiven und ,bibliotheken des ,kanton ,aargau4 ,herausgegeben von ,dr4 ,heinrich ,kurz 444 und ,placid ,weissenbach4 ,erster ,band4 ,aarau #ahdf47 ,dr4 van der ,linde gives particulars of various ,,mss4 of this rhyming version of ,cessolis4 7,german rhyming version of ,dr4 ,jacob ,mennel47 ,schachzabel4 7,ends47 ,getruckt vund vollendet in der loblichen statt ,costentz vo ,hanfen schffeler4 ,vf zinftag vor sant ,vits tag ,anno ,m4 cccc vn vii iar4 #dto #ac leaves4 ,sig4 a ii--c ii4 ,in the prologue ,jacob ,mennel1 doctor1 claims the paternity of this rhyming treatise1 but he is supposed to have taken much of his material--ready made--from ,ammenhausen4 ,schachtzabel ,spiel4 ,d ,esz ,ritterliche kunst liche ,schachtzabel ,spiels vnderweygung1 erclrung1 vn7d7 verstant1 wo here das kommen1 were das am ersten erfunden1 vund ausz was vrsach es erdacht sey1 ,auch wie man das knstlich lernen ziehen vn7d7 spielen solle1 sampt etliche kunstliche geteylten spielen c4 ,illustration3 hand ,zu dem ,schachtzieher4 ,dein ,augen scherpff1 nicht uberseh ,dem wyderteyl1 sleiszlich nach speh1 ,wie fich gebrt1 im ,feld und ,heer1 ,dein volck das schich an zu der weer1 ,vnd orden das recht an dem streyt1 ,ders berlicht1 gern vnden leyt4 ,getruckt zu ,oppenheym4 #dto4 ,this second edition was issued by ,jacob ,kbel1 who printed about #aebj4 7,linde47 ,des ,altenn ,ritterlichenn spils des ,schachzabels1 grntlich bedeutung vund klarer bericht1 dasselbig knstlich zuziehenn vund spilen4 ,mit ein newenn zusatz ettlicher besonderen ,meisterstck1 nach der ,current1 welfchen art1 vn7d7 von ,hutten1 deszgleichen ettlichener besondern ,regeln des ,schachziehens1 vormals nie auszgangen4 ,franckfurt1 #aecf4 #dto4 7,linde47 ,vnderweifzung1 erklrung1 vund auszlegung desz ,ritterlichenn1 kunstlichenn spielfz des ,schachzabels1 durch den ,hochgelartenn ,doctor ,jacob ,mennel444 auff dem heiligen ,reichsztag zu ,kostentz1 ,anno c4 #aejg in ,rheimen gedicht1 vund desselbinn spiels ,vrsprung vn7d7 wesenn1 ,auch wie man das auff das aller kurtzest zu ziehenn vund spilen begreissen mag1 offenbart4 ,frankfurt1 #aecf1 #dto4 ,this is given on the authority of ,massmann by ,dr4 van der ,linde4 ,das ,schachzabelspiel4 ,des alten ritterlichen ,spiels des ,schachzabels' grndlich ,bedeutung444 ,frankf4 #aecf4 ,reprint4 ,dr4 van der ,linde does not speak well of this reprint which appeared in3--,schaltjahr1 welches ist der teutsch ,kalendar1 durch ,j4 ,scheible4 ,dritter ,band4 ,stuttgart1 #ahdg4 7,german rhyming version of ,heinrich von ,beringen47 ,there is a third rhyming version of the ,chessbook by ,heinrich von ,beringer1 of which a ,,ms41 dated #adch1 is in the ,stuttgart library4 7,linde47 7,low ,german rhyming translation by ,stephan47 ,van dogheden vnde van guden zeden fecht dyt boek wol dat valen ouer left de wert ok des schackspeles klock4 7,lubeck1 about #adhi47 ,small #dto4 or large #hvo4 ,hir gheyt vth ghemaket to dude ,dat schackspil der eddelen lude ,des bokes dichter het stephan4 7,linde47 7,dutch ,translation47 7,d7,it is die tafel van desen boeck datmen hiet dat sccspel 7,fol4 #b';a7 7,h7,ier beghint ee suuerlyc boec vanden tytuerdryf edelre heren ende vrouwen4 als vande scc spul4 dr nochtant een ygherlyck mensche van wat stt dat hi si4 vele scoenre en7de7 saliger leren wt neme7n7 mach4 n welcken hi syn leuen sal regieren tot profyt ende salicheyt synre sielen 7,fol4 #fg';b71 ghebruyken ,amen ,in ir ons heren dusent vierhondert ende neghentseuentich4 opten anderden dach van october1 soe is dit ghenoechlycke boeck voleynt en7de7 ,ghemct ter goude in hollant4 by my gherrt leeu4 ,lof heb god ,folio4 7,linde47 ,tractat van den ,tydverdryf der ,edele ,heeren ende ,vrouwen1 genoemt dat sckspel1 verciert met veele schoone historien 7,ends37 ,int ir ons heren ,m4,,cccc4,,lxxxiii4 opten veertienden dach van februario3 so is dat ghenoecklike bock volmckt te ,delff in hollant4 #dto4 7,linde47 ,hier beghint een suyuerlijck boeck vande7n7 tytuerdrijf edelre heere7n7 ende vrouwen1 als vanden scck spel1 dr nochtans een ieghelijck me7n7sche va wat stt dz by sy1 vele scoonre en7de7 saligher leerighe7n7 wt nemen mach1 n welcken hy sijn leuen sal regeren tot profijt ende salicheyt synre sielen4 7,ends47 ,gheprint tot ,louen in de ,borchstrate in den ,luprt by my ,anthonis ,maria ,bergaigne ghesworen boecprinter4 ,int ir ons ,heren4 ,m4,,ccccc4 ende ,,li4 den ,,vi4 dach van ,augustus4 #hvo4 #abj leaves4 7,linde47 7,scandinavian rhyming translation47 ,de ludo ,scacchorum seu de moribus hominum et officiis nobilium ac popularium4 ,poema suecanum vetustum4 e codice manuscripto biblioth4 ,reg4 ,universitatis ,havn4 nunc primum editum4 quod consensu ampl4 ord4 phil4 ,lund4 p4p4 ,ernestus ,rietz et ,augustus ,ludovicus ,sjberg1 scanus in ,academia ,carolina die vi ,decembris ,,mdcccxlviii4 ,lund1 ,typis ,berlingianis4 ,,mdcccxlviii4 #hvo4 ,fourteen dissertations1 of which there is a set in the ,jena ,library4 ,there is a ,,ms4 of this ,scandinavian poetical version of ,cessolis dated #adib1 and another dated #adib in the ,kopenhagen ,university ,library4 7,linde47 7,english translation47 ,the ,game and ,playe of the ,chesse4 folio4 ,e4 ,p4 ,the ,game and ,playe of the ,chesse4 ,explicit per ,caxton4 folio4 ,the ,game at ,chesse1 a metaphorical ,discourse shewing the present ,estate of this ,kingdome4 ,london4 #afdc1 #dto4 ,this title is given by ,lowndes1 but examination only would show whether it is in any way an imitation of ,caxton4 ,the ,game of the ,chesse by ,william ,caxton4 ,facsimile reprint of the second edition1 with remarks by ,vincent ,figgins4 ,london3 ,j4 ,r4 ,smith1 #ahee4 folio4 ,the ,game of the ,chesse by ,william ,caxton4 ,reproduced in facsimile from a copy in the ,british ,museum4 ,with a few remarks on ,caxton's ,typographical ,productions4 ,by ,vincent ,figgins4 ,london3 ,john ,russell ,smith4 #ahfj4 ,the ,game of the ,chesse by ,william ,caxton4 ,a facsimile reproduction of the first work printed in ,england1 from the copy in the ,british ,museum4 ,london3 ,trbner and ,co4 #ahfb4 fol4 ,caxton and the ,spelling ,reform4 ,signed ,isaac ,pitman1 ,bath1 #ajth ,march1 #ahgg4 #dto4 ,pp4 #d4 ,this contains an extract from the ,game of the ,chess in four columns3--i4 ,caxton's spelling4 #b4 ,the supposed pronunciation of the same represented by the ,phonetic alphabet4 #c4 ,modern spelling4 #d4 ,phonetic spelling4 ,the ,game of the ,chesse3 a moral treatise on the duties of life4 ,the ,first ,book ,printed in ,england1 by ,william ,caxton in the year #adgd4 ,reprinted in ,phonetic spelling1 with a preface and contents in ,caxton's orthography1 and a fac-simile page of the original work4 ,second edition4 ,london1 ,f4 ,pitman4 ,bath1 ,isaac ,pitman1 ,james ,davies4 #ahgb #ahgi4 ,the printing of this book began in #ahgb1 when the title-page and earlier sheets were worked1 but it was not finished until ,may1 #ahgi4 ,this is the second time that ,mr4 ,pitman has printed the ,chess-book in his reformed orthography4 ,the first issue was in #ahee4 ,although the title-page repeats the old belief that ,the ,game of ,chess was the first book printed in ,england1 and gives the date of #adgd1 it is really a reprint of the second edition of ,caxton4 7,sloane's version47 ,the ,buke of the ,chesse4 ,auchinleck ,press4 #ahah4 #dto4 ,this is printed from a ,,ms4 which is believed to have been written about the beginning of the sixteenth century4 ,the work is in verse1 and ends3 ,heir endis y'e buke of y'e ,chess1 ,script per manu ,jhois ,sloane4 ,only forty copies were reprinted by ,sir ,alexander ,boswell at the ,auchinleck ,press4 7,linde4 ,lowndes47 ,the ,game and ,play of the ,chess is an interesting specimen of medival ,english literature4 ,it is so near our own time that the language prefents few difficulties1 in spite of its many ,gallicisms1 and yet it is so remote as to seem like the echo of an unknown world4 ,the distinctly dogmatic portions of the book are but few1 and their paucity is indeed a matter of some surprise1 since it is in effect a detailed treatise on practical ethics1 and is1 in part if not wholly1 systematized from the discourses of one distinguished preacher1 who had borrowed much of his matter from another eminent ecclesiastic4 ,the author aims not at the enforcement of doctrine1 but at the guidance of life1 though he no doubt assumes that his hearers are all faithful and orthodox sons of the ,church4#bb ,the ideal of the commonwealth of the middle ages finds an interesting expression4 ,the sharp lines of demarcation between class and class are stated with the frankness that comes of a belief that the then existing social fabric was the only one possible in the best of worlds4 ,there is no doubt in the author's mind as to the rightful position of king and baron1 of bishp and merchant4 ,the rights of man had not been invented1 apparently1 and the maxim that the king reigns but does not govern1 would have perplexed the souls of ,cessoles and his translators4 ,they had no more doubt as to the divine right of the monarch1 than the ,thibetan has of the divine right of the grand lama4 ,the ,buddhist thinks he has secured the continuous re-appearance of supernatural wisdom in human form1 and the regular transmission of political ability in the same family was the ideal for which the devotees of medival despotism had to hope4 ,nothing could be further from the aspirations of our author than a race of mere palace kings seeking enjoyment only in self-indulgence4 ,the king was to be the ruler and leader of his people4 ,the relation and interdependence of the several classes is emphatically proclaimed1 and the claims of duty are urged upon each4 ,the book enables us to gauge the literary culture of the thirteenth1 fourteenth1 and fifteenth centuries4 ,poor as it may now seem1 it belonged1 in those days1 to the literature of power1 and had great influence4 ,the form is one which lent itself readily to poetic and historic illustration1 and indeed demanded such treatment4 ,the authors and translators were chiefly learned and distinguifhed ecclesiastics4 ,caxton1 the representative of the new time when literature was to be the common heritage1 was filled to overflowing with the best literature then accessible4 ,a writer of the present century1 probably borrowing his sentiment1 has defined originality to be undetected imitation4 ,such refinements were unknown to ,cessoles and his contemporaries4 ,a writer took whatever suited his purpose from any and every source that was open to him4 ,a quotation was always as good as an original sentiment1 and sometimes much better4 ,why should a man take the trouble of laboriously inventing fresh phrases about usury or uncleanness when there were the very words of ,st4 ,augustine or ,st4 ,basil ready to hand8 ,why seek modern instances when the great storehouse of anecdotes of ,valerius ,maximus was ready to be rifled8 ,very frequently the author is given1 mostly it may be imagined from a sense of the value of the authority of the names thus cited4 ,whatever the intention of the writer1 the effect is to show us what were the authors known1 studied1 and quoted in the middle ages4 ,the authors named are3--,saint ,ambrose 7#b references71 ,anastasius 7#a71 ,avicenna 7#b71 ,saint ,augustine 7#i71 ,saint ,basil 7#a71 ,saint ,bernard 7#b71 ,boethius 7#c71 ,cassiodorus 7#a71 ,cato 7#e71 ,cicero 7#f71 ,claudian 7#b71 ,crete 7#a71 ,diomedes 7#a71 ,florus 7#a71 ,galen 7#a71 ,helinand 7#d71 ,hippocrates 7#d71 ,homer 7#a71 ,saint ,jerome 7#c71 ,john the ,monk 7#a71 ,josephus 7#d71 ,livy 7#b71 ,lucan 7#a71 ,macrobius 7#a71 ,martial 7#a71 ,ovid 7#f71 ,paulus ,diaconus 7#a71 ,petrus ,alphonsus 7#b71 ,plato 7#d71 ,quintilian 7#c71 ,sallust 7#a71 ,seneca 7#ae71 ,sidrac 7#a71 ,solinus 7#a71 ,symmachus 7#a71 ,theophrastus 7#a71 ,truphes of the ,philosophers 7#b71 ,turgeius ,pompeius 7#a71 ,valerius ,maximus 7#bc71 ,valerian 7#g71 ,varro 7#a71 ,virgil 7#b71 ,vitas ,patrum 7#b74 ,it will be seen that the great classical writers are but poorly represented1 and the main dependence has been upon the later essayists1 and chiefly upon ,valerius ,maximus1 who has pointed many of the morals enforced in this book4 ,it may1 perhaps1 be doubted if the writer had more to work from than ,valerius1 ,seneca1 and ,st4 ,augustine1 with occasional quotations such as memory would supply from other sources4 ,the verification of all these quotations would not repay the labour it would involve2 but in most cases where the experiment has been tried1 the result has been fairly creditable to the old author4 ,the biblical allusions may be taken as typical4 ,there are references to the bible1 holy scripture1 ,ecclesiastes1 and ,canticles4 ,there also occur the names of ,adam1 ,eve1 ,abel1 ,cain1 ,noah1 ,ham1 ,lot1 ,david1 ,abner1 ,joab1 ,abishai1 ,solomon1 ,isaiah1 ,evilmerodach1 ,belshazzar1 ,darius1 ,cyrus1 ,tobias1 ,john the ,baptist1 and ,paul4 ,the citations are not all literally exact4 ,solomon had not a very good opinion of his fellow-men2 but the comprehensive estimate of the number of fools with which he is credited on p4 #c is not to be found in the writings canonically attributed to him4 ,the quotation from the ,canticles on p4 #be may be compared with the translation in the ,wicliffite verfion made by ,nicholas de ,hereford1 ,a4 ,d4 #achj4 ,this passage is rendered3 ,his left hond is vndur myn heed2 and his ri#ct hond shal biclippe me 7,song of ,solomon1 ii4 #f74 ,clip is still current in ,lancashire1 in the sense of embrace4 ,the extract from ,st4 ,paul1 with which the prologue to the second edition opens1 is no doubt intended for the following passage3 ,all ,scripture is given by inspiration of ,god1 and is profitable for doctrine1 for reproof1 for correction1 for instruction in righteousness 7#b ,tim4 iii4 #af74 ,in the reference to the ,athenians 7p4 #af71 we seem to hear an echo of the words3 ,for all the ,athenians and strangers that were there spent their time in nothing else1 but either to tell or to hear some new thing 7,acts xvii4 #ba74 ,the most curious reference to a biblical personage is that relating to ,evilmerodach 7p4 #aj74 ,cessoles seems to have been the first to associate the name of the son of ,nebuchadnezzar with the invention of the game of chess4 ,the biblical references to ,evilmerodach are few2 they throw no light on the reason of his selection by the medival scribe for a bad pre-eminence of parricide4 ,the epithet of joli applied to the king has an odd effect1 followed as it is by the narrative of his most unfilial conduct4 ,dr4 ,van der ,linde shows how widely the legend spread4 ,lydgate evidently hesitates between the divided authority of ,guido--that is1 ,colonna1 the author of the ,troy book--and ,cessoles1 whom he quotes through ,jacobus de ,vitriaco4#bc ,amongst the authors not identified are ,crete 7p4 #acc71 and ,diomedes 7p4 #aj74 ,the account of the origin of chess attributed to the last is amplified a little further on4 ,the legend that ,palamedes invented a game of this kind at the siege of ,troy is emphatically rejected by our author1 who pins his fame on ,xerxes1 a ,greek philosopher6 ,this became the received opinion1 as may be gathered from the unhesitating language of ,polydore ,vergil in a passage which is thus rendered by ,john ,langley3--,the chesse were invented the year of the world #cfce1 by a certain ,wise man called ,xerxes1 to declare to a ,tyrant1 that ,majesty or ,authority without strength1 assistance help of his subjects1 was casual feeble subject to many calamities of fortune2 his intent was to break the fierce cruelty of his heart1 by fear of such dangers as might come to passe in the life of man4 #bd ,the curious treatise which contains the supposed conversations of ,king ,bocchus and the philosopher ,sidrac 7p4 #aga7 was a favourite science book of the middle ages4 ,it is probably of oriental origin1 but there are editions in ,latin1 ,french1 ,german1 ,flemish1 ,dutch1 ,italian1 and ,english4 ,by way of question and answer very decided statements are made on a wide variety of topics of which the author was profoundly ignorant4 ,the particular part referred to by ,cessoles is chap1 cclxxxi3 ,pourquoy sacostent les hommes charnellement aux femmes grosses et les bestes ne le font pas8#be ,john the ,monk 7p4 #gj7 is the noted canonist ,giovanni ,andrea1 who died at the plague of ,bologna in #acdg4 ,his learning gained him such titles as rabbi doctorum and normaque morum4 ,his commentaries on the decretals were frequently reprinted4 ,he gave the name of ,novell to this work after the name of his mother and daughter4 ,his code of morality contained no prohibition of literary theft1 for his additions to the ,speculum ,juris of ,durand are said to have been taken bodily from ,oddrale4 ,in the same magnificent manner he appropriated the treatise ,de ,sponsalibus et ,matrimonio of ,anguissola4 ,his daughter ,novella was a learned woman1 and became the wife of ,giovanni ,calderino1 a jurist of ,bologna4 ,their son1 ,gaspard ,calderino1 wrote a commentary on the decretals4 ,father1 daughter1 son-in-law1 and grandson appear to have all been experts in the canon law4#bf ,the reference to the first book of the ,truphes of the ,philosophers by figure does not convey a very definite idea as to the particular work intended4 ,it must have been somewhat miscellaneous in character1 for one extract describes the fountain of the syrens 7p4 #abb71 and the other is an anecdote1 which though told here of ,julius ,csar 7p4 #ga71 is really the story of the soldier who had fought at ,actium with ,augustus ,csar4 ,it occurs also in the ,gesta ,romanorum1 where the emperor is named ,agyos4 ,helmond 7p4 #cc1 c47 is intended for ,helinand1 who died some time after #abbi4 ,after a brilliant period at the court of ,philip ,augustus1 where he is represented as reciting his heroic verses before the king and his surrounding1 he became a monk of the ,cistercian ,abbey of ,froidmont4 ,one of his surviving poems deals with the melancholy subject of death4 ,the ,flores ,helinandi are said to have been popular as well as his ,chronique4 ,he is also the reputed author of some sermons1 and of the life of ,st4 ,gereon1 published by the ,bollandists1 and of other works still inedited4 ,he is sometimes confounded with another ,french monk of the same name1 who lived in the eleventh century1 and was an inmate of the monastery at ,persigne in ,maine4 ,this second ,helinand was the author of commentaries or glosses on the ,apocalypse and ,exodus4#bg ,the first-named has been credited with the authorship of ,gesta ,romanorum4 ,the grounds for this are very slight4 ,on a longtemps ignor le nom de l'auteur de cette compilation1 mais un passage du #fh;e dialogue du livre intitul ',dialogus creaturarum' nous le rvele par ces mots3 ,elimandus in gestis romanorum4#bh ,but1 as ,sir ,f4 ,madden and ,mr4 ,herrtage have pointed out1 the name of ,gesta ,romanorum was given to any book treating of ,roman affairs4 ,a ,french translation of ,livy1 by ,robert ,gaguin1 has been catalogued as a version of the ,gesta4 ,the reference cited by ,brunet is to the ,chroniques of ,helinand4#bi ,many of the stories and anecdotes are the commonplaces of ancient history1 such as the friendship of ,damon and ,pythias1 the sword of ,damocles1 the chastity of ,scipio1 the magnanimity of ,alexander1 the fable of the ,dog and the ,shadow1 c4 ,others current in the middle ages had great popularity1 and even in our own days occasionally renew their youth4 ,the story of ,john of ,ganazath 7p4 #dh7 is to be found in ,occleve's translation of ,colonna4 ,mr4 ,thomas ,wright remarks3 ,this story1 under different forms1 was a very common one in the middle ages4 ,one version will be found in my ',latin ,stories1' p4 #bh4 ,it will hardly be necessary to remark that the story of ,king ,lear and his daughters is another version4#cj ,the story appears also in some modern compilations4 ,in one instance it is given as the will of ,jehan ,connaxa1 of ,antwerp1 about #aecj4ca ,the incident is given in the following form in the popular collection known as the ,percy ,anecdotes3#cb-- ,an eminent trader at ,lyons1 who had acquired an easy fortune1 had two handsome daughters1 between whom1 on their marriage1 he divided all his property1 on condition that he should pass the summer with one and the winter with the other4 ,before the end of the first year1 he found sufficient grounds to conclude that he was not a very acceptable guest to either2 of this1 however1 he took no notice1 but hired a handsome lodging1 in which he resided a few weeks2 he then applied to a friend1 and told him the truth of the matter1 desiring the gift of two hundred livres1 and the loan of fifty thousand1 in ready money1 for a few hours4 ,his friend very readily complied with his request2 and the next day the old gentleman made a very splendid entertainment1 to which his daughters and their husbands were invited4 ,just as dinner was over1 his friend came in a great hurry2 told him of an unexpected demand upon him1 and desired to know whether he could lend him fifty thousand livres4 ,the old man told him1 without any emotion1 that twice as much was at his service1 if he wanted it2 and going into the next room1 brought him the money4 ,after this1 he was not suffered to stay any longer in lodgings2 his daughters were jealous if he stayed a day more in one house than the other2 and after three or four years spent with them1 he died2 when1 upon examining his cabinet1 inftead of livres1 there was found a note containing these words3 ',he who has suffered by his virtues1 has a right to avail himself of the vices of those by whom he has been injured2 and a father ought never to be so fond of his children as to forget what is due to himself4' ,amongst other versions of the story is a novelle by ,giovanni ,brevio1 published as part of his ,rime in #aede4 ,piron's comedy of ,les ,fils ,ingrats1 also known as ,l',ecole des ,pres1 appeared in #agbh4 ,the story1 adds ,dunlop1 is also told in the ',pieuses ,recreations d',angelin ,gaze1' and is told in the ',colloquia ,mensalia' of ,luther1 among other examples to deter fathers from dividing their property during life among their children--a practice to which they are in general little addicted4#cc ,there is yet another verfion of the story in ,john of ,bromyard's ,summa ,predicantium4 ,after describing the discovery of the club it says1 in quo ,anglice scriptum erat-- ,wyht fuyle a betel be he smetyn1 ,that al the werld hyt mote wyten1 ,that gyfht his sone al his thing1 ,and goht hym self a beggyn4 ,mr4 ,wright gives another version1 and adds that he is inclined to think that the story and verses had some connection with a superstition not yet forgotten1 which is thus told by ,aubrey in his ',remains of ,gentilism' 7,thorn's ,anecdotes and ,traditions1 p4 #hd7--,the ,holy ,mawle1 which they fancy was hung behind the church door1 which when the father was seaventie1 the sonne might fetch to knock his father in the head1 as effete and of no more use4#cd ,herodotus has attributed the same unfilial conduct to some ,indian tribes4 ,the incident of ,st4 ,bernard playing at dice for a soul 7p4 #aea71 is in the ,gesta ,romanorum4 ,the anecdote how a son induced his father to become a monk 7p4 #ha7 which is quoted from the ,vitas ,patrum is also in the ,gesta ,romanorum1 and has so much of the ,buddhist flavour as to give rise to the suspicion that it comes from an ,oriental source4#ce ,the story of two merchants quoted from ,petrus ,alphonsus is also in the ,gesta ,romanorum4 ,it is the foundation of ,lydgate's ,two ,friends1 and is beyond doubt an ,eastern importation4 ,in a ,,ms4 of the ,speculum ,laicorum1 described by ,prof4 ,ingram1 the writer has transformed one of the merchants into an ,englishman4#cf ,the story quoted from ,paul1 the historiagraph of the ,lombards 7p4 #df71 is also given in the ,gesta ,romanorum4 ,mr4 ,herrtage says it is evidently founded on the classical legend of ,tarpeia4 ,the narrative in the chess-book is taken from ,paulus ,diaconus4#cg ,the stratagem by which deposited money was recovered from a dishonest trustee 7p4 #aad7 is told by ,petrus ,alphonsus1 and is also in the ,gesta ,romanorum4 ,the story of the danger of drunkenness 7p4 #abi7 was a favourite with our forefathers4 ,it is given by ,john of ,bromyard1 and is the subject of a fabliau which is given by ,meon4#ch ,the somewhat violent remedy recorded as having been adopted by ,demosthenes 7p4 #ajc7 will remind some readers of a passage in the life of ,st4 ,francis of ,assisi4 ,he had given up1 says ,mrs4 ,oliphant1 without hesitation1 as would appear1 all the indefinite sweetness of youthful hopes4 ,but1 nevertheless1 he was still young1 still a man1 with human instincts and wishes1 the tenderest nature1 and an imagination full of all the warmth and grace of his age and his country4 ,it does not appear that he ever put into words the musings which caught him unawares--the relics of old dreams or soft recollections which now and then would steal into his heart4 ,but one night suddenly he rose from the earthen floor which was his bed1 and rushed out into the night in an access of rage and passion and despair4 ,a certain brother who was praying in his cell1 peering1 wondering1 through his little window1 saw him heap together seven masses of snow in the clear moonlight4 ',here is thy wife1' he said to himself2 'these four are thy sons and daughters1 the other two are thy servant and thy handmaid2 and for all these thou art bound to provide4 ,make haste1 then1 and provide clothing for them1 lest they perish with cold4 ,but if the care of so many trouble thee1 be thou careful to serve our ,lord alone4' ,bonaventura1 who tells the story1 goes on1 with the true spirit of a monkish historian1 to state how1 'the tempter being vanquished1 departed1 and the holy man returned victorious to his cell4' ,the piteous human yearning that is underneath this wild tale1 the sudden access of self-pity and anger1 mixed with a strange attempt1 not less piteous than the longing1 at self-consolation--all the struggle and conflict of emotion which stilled themselves1 at least for a moment1 by that sudden plunge into the snow1 and wild1 violent1 bodily exertion1 are either lost upon the teller of the tale1 or perhaps he fears to do his master injustice by revealing any consciousness of the possibility of such thoughts4 ,but it is a very remarkable peculiarity of ,francis's history1 that whereas every saint in the ,calendar1 from ,antony downwards1 is sometimes troubled with visions of voluptuous delight1 only ,francis1 in his pure dreams1 is tempted by the modest joys of wife and children--the most legitimate and tenderest love4#ci ,the reader must not expect any historical exactitude or critical spirit from our author4 ,for his purpose a narrative was just as useful whether true or false1 but it probably never occurred to him to question the exact truth of any statement that he found written in a book4 ,the murder of ,seneca 7p4 #i7 is certainly not the least of the many crimes which stain the memory of ,nero1 but the circumstances of his death are not exactly described by the medival scribe4 ,whether the philosopher and former tutor was implicated in the conspiracy of ,piso may be doubted1 but some ambiguous phrases he had used were reported to the ,emeror1 whose messenger demanded an explanation of their meaning4 ,the reply of ,seneca was either unsatisfactory or the tyrant had decided to be rid of his former guide4 ,as in more recent times in ,japan the condemned man was expected to be his own executioner1 and ,seneca opened his veins and allowed the life to ooze from them with a stoicism that was certainly heroic if not untainted by theatrical display4 ,the character of ,seneca will ever remain one of the puzzles of history1 for the grave moralist was accessory to the murder of ,agrippina1 and not unsuspected of licentiousness1 and of the accumulation of an enormous fortune of three hundred million sestertii by injustice and fraud4 ,the statements of ,dion ,cassius as to the misdeeds of the philosopher must be weighed against the absence of any condemnation of his proceedings in the pages of ,tacitus4 ,the ,theodore ,cerem named on p4 #ab1 is ,theodorus ,cyrenaicus1 who was probably a native of ,cyrene1 and a disciple of ,aristippus4 ,he was banished from the 7supposed7 place of his birth1 and was shielded at ,athens by ,demetrius ,phalerus1 whose exile he is assumed to have shared4 ,whilst in the service of ,egypt he was sent as an ambassador to ,lysimachus1 whom he offended by the directness and plainness of his speech4 ,the offended monarch threatened him with crucifixion1 and he replied in a phrase which became famous1 ,threaten thus your courtiers1 for it matters not to me whether ,i rot on the ground or in the air4#dj ,the king's threat was not executed1 as ,theodorus was afterwards at ,corinth1 and is believed to have died at ,cyrene4 ,that he was condemned to drink hemlock is a statement cited from ,amphicrates by ,diogenes ,lrtius 7,aristippus1 xv474 ,the anecdote of his colloquy with ,lysimachus would easily be perverted into a belief that he had been put to death for the freedom with which he exercised his biting wit4 ,the ,democreon mentioned at pp4 #ab and #af is ,democritus of ,abdera1 of whom the anecdote is told4 ,he was a man whose knowledge and wisdom won even the respect of ,timon1 the universal scoffer4 ,the tradition that he deprived himself of sight with a view to philosophic abstraction is mentioned by ,cicero1 ,aulus ,gellius1 and others1 but it is hardly necessary to account for a too uncommon calamity by a supposition so remarkable4 ,the transformations of some of the names are peculiar4 ,at p4 #ab we read of ,defortes4 ,the philosopher disguised under this strange name appears to be ,socrates4 ,the story is told in the ,apology of ,socrates attributed to ,xenophon4 ,the person to whom the saying was addressed was not ,xanthippe1 but was a disciple named ,apollodorus1 whose understanding was not equal to his admiration4 ,the statement that ,didymus voluntarily blinded himself is made both by ,jerome 7,ep4 #fh7 and in the ,ecclesiastical ,history of ,socrates 7iv4 #bi74 ,didymus was born #cji or #cad1 and became blind at the age of four1 as the result of disease4 ,he learned the alphabet by wooden letters1 and by application and force of character became learned in all the learning of his time4 ,is this a real anticipation of the use of raised letters for the blind8 ,what would be the use of a knowledge of the alphabet so acquired in obtaining that skill in geometry1 rhetoric1 arithmetic1 and music for which he was famous8 ,he owed to ,athanasius his position as head of the ,catechetical ,school of ,alexandria4 ,the readers of ,cymbeline will remember the passage in the concluding scene3-- ,the piece of tender air1 thy virtuous daughter1 ,which we call mollis r2 and mollis r ,we term it mulier2 which mulier1 ,i divine1 ,is this most constant wife3 who even now1 ,answering the letter of the oracle1 ,unknown to you unsought1 were clipp'd about ,with this most tender air4 ,this quaint piece of etymology will be found at p4 #abc of the present volume4 ,there is an interesting personal reference in the following passage which has not1 it is believed1 been pointed out3-- ,and also hit is to be supposyd that suche as haue theyr goodes comune not propre is most acceptable to god_/ ,for ellys wold not thise religious men as monkes freris chanons obseruantes all other auowe hem kepe the wilfull pouerte that they ben professid too_/ ,for in trouth ,i haue my self ben conuersant in a religious hous of white freris at gaunt ,which haue all thynge in comyn amonge them_/ and not one richer than an other_/ in so moche that yf a man gaf to a frere 4iii4d or iiii4d to praye for hym in his masse_/ as sone as the masse is doon he deliuerith hit to his ouerest or procuratour in whyche hows ben many vertuous and deuoute freris ,and yf that lyf were not the beste and the most holiest_/ holy church wold neuer suffre hit in religion4 ,this description by the busy merchant of the best life might serve to point anew the distinction between the real and the ideal1 and perhaps not to the advantage of the latter4 ,nothing has yet been said as to the place of this book in the history of chess1 and1 indeed1 it must be confessed that it has very little practical bearing on the game4 ,the learned dreams by which the chess of to-day was connected with the latrunculi and with the amusement said to have been invented by ,palamedes1 have been dissipated by the cool air of modern criticism4 ,the student of the history of chess may now follow its fortunes under the safe guidance of ,dr4 van der ,linde1 who rejects unhesitatingly the claim made for it1 and admitted even by ,forbes1 of an antiquity of #e1jjj years4#da ,the game of chess1 which1 whilst remaining an amusement1 has acquired the dignity of a science1 is one that ,europe owes to ,india1 where it was probably invented not earlier than five centuries before ,christ2 the triumphant progress of ,islam aided in the extension of this oriental pastime4 ,it was known at the courts of ,nicephorus at ,conftantinople and his contemporary ,haroun-al-,rashid at ,bagdad4 ,one would like to add that ,charlemagne also was acquainted with it1 but there is no good evidence for that legend4 ,it was known in ,spain in the tenth century1 since the library of the learned caliph ,hakam ,,ii4 of ,cordova contained some ,arabic ,,mss4 on the game4 ,by the middle of the eleventh century it was common in the western world4 ,in #ajfa a ,florentine bishop is said to have been ordered by ,cardinal ,damiani to expiate the offence of playing chess in public by three recitations of the ,psalter1 by washing the feet of twelve poor persons1 and by giving them liberal alms4 ,the gradual developments of the game in ,europe are illustrated in detail by ,dr4 van der ,linde4 ,chess in its prefent form is comparatively modern1 and refults from the enlargement of the powers of the ,queen 7originally the ,vizier or minister7 and of the ,bishop 7formerly the ,alfil or ,elephant74 ,the greater powers of these pieces came into play between #adej and #aejj1 but the period of transition was prolonged to a much later date in some cafes1 and the ,portuguese ,damiano may be regarded as the founder of the modern school4 ,the player of to-day on consulting the elementary directions given in this book 7p4 #aei1 et seq471 will see how greatly the present play exceeds in complexity and scientific interest the moves that excited the enthusiasm of ,jacobus de ,cessoles1 and led him to the composition of the book of the chess which has had such long and widespread popularity4 ,incidentally his book is a monument in the history of chess1 but it was never intended to make its primary object that of teaching the game4 ,the author's aim was almost exclusively ethical4 ,it was to win men to a sober life and to the due performance of individual and social duties1 that the preacher exhausted his stores of learning1 and invoked alike the reproofs of the fathers of the ,church1 the history and legend of chroniclers1 pagan and ,christian1 and the words of prophets and poets4 ,as a memorial of the literature and learning of the middle ages1 it must always possess a permanent value4 ,from it we may learn1 and always with interest1 what was the literary taste and social ideal of the thirteenth1 fourteenth1 and fifteenth centuries4 ,there is1 doubtless1 ample room for dissatisfaction with that ideal1 but it is not without some bright aspects4 ,possibly there are modern realms that are not any happier now than they would be if governed in strict accordance with the rules laid down by the earnest author of the game and play of the chess4 99 99 99 99 99 ,it only remains for the editor to thank the friends who have interested themselves in his work4 ,mr4 ,j4,e4 ,bailey1 ,f4,s4,a41 has shown his usual scholarly courtesy and liberality in the communication of books and references4 ,to ,mr4 ,r4,c4 ,christie1 the ,chancellor of the ,diocese of ,manchester1 a similar acknowledgment is due4 ,mr4 ,c4,w4 ,sutton1 and ,mr4 ,w4,r4 ,credland1 of the ,manchester ,free ,library1 on this1 as on many other occasions1 have not only given the editor many facilities for his work1 but some suggestions by which he trusts he has profited4 ,the index is chiefly the work of the editor's eldest daughter4 ,,dedication4 #db ,to the right noble_/ right excellent vertuous prince ,george duc of ,clarence ,erle of warwyck and of salifburye_/ grete chamberlayn of ,englond leutenant of ,irelond oldest broder of kynge ,edward by the grace of god kynge of ,england and of france_/ your most humble servant william ,caxton amonge other of your seruantes sendes unto yow peas4 helthe4 ,joye and victorye upon your ,enemyes_/ ,right highe puyssant and redoubted prynce_/4 ,for as moche as ,i haue understand and knowe_/ that y'e are enclined unto the comyn wele of the kynge our sayd saueryn lord4 his nobles lordes and comyn peple of his noble royame of ,englond_/ and that y'e sawe gladly the ,inhabitants of y'e same enformed in good4 vertuous4 prouffitable and honeste maners4 ,in whiche your noble persone wyth guydyng of your hows haboundeth_/ gyuyng light and ensample unto all other_/ ,therfore ,i haue put me in deuour to translate a lityll book late comen in to myn handes out of frensh in to englisshe_/ ,in which ,i fynde thauctorites4 dictees4 and stories of auncient ,doctours philosophes poetes and of other wyse men whiche been recounted applied unto the moralite of the publique wele as well of the nobles as of the comyn peple after the game and playe of the chesse_/ whiche booke right puyssant and redoubtid lord ,i haue made in the name and under the shadewe of your noble protection_/ not presumyng to correcte or enpoigne ony thynge ayenst your noblesse_/4 ,for god be thankyd your excellent renome shyneth as well in strange regions as with in the royame of england gloriously unto your honour and lande_/ which god multeplye and encrece ,but to thentent that other of what estate or degre he or they stande in may see in this sayd lityll book_/ yf they gouerned themself as they ought to doo_/ wherfor my right dere redoubted lord ,i requyre supplye your good grace not to desdaygne to resseyue this lityll sayd book in gree and thanke_/ as well of me your humble and unknowen seruant as of a better and gretter man than ,i am_/4 ,for the right good wylle that ,i haue had to make this lityll werk in the best wyse ,i can_/ ought to be reputed for the fayte and dede_/ ,and for more clerely to procede in this sayd book ,i haue ordeyned that the chapitres ben sette in the begynnynge to thende that y'e may see more playnly the mater wherof the book treteth c4 ,,preface ,,to ,,the ,,second ,,edition4 ,the holy appostle and doctour of the peple saynt ,poule sayth in his epystle4 ,alle that is wryten is wryten unto our doctryne and for our lernyng4 ,wherfore many noble clerkes haue endeuoyred them to wryte and compyle many notable werkys and historyes to the ende that it myght come to the knowlege and vnderstondyng of suche as ben ygnoraunt4 ,of which the nombre is infenyte_/ ,and accordyng to the same saith ,salamon4 that the nombre of foles4 is infenyte_/ ,and emong alle other good werkys4 ,it is a werke of ryght special recomendacion to enforme and to late vnderstonde wysedom and vertue vnto them that be not lernyd ne can not dyscerne wysedom fro folye4 ,thene emonge whom there was an excellent doctour of dyuynyte in the royame of fraunce of the ordre of thospytal of ,saynt ,johns of ,jherusalem which entended the fame and hath made a book of the chesse moralysed4 which at suche tyme as ,j was resident in brudgys in the counte of ,flaundres cam in to my handes_/ which whan ,j had redde and ouerseen_/ ne semed ful necessarye for to be had in englisshe_/ ,and in eschewyng of ydlenes ,and to thende that some which haue not seen it_/ ne understonde frenssh ne latyn ,i delybered in my self to translate it in to our maternal tongue_/ ,and whan ,i so had achyeued the sayd translacion_/ ,i dyde doo sette in enprynte a certeyn nombre of theym_/ ,whiche anone were depesshed and folde4 wherfore by cause thys sayd book is ful of holsom wysedom and requysyte unto every astate and degree_/ ,j haue purposed to enprynte it_/ shewyng therin the figures of suche persons as longen to the playe4 ,jn whom al astates and degrees ben comprysed_/ besechyng al them that this litel werke shal see_/ here_/ or rede to have me for excused for the rude symple makyng and reducyn in to our englisshe_/ ,and where as is defaute to correcte and amende_/ and in so doyng they shal deserve meryte and thanke_/ and ,i shal pray for them_/ that god of his grete mercy shal rewarde them in his everlastyng blisse in heven_/ to the whiche he brynge us_/ that wyth his precious blood redemed us ,amen ,,table4 ,this booke conteyneth 4iiii4 traytees_/ ,the first traytee is of the ,invencion of this playe of the chesse1_/ and conteyneth 4iii4 chapitres ,the first chapitre is under what kynge this play was founden ,the 4ii4 chapitre_/ who fonde this playe ,the 4iii4 chapitre_/ treteth of 4iii4 causes why hit was made and founden ,the second traytee treteth of the chesse men_/ and conteyneth 4v4 chapitres ,the first chapitre treteth of the form of a kynge and of suche thinges as apperteyn to a kynge ,the 4ii4 chapitre treteth of y'e quene her forme maners ,the 4iii4 chapitre of the forme of the alphins and her offices and maners ,the 4iiii4 chapitre is of the knyght and of his offices ,the 4v4 is of the rooks and of their maners and offices ,the thirde traytee is of the offices of the comyn peple ,and hath 4viii4 chapitres ,the first chapitre is of the labourers tilinge of the erthe ,the 4ii4 of fmythis and other werkes in yron metall #dc ,the 4iii4 is of drapers and makers of cloth notaries ,the 4iiii4 is of marchantes and chaungers #dd ,the 4v4 is of phisicyens and cirugiens and apotecaries #de ,the 4vi4 is of tauerners and hostelers #df ,the 4vii4 is of y'e gardes of the citees tollers cuftomers #dg ,the 4viii4 is of ribauldes disepleyars and currours ,the 4iiii4 traytee is of the meuyng and yssue of them ,and hath 4viii4 chapitres ,the first is of the eschequer ,the seconde of the yssue and progression of the kynge ,the thirde of the yssue of the quene ,the fourth is of the yssue of the alphyns ,the fifth is of the yssue of the knyghtes ,the sixty chapitre of the yssue of the rooks ,the seuenth is of the meuynge yssue of the comyn peple ,and the eyght and laste chapitre is of the epilegacion4 ,and of the recapitulacion of all these forsaid chapitres4 ,,book ,i4 ,illustration ,this first chapiter of the first tractate sheweth under what kynge the play of the chesse was founden and maad434 ,amonge all the euyll condicions and signes that may be in a man the first and y'e grettest is whan he feereth not_/ ne dredeth to displese and make wroth god by synne_/ and the peple by lyuyng disordynatly_/ whan he reccheth not_/ ner taketh hede unto them that repreue hym and his vices_/ but fleeth them_/ ,in suche wyse as dide the emperour ,nero_/ whiche dide do slee his maister seneque ,for as moche as he might not suffre to be repreuid and taught of hym ,in lyke wyse was somtyme a kynge in babiloine that was named ,evilmerodach a ,jolye man with oute ,justice and so cruell that he dyde do hewe his faders body in thre honderd pieces_/ ,and gaf hit to ete and deuour to thre honderd birdes that men calle wultres ,and was of suche condicion as was ,nero_/ ,and right well resemblid and was lyke unto his fader ,nabogodonosor_/ whiche on a tyme wold do flee alle the sage and wyse men of babylonye_/ ,for as moche as they coude not telle hym his dreme that he had dremed on a nyght and had forgoten hit lyke as it is wreton in the bible in the book of danyell_/ ,under this kynge than ,evilmerodach was this game and playe of the chesse founden_/ ,trewe it is that some men wene_/ that this playe was founden in the tyme of the bataylles siege of troye ,but that is not soo ,for this playe cam to the playes of the caldees as dyomedes the greek sayth and reherceth ,that amonge the philosophrs was the most renomed playe amonge all other playes_/ ,and after that_/ cam this playe in the tyme of ,alixandre the grete in to ,egipte ,and so unto alle the parties toward the south_/ ,and the cause wherfore thys playe was so renomed shall be sayd in the thirde chapitre4 ,illustration ,this second chapitre of the first tra#ctate sheweth who fonde first the playe of the chesse4 ,thys playe fonde a phylosopher of ,thoryent whiche was named in ,caldee ,exerses or in greke philometor_/ which is as moche to saye in english as he that loveth ,justice and mesure_/ ,and this philosopher was renomed gretly amonge the grekes and them of ,athenes whiche were good clerkys and philosophers also renomed of theyr connynge4 ,this philosopher was so ,juste and trewe that he had leuyr dye_/ than to lyue longe and be a fals flaterer wyth the sayd kynge4 ,for whan he behelde the foull and synfull lyf of the kynge_/ ,and that no man durst blame hym4 ,for by his grete cruelte he putte them alle to deth that displesid hym_/ he put hym self in paryll of deth_/ ,and louyd and chees rather to dye than lenger to lyue3 ,the euyll lyf and diffamed of a kynge is the lyf of a cruell beste_/ ,and ought not longe to be susteyned_/ ,for he destroyeth hym that displesith hym_/ ,and therfore reherceth valerius_/ that ther was a wise man named theodore cerem whom his kynge dyde do hange on the crosse for as moche as he repreuyd hym of his euyll fowll lyf ,and all way as he was in the torment he said to y'e kynge_/ upon thy counceyllours them that ben cladd in thy clothynge robes were more reson that this torment shold come_/ ,for as moche as they dar not saye to the ,the trouthe for to do ,justice right wysly_/ of my self ,i make no force whether ,i dye on the lande or on the water or otherwyse c as who sayth he recched not to dye for ,justice_/ ,in lyke wyse as democreon the philosophre put out his owen eyen be cause he wold not see that no good myght come to the euyll and vicyous peple wyth out right ,and also defortes the philosophre as he went toward his deth_/ his wyf that folowed after hym saide that he was dampned to deth wrongfully_/ than he answerd and sayd to her_/ holde thy peas and be styll_/ hit is better and more merytorye to dye by a wronge and unrightfull ,jugement_/ than that ,i had deseruyd to dye4 ,illustration4 ,the thirde chapitre of the first tractate treteth wherfore the playe was founden and maad4 ,the causes wherfore this playe was founden ben thre_/ the first was for to correcte and repreue the kynge 4,for whan this kynge ,evilmerodach sawe this playe ,and the barons knyghtes and gentillmen of his court playe wyth the philosopher_/ he meruaylled gretly of the beaulte and nouelte of the playe_/ ,and desired to playe agaynst y'e philosopher_/ ,the philosopher answerd and sayd to hym that hit myght not be doon4 ,but yf he first lerned the playe_/ ,the kynge said hit was reson and that he wold put him to the payne to lerne hit ,than the philosopher began to teche hym and to shewe hym the maner of the table of the chesse borde and the chesse meyne_/ ,and also the maners and condicions of a kynge of the nobles and of the comun peple and of theyr offices and how they shold be touchid and drawen4 ,and how he shold amende hymself become vertuous ,and whan this kynge herde that he repreuyd hym_/ ,he demanded hym upon payne of deth to tell hym wherfore he had founden and made this playe_/ ,and he answerd my ryght dere lord and kynge_/ the grettest and most thinge that ,i desire is that thou haue in thy self a gloryous and vertuous lyf ,and that may ,i not see_/ but yf thou be endoctrined and well manerd and that had_/ so mayst thou be belouyd of thy peple ,thus than ,i desire y't thou haue other gouernement than thou hast had_/ ,and that thou haue upon thy self first seygnorye and maistrye suche as thou hast upon other by force and not by right ,certaynly hit is not ryght that a man be mayster ouer other and comandour_/ whan he can not rewle ner may rewle himself and that his vertues domyne aboue his vices_/4 ,for seygnourye by force and wylle may not longe endure_/ ,than thus may thou see oon of the causes why and wherfore ,i haue founden and maad thys playe_/ whyche is for to correcte and repent the of thy tyrannye and vicyous lyuynge_/ 4,for alle kynges specyally ought to here her corrygeours or correctours and her corrections to hold and kepe in mynde_/ ,in lyke wyse as ,valerius reherceth that the kynge ,alixandre had a noble and renomed knyght that sayd in repreuynge of ,alixandre that he was to moche couetous and in especyall of the honours of the world_/ ,and sayd to hym yf the goddes had maad thy body as greet as is thy herte ,alle the world coude not holde the_/4 ,for thou holdest in thy right hand alle the ,oryent_/ ,and in thy lyfte hande the occident_/ syn than hit is so_/ or thou art a god or a man or nought_/ yf thou be god doo than well and good to the peple as god doth_/ ,and take not from them that they ought to haue and is theyres4 yf thou be a man_/ thinke that thou shalt dye_/ ,and than thou shalt doo noon euyll_/ yf thou be nought forgete thy self_/ ther is no thynge so stronge and ferme_/ but that somtyme a feble thinge casteth doun and ouerthrowe hit ,how well that the lyon be the strengest beste_/ yet somtyme a lityll birde eteth hym_/ ,the seconde cause wherfore this playe was founden and maad_/ was for to kepe hym from ydlenesse_/ whereof senecque saith unto lucylle ydlenes wyth oute ony ocupacion is sepulture of a man lyuyng_/ and varro saith in his sentences that in lyke wise as men goo not for to goo_/ the same wyse the lyf is not gyuen for to lyue but for to doo well and good_/ ,and therfore secondly the philosopher fonde this playe for to kepe the peple from ydlenes_/4 ,for there is moche peple4 ,whan so is that they be fortunat in worldly goodes that they drawe them to ease and ydlenes wherof cometh ofte tymes many euyllys and grete synnes ,and by this ydlenes the herte is quenchid wherof cometh desperacion_/ ,the thirde cause is that euery man naturelly desireth to knowe and to here noueltees and tydynges4 ,for this cause they of atthenes studyed as we rede_/ and for as the corporall or bodyly fight enpessheth and letteth otherwhyle the knowleche of subtyll thinges_/ therfore we rede that #dh democrion the phylosopher put oute his owen eyen_/ for as moche as he myght haue the better entendement and understondynge_/ ,many haue ben made blynde that were grete clerkis in lyke wyse as was dydymus bisshop of ,alixandrye_/ that how well that he sawe not yet he was so grete a clerk_/ that gregore nazan saynt ,ierome that were clerkes and maystres to other_/ came for to be his scolers lerned of hym ,and saynt ,anthonie ,the grete heremyte cam for to see hym on a tyme_/ and amonge all other thynges_/ he demanded hym yf he were not gretly displesid that he was blynde and sawe not4 ,and he answerd that he was gretly abasshid for that he supposid not that he was not displesid in that he had lost his sight_/ ,and saynt ,anthonye answerd to hym ,i meruayle moche that hit displesith the that thou hast lost that thynge whiche is comyn betwene the and bestes4 ,and thou knowest well that thou hast not loste that thynge that is comyn bitwene the and the angellis ,and for thise causes forsayd the philosopher entended to put away alle pensisnes and thoughtes_/ and to thinke only on this playe as shall be said appere in this book after4 ,,book ,,ii4 ,illustration ,the seconde tractate_/ the first chapiter treteth of the forme of a kynge of his maners and of his estate4 ,the kynge must be thus maad4 ,for he must sitte in a chayer clothed in purpure_/ crowned on his heed in his ryght hand a ceptre and in the lyfte hande an apple of gold_/4 ,for he is the most grettest and hyest in dignyte aboue alle other and most worthy4 ,and that is signefyed by the corone_/4 ,for the glorye of the peple is the dignite of the kynge_/ ,and aboue all other the kynge ought to be replenysshid with vertues and of grace_/ and thys signefieth the purpure4 ,for in lyke wyse as the robes of purpure maketh fayr enbelysshith the body_/ the same wise vertues maketh the sowle_/ he ought alleway thenke on the gouernement of the ,royame and who hath thadmynystracion of ,justice_/ ,and thys shuld be by hym self pryncipally4 ,this signefieth the appell of gold that he holdeth in his lyfte honde_/ ,and for as moche as hit apperteyneth unto hym to punysshe the rebelles hath he y'e sceptre in his right hand ,and for as moche as mysericorde and trouthe conserue and kepe the kynge in his trone_/ ,therfore ought a kynge to be mercyfull and debonayr ,for whan a kynge or prynce desired or will be belouyd of his peple late hym be gouerned by debonarite ,and valerius saith that debonairte percyth the hertes of straungers and amolisshith and maketh softe the hertes of his enemyes_/ wherof he reherceth that philostratus that was due of athenes had a doughter_/ whom a man louyd so ardantly_/ that on a tyme as he sawe her wyth her moder_/ sodaynly he cam and kyssed her_/ wherof the moder was so angry and soroufull that she wente and requyred of her lord the duc_/ that his heed myght be smyten of_/ ,the prynce answerd to her and sayde_/ yf we shold slee them that loue us_/ what shall we doo to our enemyes that hate us_/ ,certaynly this was thanswer of a noble debonair prynce ,that suffred that villonye don to his doughter and to hymself yet more ,this prince had also a frende that was named ,arispe that sayd on a tyme as moche villonye unto the prynce as ony man miht saye ,and that might not suffise hym_/ but he scracchid hym in the visage_/ ,the prynce suffryd hym paciently in suche wyse as thowh he had doon to hym no vilonye but curtoysye ,and whan his sones wold haue auengid this vilonye_/ he comanded them that they shold not be so hardy so to do ,the next day folowyng arispe remembrid of the right grete vilonye that he had don to his frende and lord wythoute cause4 ,he fyll in dispayr and wold haue slayn hym self_/ whan the duc knewe and understode that_/ he cam to hym and sayd ne doubte the nothynge ,and swore to hym by his fayth_/ that also well he was and shold be his frende fro than forthon as euery he had ben to fore yf he wold ,and thus he respited hym of his deth by his debonairte4 ,and in lyke wyse rede we of the kynge pirre to whom was reported that they of tarente had said grete vilonye of hym4 ,for whiche cause he maad alle them to come to fore hym ,and demanded of them yf they had so sayd4 ,than oon of them answerd and sayd_/ yf the wyn and the candellys had not fayllyd_/ thys langage had ben but a ,iape_/ ,in regarde of that we had thought to haue doon_/ ,than the kynge began to lawhe_/ for they had confessid that suche langage as was sayd and spoken was by dronkenship_/ ,and for this cause of debonairte the peple of tarante toke for a custome that the dronken men shold be puuysshyd_/ ,and the sobre men preyfed4 ,the kynge than thus ought to loue humylyte and hate falsite after the holy scripture that speketh of euery man generally_/ ,for the kynge in his royame representeth god_/ ,and god is verite_/ ,and therfore hym ought to saye no thynge but yf hit were veritable and stable4 ,valerius reherceth that ,alixandre wyth alle his ooste rood for to destroye a cyte whyche was named lapsare_/ whan than a phylosophre whiche had to name ,anaximenes which had ben to fore maistre gouernour of ,alixandre herd and understood of his comyng ,cam agayn ,alixandre for to desire and requyre of hym4 ,and whan he sawe ,alixandre he supposid to haue axid his requefte_/ ,alixandre brake his demande to fore and swore to hym to fore he axid ony thynge by his goddes4 ,that suche thynge as he axid or requyryd of hym_/ he wold in no wyse doon_/ ,than the philosopher requyred hym to destroye the cyte_/ whan ,alixandre understood his desire_/ and the oth that he had maad_/ he suffrid the cyte to stande and not to be destroyed ,for he had leuer doo his wyll than to be periured and forsworn and doo agaynst his oth_/ ,quyntilian saith that no grete man ne lord shold not swere_/ but where as is grete nede_/ ,and that the symple parole or worde of a prynce ought to be more stable than the oth of a marchaut_/ ,alas how kepe the prynces their promisses in thise dayes_/ not only her promises but their othes her fealis and wrytynges signes of their propre handes_/ alle faylleth god amende hit c4 ,a kynge also ought to hate alle cruelte_/ ,for we rede that neuer yet dyed ony pietous persone of euyll deth ne cruell persone of good deth ,therfore recounteth valerius that ther was a man named theryle a werke-man in metall_/ that made a boole of coppre and a lityll wyket on the side_/ wherby men myght put in them that shuld be brent therin_/ ,and hit was maad in suche manere_/ that they that shold be put and enclosid therin shold crye nothinge lyke to the wys of a man but of an oxe4 ,and this made he be cause men shold haue the lasse pite of them4 ,whan he had made this hole of copper_/ he presented hit unto a kynge which was callyd philarde that was so cruell a tyrant that he delited in no thinge but in cruelte ,and he told hym the condicion of the bole_/ ,whan philarde herde and understode this_/ he alowed and preysed moche the werke_/ ,and after sayde to hym_/ thou that art more cruell than ,i am_/ thou shalt assaye prove first thy sente and yeft_/ ,and so made hym to goo in to the boole and dye an euyll deth_/ ,therfore faith ,ouide ther is no thinge more raisonable than that a man dye of suche deth as he purchaseth unto other ,also the kynge ought souerainly kepe ,iustice_/ who maketh or kepeth a royame with oute ,iustice_/ of verray force ther muste be grete robberye and thefte ,therfor reherceth saint ,augustyn in a book which is intituled the cyte of god_/ that there was a theef of the see named diomedes that was a grete rouar and dide so moche harme that the complaintes cam to fore ,alixander whiche dide hym to be taken brought to fore hym_/ and he demanded hym wherfore he was so noyous cruell in the see ,and he answerd to hym agayn_/ for as moche as thou art oon a lande in the world_/ so am ,i another in y'e see_/ but for as moche as the euyll y't ,i doo is in oon galeye or tweyne therfore ,i am callyd a theef_/ but for as moche as thou dost in many shippis and with grete puyssance and power_/ therfore art thou callyd an emperour_/ but yf fortune were for me in suche wyse_/ ,i wold be come a good man and better than ,i now am_/ but thou_/ the more richer and fortunat that thou art_/ the more worse art thou_/ ,alixander sayd to hym ,i shall change thy fortune in suche wyse as thou ne saye_/ that thou shalt doo hit by pouerte_/ but for euyll and mauaiste_/ ,and so he made hym ryche_/ ,and thys was he that afterward was a good prynce and a good ,iusticyer_/ ,the kynge ought to be soueraynly chaste_/ ,and this signefyeth a quene that is only on his ryght syde ,for hit is to be beleuyd and credible that whan the kynge is a good man ,iuste4 trewe of good maners and condicions_/ that his children shall folowe gladly the same_/ for a good sone a trewe ought not to forsake goo fro y'e good condicions of his fader4 ,for certes hit is agaynst god and nature in partie whan a man taketh other than his propre wyf_/ ,and that see we by birdes_/ of whom the male and female haue to gyder the charge in kepynge and norisshinge of their yonge fowlis and birdis_/4 ,for some maner of fowlis kepen them to theyr femeles only_/ ,as hit appereth by storkes dowues and turtils_/ ,but tho fowles that norisshith not their birdes haue many wyues and femelles_/ ,as the cock that no thynge norisshith his chekens_/ ,and therfore amonge alle the bestes that been_/ ,man and woman putteth most theyr entente and haue moste cure charge in norisshyng of their children_/ ,and therfore doon they agaynst nature in partye whan they leue theyr wyues for other women_/ ,of this chastete reherceth valerius an example and faith that ther was a man of rome which was named scipio affrican4 ,for as moche as he had conquerd affricque how well that he was of rome born4 ,whan he was of 4xxxiiii4 yer of age he conquerd cartage ,and toke moche peple in ,ostage_/ ,amonge whom he was presented wyth a right fair mayde for his solas and playsir whiche was assurid and handfast unto a noble yong gentillman of cartage whiche was named ,indiuicible_/ ,and anon as this gentill scipio knewe that ,notwythstandyng that he was a prynce noble lusty ,dyde do calle anon the parents and kynnesmen of them ,and deliuerid to them their doughter wyth oute doyng of ony vilonye to her_/ and y'e rnsom or gold that they had ordeyned for their doughter_/ gaf hit euery dele ,in dowaire to her ,and the yong man that was her husbonde sawe the fraunchise and gentilnes of hym_/ torned hymself and the hertes of the noble peple unto the loue alliance of the romayns_/ ,and this suffiseth as towchynge the kynge c4 ,illustration ,the seconde chapitre of the seconde book treteth of the forme and maners of the ,quene4 ,thus ought the ,quene be maad_/ she ought to be a fair lady sittynge in a chayer and crowned wyth a corone on her heed and cladd wyth a cloth of gold a mantyll aboue furrid wyth ermynes ,and she shold sytte on the lyfte syde of the kinge for the amplections and enbrasynge of her husbonde_/ lyke as it is sayd in scripture in the canticles_/ her lyfte arme shall be under my heed ,and her ryght arme fhall#di be clyppe and enbrace me_/ ,in that she is sette on his lyfte syde is by grace gyuen to the kynge by nature and of ryght4 ,for better is to haue a kynge by succession than by election_/ ,for oftentymes the electours and chosers can not ne wyll not accorde_/ ,and so is the election left_/ ,and otherwhyle they chese not the beste and most able and conuenyent_/ but hym that they best loue_/ or is for them most proffytable_/ ,but whan the kynge is by lignage and by trewe succession_/ he is taught enseygned and nourrishid in his yongth in alle good vertuous tacches and maners of hys fader_/ ,and also the prynces of the royame dar not so hardily mene warre agaynst a kynge hauynge a sone for to regne after hym ,and so a ,quene ought to be chaste4 wyse4 of honest peple_/ well manerd and not curyous in nourisshynge of her children_/ her wyfedom ought not only tappere in feet and werkes but also in spekynge that is to wete that she be secrete and telle not suche thynges as ought to be holden secrete_/ ,wherfore it is a comyn prouerbe that women can kepe no counceyle ,and accordyng therto ,macrobe reherceth in the book of the dremes of ,scipio4 ,that ther was a child of rome that was named papirus that on a tyme went with his fader whiche was a senatour into the chambre where as they helde their counceyll ,and that tyme they spak of suche maters as was comanded and agreed shold be kept secrete upon payn of their heedes ,and so departed ,and whan he was comen home from the senatoire and fro the counceyll with his fader_/ his moder demanded of hym what was the counceyll and wherof they spack and had taryed so longe there ,and the childe answerd to her and sayd he durst not telle ner saye hit for so moche as hit was defended upon payn of deth ,than was the moder more desirous to knowe than she was to fore_/ ,and began to flatere hym one tyme ,and afterward to menace hym that he shold saye and telle to her what hit was ,and whan the childe sawe that he might haue no reste of his moder in no wife ,he made her first promise that she shold kepe hit secrete ,and to telle hit to none of the world_/ ,and that doon_/ he fayned a lesing or a lye and sayd to her_/ that the senatours had in counceyll a grete question and difference whiche was this_/ whether hit were better and more for the comyn wele of rome_/ that a man shold have two wyuys_/ or a wyf to haue two husbondes_/ ,and whan she had understonde this_/ he defended her that she shold telle hit to none other body ,and after this she wente to her gossyb and told to her this counceyll secretly_/ ,and she told to an other_/ ,and thus euery wyf tolde hit to other in secrete ,and thus hit happend anone after that alle the wyues of rome cam to the senatorye where the senatours were assemblid_/ ,and cryed wyth an hye voys_/ that they had leuer_/ and also hit were better for the comyn wele that a wyf shold haue two husbondes than a man two wyues_/ ,the senatours heerynge this4 were gretly abasshid and wist not what to saye_/ ner how to answere_/ tyll at laste that the child papire reherced to them all the caas and feet how hit was happend ,and whan the senatours herd understood the mater they were gretly abasshid_/ and comended gretly y'e ,ingenye wytte of the child that so wisely contriued the lye rather than he wolde discouere their couceyll_/ ,and forthwith made hym a senatour_/ and establisshid ordeyned fro than forthon that no childe in ony wise sholl entre in to y'e counceyll hous amonge them with their faders exept papirus_/ whome they wold y't he shold alwey be among them_/ also a quene ought to be chaste_/ for as she is aboue all other in astate reuerece so shold she be ensample to all other in her liuyng honestly_/ wherof ,ierome reherceth agaynst ,ionynyan_/ that ther was a gentilman of rome named duele_/ and this man was he y't first fond y'e maner to fight on y'e water_/ and had first victorie_/ this duele had to his wif one of the best women so chaste_/ that euery woman might take ensample of her_/ ,and at y't tyme the synne of the flesshe was the grettest synne y't ony might doo agaynst nature_/ ,and this sayd good woman was named ylye_/ and so it happend that this duele becam so olde that he stowped quaqued for age ,and on a tyme one of his aduersaries repreuyd reprochid hym sayng that he had a stynkynge breth_/ ,and forthwyth he wente home to his wyf alle angry and abasshid and axid her why and wherfore she had not told his defaulte to hym that he myght haue founden remedye to haue ben purgid therof_/ ,and she answerd that as for as moche as she supposid that euery man had that same faute as well as he4 ,for she kyst neuer ony mannes mouth but her husbondes_/ ,o moche was this woman to be preysed haue a singuler lawde wenynge that this defaulte had not ben only in her husbonde_/ wherfore she suffrid hit paciently in suche wyse that her husbonde knewe his defaute sonner by other than by her_/ ,also we rede that ther was a wedowe named anna_/ whiche had a frende that counceyllid her to marye_/ ,for she was yong fayr and riche_/ to whom she answerd that she wold not so doo in no wise ,for yf ,i shold haue an husbond as ,i haue had and that he were as good as he was_/ ,i shold euer ben a ferd to lose hym_/ lyke as ,i lost that other_/ ,and than shold ,i lyue all wey in fere drede_/ whiche ,i wyll not ,and yf hit happend me to haue awors_/ what shold hyt prouffite me to haue an euyll husbond after a good4 ,and so she concluded that she wold kepe her chastete4 ,saynt ,austyn reherceth in the book de ,civitate dei that in rome was a noble lady gentill of maners of hyghe kynrede named lucrecia_/ ,and had an husbonde named colatyne_/ whiche desired on a tyme the ,emours sone named ,torquyne thorguyllous or the proude and he was callid sixte for to come dyne and sporte hym in his castell or manoir ,and whan he was entrid amonge many noble ladyes he sawe lucrecia_/ ,and whan this ,emours sone had seen aduertised her deportes4 her contenance4 her manere4 and her beaulte_/ he was all rauysshid and esprised wyth her loue forthwyth ,and espyed a tyme whan her husbonde collatyn wente unto the ooste of themour_/ and camm to the place where as lucresse was with her felawship_/ whom she receyuyd honorably_/ and whan tyme came to goo to bedde and slepe she made redy a bedde ryally for hym as hit apperteyned to the emperours sone ,and this sixtus espyed where lucresia laye4 ,and whan he supposyd knewe that euery body was in his first sleep_/ he cam to the bedde of lucresse and that oon hand sette on her breste and in that other hand a naked swerd_/ and sayd to her_/ lucresse holde thy pees and crye not_/ ,for ,i am sixte tarquynus sone_/ for yf y'u speke ony worde thou shalt be dede_/ ,and for fere she held her pees_/ ,than he began to praye and promise many thinges ,and after he menaced thretenyd her that she shold enclyne to hym to do his wyll_/ ,and whan he sawe he coude ner might haue his entent he sayd to her yf thou do not my wyll_/ ,i shall slee the and oon of thy seruantes and shall leye hym all ded by thy syde ,and than ,i shall saye that ,i haue slayn yow for your rybawdrye_/ ,and lucresse that than doubted more the shame of the world than the deth consentid to hym_/ ,and anone after as the ,emours sone was departid_/ the ladye sente l99res to her husbond her fader her brethern to her frendes_/ and to a man callid brute conceyllour neuewe to tarquyn_/ ,and sayd to them_/ that yesterday sixte the emp99ours sone cam in to myn hous as an enemye in likenes of a frende_/ hath oppressid me ,and knowe y'u colatyn that he hath dishonorid thy bedde ,and how well y't he hath fowled dishonored my body_/ yet myn herte is not_/ wherfore ,i beseche the of pardon foryfnes absolucion of the trespas but not of the payne_/ and he y't hath doon this synne to me hit shall ben to his meschance yf y'e doo your deuoir_/ ,and be cause no woman take ensample of lucresse and lyue after the trespaas_/ but that she in lyke wyse take ensample also of the payne ,and forthwyth wyth a swerd that she helde under her gowen or robe_/ she roof her self unto the herte ,and deyde forthwyth to fore them_/ ,and than brute the counseillr ,and her husbond collatyn and alle her other frendes swore by the blood of lucresse that they wold neuer reste vnto the tyme that they had put out of rome tarquyn and and alle his lignee_/ ,and that neuer after none of them shold come to dignite_/ ,and alle this was doon4 ,for they bare the dede corps thurgh the cyte and meuyd the peple in suche wyse_/ that tarquyn was put in exyle ,and fixte his sone was slayn_/ ,a ,quene ought to be well manerd amonge alle she ought to be tumerous and shamefast_/ ,for whan a woman hath loste shamefastnes_/ she may ner can not well be chaast_/ ,wherfore saith symachus that they that ben not shamefast haue no conscience of luxurye_/ ,and saynt ,ambrose saith that oon of the best parements and maketh a woman most fayr in her persone_/ is to be shamefast_/ ,senecque reherceth that ther was oon named ,archezille whiche was so shamefast ,that she put in a pelow of fethers a certain some of money_/ and put hit vnder y'e heed of a pour frende of heeris_/ whiche dissimyled his pouerte and wold not ner durst not be a knowen of his pouerte ,for for shame she durst not gyue hit openly_/ but had leuer that he shold fynde hit_/ than that she had gyuen hit hym_/ ,wherfore otherwhile men shold gyue helpe her frendes so secretly ,that they knowe not whens hit come_/ ,for whan we kepe hit secret and make no boost therof_/ our deedes and werkes shall plese god and them also_/ ,a ,quene ought to be chosen whan she shall be wedded of the most honest kynrede and peple_/ ,for oftentymes the doughters folowen the tacches and maners of them that they ben discended from_/ ,wherof ,valerius maximus sayth that ther was one that wold marye_/ whiche cam to a philosopher and axid counceyll what wif he might best take ,he answerd that he shold take her that thou knowe certaynly that her moder and her grauntdame haue ben chaast and well condicioned_/ ,for suche moder_/ suche doughter comunely_/ ,alfo a quene ought to teche her childern to ben contynent and kepe chastite entyerly_/ as hit is wreton in ecclesiastes_/ yf thou haue sones enseigne and teche them_/ ,and yf thou haue doughters kepe well them in chastite_/ ,for helemonde reherceth that euery kynge prynce ought to be a clerke for to comande to other to studye and rede the lawe of our lord god_/ ,and therfore wrote themperour to the kynge of france that he shold doo lerne hys children sones the seuen sciences lyberall_/ ,and saide amonge other thynges that a kynge not lettryd resembleth an asse coroned_/ ,themperour ,octauian maad his sones to be taught and lerne to swyme4 to sprynge and lepe4 to ,iufte4 to playe wyth the axe and swerde_/ ,and alle maner thynge that apperteyneth to a knyght_/ ,and his doughters he made hem to lerne4 to sewe4 to spynne4 to laboure as well in wolle as in lynnen cloth_/ ,and alle other werkis longynge to women ,and whan his frendes demanded wherfore he dyde so_/ he answerd how well that he was lord syre of alle the world_/ yet wyste he not what shold befalle of his children and whether they shold falle or come to pouerte or noo_/ and therfore yf they conne a good crafte they maye alleway lyue honestly_/ ,the ,quene ought to kepe her doughters in alle chastyte_/ ,for we rede of many maydens that for theyr virginite haue ben made quenes_/ ,for poule the historiagraph of the lombardes reherceth y't ther was a duchesse named remonde whiche had 4iii4 sones two doughters ,and hit happend that the kynge of hongrye cantanus assaylled a castell where she behelde her enemyes ,and amonge all other she sawe the kynge that he was a well faryng and goodly man_/ ,anone she was esprised and taken wyth his loue_/ ,and that so sore_/ that forthwith she sent to hym that she wold deliuere ouer the castell to hym yf he wold take her to his wyf and wedde her ,and he agreed therto_/ and sware that he wold haue her to his wyf on that condicion_/ whan than the kynge was in the castell_/ his peple toke men and women and alle that they fonde_/ her sones fledde from her_/ of whom one was named ,ermoaldus and was yongest_/ and after was duc of boneuentan_/ ,and syn kynge of the lumbardis4 ,and the two susters toke chikens ,and put hem vnder her armes next the flessh and bytwene her pappes_/ that of the heete chaffyng the flessh of the chikens stanke4 ,and whan so was that they of hongrye wold haue enforcid defowled hem anone they felte the stenche and fledde away and so lefte hem sayng_/ fy how these lombardes stynke_/ and so they kept their virginite_/ wherfore that one of them afterward was ,quene of france ,and that other ,quene of ,aleman_/ ,and hit happend than that the kynge ,catanus toke acordynge to his promyse the duchesse_/ and laye with her one night for to saue his oth ,and on the morn he made her comune unto alle the hongres_/ ,and the thirde day after he dyde doo put a staf of tre fro the nether part of her_/ thurgh her body vnto her throte or mouthe_/ for be cause of the lust of her flessh she betrayed her cyte and sayd suche husbond_/ suche wyf c ,and this sufficeth of the ,quene4 ,the thirde chapitre of the seconde tractate treteth of the alphyns her offices and maners4 ,the ,alphyns ought to be made and formed in manere of ,iuges syttynge in a chayer wyth a book open to fore their eyen_/ ,and that is be cause that some causes ben crymynell_/ ,and some ben cyuyle as aboute possessyons and other temporell thynges and trespaces_/ ,and therfore ought to be two ,iuges in the royame_/ one in the black for the first cause_/ ,and that other in whyte as for the seconde_/ ,theyr office is for to counceyll the kynge_/ ,and to make by his comandements good lawes ,and to enforme alle the royame in good and vertuous maners_/ ,and to ,iuge and gyue sentence well and truly after the caas is had_/ ,and to counceyll well and ,iustely alle them that are counceyll of hem_/ wyth oute hauynge of ony eye opene to ony persone_/ ,and to estudye diligently in suche wyse and to ordeygne alle that_/ that ought to be kept be obseruyd be faste and stable_/ ,so that they be not founde corrupt for yeft for favour ne for lignage ne for enuye variable ,and as touchynge the first poynt ,seneque sayth in the book of benefetes that the poure ,dyogenes was more stronge than ,alixandre_/ ,for ,alixandre coude not gyue fo moche as ,diogenes wold reffuse4 ,marcus cursus a romayn of grete renome sayth thus4 ,that whan he had besiegid assayllyd them of amente ,and boneuentans whiche herde that he was poure_/ they toke a grete masse and wegghe of gold and ended hit to hym prayng hym that he wold resseyue hyt and leue his assault and siege_/ ,and whan they cam with the present to hym they fonde hym sittynge on the erthe and ete his mete oute of platers and disshes of tree and of wode and dyde than her message_/ to whom he answerd and sayde that they shold goo hoome and saye to them that sente hem that marcus cursus loueth better to be lord and wynne richesses than richesses shold wynne hym_/ ,for by bataylle he shall not be ouercome and vaynquysshid ,nor be gold ne siluer he shal not be corrupt ne corompid ,often tymes that thynge taketh an euyll ende that is vntrewe for gold and siluer_/ ,and that a man is subgett vnto money may not be lord therof_/ helimond reherceth that #ej demoncene demanded of aristodone how moche he had wonne for pletynge of a cause for his clyent_/ ,and he answerd a marck of gold4 #ea ,demoscenes answerd to hym agayn that he had wonne as moche for to hold his pees and speke not ,thus the tonges of aduocates and men of lawe ben yllous and domegeable_/yet they must be had yf thou wylt wynne thy cause for wyth money and yeft thou shall wynne ,and oftetymes they selle as welle theyr scilence_/ as theyr vtterance_/ ,valerius reherceth that the senatours of rome toke counceyll to geder of two persones that one was poure_/ ,and that other riche and couetous_/ whiche of hem bothe were moft apte for to sende to gouerne and ,iuge the contre of spayne_/ and scipion of affricque sayd that none of them bothe were good ner prouffitable to be sente theder_/ ,for that one hath no thynge ,and to that other may nothynge suffise ,and despised in his saynge alle pouerte and auerice in a ,iuge_/ ,for a couetous man hath nede of an halfpeny ,for he is seruant bonde vnto money_/ and not lord therof4 ,but pouerte of herte of wylle ought to be gretly alowed in a ,iuge ,therfore we rede that as longe as the romayns louyd pouerte they were lordes of all the world ,for many ther were that exposed alle their goodes for the comyn wele and for that was most prouffitable for the comynaulte that they were so poure that whan they were dede they were buryed brought to erthe with the comyn good_/ ,and theyr doughters were maryed by the comandement of the senatours_/ ,but syn that they despised pouerte_/ ,and begonne to gadre rychesses_/ ,and haue maad grete bataylles_/ they haue vsed many synnes ,and so the comyn wele perysshid_/ ,for there is no synne but that it regneth there_/ ,ther is none that is so #eb synfull as he that hath alle the world in despyte_/ ,for he is in pees that dredeth no man_/ ,and he is ryche that coueyteth no thynge_/ ,valere reherceth that he is not ryche that moche hath_/ ,but he is ryche that hath lytyll and coueyteth no thynge_/ ,than thus late the ,iuges take hede that they enclyne not for loue or for hate in ony ,iugement_/ ,for theophrast saith that alle loue is blynde ther loue is_/ ther can not ryght ,iugement by guyen_/ ,for alle loue is blynde ,and therfore loue is none euyn ,iuge ,for ofte tymes loue ,iugeth a fowll lothly woman to be fayr ,and so reherceth quynte curse in his first book that the grete ,godaches sayth the same to ,alixandre men may saye in this caas that nature is euyll ,for euery man is lasse auysed and worse in is owne feet and cause than in an other mans_/ ,and therfore the ,iuges ought to kepe hem well from yre in ,iugement_/ ,tullius sayth that an angry yrous sone weneth that for to doo euyll_/ is good counceyll_/ and socrates saith y't 4ii4 thinges ben contraryous to couceyll_/ and they ben haftynes wrath_/ and ,galeren sayth in ,alexandrye_/ yf yre or wrath ouercome the whan thou sholdest gyue ,iugement_/ weye all thinge in y'e balance so that thy ,iugement be not enclyned by loue ne by yeste_/ ne fauour of persone torne not thy corage4 ,helemond reherceth that ,cambyses kynge of perse whiche was a rightwys kynge had an vnrightwys ,iuge_/ whiche for enuye and euyll will had dampned a man wrongfully and agaynst right_/ wherfore he dide hym to be flain all quyk_/ and made the chayer or fiege of ,iugement to be couerid wyth his skyn_/ ,and made his sone ,iuge and to sitte in the chayer on the skyn of his fader_/ to thende that the sone shold ,iuge rightwysly_/ ,and abhorre the ,iugement payne of his fader_/ ,iuges ought to punysshe the defaultes egally ,and fullfille the lawe that they ordeyne_/ ,caton sayth accomplisshe and do the lawe in suche wyse as thou hast ordeyned and gyuen4 ,valerius reherceth that calengius a consull had a sone whiche was taken in adwultrye4 ,and therfore after the lawe at that tyme he was dampned to lose bothe his eyen ,the fader wold y't the lawe shold be accoplisshid in his sone with out fauour_/ but all the cyte was meuyd herewyth ,and wold not suffre hit_/ but in the ende his fader was vaynquysshid by theyr prayers_/ ,and ordeyned that his sone shold lese oon eye whiche was put oute ,and he hymself lost an other eye_/ ,and thus was the lawe obserued and kept_/ ,and the prayer of the peple was accomplisshid ,we rede y't ther was a counceyllour of rome that had gyen counceill to make a statute_/ that who some euer that entrid in to the senatoire_/ a swerd gyrt aboute hym shold be ded_/ ,than hit happend on a tyme that he cam from with out and entrid in to the senatoyre his swerd gyrt aboute hym_/ wherof he took non heede_/ and on of the senatours told hym of hit_/ and whan he knewe hit remembrid the statute_/ he drewe oute his swerd slewe hymself to fore them_/ rather to dye than to breke the lawe_/ for whos deth all the senatours made grete sorowe_/ but alas we fynde not many in thise dayes that soo doo_/ but they doo lyke as anastasius saith that the lawes of some ben lyke vnto the nettis of spyncoppis that take no grete bestes fowles but lete goo flee thurgh4 ,but they take flyes gnattes suche smale thynges_/ ,in lyke wise the lawes now a dayes ben not executed but vpon the poure peple_/ the grete and riche breke hit goo thurgh with all ,and for this cause sourden bataylles discordes_/ and make y'e grete riche men to take by force and strengthe lordshippis seignouries vpon the smale poure peple_/ ,and this doon they specially that ben gentill of lignage poure of goodes ,and causeth them to robbe and reue ,and yet constrayned them by force to serue them ,and this is no meruayll_/ for they that drede not to angre god_/ ner to breke the lawe and to false hit_/ ,falle often tymes by force in moche cursednes and wikkidnes_/ but whan the grete peple doo acordinge to the lawe_/ and punysh the transgressours sharply ,the comyn peple abstayne and withdrawe hem fro dooyng of euyll_/ and chastiseth hem self by theyr example_/ ,and the ,iuges ought to entende for to studie_/ for y't yf smythes the carpentiers y'e vignours and other craftymen saye that it is most necessarye to studye for the comyn prouffit ,and gloryfye them in their connyng and saye that they ben prouffitable ,than shold the ,iuges studie and contemplaire moche more than they in that_/ that shold be for the comyn wele_/ wherfore sayth seneke beleue me that they seme that they do no thynge they doo more than they that laboure ,for they doo spirytuell and also corporall werkis_/ and therfore amonge ,artificers ther is no plesant reste_/ ,but that reson of the ,iuges hath maad and ordeyned hit_/ ,and therfore angelius in libro actiui atticatorum de socrate sayth ,that socrates was on a tyme so pensyf that in an hole naturell daye_/ ,he helde one estate that he ne meuyd mouth ne eye ne foote ne hand but was as he had ben ded rauyshyd4 ,and whan one demanded hym wherfore he was fo pensyf_/ he answerd in alle worldly thynges and labours of the fame ,and helde hym bourgoys and cytezeyn of the world ,and valerius reherceth that carnardes a knyght was so age wye and laborous in pensifnes of the comyn wele_/ that whan he was sette at table for to ete_/ he forgate to put his hande vnto the mete to fede hymself4 ,and therfore his wys y't was named mellye whom he had taken more to haue her companye felawship than for ony other thynge_/ ,fedde hym to thende that he shold not dye for honger in his pensifnes_/ ,dydymus sayd to ,alix-andrie we ben not deynseyns in the world but straugers_/ ner we ben not born in the world for to dwell and abyde allway therein_/ but for to goo and passe thurgh hit_/ we haue doon noon euy dede_/ but that it is worthy to be punysshid and we to suffre payne therfore ,and than we may goon with opon face and good conscience ,and so may we goo lightly and appertly the way that we hope and purpose to goo ,this suffiseth as for the ,alphyns4 ,illustration ,the fourth chapitre of the seconde book treteth of the ordre of cheualerye and knyghthode and of her offices and maners4 ,the knyght ought to be made alle armed upon an hors in suche wyse that he haue an helme on his heed and a spere in his ryght hande_/ and coueryd wyth his sheld_/ a swerde and a mace on his lyft syde_/ ,cladd wyth an hawberk and plates to fore his breste_/ legge harnoys on his legges_/ ,spores on his heelis on his handes his gauntelettes_/ his hors well broken and taught and apte to bataylle and couerid with his armes_/ whan the knyghtes ben maad they ben bayned or bathed_/ that is the signe that they shold lede a newe lyf and newe maners_/ also they wake alle the nyght in prayers and orysons vnto god that he wylle gyue hem grace that they may gete that thynge that they may not gete by nature_/ ,the kynge or prynce gyrdeth a boute them a swerde in signe_/ that they shold abyde and kepe hym of whom they take theyr dispenses and dignyte4 ,also a knyght ought to be wise1 liberall1 trewe1 stronge and full of mercy and pite and kepar of the peple and of the lawe_/ ,and ryght as cheualrye passeth other in vertu in dignite in honour and in reuerece_/ right so ought he to surmounte alle other in vertu_/ ,for honour is no thing ellis but to do reuerece to an other sone for y'e good vertuo'#i disposicion y't is in hym_/ ,a noble knyght ought to be wyse and preuyd to fore he be made knyght_/ hit behoued hym that he had longe tyme vsid the warre and armes_/ that he may be expert and wyse for to gouerne the other ,for syn that a knyght is capitayn of a batayll ,the lyf of them that shall be vnder hym lyeth in his hand ,and therfore behoueth hym to be wyse and well aduysed_/ for some tyme arte craft and engyue is more worth than strengthe or hardynes of a man that is not proued in ,armes_/ ,for otherwhyle hit happeth that whan the prynce of the batayll affieth and trusteth in his hardynes and strength ,and wole not vse wysedom and engyne for to renne vpon his enemyes_/ he is vaynquysshid and his peple slayn_/ ,therfore saith the philosopher that no man shold chese yong peple to be captayns gouernours ,for as moche as ther is no certainte in her wysedom4 ,alexandra of macedone vaynquysshid and conquerid ,egypte ,iude ,caldee ,affricque_/ and ,affirye vnto the marches of bragmans more by the counceyll of olde men than by the strength of the yong men_/ we rede in the historye of rome y't ther was a knyght whiche had to name malechete that was so wyse and trewe that whan the ,emour ,theodosius was dede_/ he made mortall warre ayenst his broder germain whiche was named ,gildo or ,guye ,for as moche as this said guye wold be lorde of affricque with oute leue and wyll of the senatours4 ,and this sayd guye had slayn the two sones of his broder malechete_/ ,and dide moche torment vnto the cristen peple ,and afore that he shold come in to the felde ayenst his broder ,emyon_/ he wente in to an yle of capayre ,and ladde with hym alle the cristen men that had ben sente theder in ,exyle ,and made hem alle to praye wyth hym by the space of thre dayes thre nyghtis_/ ,for he had grete truste in the prayers of good folk_/ specially that noman myght counceyll ne helpe but god_/ and 4iii4 dayes to fore he shold fight saynt ,ambrofe whiche was ded a lityl to fore apperid to hym_/ and shewde hym by reuelacion the tyme our that he shold haue victorie_/ and for as moche as he had ben 4iii4 dayes and 4iii nyghtes in his prayers that he was assewrid for to haue victorie_/ ,he faught with 4v4 thousand men ayenst his broder y't had in his companye 4xxiiii4 thousand men ,and by goddes helpe he had victorie ,and whan the barbaryns y't were comen to helpe guion fawe y'e disconfiture they fledde away_/ and guion fledd also in to affricque by shiipp_/ and whan he was ther arryued he was sone after stranglid_/ ,these 4ii4 knyghtes of whom ,i speke were two bredern germayns_/ whiche were sent to affricque for to defende the comyn weele_/ ,in likewise ,iudas machabe'#i ,ionathas symon his bredern put hem self in the mercy and garde of our lord god ,and agayn the enemyes of the lawe of god with lityll peple in regard of the multitude that were agayn them_/ and had also victorye_/ ,the knights ought to ben trewe to theyr princes_/ for he that is not trewe leseth y'e name of a knight ,vnto a prince trouth is the grettest precious stone whan it is medlid with ,iuftice_/ ,paule the historiagraph of the lombardes reherceth that ther was a knight named enulphus and was of the cyte of papye that was so trewe to his kynge named patharich_/ that he put hym in parill of deth for hym_/ ,for hit happend that ,grymald ,due of #ec buuentayns of whom we haue touched to fore in the chapitre of the ,quene_/ ,dyde do flee ,godebert whiche was kynge of the lombardes by the hande of ,goribert duc of ,tauryn_/ whiche was discended of the crowne of lombardis ,and this grimald was maad kynge of lombardis in his place_/ and after this put bannysshid out of the contrey this patharych whiche was broder vnto the kynge ,godebert_/ that for fere and drede fledd in to hongrye_/ ,and than this knyght ,enulphus dide so moche that he gate the peas agayn of his lord patharich agaynft the kynge grymalde_/ and that he had licence to come out of hongrye where he was all wey in paryll4 and so he cam and cryed hym mercy ,and the kynge grymalde gaf hym leue to dwelle and to lyue honestly in his contree_/ allway forseen that he toke not vpon hym and named hymself kynge_/ how well he was kynge by right ,this doon a litill while after_/ the kynge that beleuyd euyll tonges_/ thought in hymself how he myght brynge this patharich vnto the deth ,and alle this knewe well the knyght enulphus_/ whiche cam the same nyght with his squyer for to visite his lord ,and made his squyer to vnclothe hym to lye in the bedde of his lord ,and made his lord to ryse and clothe hym wyth the clothis of his squyer_/ ,and in this wyse brought hym oute_/ brawlynge and betynge hym as his seruant by them that were assigned to kepe the hows of patharik y't he shold not escape ,whiche supposid that hit had ben his squyer that he entretid so outragiously_/ so he brought hym to his hous whiche ,ioyned with the walles of the toun_/ ,and at mydnyght whan alle men were asleepe_/ he lete a doun his maistre by a corde_/ whiche toke an hors oute of the pasture ,and fled vnto the cyte of ,aast and ther cam to the kynge of fraunce_/ ,and whan hit cam vnto the morn4 ,hit was founden that ,arnolphus and his squyer had deceyvyd the kynge and the wacchemen_/ whom the kyng comanded shold be brought to fore hym ,and demanded of them the maner how he was escaped ,and they told hym the trouthe_/ ,than the kynge demanded his counceyll of what deth they had deseruyd to dye that had so doon and wrought agayn the wylle of hym_/ ,some sayde that they shold ben honged_/ and some sayd they shold ben slayn ,and other sayd that they shold be beheedid4 ,than sayd the kynge by that lord that made me_/ they ben not worthy to dye_/ but for to haue moche worship and honour_/ ,for they haue ben trewe to theyr lord_/ wherfore the kynge gaf hem a grete lawde and honour for their feet ,and after hit happend that the propre squyer and seruant of godeberd slewe the traytre ,goribalde that by trayson had slayn his lord at a feste of seynt ,iohn in his ,cyte of ,tauryn wherof he was lord and duc_/ ,thus ought the knyghtes to love to gyder_/ ,and eche to put his lyf in aventure for other_/ ,for so ben they the strenger ,and the more doubted_/ ,lyke as were the noble knyghtes ,ioab and ,abysay that fought agaynst the syryens and ,amonytes_/ ,and were so trewe that oon to that other that they vaynquysshid theyr enemies ,and were so ,ioyned to gyder that yf the siryens were strenger than that one of them_/ that other helpe hym_/ we rede that damon and phisias were so ryght parfyt frendes to gyder that whan ,dionisius whiche was kynge of cecylle had ,iuged one to deth for his trespaas in the cyte of syracusane whom he wold haue executed_/ he desired grace and leue to goo in to hys contre for to dispose and ordonne his testament_/ ,and his felawe pleggid hym and was sewrte for hym vpon his heed that he shold come agayn4 ,wherof they that sawe herd this_/ helde hym for a fool and blamed hym_/ ,and he said all way that he repentid hym nothynge at all_/ ,for he knewe well the trouth of his felawe ,and whan the day cam and the oure that execusion shold be doon_/ his felawe cam and presented hymself to fore the ,iuge_/ ,and dischargid his felawe that was plegge for hym_/ wherof the kynge was gretly abasshid ,and for the grete trouthe that was founden in hym ,he pardonyd hym and prayd hem bothe that they wold resseyue hym as their grete frende and felawe_/ ,lo here the vertues of loue that a man ought nought to doubte the deth for his frende_/ ,lo what it is to doo for a frende_/ ,and to lede a lyf debonayr ,and to be wyth out cruelte_/ to loue and not to hate_/ whiche causeth to doo good ayenst euyll ,and to torne payne into benefete and to quenche cruelte ,anthonyus sayth that ,julius ,cesar_/ lefte not lightly frenshippe and ,amytye_/ ,but whan he had hit he reteyned hit faste and maynteyned hit alleway_/ ,scipion of ,affricque sayth that ther is no thynge so stronge_/ as for to mayntene loue vnto the deth ,the loue of concupiscence and of lecherye is sone dissoluyd and broken_/ ,but the verray true loue of the comyn wele and prouffit now a dayes is selde founden_/ where shall thou fynde a man in thyse dayes that wyll expose hymself for the worshippe and honour of his frende_/ or for the comyn wele_/ selde or neuer shall he be founden_/ ,also the knyghtes shold be large liberall ,for whan a knyght hath regarde vnto his singuler prouffit by his couetyse_/ he dispoylleth his peple ,for whan the souldyours see that they putte hem in paryll4 ,and theyr mayster wyll not paye hem theyr wages liberally_/ but entendeth to his owne propre gayn and proussryt_/ than whan the ,enemyes come they torne sone her backes and flee oftentymes_/ ,and thus hit happeth by hym that entendeth more to gete money than victorye that his auaryce is ofte tymes cause of his confusion ,than late euery knyght take heede to be liberall in suche wyse that he wene not ne suppose that his scarcete be to hym a grete wynnynge or gayn_/ ,and for thys cause he be the lasse louyd of his peple_/ ,and that his aduersarye wythdrawe to hym them by large gyuynge_/ ,for oftetyme bataylle is auaunced more for getynge of siluer4 ,than by the force and strengthe of men_/ ,for men see alle daye that suche thynges as may not be achieuyd by force of nature_/ ben goten and achieuyd by force of money_/ ,and for so moche hit behoueth to see well to that whan the tyme of the bataylle cometh_/ that he borowe not ne make no tayllage_/ ,for noman may be ryche that leuyth his owne_/ hopyng to gete and take of other_/ ,than all waye all her gayn and wynnynge ought to be comyn amonge them exept theyr ,armes4 ,for in lyke wyse as the victorie is comune_/ so shold the dispoyll and botye be comune vnto them ,and therfore ,dauid that gentyll knyght in the fyrst book of kynges in the last chapitre made a lawe_/ that he that abode behynde by maladye or sekenes in the tentes shold haue as moche parte of the butyn as he that had be in the bataylle_/ ,and for the loue of thys lawe he was made afterward kynge of ,isrll_/ ,alexander of ,macedone cam on a tyme lyke a symple knyght vnto the court of ,porus kynge of ,inde for to espye thestate of the kynge and of the knyghtes of the court_/ ,and the kynge resseyuyd hym ryght worshipfully_/ ,and demanded of hym many thynges of ,alexander and of his constance and strengthe_/ nothynge wenynge that he had ben ,alexander ,but antygone one of his knyghtis and after he had hym to dyner ,and whan they had feruyd ,alexander in vayssell of gold and siluer with dyuerce metes c4 ,after that he had eten suche as plesid hym he voyded the mete and toke the vayssell and helde hit to hymself and put hit in his bosom or sleuys_/ wherof he was accusid vnto the kynge ,after dyner than the kynge callid hym and demanded hym wherfore he had taken his vayssell ,and he answerd_/ ,syre kynge my lord ,i pray the to vnderstande and take heede thy self and also thy knyghtes_/ ,i haue herd moche of thy grete hyenes ,and y't thou art more myghty and puyssant in cheualrye in dispensis than is ,alexander_/ and therfore ,i am come to the a pour knyght whiche am named ,antygone for to serue the_/ ,than hit is the custome in the ,courte of ,alexandre_/ that what thynge a knyght is seruyd wyth all is alle his_/ mete and vayssell and cuppe ,and therfore ,i had supposid that this custome had ben kept in thy court for thou art richer than he_/ whan the knyghtes herd this_/ anon they lefte porus_/ and wente for to serue alixandre_/ and thus he drewe to hym y'e hertes of them by yeftes_/ whiche afterward slewe ,porus that was kynge of ,inde_/ ,and they made ,alexandra kynge therof ,therfore remembre knyght alleway that wyth a closid and shette purse shalt thou neuer haue victorye4 ,ouyde sayth that he that taketh yeftes_/ he is glad therwyth_/ ,for they wynne wyth yeftes the hertes of the goddes and of men ,for yf ,iupiter were angrid_/ wyth yestes he wold be plesid_/ ,the knyghtes ought to be stronge not only of body but also in corage4 ,ther ben many stronge and grete of body_/ that ben faynt and feble in the herte_/ he is stronge that may not be vaynquysshid and ouercomen_/ how well that he suffryth moche otherwhile_/ ,and so we beleue that they that be not ouer grete ne ouer lityll ben most corageous beste in batayll4 ,we rede that cadrus duc of athenes shold haue a batayll agayn them of polipe_/ ,and he was warned and had a reuelacion of the goddes_/ that they shold haue the victorie of whom the prynce shold be slayn in the batayll_/ ,and the prince whiche was of a grete corage and trewe herte ,toke other armes of a poure man_/ ,and put hymself in the fronte of the batayll to thende that he might be slain ,and so he was_/ for the right trewe prince had leuer dye ,than his peple shold be ouercomen_/ ,and so they had the victorye_/ ,certes hyt was a noble and fayr thynge to expose hym self to the deth for to deffende his contrey4 ,but no man wold doo so_/ but yf he hopyd to haue a better thynge therfore_/ ,therfore the lawe sayth that they lyue in her sowles gloriously that ben slain in the warre for the comyn wele ,a knyght ought also to be mercifull and pyetous ,for ther is nothynge y't maketh a knyght so renomed as is whan he sauyth the lyf of them that he may slee_/ ,for to shede and spylle blood is the condicion of a wylde beste and not the condicion of a good knyght ,therfore we rede that scylla that was ,duc of the ,romayns wyth oute had many fayr victoyres agaynst the ,romayns wyth ,inne that were contrayre to hym_/ ,in so moche that in the batayll of puylle he slewe 4xviii4 thousand men_/ ,and in champanye 4lxx4 thousand4 ,and after in the cyte he slewe thre thousand men vnarmed ,and whan one of his knyghtes that was named ,quyntus catulus sawe this cruelte sayd to hym_/ ,sesse now and suffre them to lyue and be mercyfull to them wyth whom we haue ben victorious ,and wyth whom we ought to lyue_/ ,for hit is the most hyest and fayr vengeance that a man may doo_/ as to spare them gyue hem her lyf whome he may slee ,therfore ,joab ordeyned whan absalom was slayn_/ he sowned a trompette_/ that his peple shold no more renne slee theyr aduersaryes4 ,for ther were slayn aboute 4xx4 thousand of them_/ and in lyke wyse dide he whan he faught ayenst ,abner ,and ,abner was vaynquysshid and fledde4 ,for where that he wente in the chaas he comanded to spare the peple ,the knyghtes ought to kepe the peple_/ ,for whan the peple ben in theyr tentes or castellis_/ the knyghtes ought to kepe the wacche_/ ,for this cause the romayns callyd them legyons ,and they were made of dyuerce prouynces and of dyuerce nacyons to thentente to kepe the peple_/ ,and the peple shold entende to theyre werke_/ ,for no crafty man may bothe entende to his craft to fighte_/ how may a crafty man entende to hys werke sewrely in tyme of warre but yf he be kept ,and right in suche wyse as the knyghtes shold kepe y'e peple in tyme of peas in lyke wise the peple ought to pourveye for theyr dispensis_/ how shold a plowman be sewre in the felde_/ but yf the knyghtes made dayly wacche to kepe hem_/ ,for lyke as the glorye of a kynge is vpon his knyghtis_/ so hit is necessarye to the knyghtes that the marchantis craftymen and comyn peple be defended and kepte_/ therfore late the knyghtes kepe the peple in suche wyse that they maye enioye pees and gete and gadre the costis and expensis of them bothe_/ we rede that ,athis sayd to dauid whiche was a knyght_/ ,i make the my kepar and defendar alleway4 ,thus shold the knightes haue grete zele that the lawe be kept_/ ,for the mageste ryall ought not only to be garnysshid wyth armes but also wyth good lawes_/ ,and therfore shold they laboure that they shold be well kept ,turgeus pompeyus reherceth of a noble knyght named ,ligurgyus that had made auncyent lawes the whiche the peple wold not kepe ne obserue_/ ,for they semed hard for them to kepe ,and wold constrayne hym to rapele sette hem a part whan the noble knight sawe that ,he dyde the peple to vnderstande that he had not made them_/ but a god that was named ,apollo delphynus4 had made them_/ ,and had comanded hym that he shold do the peple kepe them_/ ,thise wordes auayled not_/ they wold in no wyse kepe them_/ ,and than he sayd to them that hit were good that er the said lawes shold be broken that he had gyuen to them that he shold goo and speke wyth the god ,appollo_/ ,for to gete of hym a dispensacion to breke hem_/ ,and that the peple shold kepe obserue them tyll that he retorned agayn_/ ,the peple acorded therto swore that they shold kepe them to the tyme he retorned ,than the knighte wente in to grece in exyle dwellid ther alle his lyf_/ ,and whan he shold dye he comanded that his body shold be cast in the see_/ ,for as moche as yf his body shold be born theder_/ the people shold wene to be quyt of theyr oth_/ ,and shold kepe no lenger his lawes that were so good resonable_/ so the knight had leuer to forsake his owne centre to dye so than to repele his lawes ,and his lawes were suche_/ ,the first lawe was that y'e peple shold obeye serue the princes_/ ,and the princes shold kepe the peple do ,iustice on the malefactours ,the second lawe that they shold be all sobre_/ ,for he wiste well that the labour of cheualrye is most stronge whan they lyue sobrely_/ ,the thirde was y't noman shold bye ony thynge for money but they shold change ware for ware one marchandyse for an other_/ ,the fourthe was that men shold sette no more by money ner kepe hit more than they wold donge or fylthe_/ ,the fyfthe he ordeyned for the comyn wele alle thynge by ordre_/ that the prynces myght meue and make bataylle by her power1 to the maistres counceillours he comysid the ,iugementis4 ,and the ,annuell rentes_/ to the senatours the kepynge of the lawe_/ ,and to the comyn peple he gaf power to chese suche ,iuges as they wold haue_/ ,the sixte he ordeyned that all thinge shold be departid egally all thinge shold be comyn ,and none richer than other in patry-monye_/ ,the seuenth that euery man shold ete lyke well in comen openly_/ that riches shold not be cause of luxurye whan they ete secretly_/ ,the eygthe that the yonge peple shold not haue but on gowne or garment in the yere_/ ,the nynth that men shold sette poure children to laboure in the felde_/ to thende that they shold not enploye theyr yongthe in playes and in folye_/ but in labour_/ ,the tenthe that the maydens shold be maryed wythoute dowayre_/ ,in suche wyfe that no man shold take a wyf for moneye_/ ,the xi4 that men shold rather take a wyf for her good maners and vertues than for her richesses_/ ,the twelfthe that men shold worshippe the olde and auncyent men for theyr age and more for theyr wysedom than for her riches this knyght made none of thyse lawes_/ but he first kepte hem4 ,illustration ,the fyfthe chapitre of the second book of the forme and maners of the rooks4 ,the rooks whiche ben vicaires and legats of the kynge ought to be made lyke a knyght vpon an hors and a mantell and hood furryd with meneuyer holdynge a staf in his hande_/ for as moche as a kyng may not be in alle places of his royame_/ ,therfore the auctorite of hym is gyuen to the rooks_/ whiche represent the kynge_/ ,and for as moche as a royame is grete and large_/ and that rebellion or nouelletes might sourdre and aryse in oon partye or other_/ therfore ther ben two rooks one on the right side and that other on the lifte side ,they ought to haue in hem4 pyte4 ,iuftice4 humylite4 wilfull pouerte4 and liberalite_/ ,fyrst ,iustice for hit is most fayr of the vertues_/ ,for it happeth oftetyme that the ministris by theyr pryde and orgueyll subuerte ,iuftice and do no ryght_/ ,wherfore the kynges otherwhyle lose theyr royames with out theyr culpe or gylte_/ ,for an vntrewe ,iuge or officyer maketh hys lord to be named vn,iufte and euyll ,and contrarye wyse a trewe mynestre of the lawe and ryghtwys_/ causeth the kynge to be reputed ,iuste and trewe_/ ,the ,romayns therfore made good lawes_/ ,and wolde that_/ that they sholde be ,iufte and trewe_/ ,and they that establisshid them for to gouerne the peple_/ wold in no wyse breke them_/ but kepe them for to dye for them_/ ,for the auncyent and wyse men sayd comynly that it was not good to make and ordeygne that lawe that is not ,iuste ,wherof ,valerius reherceth that ther was a man that was named ,themistides whiche cam to the counceyllours of athenes and sayd that he knewe a counceyll whiche was ryght prouffytable for them_/ ,but he wolde telle hyt but to ,but to one of them whom that they wold_/ ,and they asligned to hym a wyse man named ,aristides_/ ,and whan he had vnderstand hym he cam agayn to the other of the counceyll ,and sayd that the counceyll of ,themystides was well prouffitable_/ but hit was not ,iuste_/ how be hit y'e may reuolue hit in your mynde_/ ,and the counceyll that he sayd was this_/ that ther were comen two grete shippis fro lacedome and were arryued in theyr londe4 ,and that hit were good to take them_/ ,and whan the counceyll herde hym that sayde_/ that hit was not ,iuste ner right_/ they lefte hem alle in pees ,and wold not haue adoo with alle_/ ,the vicarye or ,iuge of the kynge ought to be so ,iuste_/ that he shold employe alle his entente to saue the comyn wele ,and yf hit were nede to put his lyf and_/ lose hit therfore_/ we haue an ensample of marcus regulus wherof ,tullius reherceth in the book of offices ,and saynt ,augustyn also de ciuitate dei_/ how he faught agayn them of cartage by see in shippis and was vaynquysshid and taken_/ ,than hit happend that they of cartage sente hymm in her message to rome for to haue theyr prisoners there_/ for them y'e were taken_/ and so to chauge one for an other ,and made hym swere and promyse to come agayn_/ ,and so he cam to rome ,and made proposicion tofore the senate ,and demanded them of cartage of the senatours to be chauged as afore is sayd ,and than the senatours demanded hym what counceyll he gaf ,certayn sayd he ,i couceyll yow that y'e do hit not in no wise ,for as moche as the peple of rome that they of cartage holde in prison of youris ben olde men and brusid in the warre as ,i am my self_/ ,but they that y'e holde in prison of their peple is alle the flour of alle their folke_/ whiche counceyll they toke_/ ,and than his frendes wolde haue holde hym and counceyllyd hym to abide there and not retorne agayn prysoner in to cartage_/ but he wold neuer doo so ner abide_/ but wold goo agayn and kepe his oth ,how well that he knewe that he went toward his deth ,for he had leuyr dye than to breke his oth ,valeri#i reherceth in the sixth book of one ,emelye duc of the romayns_/ that in the tyme whan he had assieged the phalistes_/ ,the scole maystre of the children deceyuyd the children of the gentilmen that he drewe hym a lityll and a lytyll vnto the tentys of the romayns by fayr speche4 ,and sayd to the duc ,emelie_/ that by the moyan of the children that he had brought to hym_/ he shold haue the cyte_/ ,for theyr faders were lordes and gouernours4 ,whan ,emelie had herde hym he sayd thus to hym ,thou that art euyll and cruell ,and thou that woldest gyue a gyfte of grete felonnye and of mauuastye_/ thou shalt ner hast not founden here ,duc ne peple that resembleth the_/ we haue also well lawes to kepe in batayll warre ,as in our contres other places_/ and we wole obserue and kepe them vnto euery man as they ought to be kept ,and we ben armed agaynst our enemyes y't wole defende them ,and not ayenst them y't can not saue their lyf whan their contre is taken_/ as thise lityll children_/ ,thou hast vaynquysshid them as moche as is in the by thy newe deceyuable falsenes and by subtilnes and not by armes_/ but ,i that am a romayn shall vainquysshe them by craft and strengthe of armes_/ ,and anon he comanded to take the said scole maister_/ ,and to bynde his handes behynde hym as a traytour and lede hem to the parentis of the children ,and whan the faders parentis sawe the grete courtosie that he had don to them ,they opend the yates and yelded them vnto hym_/ we rede that hanyball had taken a prince of rome whiche vpon his oth and promyse suffrid hym to gon home_/ and to sende hym his raunson_/ or he shold come agayn within a certain tyme ,and whan he was at home in his place_/ he sayde that he had deceyuyd hym by a false oth ,and whan the senatours knewe therof_/ they constrayned hym to retorne agayn vnto hanyball_/ ,amos florus tellyth that the phisicien of kynge pirrus cam on a nyght to fabrice his aduersarye ,and promyfid hym yf he wold gyue hym for his laboure that he wold enpoysone pirrus his maister_/ whan fabricius vnderstode this ,he dyde to take hym and bynde hym hande foote_/ and sente hym to his maistre and dyde do saye to hym word for worde lyke as the physicien had sayd and promysid hym to doo_/ ,and whan pirrus vnderstode this he was gretly ameruaylled of the loyalte and trouth of fabrice his enemye_/ and sayd certaynly that the sonne myghte lighther and sonner be enpesshid of his cours_/ than fabrice shold be letted to holde loyalte and trouthe_/ yf they than that were not cristen were so ,iuste and trewe and louyd their contrey and their good renomee_/ what shold we now doon than that ben cristen and that cure lawe is sette alle vpon loue and charyte_/ ,but now a dayes ther is nothynge ellys in the world but barate ,treson deceyte falsenes and trecherye ,men kepe not theyr couenantes promyses4 othes4 writynges4 ne trouthe_/ ,the subgettis rebelle agayn theyr lorde_/ ther is now no lawe kepte4 nor fidelite_/ ne oth holden_/ the peple murmure and ryse agayn theyr lord and wole not be subget_/ they ought to be pietous in herte_/ whiche is auaillable to all thinge ther is pite in effecte by compassion_/ and in worde by remission and pardon_/ by almesse_/ for to enclyne hymself to the poure ,for pite is nothynge ellis but a right grete will of a debonaire herte for to helpe alle men_/ ,valerius reherceth that ther was a ,iuge named sangis whiche dampned a woman that had deseruyd the deth for to haue her heed smyten of or ellis that she shold dye in prison_/ ,the ,geayler that had pite on the woman put not her anone to deth but put her in the pryson_/ ,and this woman had a doughter whiche cam for to se and conforte her moder ,but allway er she entryd into the pryson the ,iayler serchid her that se shold bere no mete ne drynke to her moder_/ but that she shold dye for honger_/ ,than hit happend after this that he meruaylled moche why this woman deyd not_/ ,and began to espye the cause why she lyuyd so longe_/ ,and fonde at laste how her doughter gaf souke to her moder_/ ,and fedde her with her melke4 whan the ,iayler aawe this meruaill_/ he wente told the ,iuge_/ ,and whan the ,iuge sawe this grete pite of the doughter to the moder he pardoned her and made her to be delyuerid oute of her pryson what is that_/ that pite ne amolisshith_/ moche peple wene that it is agaynst nature and wondre that the doughter shold gyue the moder to souke_/ hit were agayn nature but the children shold be kynde to fader and moder_/ ,seneca sayth that the kynge of bees hath no prykke to stynge with as other bees haue4 ,and that nature hath take hit away from hym be cause he shold haue none armes to assaylle them ,and this is an example vnto prynces that they shold be of the fame condicion_/ ,valerius reherceth in his 4v4 book of marchus martellus that whan he had taken the cyte of siracusane4 ,and was sette in the hyest place of the cyte_/ he behelde the grete destruction of the peple and of the cyte_/ he wepte and sayde_/ thou oughtest to be sorofull_/ for so moche as thou woldest haue no pite of thy self_/ ,but enioye the for thou art fallen in the hande of a right debonaire prynce4 ,also he recounteth whan pompeye had conqueryd the kynge of ,germanye that often tymes had foughten ayenst the romayns ,and that he was brought to fore hym bounden_/ he was so pietous that he wold not suffre hym to be longe on his knees to fore hym_/ but he receyuyd hym cortoysly ,and sette the crowne agayn on his heed and put hym in thestate that he was to fore_/ ,for he had oppynyon that hit was as worshipfull and fittynge to a kynge to pardone_/ as to punysshe4 ,also he reherceth of a couceyllour that was named poule that dide do brynge to fore hym a man that was prisonner ,and as he knelid to fore hym he toke hym vp fro the ground made hym to sytte beside hym for to gyue hym good esperance and hoope ,and sayd to the other stondynge by_/ in this wyse4 yf hit be grete noblesse that we shewe our self contrarye to our enemyes_/ than this fete ought to be alowed that we shew our self debonair to our caytyfs prisonners ,cesar whan he herde the deth of cathon whiche was his aduersarye sayde that he had grete enuye of his glorye4 ,and no thinge of his patrimonye_/ and therfore he lefte to his children frely all his patrimonye ,thus taught vyrgyle and enseygned the gloryus prynces to rewle and gouerne the peple of rome4 ,and saynt ,augustin de ciuitate dei saith thus ,thou emperour gouerne the peple pietously ,and make peas ouerall_/ deporte and forbere thy subgets_/ repreue correcte the prowde_/ for so enseyne ,and teche the the lawes_/ ,and hit was wreton vnto ,alexander_/ that euery prynce ought to be pyetous in punysshynge_/ and redy for to rewarde_/ ,ther is no thynge that causeth a prynce to be so belouyd of hys peple_/ ,as whan he speketh to hem swetly_/ and couersith with hem symply_/ ,and all this cometh of the roote of pyte_/ we rede of the ,emperour ,traian that his frendes repreuyd hym of that he was to moche pryue and familier wyth the comyn peple more than an emperour ought to be_/ ,and he answerd that he wold be suche an emperour as euery man desired to haue hym_/ ,also we rede of ,alixander that on a tyme he ladde his oost forth hastely_/ and in that haste he beheld where satte an olde knight that was sore acolde ,whom he dide do arise and sette hym in his owne sete or siege_/ what wondre was hit though y'e knightes desired to serue suche a lord that louyd better theyr helth than his dignite_/ ,the rookes ought also to be humble meke ,after the holy scripture whiche saith_/ the gretter or in the hier astate that thou arte_/ so moche more oughtest thou be meker more humble ,valerius reherceth in his 4vii4 book that ther was an emperour named publius cesar_/ ,that dide do bete doun his hows whiche was in the middis of y'e market place for as moche as hit was heier than other houses_/ for as moche as he was more glorious in astate than other_/ ,therfore wold he haue a lasse hous than other ,and scipion of affrique that was so poure of volutarie pouerte y't whan he was dede_/ he was buried at y'e dispencis of y'e comyn good_/ ,they shold be so humble y't they shold leue theyr offices_/ and suffre other to take hem whan her tyme comyth_/ doo honour to other_/ for he gouerneth wel y'e royame y't may gouerne hit whan he will ,valeri'#i saith ,in his thirde book that fabyan the grete had ben maistre counceyllour of his fader his grauntsire_/ ,and of his grauntsirs fader of alle his antecessours ,and yet dide he alle his payne and labour_/ that his sone shold neuer haue that office after hym_/ but for nothynge that he mystrusted his sone_/ ,for he was noble and wise and more attemprid than other_/ but he wold that the office shold not all way reste in the familye and hows of the fabyans ,also he reherceth in his seuenth book that they wold make the sayd fabyan emour_/ but he excused hym and sayd that he was blynde and myght not see for age_/ but that excusacion myght not helpe hym_/ ,than sayd he to hem_/ seke y'e and gete yow another_/ ,for yf y'e make me your emour ,i may not suffre your maners_/ nor y'e may not suffre myn_/ ,ther was a kynge of so subtyll engyne ,that whan men brought hym the crowne_/ to fore that he toke hit_/ he remembrid hym a lityll and saide_/ ,o thou crowne that art more noble than happy ,for yf a kynge knewe well and parfaytly how that thou art full of paryls of thoughte and of charge_/ yf thou were on the grounde_/ he wolde neuer lyfte ner take the vp_/ ,remembre the that whan thou art most gloryous_/ than haue some men moste enuye on the_/ and whan thou haste moste seignourye and lordships than shalt thou haue moste care4 thought and anguysshes_/ ,vaspasian was so humble that whan ,nero was slayn alle the peple cryed for to haue hym emour_/ and many of his frendes cam prayde hym that he wold take hit vpon hym_/ so at the last he was constrayned to take hit vpon hym4 ,and sayd to his frendes ,hit is better and more to preyse and alowe for a man to take thempire agaynst his wil_/ than for to laboure to haue hit and to put hym self therin_/ ,thus ought they to be humble and meke for to resseyue worship_/ ,therfore sayth the bible that ,ioab the sone of ,saryre that was captayn of the warre of the kynge ,dauid_/ whan he cam to take and wynne a ,cyte_/ ,he sente to ,dauid and desired hym to come to the warre_/ that the victorye shold be gyuen to ,dauid_/ ,and not to hym self_/ ,also they ought to be ware that they chaunge not ofte tymes her officers_/ ,josephus reherceth that the frendes of tyberyus meruaylled moche why he helde hys offycyers so longe in theyr offices wyth oute changynge_/ ,and they demanded of hym the cause_/ to whom he answerd_/ ,i wold chaunge them gladly_/ yf ,i wyste that hit shold be good for the peple_/ ,but ,i sawe on a tyme a man that was roynyous full of soores_/ ,and many flyes satte vpon the soores and souked his blood that hit was meruaylle to see_/ wherfore ,i smote and chaced them away4 ,and he than said to me why chacest and smytest away thyse flyes that ben full of my blood_/ ,and now shallt thou late come other that ben hongrye whiche shall doon to me double payne more than the other dide_/ for the prikke of the hongrye is more poyngnant the half_/ than of y'e fulle ,and therfore sayde he ,i leue the officiers in their offices4 for they ben all riche_/ and doo not so moch euyl harme ,as the newe shold doo were poure yf ,i shold sette hem in her places_/ ,they ought also to be pacyent in herynge of wordes in suffrynge payne on her bodyes_/ as to the first ,one said to alisander that he was not worthy to regne4 specially whan he suffrid that lecherie and delyte to haue seignoire in hym_/ he suffrid hit paciently_/ ,and answerd none otherwyse but that he wolde corrette hym self4 ,and take better maners and more honeste ,also hit is reherced that ,iulius cezar was ballyd wherof he had desplaysir so grete that he kempt his heeris that laye on the after parte of his heed forward for to hyde the bare to fore4 ,than sayd a knyght to him ,cezar hit is lighther ,and sonner to be made that thou be not ballid_/ than that ,i haue vsid ony cowardyse in the warre of rome_/ or hereafter shall doo ony cowardyse_/ he suffrid hit paciently and sayd not aword_/ ,another reproched hym by his lignage ,and callyd hym fornier_/ he answerd that hit is better that noblesse begynne in me_/ than hit shold faylle in me_/ ,another callid hym tyraunt_/ he answerd yf ,i were one4 thou woldest not saie soo ,a knight callid on a tyme scipion of affricque fowle olde knyght in armes ,and that he knewe lityll good ,and he answerd ,i was born of my moder a lityll child and feble and not a man of armes4 ,and yet he was at alle tymes one of the best and moste worthy in armes that liuyd4 ,another sayd to vaspasian_/ ,and a wolf shold sonner change his skyn and heer_/ than thou sholdest chauge thy lyf ,for the lenger thou lyvest the more thou coueytest ,and he answerd of thyse wordes we ought to laughe4 ,but we ought to amende our selfe ,and punysshe the trespaces4 ,seneque reherceth that the kynge ,antygonus herde certayn peple speke and saye euyll of hym_/ ,and therwas betwene hem nomore but a courtyne_/ ,and than he sayde make an ende of your euyll langage leste the kynge here yow_/ for the courtyne heereth yow well#ed ,i nowhe4 ,than as towchynge to the paynes that they ought to suffre paciently ,valerius reherceth that a tyrant dide do tormente ,anamaximenes thretenyd hym for to cutte of his tonge4 ,to whom he sayd hit is not in thy power to doo soo_/ and forthwyth he bote of his owne tonge_/ ,and shewed hit wyth his teth and casted hit in the visage of the ,tyrant ,hit is a grete vertu in a man that he forgete not to be pacyent in corrections of wronges_/ ,hit is better to leue a gylty man vnpunysshyd_/ than to punysshe hym in a wrath or yre ,valerius reherceth that archita of tarente that was mayster to plato sawe that his feldes lande was destroyed and lost by the necligence of his seruant ,to whom he sayd yf ,i were not angry with the ,i wold take vengeance and turmente the_/ ,lo there y'e may see that he had leuer to leue to punysshe_/ than to pugnysshe more by yre wrath than by right ,and therfore sayth seneque_/ doo no thynge that thou oughtest to doo whan y'u art angry_/ ,for whan thou art angry thou woldest doo alle thynges after thy playsir_/ ,and yf thou canst not vaynquysshe thyn yre_/ than muste thyn yre ouercome the_/ ,after thys ought they to haue wylfull pouerte_/ lyke as hit was in the auncyent prynces_/ ,for they coueyted more to be riche in wytte and good maners than in moneye_/ ,and that reherceth ,valerius in his 4viii4 booke that scipion of ,affryque was accused vnto the ,senate that he shold haue grete tresour_/ ,and he answerd certes whan ,i submysed affryque in to your poeste_/ ,i helde no thynge to myself that ,i myght faye this is myn save only the surname of affryque_/ ,ner the affryquans haue not founden in me ner in my broder ony auarice_/ ner y't we were so couetouse that we had ne had gretter enuye to be riche of name than of rychesses_/ ,and therfore sayth seneque that the kynge ,altagone vsid gladly in his hows vessels of erthe_/ ,and some sayde he dyde hit for couetyse_/ ,but he sayde that hit was better and more noble thynge to myne in good maners than in vayssell ,and whan some men demanded hym why and for what cause he dyde so_/ he answerd ,i am now kynge of secylle_/ and was sone of a potter_/ and for as moche as ,i doubte fortune4 ,for whan ,i yssued out of the hous of my fader and moder_/ ,i was sodaynly made riche_/ wherfore ,i beholde the natiuyte of me and of my lignage_/ whiche is humble meke_/ ,and alle these thynges cometh of wilfull pouerte_/ for he entended more to the comyn prouffyt than to his owen_/ ,and of thys pouerte speketh saynt ,augustyn in the booke of the cyte of god ,that they that entende to the comyn prouffyt4 sorowe more that wilfull pouerte is lost in rome_/ than the richesses of rome_/ ,for by the wilfull pouerte was the renomee of good maners kept entierly_/ thus by this richesse pouerte is not only corrupt in thyse dayes ner the cyte ner the maners_/ but also the thoughtes of the men ben corrupt by thys couetyse and by felonnye that is worse4 than ony other enemye ,and of the cruelte of the peple of rome speketh the good man of noble memorye ,iohn the monke late cardynall of rome in the decretall the syxte in the chapitre gens sancta where he sayth_/ that they ben felous ayenst god4 contrarye to holy thynges4 traytres one to that other4 enuyous to her neyghbours4 proude vnto straungers4 rebelle and vntrewe vnto theyr souerayns ,not suffringe to them that ben of lower degree than they and nothinge shamfast to demande thinges discouenable and not to leue tyll they haue that they demande_/ and not plesid but disagreable whan they haue resseyuyd the yeft ,they haue their tonges redy for to make grete boost_/ and doo lityll_/ ,they ben large in promysynges_/ ,and smale gyuers_/ they ben ryght fals deceyuours_/ ,and ryght mordent and bitynge detractours_/ ,for whiche thynge hit is a grete sorowe to see the humylite the pacyence ,and the good wisedom that was woute to be in this cyte of rome whiche is chief of alle the world is peruertid torned in to maleheurte and thise euylles_/ ,and me thynketh that in other partyes of crestiante they haue taken ensample of them to doo euyll_/ ,they may saye that this is after the decretale of seygnourye and disobeysance_/ that sayth ,that suche thynges that the souerayns doo_/ ,is lightly and sone taken in ensample of theyr subgets_/ ,also thise vicayres shold be large and liberall_/ ,in so moche that suche peple as serue them ben duly payd and guerdoned of her labour_/ ,for euery man doth his labour the better and lightlyer whan he seeth that he shall be well payd and rewarded_/ ,and we rede that ,titus the sone of vaspasian was so large and so liberall_/ ,that he gaf and promysyd somewhat to euery man_/ ,and whan hys moste pryuy frendes demanded of hym why he promysid more that he myght gyue_/ he answerd for as moche as hyt apperteyneth not to a prynce that ony man shold departe sorowfull or tryste fro hym_/ ,than hit happend on a day that he gaf ner promysid no thynge to ony man ,and whan hit was euen auysed hymself_/ he sayd to hys frendes_/ ,o y'e my frendes thys day haue ,i lost for this day haue ,i don no good1' ,and also we rede of ,iulius ,cefar that he neuer saide in alle his lyue to his knyghtes goo oon but all way be sayde come come_/ ,for ,i loue allway to be in youre companye_/ ,and he knewe well that hit was lasse payne trauayll to the knyghtes whan the prynce is in her companye that loueth hem coforted hem ,and also we rede of the same ,iulius cesar in the booke of truphes of phylosophers_/ that ther was an ,auncyent knyght of his that was in paryll of a caas hangynge to fore the ,iuges of rome so he callyd cefar on a tyme and said to hym to fore all men that he shold be his aduocate ,and cesar deliueryd and assigned to hym a right good aduocate ,and the knyght sayd to hym ,o cesar ,i put no vicaire in my place whan thou were in parill in y'e batayll of assise_/ ,but ,i faught for the4 ,and than he shewed to hym the places of his woundes that he had receyuyd in the batayll ,and than cam cesar in his propre persone for to be his aduocate to plete his cause for hym_/ he wold not haue the name of vnkyndenes_/ but doubted that men shold saye that he were proude ,and that he wold not do for them that had seruyd hym ,they that can not do so moche_/ as for to be belouyd of her knyghtes_/ can not loue the knyghtes ,and this sufficeth of the rooks4 ,,book ,,iii4 ,illustration ,the thirde tractate of the offices of the comyn peple4 ,the fyrst chapitre is of the office of the labourers and werkemen4 ,for as moche as the ,noble persone canne not rewle ne gouerne with oute y'e seruyce and werke of the peple_/ than hit behoueth to deuyse the oeuurages and the offices of the werkemen_/ ,than ,i shall begynne fyrst at the fyrst pawne_/ that is in the playe of the chesse_/ ,and signefieth a man of the comyn peple on fote ,for they be all named pietous that is as moche to saye as footemen ,and than we wyll begynne at the pawne whiche standeth to fore the rooke on the right side of the kinge for as moche as this pawne apperteyneth to serue the vicaire or lieutenant of the kynge and other officers vnder hym of necessaryes of vitayll_/ ,and this maner a peple is figured and ought to be maad in the forme shappe of a man holdynge in his ryght hande a spade or shouell ,and a rodde in the lifte hand_/ ,the spade or shouell is for to delue labour therwith the erthe_/ ,and the rodde is for to dryue conduyte wyth all the bestes vnto her pasture also he ought to haue on his gyrdell_/ a crokyd hachet for to cutte of the supfluytees of the vignes trees_/ ,and we rede in the bible that the first labourer that euer was_/ was ,caym the firste sone of ,adam that was so euyll that he slewe his broder ,abel_/ for as moche as the smoke of his tythes went strayt vnto heuen'_/ ,and the smoke fumee of the tythes of ,caym wente downward vpon the erthe ,and how well that this cause was trewe_/ yet was ther another cause of enuye that he had vnto his broder_/ ,for whan ,adam their fader maried them for to multyplie y'e erthe of hys lignye_/ he wolde not marye ner ,ioyne to gyder the two that were born attones_/ but gaf vnto caym her that was born wyth ,abel_/ ,and to ,abel her that was born with caym_/ ,and thus began thenuye that caym had ayenst abel_/ ,for his wyf was fayrer than cayms wyf ,and for this cause he slough abel with the chekebone of a beste_/ at that tyme was neuer no maner of yron blody of mannes blood_/ ,and abel was y'e first martier in tholde testament_/ ,and this caym dide many other euyl thinges whiche ,i leue_/ for hit apperteyneth not to my mater_/ ,but hit behoueth for necessite y't some shold labour the erthe after y'e synne of adam_/ for to fore er adam synned_/ the erthe brought forth fruyt with out labour of handes_/ but syn he synned_/ hit muste nedes be labourid with y'e handes of men ,and for as moche as the erthe is moder of alle thynges ,and that we were first formed and toke oure begynnyng of the erthe_/ the same wyse at the laste4 she shall be the ende vnto alle vs and to alle thynges_/ ,and god that formed vs of the erthe hath ordeyned that by the laboure of men she shold gyue nourysshyng vnto alle that lyueth_/ and first the labourer of y'e erthe ought to knowe his god that formed and made heuen erthe of nought ,and ought to haue loyaulte and trouth in hymself_/ and despise deth for to entende to his laboure ,and he ought to gyue thankyngis to hym that made hym ,and of whom he receyueth all his goodes temporall_/ wherof his lyf is susteyned_/ ,and also he is bounden to paye the dismes and tythes of alle his thynges ,and not as ,caym dyde4 ,but as ,abell dyde of the beste that he chese allway for to gyue to god to plese hym_/ ,for they that grucche and be greuyd in that they rendre and gyue to god the tienthes of her goodes_/ they ought to be aferd and haue drede that they shall falle in necessite ,and y't they might be dispoyllyd or robbed by warre or by tempeste that myght falle or happen in the contrey ,and hit is meruayll though hit so happen ,for that man that is disagreable vnto god ,and weneth y't the multiplynge of his goodes temporell cometh by the vertu of his owne couceyll and his wytte_/ the whiche is made by the only ordenance of hym that made alle4 ,and by the same ordenance is soone taken away fro hym that is disagreable_/ and hit is reson that whan a man haboundeth by fortune in goodes_/ ,and knoweth not god_/ by whom hit cometh_/ that to hym come some other fortune by the whiche he may requyre grace and pardon ,and to knowe his god_/ ,and we rede of the kynge ,dauid that was first symple one of the comyn peple_/ that whan fortune had enhaunsed and sette hym in grete astate_/ he lefte and forgate his god_/ ,and fyll to aduoultrye and homicyde and other synnes_/ ,than anon his owne sone ,absalom assaylled began to persecute hym ,and than whan he sawe that fortune was contrarye to hym_/ he began to take agayn his vertuous werkis and requyred pardoun and so retorned to god agayn4 ,we rede also of the children of ysrl that were nyghe enfamyned in desert and sore hongry thrusty that they prayd requyred of god for remedy_/ ,anon he changed his wyll sente to hem manna_/ flessh c4_/ ,and whan they were replenesshid fatte of the flessh of bestes of the manna_/ they made a calf of gold and worshippid hit4 ,whiche was a grete synne ,inyquyte_/ ,for whan they were hongry they knewe god_/ ,and whan theyre belyes were fylde fatted_/ they forgid ydoles were ydolatrers4 ,after this euery labourer ought to be faythfull trewe ,that whan his maystre delyuereth to hym his lande to be laboured_/ that he take no thinge to hymself but that hym ought to haue is his_/ but laboure truly take cure and charge in the name of his maistre_/ and do more diligently his maisters labours than his owen_/ for the lyf of y'e most grete noble men next god lieth in y'e handes of the labourers_/ and thus all craftes occupacions ben ordeyned not only to suffise to them only_/ but to the comyn_/ ,and so hit happeth ofte tyme that y'e labourer of the erthe vseth grete and boystous metes_/ and bringeth to his maister more subtile more deyntous metes_/ ,and valerius reherceth in his4 vi4 book that ther was a wife noble maistre y't was named ,anthoni#i that was accused of a caas of aduoultrye_/ as the cause henge to fore the ,iuges_/ his accusers or denonciatours brought ,i labourer that closid his land for so moche as they sayde whan his maistre wente to doo the aduoultrye_/ this same seruant bare the lanterne4 wherof ,anthonyus was sore abasshyd and doubted that he shold depose agaynst hym ,but the labourer that was named papirion sayd to his maister that he shold denye his cause hardyly vnto the ,iuges ,for for to be tormentid_/ his cause shold neuer be enpeyrid by hym_/ ner no thynge shold yssue out of his mouth wherof he shold be noyed or greuyd ,and than was the labourer beten and tormentid and brent in many places of his body ,but he sayd neuer thynge wherof his mayster was hurte or noyed_/ ,but the other that accused his maister were punysshid ,and papiryon was deliuerid of his paynes free and franc_/ ,and also telleth valerius that ther was another labourer that was named penapion_/ that seruyd a maister whos name was ,themes which was of meruayllous faith to his maystre ,for hit befell that certain knyghtes cam to his maisters hows for to slee hym ,and anone as papiryon knewe hit_/ he wente in to his maisters chambre ,and wold not be knowen ,for he dide on his maisters gowne and his rynge on his fynger_/ ,and laye on his bedde ,and thus put hym self in parill of deth for to respite his maisters lyf_/ ,but we see now a dayes many fooles that daigne not to vse groos metes of labourers4 ,and flee the cours clothynge ,and maners of a seruant ,euery wise man a seruant that truly serueth his maister is free and not bonde_/ ,but a foole that is ouer proude is bonde_/ ,for the debilite and feblenes of corage that is broken in conscience by pryde ,enuye4 or by couetyse is ryght seruytude_/ yet they ought not to doubte to laboure for feere and drede of deth_/ no man ought to loue to moche his lyf_/ ,for hit is a fowll thynge for a man to renne to the deth for the enemye of his lyf_/ ,and a wyse man and a stronge man ought not to flee for his lyf_/ but to yssue ,for ther is no man that lyueth_/ but he must nedes dye4 ,and of this speketh claudyan and sayth that alle thoo thynges that the ,ayer goth aboute and enuyronned4 ,and alle thynge that the erthe laboureth_/ ,alle thyngys that ben conteyned wyth in the see ,alle thynges that the floodes brynge forth_/ ,alle thynges that ben nourysshid and alle the bestes that ben vnder the heuen shall departe alle from the world_/ ,and alle shall goo at his comandement_/ ,as well ,kynges ,prynces and alle that the world enuyronned and gooth aboute_/ ,alle shall goo this waye_/ ,than he ought not to doubte for fere of deth4 ,for as well shail dye the ryche as the poure_/ deth maketh alle thynge lyke and putteth alle to an ende_/ ,and therof made a noble versifier two versis whiche folowe ,forma4 genus4 mores4 sapiecia4 res4 et honores_/ ,morte ruant subita sola manent merita_/ ,wherof the english is ,beaulte4 lignage4 maners4 wysedom4 thynges honoures_/ shal ben deffetid by sodeyn deth_/ no thynge shal abide but the merites_/ ,and herof fynde we in ,vitas patrum4 that ther was an erle a riche noble man that had a sone onely_/ and whan this sone was of age to haue knowlech of the lawe_/ he herde in a sermone that was prechid that deth spareth none_/ ne riche ne poure_/ and as well dyeth y'e yonge as the olde_/ and that the deth ought specially to be doubted for 4iii4 causes_/ one was_/ y't noman knoweth whan he cometh_/ and the seconde_/ ner in what state he taketh a man_/ ,and the thirde he wote neuer whither he shall goo4 ,therfore eche man shold dispise and flee the world and lyue well and hold hym toward god ,and when this yong man herde this thynge_/ he wente oute of his contrey and fledde vnto a wyldernesse vnto an hermytage_/ and whan his fader had loste hym he made grete sorowe_/ and dyde do enquere seke hym so moche at last he was founden in the hermitage_/ and than his fader cam theder to hym and sayde_/ dere sone come from thens_/ thou shalt be after my deth erle and chyef of my lignage_/ ,i shall be lost yf thou come not out from thens_/ ,and he than that wyste non otherwise to eschewe the yre of his fader bethought hym and sayde_/ dere fader ther is in your centre and lande a right euyll custome yf hit plese yow to put that away ,i shall gladly come out of this place and goo with yow ,the fader was glad and had grete ,ioy ,and demauded of hym what hit was ,and yf he wold telle hym he promysid him to take hit away and hit shold be left and sette aparte4 ,than he sayde dere fader ther dyen as well the yong folk in your contrey as the olde_/ do that away ,i pray yow_/ ,whan his fader herde that he sayde ,dere sone that may not be ner noman may put that away but god only_/ ,than answerd the sone to the fader_/ than wylle ,i serue hym and dwelle here wyth hym that may do that4 ,and so abode the childe in the hermytgage lyuyd there in good werkes ,after this hit apperteyneth to a labourer to entende to his laboure and flee ydlenes_/ ,and thou oughtest to knowe that ,dauid preyseth moche in the sawlter the treve labourers and sayth_/ ,thou shalt ete the labour of thyn handes and thou art blessid_/ and he shall do to the good ,and hit behoueth that the labourer entende to his labour on the werkedayes for to recuyell and gadre to gyder the fruyt of his labour_/ ,and also he ought to reste on the holy day_/ bothe he and his bestes4 ,and a good labourer ought to norysshe and kepe his bestes_/ ,and this is signefied by the rodde that he hath4 ,whiche is for to lede and dryue them to the pasture_/ ,the fiste pastour that euer was_/ was ,abel whiche was ,iuste and trewe_/ and offryd to god the bestes vnto his sacrefice_/ ,and hym ought he to folowe in craft maners ,but no man that vseth the malice of ,caym may ensue and folowe ,abel_/ ,and thus hit apperteyneth to the labourer to sette and graffe trees and vygnes_/ and also to plante and cutte them ,and so dyde noe whiche was the first that planted the vygne after y'e deluge and flood ,for as ,iosephus reherceth in y'e book of naturell thinges ,noe was he that fonde fyrst the vygne_/ ,and he fonde hym bitter and wylde_/ ,and therfore he toke 4iiii4 maners of blood_/ that is to wete the blood of a lyon4 the blood of a lamb1 the blood of a swyne4 and the blood of an ape and medlid them alto geder with the erthe_/ ,and than he cutte the vygne_/ ,and put this aboute the rootes therof4 ,to thende that the bitternes shold be put away_/ and that hyt shold be swete_/ ,and whan he had dronken of the fruyt of this vygne_/ hit was so good and mighty that he becam so dronke_/ that he dispoylled hym in suche wise y't his pryuy membres might be seen_/ ,and his yongest sone cham mocqued and skorned hym ,and whan ,noe was awakid was sobre fastinge_/ he assemblid his sones and shewid to them the nature of the vygne and of the wyn_/ ,and told to them the caufe why y't he had put the blood of the bestes aboute the roote of the vygne and that they shold knowe well y't otherwhile by y'e strength of the wyn men be made as hardy as the lyon and yrous ,and otherwhile they be made symple shamefast as a lambe ,and lecherous as a fwyn_/ ,and curyous and full of playe as an ,ape_/ ,for the ,ape is of suche nature that whan he seeth one do a thynge he enforceth hym to doo the same_/ and so doo many whan they ben dronke_/ they will medle them wyth alle officers matiers that apperteyne no thynge to them_/ ,and whan they ben fastynge sobre they can scarfely accomplisshe theyr owne thynges ,and therfore valerian reherceth that of auncyente and in olde tyme women dranke no wyn for as moche as by dronkenship they myght falle in ony filthe or vilonye ,and as ,ouide sayth_/ that the wyns otherwhyle apparaylle the corages in suche manere that they ben couenable to alle synnes whiche take away the hertes to doo well_/ ,they make the poure riche_/ as longe as the wyn is in his heed ,and shortly dronkenshyp is the begynnynge of alle euyllys_/ ,and corrompith the body_/ and destroyed the fowle and mynusshith the goodes temporels_/ ,and this suffyseth for the labourer4 ,illustration ,the seconde chapitre of the thirde tractate treteth of the forme and maner of the second pawne and of the maner of smyth4 ,the seconde pawne y't standeth to fore the knyght on the right side of the kynge hath the forme and figure of a man as a smyth and that is reson ,for hit apperteyneth to y'e knyghtes to haue bridellys sadellys spores and many other thynges made by the handes of smythes and ought to holde an hamer in his right hande4 ,and in his lyfte hand a dolabre and he ought to haue on his gyrdell a trowell ,for by this is signefied all maner of werkemen_/ as goldsmithes4 marchallis1 smithes of all forges_/ forgers and makers of monoye all maner of smythes ben signefyed by #ee the hamer_/ ,the carpenters ben signefyed by the dolabre or squyer_/ ,and by the trowell we vnderstande all masons keruars of stones_/ tylers_/ and alle them that make howses castels tours_/ ,and to alle these crafty men hit apperteyneth that they be trewe4 wise and stronge_/ and hit is nede y't they haue in hemself faith and loyaulte_/ ,for vnto the goldsmythes behoueth gold siluer ,and alle other metallys4 yren steel to other_/ ,and vnto the carpenters and masons_/ ben put to theyr edifices the bodyes and goodes of the peple_/ ,and also men put in the handes of the maronners body and goodes of the peple_/ ,and in the garde and sewerte of them men put body sowle in the paryls of the see_/ and therfore ought they to be trewe_/ vnto whom men commytte suche grete charge and so grete thynges vpon her fayth and truste4 ,and therfore sayth the philosopher_/ he that leseth his fayth and beleue_/ may lose no gretter ne more thynge4 ,and fayth is a fouerayn good and cometh of the good wyll of the herte and of his mynde ,and for no necessite wyll deceyue no man_/ ,and is not corrupt for no mede4 ,valerius reherceth that ,fabius had receyuyd of hanybal certayn prysoners that he helde of the romayns for a certayn some of money whiche he promysid to paye to the sayd hanyball_/ ,and whan he cam vnto the senatours of rome and desired to haue y'e money lente for hem ,they answerd that they wold not paye ner lene ,and than fabius sente his sone to rome made hym to selle his heritage patrimonye_/ and fente the money that he resseyuyd therof vnto hanibal_/ ,and had leuer louyd better to be poure in his contrey of herytage_/ than of byleue and fayth_/ ,but in thyfe dayes hit were grete folye to haue fuche affiance in moche peple but yf they had ben preuyd afore ,for oftentymes men truste in them by whom they ben deceyuyd at theyr nede_/ ,and it is to wete that these crafty men and werkemen ben souerainly prouffitable vnto the world ,and wyth oute artificers and werkmen the world myght not be gouerned_/ ,and knowe thou verily that alle tho thynges that ben engendrid on the erthe and on the see_/ ben made and formed for to do prouffit vnto the lignage of man_/ for man was formed for to haue generacion_/ that the men myght helpe and prouffit eche other ,and here in ought we to folowe nature_/ ,for she shewed to vs that we shold do comyn prouffit one to an other_/ ,and y'e first fondement of ,iustice is that no man shold noye or greue other ,but that they ought doo the comyn prouffit_/ ,for men saye in reproche ,that ,i see of thyn_/ ,i hope hit shall be myn ,but who is he in thyse dayes that entendeth more to the comyn prouffit than to his owne_/ ,certaynly none_/ ,but all way a man ought to haue drede and feere of his owne hows_/ whan he seeth his neyghbours hous a fyre ,and therfore ought men gladly helpe the comyn prouffit_/ for men otherwhile sette not be a lityll fyre ,and might quenche hit in the begynnyng_/ that afterward makyth a grete blasyng fyre4 ,and fortune hath of no thinge so grete playsir_/ as for to torne werke all way_/ ,and nature is so noble a thynge that were as she is she wyll susteyne and kepe_/ but this rewle of nature hath fayllid longe tyme_/ how well that the decree sayth that alle the thynges that ben ayenst the lawe of nature_/ ought to be taken away and put a part ,and he sayth to fore in the 4viii4 distinction that the ryght lawe of nature differenceth ofte tymes for custome statutes establisshid_/ for by lawe of nature all thinge ought to be comyn to euery man_/ and this lawe was of old tyme ,and men wene yet specially y't the troians kept this lawe ,and we rede that the multitude of the ,troians was one herte and one sowle_/ ,and verayly we fynde that in tyme passid the philosophres dyde the same_/ ,and also hit is to be supposyd that suche as haue theyr goodes comune not propre is most acceptable to god_/ ,for ellys wold not thise religious men as monkes freris chanons obseruantes all other auowe hem kepe the wilfull pouerte that they ben professid too_/ ,for in trouth ,i haue my self ben conuersant in a religio'#i hous of white freris at gaunt ,which haue all thynge in comyn amonge them_/ and not one richer than an other_/ in so moche that yf a man gaf to a frere 4iii4 d or 4iiii4 d to praye for hym in his masse_/ as sone as the masse is doon he deliuerith hit to his ouerest or procuratour in whyche hows ben many vertuous and deuoute freris ,and yf that lyf were not the beste and the most holiest_/ holy church wold neuer suffre hit in religion ,and acordynge thereto we rede in plato whiche sayth y't the cyte is well and ,iustely gouernid and ordeyned in the whiche no man maye saye by right1 by cuftome4 ne by ordenance_/ this is myn_/ but ,i say to the certaynly that syn this custome cam forth to say this is myn_/ ,and this is thyn_/ no man thought to preferre the comyn prouffit so moche as his owen_/ ,and alle werkemen ought to be wise well aduysyd so that they haue none enuye ne none euyll suspecion one to an other_/ for god wylle that our humayne nature be couetous of two thynges_/ that is of ,religion4 ,and of wysedom_/ but in this caas ben some often tymes deceyued ,for they take ofte tymes religion and leue wisedom ,and they take wysedom and reffuse religion ,and none may be vraye and trewe with oute other ,for hit apperteyneth not to a wyse man to do ony thynge that he may repente hym of hit_/ ,and he ought to do no thynge ayenst his wyll_/ but to do alle thynge nobly1 meurely4 fermely4 and honestly ,and yf he haue enuye vpon ony4 hit is folye ,for he on whom he hath enuye is more honest and of more hauoir than he whiche is so enuyous_/ ,for a man may haue none enuye on an other_/ but be cause he is more fortunat and hath more grace than hym self_/ ,for enuye is a sorowe of corage y't cometh of dysordynance of the prouffit of another man ,and knowe thou verily that he that is full of bounte shall neuer haue enuye of an other_/ ,but thenuyous man seeth and thynketh alleway that euery man is more noble_/ ,and more fortunat that hymself ,and sayth alleway to hymself_/ that man wynneth more than ,i_/ and myn neyghebours haue more plente of bestes_/ and her thynges multiplye more than myn_/ and therfore thou oughtest knowe that enuye is the most grettest dedely synne that is_/ for she tormenteth hym that hath her wythin hym_/ wyth oute tormentynge or doyng ony harme to hym_/ on whome he hath enuye4 ,and an enuyous man hath no vertue in hymself_/ for he corrumpeth hymself for as moche as he hateth allway the welthe and vertues of other_/ and thus ought they to kepe them that they take none euyll suspecon ,for a man naturally whan his affection hath suspecion in ony man that he weneth that he doth_/ hit semeth to hym verily that it is doon4 ,and hit is an euyll thynge for a man to haue suspecion on hymfelf_/ ,for we rede that dionyse of zecyll a tyrant ,was so suspecionous that he had so grete fere and drede ,for as moche as he was hated of all men_/ that he putte his frendes oute of theyr offices that they had_/ ,and put other strangers in theyr places for to kepe his body_/ and chese suche as were ryght ,cruell and felons_/ ,and for fere and doubte of the barbours_/ he made hys doughters to lerne shaue and kembe_/ ,and whan they were grete4 ,he wold not they shold vse ony yron to be occupied by them_/ but to brenne and senge his heeris_/ and manaced them and durst not truste in them_/ ,and in lyke wyse they had none affiance in hym ,and also he dyde do enuyronne the place where he laye wyth grete diches and brode lyke a castell_/ ,and he entryd by a drawbrygge whiche closyd after hym_/ ,and hys knyghtes laye wyth oute wyth his gardes whiche wacchid and kept straytly thys forteresse_/ ,and whan plato sawe thys ,dionyse kynge of cezille thus enuyronned and set aboute wyth gardes wacche-men for the cause of his suspecion sayd to hym openly to fore all men kinge why hast thou don so moche euyll harme_/ that the behoueth to be kept wyth so moche peple_/ ,and therfore ,i saye that hit apperteyneth not to ony man that wylle truly behaue hym self in his werkis to be suspecyous_/ ,and also they ought to be stronge and seure in theyr werkes_/ ,and specyally they that ben maysters and maronners on the see_/ for yf they be tumerous and ferdfull they shold make a ferde them that ben in theyr shippis_/ that knowe not the paryls_/ ,and so hit might happene that by that drede and fere alle men shold leue theyr labour_/ ,and so they myght be perisshid and despeyred in theyr corages_/ ,for a shippe is soone perisshid and lost by a lityll tempest_/ whan the gouernour faylleth to gouerne his shippe for drede_/ ,and can gyue no counceyll to other than it is no meruayll_/ thangh they be a ferd that ben in his gouernance_/ ,and therfore ought be in them strengthe force and corage_/ and ought to considere the peryls that might falle_/ ,and the gouernour specially ought not to doubte_/ ,and if hit happen that ony paryll falle_/ he ought to promyse to the other good hoope_/ ,and hit apperteyneth well_/ that a man of good and hardy corage be sette in that office_/ ,in suche wyse that he haue ferme and seure mynde ayenst the paryls that oftetymes happen in the see_/ and with this ought the maroners haue good and ferme creance and beleue in god_/ and to be of good reconforte of fayr langage vnto them that he gouerneth in suche paryls_/ ,and this sufficeth to yow as touchynge the labourers4 ,illustration ,the thirde chapitre of the thirde book treteth of the office of notaryes aduocats skryueners and drapers or clothmakers4 ,the thirde pawne whiche is sette to fore the ,alphyn on the right side ought to be figured as a clerk ,and hit is reson that he shold so be_/ ,for as moche as amonge y'e comon peple of whom we speke in thys book they plete the differencis contencions and causes otherwhile the whiche behoueth the ,alphins to gyue sentence and ,iuge as ,iuges ,and hit is reson that the ,alphin or ,iuge haue his notarye_/ by whom y'e processe may be wreton_/ ,and this pawne ought to be made and figured in this mamere_/ he muste be made like a man that holdeth in his right hand a pair of sheres or forcetis_/ and in the lifte hand a grete knyf and on his gurdell a penuer and an ynkhorn_/ and on his eere a penne to wryte wyth ,and that ben the ,instrumentis the offices that ben made and put in writynge autentyque_/ and ought to haue passed to fore the ,iuges as libelles writtes condempnacions and sentences_/ ,and that is signefied by the scriptoire and the penne and on that other part hit appertayneth to them to cutte cloth4 shere4 dighte4 and dye_/ and that is signefied by the forcettis or sheres_/ and the other ought to shaue berdes and kembe the heeris_/ ,and the other ben coupers4 coryers4 tawiers4 skynners4 bouchers and cordwanners_/ and these ben signefyed by the knyf that he holdeth in his hand and some of thise forsayd crafty men ben named drapers or clothmakers for so moche as they werke wyth wolle4 and the ,notayres4 skynners4 coryours4 and cardewaners werke by skynnes and hydes_/ ,as parchemyn velume4 peltrye and cordewan_/ ,and the ,tayllours4 cutters of cloth1 weuars4 fullars4 dyers_/ ,and many other craftes ocupye and vse wulle_/ ,and alle thyse crafty men many other that ,i haue not named_/ ought to doo theyr craft and mestyer_/ where as they ben duly ordeyned ,curyously and truly_/ ,also ther ought to be amonge thyse crafty men amyable companye and trewe_/ honest contenance_/ ,and trouthe in their wordes_/ ,and hit is to wete that the notaries ben right prouffitable and ought to be good trewe for the comyn ,and they ought to kepe them fro appropriynge to themself that thynge y't apperteyneth to the comyn ,and yf they be good to them self_/ they ben good to other4 ,and yf they be euyll for themself_/ they ben euyll for other ,and the processes that ben made to fore the ,iuges ought to ben wreton passid by them_/ and hit is to wete that by their writynge in the processis may come moche prouffit ,and also yf they wryte otherwyse than they ought to doo_/ may ensewe moche harme and domage to the comyn ,therfore ought they to take good heede that they change not ne corrumpe in no wyse the content of the sentence4 ,for than ben they first forsworn ,and ben bounden to make amendes to them that by theyr tricherye they haue endomaged_/ ,and also ought they to rede visite and to knowe the statutes4 ordenances and the lawes of the cytees of the contre_/ where they dwelle and enhabite_/ ,and they ought to considere yf ther be ony thynge therein conteyned ayenst right and reson_/ and yf they fynde ony thinge contraire_/ they ought to admoneste and warne them that gouerne_/ that suche thynges may be chauged into better astate_/ ,for custome establisshid ayenst good maners and agaynst the fayth_/ ought not to be holden by right4 ,for as hit is sayd in the decree in the chapitre to fore_/ alle ordenance made ayenst ryght ought to be holden for nought ,alas who is now that aduocate or notaire that hath charge to wryte and kepe sentence that putteth his entente to kepe more the comyn prouffit or as moche as his owen_/ ,but alle drede of god is put a back_/ and they deceyue the symple men ,and drawen them to the courtes disordinatly and constrayned them to swere and make othes not couenable_/ ,and in assemblyng the peple thus to gyder they make moo traysons in the cytees than they make good alyances ,and otherwhile they deceyue their souerayns_/ whan they may doo hit couertly ,for ther is no thynge at this day that so moche greueth rome and ,italye as doth the college of notaries and aduocates publicque ,for they ben not of oon a corde_/ ,alas and in ,engeland what hurte doon the aduocats4 men of lawe4 ,and attorneyes of court to the comyn peple of y'e royame as well in the spirituell lawe as in the temporall_/ how torne they the lawe and statutes at their pleasir_/ how ete they the peple_/ how enpouere they the comynte_/ ,i suppose that in alle ,cristendom ar not so many pletars attorneys and men of the lawe as ben in englond onely_/ for yf they were nombrid all that lange to the courtes of the channcery kinges benche4 comyn place4 cheker4 ressayt and helle ,and the bagge berars of the same_/ hit shold amounte to a grete multitude ,and how alle thyse lyue of whome4 yf hit shold be vttrid told_/ hit shold not be beleuyd4 ,for they entende to theyr synguler wele and prouffyt and not to the comyn_/ how well they ought to be of good wyll to gyder_/ and admoneste and warne the cytes eche in his right in suche wise that they myght haue pees and loue one with an other ,and tullius saith that frendshippe and good wyll that one ought to haue ayenst an other for the wele of hym that he loueth_/ wyth the semblable wylle of hym_/ ought to be put forth to fore alle other thynges_/ ,and ther is no thynge so resemblynge and lyke to the bees that maken honye ne so couenable in prosperite and in aduersite as is loue_/ ,for by loue gladly the bees holden them to gyder_/ ,and yf ony trespace to that other anone they renne vpon the malefactour for to punysshe hym_/ ,and verray trewe loue faylleth neuer for wele ne for euyll_/ and the most swete and the most confortynge thynge is for to haue a frende to whom a man may saye his secrete_/ as well as to hym self_/ ,but verayly amytye and frendship is somtyme founded vpon som thinge delectable ,and this amytye cometh of yongthe_/ in the whiche dwelleth a disordinate heete4 ,and otherwhile amytie is founded vpon honeste_/ ,and this amytie is vertuouse_/ ,of the whiche tullius faith y't ther is an amytie vertuous by the whiche a man ought to do to his frende alle that he requyreth by rayson ,for for to do to hym a thynge dishonneste it is ayenst the nature of verray frendshipe amytie_/ ,and thus for frendshipe ne for fauour a man ought not to doo ony thinge vnresonable ayenst the comyn prouffit ner agaynst his fayth ne ayenst his oth_/ for yf alle tho thynges that the frendes desire and requyre were accomplisshid doon_/ hit shold seme that they shold be dishoneste coniuracions_/ ,and they myght otherwhile more greue hurte than prouffit and ayde_/ ,and herof sayth seneque that amytie is of suche wylle as the frende wylle_/ ,and to reffuse that ought to be reffusid by rayson_/ ,and yet he sayth more1 that a man ought to alowe and preyse his frende to fore the peple_/ and to correcte and to chastyse hym pryuyly4 ,for the lawe of amytie is suche ,for a man ought not to demande ner doo to be doon to his frende no vyllayns thynge that ought to be kept secrete ,and valerian sayth that it is a fowll thynge and an euyll excufacion_/ yf a man conffesse that he hath done ony euyll for his frende ayenst right and rayson_/ ,and sayth that ther was a good man named ,taffile whiche herde one his frende requyre of hym a thynge dishonnefte whiche he denyed and wold not doo ,and than his frende sayth to hym in grete dispyte_/ what nede haue ,i of thy frendship amytie whan thou wylt not doo that thynge that ,i requyre of the ,and ,taffile answerd to hym_/ what nede haue ,i of the frendship and of the amytie of the_/ yf ,i shold doo for the thynge dishonefte ,and thus loue is founded otherwhile vpon good prouffitable_/ and this loue endureth as longe as he seeth his prouffit ,and herof men faye a comyn prouerbe in england_/ that loue lasteth as longe as the money endureth_/ and whan the money faylleth than there is no loue_/ and varro reherceth in his smmes_/ that y' riche men ben alle louyd by this loue_/ for their frendes ben lyke as y'e huse whiche is aboute the grayn_/ and no man may proue his frende so well as in aduersite_/ or whan he is poure_/ for the veray trewe frende faylleth at no nede_/ ,and seneque saith y't some folowe the empour for riches_/ and so doon y'e flies the hony for the swetenes_/ and the wolf the karayn ,and thise companye folowe the proye_/ and not the man ,and tullius saith that ,tarquyn y'e proude had a neuewe of his suster which was named brutus_/ and this neuewe had banysshid tarquyn out of rome and had sente hym in exyle_/ ,and than sayd he first that he parceyuyd knewe his frendes whiche were trewe untrewe_/ and y't he neuer perceyuyd a fore tyme whan he was puyssant for to doo their wyll_/ and sayd well that the loue that they had to hym_/ endured not but as longe as it was to them prouffitable_/ and therfore ought till the ryche men of the world take hede_/ be they ,kynges ,prynces or ducs to what peple they doo prouffit how they may and ought be louyd of theyr peple_/ ,for cathon sayth in his book_/ see to whom thougyuyst_/ and this loue whiche is founded vpon theyr prouffit_/ whiche faylleth and endureth not_/ may better be callyd and said marchandyse than loue_/ ,for yf we repute this loue to our prouffit only_/ and nothynge to the prouffyt of hym that we loue_/ ,it is more marchandyse than loue_/ ,for he byeth our loue for the prouffit that he doth to vs_/ and therfor saith the versifier thise two versis ,tempore felici multi murmerantur amici ,cum fortuna perit nullus amicus erit_/ whiche is to saye in ,english that as longe as a man is ewrous and fortunat he hath many frendes but whan fortune torneth and perisshith1 ther abideth not to hym one frende_/ ,and of this loue ben louyd the medowes1 feldes1 ,trees and the bestes for the prouffit that men take of them_/ ,but the loue of the men ought to be charyte1 veray gracious and pure by good fayth_/ ,and the veray trewe frendes ben knowen in pure aduersite_/ and pers alphons saith in his book of moralite that ther was a philosophre in arabye that had an onely sone_/ of whom he demanded what frendes he had goten hym in his lyf4 ,and he answerd that he had many ,and his fader sayd to hym_/ ,i am an olde man_/ ,and yet coude ,i neuer fynde but one frende in alle my lyf_/ ,and ,i trowe verily that it is no lytyll thynge for to haue a frende_/ and hit is well gretter and more a man to haue many_/ ,and hit appertayneth and behoueth a man to assaye and preue his frende er he haue nede ,and than comanded the philosopher his sone_/ that he shold goo and slee a swyne_/ and putte hit in a sack_/ and fayne that hit were a man dede that he had slayn and bere hit to his frendes for to burye hit secretly_/ ,and whan the sone had don as his fader comanded to hym and had requyred his frendes one after an other as a fore is sayd_/ ,they denyed hym_/ ,and answerd to hym that he was a vylayne to requyre desire of them thynge that was so peryllous ,and than he cam agayn to his fader and sayd to hym how he had requyred alle his frendes_/ ,and that he had not founden one that wolde helpe hym in his nede ,and than his fader said to hym that he shold goo and requyre his frende whiche had but one_/ and requyre hym that he shold helpe hym in his nede ,and whan he had requyred hym_/ ,anone he put oute alle his mayne oute of his hows_/ ,and whan they were oute of the waye or a slepe he dide do make secretly a pytte in the grounde_/ ,and whan hyt was redy and wold haue buryed the body_/ he fonde hit an hogge or a swyne and not a man_/ ,and thus thys sone preuyd thys man to be a veray trewe frende of his fader_/ ,and preuyd that his frendes were fals frendes of fortune_/ ,and yet reherceth the sayd piers ,alphons_/ ,that ther were two marchantes one of ,bandach and that other of ,egipte whiche were so ,joyned to gyder by so grete frendshippe that he of ,bandach cam on a tyme for to see hys frende in ,egipte_/ of whom he was receyuyd ryght honourably ,and thys marchant of ,egipte had in his hows a fayr yonge mayden whom he shold haue had in maryage to hymslf_/ ,of the whiche mayde thys marchant of ,bandach was esrysd wyth her loue so ardantly that he was ryght seeke_/ ,and that men supposid hym to dye4 ,and than the other dyde doo come the phisicyens whiche sayd that in hym was none other sekenes sauf passyon of loue_/ ,than he axid of the seeke man yf ther wer ony woman in hys hows that he louyd and made alle the women of his hows to come to fore hym_/ ,and than he chees her that shold haue ben that others wyf and sayd that he was seek for the loue of her_/ ,than hys frende sayd to hym ,frende conforte your self_/ ,for trewly ,i gyue her to yow to wyf wyth alle the dowayre that is gyuen to me wyth her_/ ,and had leuer to suffre to be wyth oute wyf than to lese the body of his frende ,and than he of ,bandach wedded the mayde4 ,and wente wyth his wyf and wyth his richesse ayen in to his contrey ,and after this anone after hit happend that the marchant of ,egipte be cam so poure by euyll fortune_/ that he was constrayned to feche and begge his brede by the contrey in so moche that he cam to bandach4 ,and whan he entrid in to the toun hit was derke nyght that he coude not fynde the hows of his frende_/ but wente and laye this nyght in an olde temple_/ ,and on the morn whan he shold yssue oute of the temple_/ the officers of the toun arestid hym and sayd that he was an homycide and had slayn a man whiche laye there dede ,and anon he confessid hit wyth a good wylle_/ ,and had leuyr to ben hangid_/ than to dye in that myserable and poure lyf that he suffrid ,and thus whan he was brought to ,iugement ,and sentence shold haue ben gyuen ayenst hym as an homicide_/ his frende of bandach cam and sawe hym and anone knewe y't this was his good frende of ,egipte ,and forthwyth stept in and sayde that he hymself was culpable of the deth of this man_/ and not that other_/ and enforced hym in alle maners for to delyuer and excuse that other_/ ,and than whan that he that had don the feet and had slayn the man sawe this thynge_/ he considerid in hym sels that these two men were ,innocente4 of this feet_/ ,and doubtynge the dyuyn ,iugement he cam to fore the ,iuge and confessid alle the feet by ordre_/ ,and whan the ,iuge sawe and herd alle this mater_/ and also the causes he considerid the ferme and trewe loue that was betwene the two frendes ,and vnderstode the cause why that one wold saue that other_/ and the trouth of the fayte of the homicide ,and than he pardoned alle the feet hoolly and entierly_/ and after the marchant of bandach brought hym of egipte wyth hym in to his hous_/ and gaf to hym his suster in mariage_/ and departid to hym half his goodes_/ ,and so bothe of hem were riche_/ ,and thus were they bothe veray faythfull and trewe frendes_/ ,furthermore ,notaires4 men of lawe and crafty men shold and ought to loue eche other ,and also ought to be contynent chaste honeste_/ ,for by theyr craftes they ought so to be by necessite_/ ,for they conuerse accompanye them ofte tyme with women ,and therfor hit apperteyneth to them to be chaste and honeste ,and that they meue not the women ner entyse them to lawhe_/ and ,iape by ony disordinate ensignees or tokens_/ ,titus liuyus reherceth that the philosopher democreon dyde do put oute his eyen for as moche as he myght not beholde the women wyth oute flesshely desire_/ ,and how well hit is said before that he dide hit for other certayn cause yet was this one of the pryncipall causes_/ ,and ,valerian telleth that ther was a yonge man of rome of ryght excellent beaute_/ ,and how well that he was ryght chaste_/ ,for as moche as his beaute meuyd many women to desyre hym_/ in so moche that he vnderstode that the parents and frendes of them had suspecion in hym_/ he dyde his visage to be cutte wyth a knyf and lancettis endlonge and ouerthwart for to deforme his visage_/ ,and had leuer haue a fowle visage and disformed_/ than the beaute of hys visage shold meue other to synne_/ ,and also we rede that ther was a ,nonne a virgyne dyde do put oute bothe her eyen ,for as moche as the beaute of her eyen meuyd a kynge to loue her_/ whyche eyen she sente to the kynge in a presente_/ ,and also we rede that plato the ryght ryche and wyse phylosophre lefte hys owne lande and ,contre4 ,and cheese his mansion and dwellynge in achadomye a town_/ whiche was not only destroyed but also was full of pestelence_/ so that by the cure and charge and customance of sorowe that be there suffrid_/ myght eschewe the heetes and occasions of lecherye_/ ,and many of his disciples dyde in lyke wyse_/ ,helemand reherceth that demostenes the philosopher lay ones by a right noble woman for his disporte_/ and playnge with her he demanded of her what he shold gyue to haue to doo wyth her_/ ,and she answerd to hym_/ a thousand pens_/ and he sayd agayn to her ,i shold repente me to bye hit so dere_/ ,and whan he aduysed hym that he was so sore chauffid to speke to her for taccoplissh his flesshely defire_/ he dispoyled hym alle naked and wente and putte hym in the middes of the snowe ,and ouide reherceth that this thynge is the leste that maye helpe and moste greue the louers ,and therfore saynt ,augustyn reherceth in his book de ,ciuitate dei that ther was a ryght noble romayne named merculian that wan and toke the noble cyte of siracuse ,and to fore er he dyde do assaylle hit or befyghte hit_/ and er he had do be shedde ony blood_/ he wepte and shedde many teeris to fore the cyte ,and that was for the cause that he doubted that his peple shold defoyle and corrumpe to moche dishonestly the chastyte of the toun ,and ordeyned vpon payne of deth that no man shold be so hardy to take and defoylle ony woman by force what that euer she were_/ ,after this the craftymen ought to vnderstond for to be trewe_/ and to haue trouthe in her mouthes ,and that theyr dedes folowe theyr wordes ,for he that sayth one thynge and doth another_/ he condempneth hymself by his word ,also they ought to see well to that they be of one ,acorde in good1 by entente1 by word1 and by dede_/ so that they ben not discordant in no caas_/ ,but euery man haue pure veryte and trouth in hym self_/ ,for god hym self is pure verite_/ ,and men say comynly that trouthe seketh none hernes ne corners_/ ,and trouthe is a vertu by the whyche alle drede and fraude is put away_/ ,men saye truly whan they saye that they knowe_/ ,and they that knowe not trouthe_/ ought to knowe hit_/ ,and alleway vse trouthe_/ ,for ,saynt ,austyn sayth that they that wene to knowe trouthe_/ ,and lyuyth euyll viciously ,it is folye yf he knoweth hit not_/ ,and also he sayth in an other place that it is better to suffre peyne for trouthe4 ,than for to haue a benefete by falsenes or by flaterye4 ,and man that is callyd a beste resonable and doth not his werkes after reson and trouthe_/ ,is more bestyall than ony beste brute_/ ,and knowe y'e that for to come to the trouthe_/ ,hit cometh of a raysonable forsight in his mynde_/ ,and lyenge cometh of an outrageous and contrarye thought in his mynde_/ ,for he that lyeth wetyngly_/ ,knoweth well that hit is agaynst the trouthe that he thynketh_/ ,and herof speketh ,saynt ,bernard and sayth_/ ,that the mouthe that lyeth destroyeth the sowle_/ ,and yet sayth ,saynt ,austyn in an other place ,for to saye ony thynge_/ ,and to doo the contrarye4 maketh doctryne suspecious_/ ,and knowe y'e veryly that for to lye is a right perillous thynge to body and sowle ,for the lye that the auncyent enemye made ,eue adam to beleue hym_/ made hem for to be dampned wyth alle theyr lignage to the deth pardurable ,and made hem to be cast oute of ,paradyse terrestre_/ ,for he made them to beleue that god had not forboden them the fruyt4 ,but only be cause they shold not knowe that her maister knewe ,but how well that the deuyll said thise wordes yet had she double entente to hem bothe ,for they knewe ann as they had tasted of the fruyt that they were dampned to the deth pardurable_/ ,and god knewe it well to fore ,but they supposid well to haue knowen many other thynges ,and to belyke vnto his knowleche and science ,and therfor fayth saynt poule in a pistyll_/ hit ne apperteyneth to saure or knowe more than behoueth to saure or knowe_/ but to fauoure or knowe by mesure or fobrenes_/ ,and valerian reherceth that ther was a good woman of siracusane that wold not lye vnto the kynge of 99ecylle whiche was named dyonyse ,and this kynge was so full of tyrannye so cruell that alle the world defired his deth and cursid hym_/ ,saauf this woman onely whiche was so olde that she had seen thre or 4iiii4 kynges regnynge in the contre_/ ,and euery mornynge as sone as she was rysen she prayd to god that he wold gyue vnto the tyrant good lyf and longe ,and that she myght neuer see his deth_/ ,and when the kynge dyonise knewe this he sent for her ,and meruayllid moche herof ,for he knewe well that he was fore behated_/ ,and demaunded her_/ what cause meuyd her to pray for hym4 ,and she answerd and said to hym ,syre whan ,i was a mayde we had a right euyll tyrant to our kynge of whom we coueyted fore the deth ,and whan he was ded ther cam after hym a worse_/ of whom we coueyted also the deth_/ ,and whan we were deliueryd of hym_/ thou camst to be our lord whiche arte worste of alle other4 ,and now ,i doubte yf we haue one after the he shall be worse than thou art_/ ,and therfore ,i shall pray for the ,and whan dionyse vnderstod that she was so hardy in sayynge the truthe_/ he durste not doo tormente her for shame be cause she was so olde4 ,illustration ,the fourth chapitre of the thirde book treteth of the maner of the fourth pawn and of the marchants or changers4 ,the fourth pawn is sette to for the kynge ,and is formed in the fourme of a man holding in his ryght hand a balance_/ ,and the weyght in the lifte hand_/ ,and to fore hym a table ,and at his gurdell a purse fulle of monoye redy for to gyue to them that requyre hit ,and by this peple ben signefied the marchans of cloth lynnen and wollen of all other marchandises ,and by the table that is to for hym is signefied y'e changeurs_/ ,and they that lene money_/ ,and they that bye selle by the weyght ben signefyed by the balances and weight ,and the customers4 tollers_/ and resseyuours of rentes of money ben signefied by the purse ,and knowe y'e that alle they that ben signefied by this peple ought to flee auaryce and couetyse_/ ,and eschewe brekynge of the dayes of payement_/ ,and ought to holde and kepe theyr promyssis_/ ,and ought also to rendre restore y't_/ that is gyuen to them to kepe_/ ,and therfor hit is reson that this peple be sette to for y'e kynge_/ for as moche as they signefie the resseyuours of the tresours royall that ought all way to be redy to fore y'e kynge_/ and to answere for hym to the knightes and other persones for their wages souldyes ,and therfore haue ,i sayd that they ought to flee auarice4 ,for auarice is as moche to say as an adourer or as worshipar of fals ymages_/ herof saith ,tullius that auarice is a couetise to gete y't thing that is aboue necessite_/ it is a loue disordinate to haue ony thynge ,and it is one of the werst thyngis that is ,and specially to prynces and to them that gouerne the thynges of the comunete ,and this vice caufeth a man to do euyll_/ ,and this doynge euyll is whan hit regneth in olde men ,and herof saith ,seneque ,that alle wordly thynges ben mortifyed and appetissid in olde men reserued auaryce only_/ whiche alleway abideth wyth hym and dyeth wyth hym ,but ,i vnderstande not well the cause wherof this cometh ne wherfore hit may be ,and hit is a fowle thynge and contrarie to reson ,that whan a man is at ende of his ,iourney for to lengthe his viage and to ordeyne more vitayll than hym behoueth ,and this may well be lykened to the auarycious wolf ,for the wolf doth neuer good tyll he be dede ,and thus it is sayd in the prouerbis of the wisemen_/ that thauaricious man doth no good tyll that he be ded_/ ,and he desireth no thynge but to lyue longe in this synne ,for the couetouse man certaynly is not good for ony thynge ,for he is euyll to hymself and to the riche and to the poure4 ,and fynde cause to gayn saye theyr desire_/ and herof reherceth seneque and sayth that ,antigonus was a couetous prynce_/ whan ,tinque whiche was his frende requyred of hym a besaut_/ he answerd to hym that he demanded more than hit apperteyned to hym ,and than tinque constrayned by grete necessite axid and requyred of hym a peny_/ ,and he answerd to hym that hit was no yefte couenable for a kynge and so he was allway redy to fynde a cause nought to gyue ,for he myght haue gyuen to hym a besaut as a kynge to his frende_/ ,and the peny as to a poure man ,and ther is no thynge so lytyll_/ but that the humanyte of a kynge may gyue hit ,auarice full of couetyse is a maner of alle vices of luxurye ,and ,josephus reherceth in the book of auncyent histories_/ that ther was in rome a ryght noble lady named ,paulyne_/ ,and was of the most noble of rome_/ right honeste for the noblesse of chastete_/ whiche was maryed in the tyme that the women gloryfied them in theyr chastete vnto a yonge man fayr4 noble4 and riche aboue alle other_/ and was lyke and semblable to his wyf in alle caasis_/ ,and this paulyne was belouyd of a knight named emmerancian ,and was so ardautly esprysed in her loue that he sente to her many right riche yeftes_/ ,and made to her many grete promissis_/ but he might neuer torne the herte of her whiche was on her side also colde and harde as marbill ,but had leuer to reffuse his yeftes and his promisses4 ,than to entende to couetise to lose her chastete_/ and we rede also in the historyes of rome that ther was a noble lady of rome_/ whiche lyuyd a solitarye lyf and was chaste honeste_/ ,and had gadrid to gyder a grete some of gold_/ ,and had hid hit in the erthe in a pytte wyth in her hous_/ ,and whan she was ded_/ the bisshop dyde do burye her in the churche well and honestly_/ ,and anone after this gold was founden born to the bisshop_/ ,and the bisshop had to caste hit in to the pytte wher she was buryed4 ,and 4iii4 dayes men herd her crye make grete noyse_/ and saye that she brennyd in grete payne_/ and they herd her ofte tymes thus tormentid in y'e chirche_/ the neighbours wente to the bisshop told hym therof_/ and y'e bisshop gaf hem leue to open the sepulcre_/ and whan they had opend hit_/ they fonde all the gold molten with fyre full of sulphre_/ ,and was poured and put in her mouth_/ and they herd one saye_/ thou desiredest this gold by couetyse take hit and drynke hit_/ ,and than they toke the body out of the tombe ,and hit was cast oute in a preuy place ,seneque reherceth in the book of the cryes of women that auarice is foundement of alle vices_/ ,and valerian reherceth that auarice is a ferdfull garde or kepar of rychessis for he that hath on hym or in his kepynge moche money or other rychessis_/ is allway a ferd to lose hit or to be robbid or to be slayn therfore_/ ,and he is not ewrous ner happy that by couetyse geteth hit_/ ,and alle the euyllys of this vice of auarice had a man of rome named septemulle ,for he was a frende of one named tarchus ,and this septemulle brente so sore and so cruelly in this synne of couetyse_/ that he had no shame to smyte of the hede of his frende by trayson_/ ,for as moche as one framosian had promysed to hym as moche weyght of pure gold as the heed weyed ,and he bare the sayd heed vpon a staf thurgh the cyte of rome_/ and he wyded the brayn out therof and fyld hit full of leed for to weye the heuyer ,this was a right horrible and cruell auarice ,ptolome kynge of the ,egipciens poursewed auarice in an other manere ,for whan anthonie emperour of rome sawe that he was right riche of gold and siluer_/ he had hym in grete hate and tormentid hym right cruelly ,and whan he shold perishe be cause of his richessis_/ he toke alle his hauoyr and put hit in a shippe ,and wente wyth alle in to the hye see to thende for to drowne and perishe there the shippe and his rychesses be cause ,anthonie his enemye shold not haue hit_/ ,and whan he was there he durst not perisshe hit ner myght not fynde in his herte to departe from hit_/ but cam and brought hit agayn in to his hows where he resseyuyd the reward of deth therfore4 ,and wyth oute doubte he was not lord of the richesse but the richesse was lady ouer hym_/ ,and therfore hit is sayd in prouerbe that a man ought to seignorye ouer the riches_/ and not for to serue hit_/ and yf thou canst dewly vse thy rychesse than she is thy chamberyer_/ ,and yf thou can not departe from hit and vse hit honestly at thy playsir_/ knowe verily y't she is thy lady ,for the richesse neuer satisfieth the couetouse_/ but the more he hath_/ the more he desireth_/ ,and saluste sayth that auarice distourblith fayth poeste honeste and alle these other good vertues_/ ,and taketh for these vertues pryde4 cruelte4 ,and to forgete god_/ ,and saith that alle thynges be vendable ,and after this they ought to be ware that they leue not to moche_/ ner make so grete creances by which they may falle in pouerte_/ ,for saynt ,ambrose saith upon tobye4 pouerte hath no lawe_/ for to owe hit is a shame_/ to owe and not paye is a more shame_/ yf y'u be poure beware how thou borowest_/ and thinke how thou maist paye rendre agayn yf y'u be ryche y'u hast none nede to borowe axe_/ it is said in the prouerbes y't hit is fraude to take_/ that y'u wilt not ner maist rendre paye agayn_/ and also hit is said in reproche_/ whan ,i leue ,i am thy frend_/ whan ,i axe ,i am thy enemye_/ as wo saith_/ god at the lenynge_/ the deuyll at rendrynge_/ ,and seneque sayth in his au99ctorites_/ that they y't gladly borowe_/ ought gladly to paye_/ and ought to surmonte in corage to loue hem the better be cause they leue hem ayde hem in her nede_/ ,for for benefetes good tornes doon to a man ought to gyue hym thankinges therfore_/ ,and moche more ought a man to repaye that ,is lente hym in his nede_/ ,but now in these dayes many men by lenynge of their money haue made of their frendes enemyes_/ ,and herof speketh ,domas the philosopher and sayth that my frende borowed money of me_/ ,and ,i haue lost my frende and my money attones_/ ,ther was a marchant of ,gene also a chaungeour_/ whos name was ,albert gauor_/ ,and this albert was a man of grete trouth and loyaulte_/ for on a tyme ther was a man cam to hym and said affermed that he had delyueryd in to his banke 4v4 honderd floryns of gold to kepe whiche was not trouth for he lyed_/ whyche fyue honderd floryns the said ,albert knewe not of_/ ner coude fynde in all hys bookes ony suche money to hym due ,and this lyar coude not brynge no wytnessis_/ but began to braye4 crye and deffame the said albert ,and than this ,albert callid to hym this marchaut and sayd_/ ,dere frende take here v4 honderd florins whyche thou affermest and sayst that thou hast deliuerid to me ,and forthwyth tolde hem and toke hem to hym ,and lo this good man had leuer to lose his good than his good name and renome ,and this other marchant toke these florins that he had wrongfully receyuyd_/ and enployed them in diuerce marchandise in so moche that he gate and encresid and wan with them 4xv4 thousand florins ,and whan he sawe that he approchid toward his deth_/ and that he had no children ,he establisshid albert his heyr in alle thingis ,and sayd that with the 4v4 honderd florins that he had receyuyd of albert falsely_/ he had goten all y't he had in the world ,and thus by dyuyne pourueance he that had be a theef fraudelent_/ was made afterward a trewe procurour and attorney of the sayd albert_/ ,but now in this dayes ther ben marchaus that do marchandise with other mens money whiche is taken to hem to kepe_/ ,and whan they ben requyred to repaye hit they haue no shame to denye hit appertly_/ wherof hit happend that ther was a marchant whyche had a good grete name and renome of kepynge well suche thynges as was delyueryd to hym to kepe_/ ,but whan he sawe place and tyme_/ he reteynyd hyt lyke a theef_/ ,so hyt befelle that a marchant of withoute forth herd the good reporte fame of this man_/ cam to hym and deliuerid hym grete tresour to kepe_/ ,and this tresour abode thre yer in his kepynge4 ,and after this thre yer thys marchant cam requyred to haue hys good deliueryd to hym agaym_/ ,and thys man knewe well that he had no recorde ne wytnes to preue on hym this duete_/ ,nor he had no obligacion ne wrytynge of hym therof_/ ,in suche wyse that he denyed alle entyerly_/ ,and sayd playnly he knewe hym not4 ,and whan thys good man herde and vnderstode thys4 he wente sorowfully and wepynge from hym so ferre and longe that an old woman mette wyth hym_/ ,and demanded of hym the cause of hys wepynge_/ ,and he sayd to her_/ woman hit apperteyneth no thynge to the ,go thy way_/ ,and she prayd hym that he wold telle her the cause of hys sorowe_/ ,for parauenture she myght gyue hym counceylle good and prouffytable4 ,and than this man told to her by ordre the caas of his fortune_/ ,and the old woman that was wyse subtyll demanded of hym yf he had in that cyte ony frende whiche wold be faythfull and trewe to hym ,and he sayd y'e that he had dyuerce frendes_/ ,than said she goo thou to them and saye to them that they do ordeyne and bye dyuerce cofres chestis_/ ,and that they do fylle them with som olde thinges of no value_/ and that they fayne ,and saye that they be full of gold1 siluer other ,iewels and of moche grete tresour_/ ,and than that they brynge them to this sayd marchant ,and to saye to hym that he wold kepe them_/ ,for as moche as they had grete trust and affiance in hym ,and also that they haue herd of his grete trouthe and good renome_/ ,and also they wold goo in to a fer contre ,and shold be longe er they retorned agayn ,and whilis they speke to hym of this mater_/ thou shalt come vpon them and requyre hym that he do deliuere to the_/ that thou tokest to hym_/ ,and ,i trowe be cause of tho good men that than shall profre to hym the sayd tresour_/ ,and for the couetise to haue hit_/ he shall deliuere to the thy good agayn_/ ,but beware late hym not knowe in no wyse that they ben thy frendes ner of thy knowleche ,this was a grete and good couceyll of a woman ,and verily hit cometh of nature oftentymes to women to gyue counceyll shortly and vnauysedly to thynges that ben in doute or perillous and nedeth hasty remedye_/ ,and as y'e haue herd_/ this good man dyde ,and dyde after her counceyll ,and cam vpon them whan they spack of the mater to the marchant for to deliuere to hym the sayd cofres to kepe whyche his frendes had fayned and requyred of hym that he had taken to hym to kepe_/ and than anon the sayd marchant sayd to hym ,i knowe the now well4 ,for ,i haue auysed me that thou art suche a man_/ ,and camst to me suche a tyme_/ ,and deliuerest to me suche a thynge whiche ,i haue well kept_/ ,and than callyd his clerck_/ and bad hym goo fecche suche a thynge in suche a place_/ and deliuere hit to that good man ,for he deliuerid hit to me_/ ,and than the good man receyuyd his good4 ,and wente his way right ,ioyously and gladd_/ ,and this marchant trycheur and deceyuour was defrauded from his euyll malice_/ ,and he ne had neyther that one ne that other ony thynge that was of value_/ ,and therfore hit ,is sayd in prouerbe to defraude the beguylar is no fraude_/ ,and he that doth well foloweth oure lord ,and seneke faith that charyte enseygneth and techeth that men shold paye well ,for good payement is sometyme good confession_/ ,and this marchant trycheour deceyuour resembleth ,is lyke to an hound that bereth a chese in his mouth whan he swymmeth ouer a watre ,for whan he is on the watre ,he seeth the shadowe of the chese in the watre_/ ,and than he weneth hit be an other chese_/ ,and for couetyse to haue that_/ he openth his mouth to cacche that_/ ,and than the chese that he bare fallyth doun in to the watre_/ ,and thus he loseth bothe two_/ ,and in the same wise was seruyd this marchant deceyuour_/ ,for for to haue the coffres_/ whiche he had not seen_/ ,he deliueryd agayn that he wold haue holden wrongfully thus by his couetise and propre malice he was deceyuyd_/ ,and therfore hit apperteyneth to euery good wyse man to knowe considere in hym self how moche he had resseyuyd of other men_/ ,and vpon what condicion hit was deliuerid to hym ,and hit is to wete y't this thinge apperteyneth to resseyuours to chaungeours ,and to alle true marchans and other what som euyr they bee_/ and ought to kepe their bookes of resaytes of payements of whom to whom and what tyme day4 and yf y'e demande what thynge makyth them to forgete suche thynges as ben taken to them to kepe ,i answere saye that hyt ,is grete couetyse for to haue tho thynges to themself and neuer to departe from them_/ ,and it is all her thought and desire to assemble alle the good that they may gete ,for they beleue on none other god_/ but on her richessis theyr hertes ben so obstynat_/ and this sufficeth of the marchantes4 ,illustration ,this fifth chapitre of the thirde book treteh of phisiciens spicers and ,apotyquarys4 ,the pawon that is sette to fore the quene signefyeth the phisicyen_/ spicer and ,apotyquaire_/ and is formed in the figure of a man_/ ,and he is sette in a chayer as a maystre and holdeth in his right hand a book_/ ,and an ample or a boxe wyth oynementis in his lyft hand_/ ,and at his gurdell his ,instrumentis of yron and of siluer for to make ,incysions and to serche woundes and hurtes_/ and to cutte apostumes_/ ,and by thyse thynges ben knowen the cyrurgyens_/ ,by the book ben vnderstanden the phisicyens_/ and alle gramaryens4 logicyens_/ maistres of lawe4 of ,geometrye4 ,arismetryque4 musique and of astronomye_/ ,and by the ampole_/ ben signefyed the makers of pigmentaries spicers and apotiquayres_/ and they that make confections and confytes and medecynes made wyth precyous spyces ,and by the ferremens and ,intrumentis that hangen on the gurdell ben signefied the cyrurgyens the maistres ,and knowe y'e for certain that a maystre phisicyen ought to knowe the proporcions of lettres of gramayre_/ the monemens the conclusions and the sophyms of logyque4 the gracio'#i speche and vtterance of rethorique_/ the mesures of the houres and dayes_/ and of the cours and astronomye_/ the nombre of arsmetryk_/ the ,ioyous songes of musyque ,and of all thyse tofore named_/ the maistres of rethorique ben the chyef maistres in speculatyf_/ ,and the two laste that ben practisiens and werkers ben callyd phisicyens and cyrurgyens_/ how well they ben sage and curyous in thyse sciences_/ ,and how well that mannes lyf is otherwhile put in thordonance of the phisicyen or cyrurgyen_/ yf he haue not sagesse and wysedom in hym self of dyuerce wrytynges and is not expert_/ ,and medlyth hym in the craft of phisique_/ ,he ought better be callyd a slear of peple than a phisicyen or cyrurgyen4 ,for he may not be a maystre but yf he be seure and expert in the craft of phisike that he sle not moo than he cureth and maketh hoole_/ ,and therfore sayth ,auycenne in an ,enphormye_/ yf thou curest the seke man4 ,and knowest not the cause_/ wherof the maladye ought to be cured_/ ,hit ought to be sayd that thou hast cured hym by fortune and happe more than by ony comynge4 ,and in alle thyse maner of peple_/ ,ther ought to be meurte of good maners_/ ,curtoysie of wordes_/ ,chastite of the body promysse of helthe_/ ,and as to them that ben seke contynuell visitacion of them_/ ,and they ought to enquere the cause of theyr sekenessis and the sygnes and tokens of theyr maladyes_/ ,as is rehercid in the bookes of the auctours by ryght grete diligence_/ ,and specially in the bookes of ypocras galyene and of ,auycene ,and whan many maysters and phisicyens ben assemblid to fore the pacyent or seke man_/ ,they ought not there to argue and dispute one agaynst an other_/ ,but they ought to make good and symple colacion to geder4 ,in suche wyse as they be not seen in theyr desputynge one agaynst an other_/ for to encroche and gete more glorye of the world to them self_/ than to trete the salute and helthe of the pacyent and seke man_/ ,i meruayll why that whan they fee and knowe that whan the seke man hath grete nede of helthe wherfore than they make gretter obiection of contraryousnes for as moche as the lyf of man is demened and put amonge them but hit is be cause that he is reputed most sage and wise that argueth and bryngeth in moste subtyltes_/ ,and alle this maner is amonge doctours of lawe that treteth no thynge of mannes lyf4 ,but of temporelle thynges_/ that he is holden most wyse and best lerned_/ that by his counceyll can beste acorde the contencions and discencions of men ,and therfore ought the phisicyens and cyrurgyens leue whan they be to fore the seke men all discencions and contrariousnes of wordes_/ in suche wyse that hit appere that they studye more for to cure the seke men than for to despute ,and therfore is the phisicien duly sette to fore the quene_/ ,so that it is figured that he ought to haue in hymself chastite and contynence of body ,for hit apperteyneth somtyme vnto the phisicien to visite and cure ,quenes duchesses and countesses and alle other ladyes and see and beholde some secrete sekenessis that falle and come otherwhile in the secretis of nature ,and therfore hit apperteyneth to them that they be chaste and followe honeste and chastite_/ and that they be ensample to other of good contynence_/ ,for valerian reherceth that ypocras was of meruayllous contynence of his body_/ ,for whan he was in the scoles of ,athenes_/ he had by hym a ryght fayr woman whyche was comyn ,and the yonge scolers and the ,ioly felaws that were students promisyd to the woman a besaut_/ yf she myght or coude torne the corage of ypocras for to haue to doon wyth her_/ ,and she cam to hym by nyght and dyde so moche by her craft that she laye wyth hym in his bedd_/ but she coude neuer do so moche y't she myghte corrumpe his chaste liuynge ne defoule the crowne of his conscience_/ and whan the yonge men knewe that she had ben with hym all the night ,and coude not chaunge his contynence_/ they began to mocque her_/ ,and to axe and demande of her the besant that they had gyuen to her4 ,and she answerd ,that hit was holden gaged vpon an ymage_/ ,for as moche as she might not change his contynence she callyd hym an ymage_/ ,and in semblable wyse reherceth ,valerian of ,scenocrates philosopher that ther laye with hym a woman all night ,and tempted hym disordinatly_/ but that ryght chafte man_/ made neuer femblant to her_/ ,ner he neuer remeuyd from his ferme purpoos_/ ,in fuche wyfe as fhe departid from hym alle confufid and fhamed_/ ,cornelius fcipion that was fent by the romayns for to gouerne fpayne_/ as fone as he entryd in to the caftellis in to the townes of that lande ,he began to take away all the thynges that miht ftyre or meue his men to lecherye wherfore men fayd that he drof chaced oute of the ofte moo than two thoufand bourdellys_/ ,and he that was wyfe knewe well that delyte of lecherye corrupted and apayred the corages of tho men that ben abandonned to that fame delyte_/ ,and herof hit is fayd in the fables of the poetes in the first book of the ,truphes of the ,philofophers by figure4 ,that they that entryd in to the fontayne of the firenes or mermaydens_/ were corrumpid and they toke them away with hem_/ ,and alfo y'e ought to knowe that they ought to entende diligently to the cures of the enfermytees in cyrugerye_/ ,they ought to make theyr playfters acordynge to the woundes or fores_/ yf the wounde be rounde ,the enplaftre muft be round_/ and yf hyt be longe_/ hyt mufte be longe_/ and otherwhile hit mufte be cured by his contrarye_/ lyke as it apperteyneth to phifique_/ ,for the hete is cured by cold_/ and the colde by hete_/ and ,ioye by forowe_/ and fbrowe by ,ioye_/ and hit happeth ofte tymes that moche peple be in grete paryll in takynge to moche ,ioye and lefe her membris_/ and become half benomen in the fodayn ,ioye_/ ,and ,ioye is a replection of thynge that is delectable fprad a brode in all the membris with right grete gladnes ,and all men entende and desire to haue the sayd ryght grete ,ioye naturelly_/ ,but they knowe not what may ensue and come therof ,and this ,ioye cometh otherwhile of vertue of conscience_/ ,and the wyse man is not wyth out this ,ioye ,and this ,ioye is neuer ,interrupt ne in deffaulte at no tyme ,for hit cometh of nature ,and fortune may not take a waye that nature geueth4 ,and merciall saith that ,ioyes fugitiues abide not longe ,but flee away anon ,and valerian reherceth that he that hath force and strengthe raysonable_/ hath hit of verray matier of complection and that cometh of loue ,and this ,ioye hath as moche power to departe the sowle fro the body_/ as hath the thondre_/ wherof hit happend that ther was a woman named lyna whiche had her husbonde in the warre in the shippis of the romayns_/ ,and she supposid verily that he was ded_/ ,but hit happend that he cam agayn home ,and as he entryd in to his yate_/ his wif met wyth hym sodeynly not warned of his comyng4 whiche was so glad and ,ioyous_/ that in enbrasynge hym she fyll doun ded ,also of an other woman to whom was reportid by a fals messanger that her sone was ded_/ whiche wente home soroufully to her hows_/ ,and afterward whan her sone cam to her_/ ,as sone as she sawe hym_/ she was so esmoued wyth ,ioye y't she deyde to fore hym_/ ,but this is not so grete meruaylle of women as is of the men_/ ,for the women ben likened vnto softe waxe or softe ayer and therfor she is callid mulier whyche ,is as moche to saye in latyn as mollys r4 ,and in english soyfte ayer_/ ,and it happeth ofte tymes that the nature of them that ben softe and mole_/ taketh sonner ,inpression than the nature of men that is rude and stronge_/ ,valerye reherceth sayth that a knyght of rome named ,instaulosus that had newly conquerid and subiuged the yle of ,corsika_/ ,and as he sacrefyed his goddes_/ he receyuyd lettres from the senate of rome ,in whiche were conteyned dyuerse supplicacyons_/ ,the whiche whan he vnderstood he was so glad and so enterprysed wyth ,ioye_/ that he knewe not what to doo ,and than a great fumee or smoke yssued out of the fyre ,in whiche he dispayred and fyll in to the fyre_/ where he was anone ded_/ ,and also it is sayd that ,philomenus lawhed so sore and distemperatly that he deyde alle lawhynge_/ ,and we rede that ypocras the phisicien fonde remedye for thys ,ioye_/ ,for whan he had longe dwellyd oute of his contreye for to lerne connynge and wysedom_/ ,and shold retorne vnto his parentis and frendes_/ whan he approchid nyghe them_/ ,he sente a messanger to fore for to telle to them his comynge_/ and comanded hym to saye that he cam_/ for they had not longe to fore seen hym_/ ,and y't they shold attempre them in that ,ioye er they shold see hym_/ ,and also we rede that ,titus the sone of vaspasian whan he had conquerd ,iherusalem and abode in y'e contrees by_/ he herde y't his fader vaspasian was chosen by alle the senate for to gouerne the empire of rome_/ wherfore he had so right grete ,ioye that sodaynly he loste the strength of all his membres ,and be cam all ,impotent ,and whan ,iosephus that made the historye of the romayns ayenst the ,iewis_/ whiche was a ryght wyse phisicien sawe and knewe the cause of this sekenes of the sayd ,titus_/ he enquyred of his folk yf he had in hate ony man gretly so moche that he myght not here speke of hym ner well see hym ,and one of the seruantes of ,titus sayd that he had one persone in hate so moche4 ,that ther was no man in his court so hardy that durste name hym in his presence_/ and than ,iosephus assigned a day whan this man shold come_/ and ordeyned a table to sette in y'e sight of ,titus_/ and dide hit to be replenysshid plenteuously wyth alle dayntees_/ and ordeyned men to be armed to kepe hym in suche wyse that no man shold hurte hym by the comandement of ,titus_/ and ordeyned boutellers4 ,coques_/ and other officers for to serue hym worshipfully lyke an ,emour_/ and whan all this was redy_/ ,iosephus brought in this man that tytus hated and sette hym at the table to fore his eyen and was seruyd of yonge men wyth grete reuerence ryght cortoisly_/ ,and whan titus behelde his enemye sette to fore hym wyth so grete honour_/ ,he began to chauffe hym self by grete felonnye ,and comanded his men that this man sholde be slayn_/ ,and whan he sawe_/ that none wold obeye hym ,but that they all way seruyd hym reuerently_/ he waxe so ardante_/ and enbrasid wyth so grete yre_/ that he that had lost alle the force and strengthe of his body and was alle ,impotent in alle his membres_/ ,recoured the helthe agayn and strengthe of his membris_/ by the hete that entryd in to the vaynes and sinewis ,and ,iosephus dide so moche that he was recouerid and hole_/ ,and that he helde that man no more for his enemye_/ but helde hym for a verray true frende_/ ,and afterward made hym his loyall felawe and compaignon ,and the espicers and ,apotecayres ought to make truly suche thynges as ,is comanded to them by the physicyens_/ ,and they ought taccomplisshe theyr billis and charge curyously wyth grete dilygence_/ that for none other cause they shold be ocupied but in makynge medicynes or confections truly4 ,and that they ought vpon paryll of theyr sowle not to forgete_/ by negligence ne rechelesnes to gyue one medecyne for an other_/ ,in suche wyse that they be not slears of men_/ ,and that they do putte no false thynges ,in her spyces for to empayre or encrecynge the weyght4 ,for yf they so doo they may better be callyd theuys than espiciers or apotecayris_/ ,and they that ben acustomed to make oynements they ought to make hyt proprely of true stuf and of good odoure after the receptes of the auncyent doctours_/ ,and after the forme that the phisicyens and cyrurgyens deuyse vnto them_/ ,also they ought to beware that for none auayle ne gyfte that they myght haue_/ that they put in theyr medicynes no thynge venemous ner doynge hurte or scathe to ony persone of whom they haue none good ne veray knowlege_/ to thende that they to whom the medicynes shold be gyuen_/ torne not to them hurte ne domage_/ ne in destructions of theyr neyghbours_/ and also that they that haue mynystrid tho thyngis to them_/ ben not taken for parteners of the blame and of the synne of them ,the cyrurgyens ought also to be debonayr4 amyable4 to haue pytye of their pacyents4 ,and also they ought not be hasty to launse and cutte apostumes and soores_/ ne open the heedes_/ ner to arrache bones broken_/ but yf the cause be apparant_/ ,for they myght ellys lose theyr good renome ,and myght better be callyd bouchers than helars or guarisshors of woundes and soores ,and also hit behoueth that alle this maner of peple foresayd that haue the charge for to make hole and guarisshe alle maner of maladyes and ,infirmitees that they first haue the cure of themself_/ and they ought to purge themself fro alle apostumes and alle vices_/ ,in suche wyse that they be net and honeste and enformed in alle good maners_/ ,and that they shewe hem hole and pure redy for to hele other ,and herof sayth ,boecius de ,consolacione ,in his first booke that the sterres that ben hid vnder the clowdes maye gyue no light4 ,and therfore yf ony man wole beholde clerly the verite4 ,late hym wythdrawe hym fro the obscurete and derkenes of the clowdes of ignorance_/ for whan the engyne of a man sheweth in ,ioye or in sorowe_/ ,the pensee or thought is enuoluped in obscurete vnder the clowdes4 ,illustration ,the sixthe chapitre of the thirde book treteth of the sixth pawn_/ whiche is lykened to tauerners hostelers and vitayllers4 ,the sixthe pawn whiche standeth to fore the ,alphyn on the lyfte syde is made in thys forme4 ,for hit is a man that hath the right hande stracched oute as for to calle men_/ ,and holdeth in his lyfte hande a loof of breed and a cuppe of wyn_/ ,and on his gurdell hangynge a boudell of keyes_/ ,and this resembleth the ,tauerners4 hostelers4 and sellars of vitaylle4 ,and thise ought proprely to be sette to fore the_/ ,alphyn as to fore a ,iuge ,for ther sourdeth ofte tymes amonge hem contencion noyse and stryf_/ whiche behoueth to be determyned and trayted by the alphyn_/ whiche is ,iuge of the kynge_/ ,and hit apperteyneth to them for to seke and enquyre for good wyns and good vitayll for to gyue and selle to the byers_/ ,and to them that they herberowe_/ ,and hit apperteyneth to them well to kepe their herberowes and ,innes_/ and alle tho thyngis that they brynge in to their loggynge and for to putte hyt in seure and sauf warde and kepynge_/ ,and the firste of them ,is signefyed by the lyfte hande in whiche he bereth brede and wyn_/ and the seconde is signefied by the right hande whiche ,is stracched oute to calle men_/ ,and the thirde is representid by the keyes hangynge on y'e gurdell ,and thyse maner of peple ought teschewethe synne of glotonye_/ ,for moche peple comen in to theyr howses for to drynke and to ete for whyche cause they ought resonably to rewle them self and to refrayne them from to moche mete and drynke_/ to thende that they myght the more honestly delyuere thyngis nedefull vnto the peple that come vnto them_/ ,and no thynge by oultrage that myght noye the body_/ ,for hit happeth ofte tymes that ther cometh of glotonye tencyons4 stryfs4 ryottes4 wronges4 and molestacyons_/ by whiche men lese other while their handes4 theyr eyen4 and other of their membres_/ ,and somtyme ben slayn or hurt vnto the deth_/ ,as it is wreton ,in vitas patrum ,as on a tyme an heremyte wente for to visite his gossibs_/ ,and the deuyll apperyd to hym on the waye in lykenes of an other heremyte for to tempte hym_/ and saide thou hast lefte thyn heremitage ,and goost to visyte thy gossibs_/ ,the behoueth by force to doo one of y'e thre thynges that ,i shall saye to the_/ thou shalt chese whether thou wylt be dronke_/ or ellys haue to do flessly wyth thy gossib or ellys thou shalt sle her husbond whiche is thy gossip also_/ ,and the hermyte that thought for to chese the leste euyll chace for to be dronke_/ and whan he cam vnto them he dranke so moche that he was veray dronke ,and whan he was dronke and eschaussed wyth the wyn_/ he wold haue a doo wyth hys gossib_/ ,and her husbonde withstode hym4 ,and than the hermyte slewe hym_/ ,and after that laye by his gossib and knewe her flessly_/ ,and thus by this synne of dronkenship he accomplisshid the two other synnes_/ ,by whyche thynge y'e may vnderstande and knowe y't whan the deuyll wyll take one of the castellis of ,ihesu cryst_/ that is to wete the body of a man or of a woman_/ he doth as a prynce that setteth a siege to fore a castell that he wold wynne_/ whiche entedeth to wynne the gate_/ ,for he knoweth well whan he hath wonne the gate_/ he may sone doo hys wylle wyth the castell4 ,and in lyke wyse doth the deuyll wyth euery man and woman ,for whan he hathe wonne the gate_/ that is to wete the gate of y'e mouth by glotonye or by other synne ,he may doo wyth the offices of the body alle his wylle as y'e haue herd to fore_/ ,and therfore ought euery man ete and drynke sobrely in suche wyse as he may lyue4 ,and not lyue to ete glotonsly for to drynke dronke4 y'e see comunly that a grete bole is suffisid wyth right a lityll pasture_/ ,and that a wode suffiseth to many olefauntes ,and hit behoueth a man to be fedde by the erthe or by the see_/ neuertheles it is no grete thynge to fede the bely_/ no thynge so grete as is the desire of many metes ,wherof ,quyntylian sayth_/ ,that hit happeth ofte tymes in grete festes dyners_/ that we be fylde wyth the sight of the noble and lichorous metis and whan we wolde ete we ben saciat and fild_/ ,and therfore hit is sayd in prouerbe_/ hit is better to fylle the bely than the eye_/ ,and lucan sayth that glotonye is the moder of alle vices_/ and especiall of lecherye_/ and also is destroyer of all goodes ,and may not haue suffisance of lityll thynge_/ ,a couetous honger what sekest thou mete and vitayllis on the lande in the see_/ ,and thy ,ioye is nothynge ellis but to haue playnteuous disshes well fylde at thy table lerne how men may demene his lyf with lityll thynge_/ ,and ,cathon sayth in no wyse obeye to glotonye whiche is frende to lecherye_/ ,and the holy doctour saynt ,augustyn sayth_/ the wyn eschausseth the bely that falleth anone to lecherye_/ ,the bely and the membrers engendreurs ben neyghebours to lecherye_/ ,and thus the vice of glotonye prouoketh lecherye_/ wherof cometh forgetenes of his mynde and destruction of alle quyk and sharp reson ,and is cause of distemance of his wittes_/ what synne is fowler than this synne and more stynkynge ne more domageous ,for this synne hath taken away the vertue of the man_/ his prowesse languisshed_/ his vertue is torned to diffame_/ the strengthe of body and of corage is torned by the_/ ,and therfore sayth ,basille le grant_/ late vs take hede how we serue the bely the throte by glotonye lyke as we were dombe bestes_/ and we studye for to be lyke vnto belucs of the see_/ to whom nature hath gyuen to be alleway enclined toward the erthe ther to loke for to serue theyr belyes_/ ,and herof saith ,boecius de consolacione in his fourth book_/ that a man that lyuyth and doth not the condicions of a man_/ may neuer be in good condicion_/ ,than muste hit nedes be that he be transported in nature of a beste or of a belue of the see4 ,how well that ryght grete men and women full of meruayllous sciences and noble counceyll in thise dayes in the world ben kept and nourisshid in this glotonye of wyns and metes_/ and ofte tymes ben ouerseen_/ how suppose y'e_/ is hit not right a perillous thinge that a lord or gouernour of the peple and comun wele_/ how well that he be wyse_/ yf he eschauffe hym sone so that y'e wyn or other drynke surpryse hym and ouercome his brayn4 his wisedom is loste_/ ,for as ,cathon sayth_/ ,ire enpessheth the corage in suche as he may not kepe verite and trouthe ,and anon as he is chauffed_/ lecherye is meuyd in hym in suche wyse that the lecherye maketh hym to medle in dyuerse villayns dedes_/ ,for than his wyfedom is a slepe and goon_/ ,and therfore fayth ,ouide in his booke ,de remedio amoris_/ yf thou take many and dyuerce wyns_/ they apparylle and enforce the corages to lecherye ,and ,thobie witnessith in his booke_/ that luxurye destroyeth the body_/ and mynussheth richesses_/ she loseth the sowle_/ she febleth y'e strengthe she blyndeth the syght_/ and maketh the wys hoos rawe_/ ,ha ,a ryght euyll and fowle synne of dronkenship_/ by the perissheth virginite_/ whiche is suster of angellis possedynge alle goodnes and seurte of all ,ioyes pardurable_/ ,noe was one tyme so chauffed with wyn_/ that he discouerd and shewid to his sones his preuy membres in suche wyse as one of his sones mocqued hym_/ ,and that other couerd hem_/ ,and loth whiche was a man right chaste4 was so assoted by moche drynkynge of wyn_/ that on a montayne he knew his doughters carnelly_/ ,and had to doo wyth them as they had ben his propre wyues4 ,and crete reherceth that boece whiche was flour of the men_/ tresor of rychesses_/ singuler house of sapience myrour of the world_/ ,odour of good renome_/ and glorye of his subgettis loste alle thyse thynges by his luxurye ,we haue seen that dyuerce that were ,ioyned by grete amyte to geder whiles they were sobre_/ that that one wolde put his body in paryll of deth for that other_/ and whan they were eschauffed with wyn dronke_/ they haue ronne eche vpon other for to fle99 hem_/ ,and somme haue ben that haue slayn so his frende_/ ,herodes ,antipas had not doon saynt ,iohn baptist to ben beheded_/ ne had y'e dyner ben full of glotonye and dronkenship_/ ,balthazar kynge of babilone had not ben chaced out of his kyngdom ne be slayn yf he had ben sobre amonge his peple whom tyrus and dares fonde dronken and slewe hym ,the hostelers ought to be well bespoken and courtoys of wordes to them that they receyue in to their loggynge ,for fayr speche ,ioyous chiere debonayr_/ cause men to gyue the hostelyer a good name_/ ,and therfore it is said in a comyn prouerbe_/ ,courtoyse langage and well saynge is moche worth and coste lityll_/ ,and in an other place it is said that curtoysie passeth beaulte_/ ,also for as moche as many paryls and aduentures may happen on the wayes and passages to hem that ben herberowed with in their ,innes_/ therfore they ought to accompanye them whan they departe and enseigne them the wayes and telle to them the paryls_/ to thende that they may surely goo theyr viage and ,iourney_/ ,and also they ought to kepe their bodies1 their goodes4 ,and the good fame and renomee of their ,innes_/ we rede that loth whan he had receyuyd the angels in to his hous right debonairly whiche he had suppofid had ben mortall men and straugers_/ to thende that they shold eskape the disordinate and vnnaturell synne of lecherye of the sodamites_/ by the vertu of good fayth_/ he sette a part the naturell loue of a fader_/ and proferd to them his doughters whiche were virgyns_/ to thende that they shld kepe them and defende them fro that vyllayne and horrible synne_/ ,and knowe y'e for certayn that alle tho thynges that ben taken and delyueryd to kepe to the hoste or hostesses they ought to be sauf and yelden agayn wyth out a payringe ,for the ooste ought to knowe_/ who that entryth in to his hous for to be herberowhed taketh hit for his habitacion for the tyme_/ he hymself and alle suche thynges as he bryngeth wyth hym ben comysed of ryght in the warde and kepynge of the hoost or hosteler ,and ought to be as sauf as they were put in his owen propre hous ,and also suche hoostis ought to hold seruantes in their houses whiche shold be trewe and wyth oute auarice ,in suche wise that they coueyte not to haue the goodes of their ghestes ,and that they take not away the prouender fro theyr horses whan hyt is gyuen to them_/ that by thoccasion therof theyr horsis perisshe not ne faylle theyr maister whan they haue nede_/ and myght falle in the handes of theyr enemyes_/ ,for than sholde the seruantes because of that euyll_/ wherfore theyr maisters shold see to ,for wyth oute doubte this thynge is worse than thefte ,hit happend on a tyme in the parties of lomberdye in the cyte of ,iene y't a noble man was logged in an hostelerye wyth moche compaignye_/ ,and whan they had gyuen prouendour to their horses_/ ,in the first oure of the nyght1 the seruant of the hous cam secretly to fore y'e horses for to stele away their prouender_/ ,and whan he cam to the lordes hors_/ ,the hors caught wyth his teth his ,arme and helde hit faste that he myght not escape_/ ,and whan the theef sawe that he was so strongly holden_/ he began to crye for the grete payne that he suffryd and felte_/ ,in suche wyse that the noble mannes meyne cam with the hooste_/ ,but in no maner_/ ner for ought they coude doo ,they coude not take the theef out of the horses mouth vnto the tyme that the neyghbours whiche were noyed wyth the noyse cam and sawe hit_/ ,and than the theef was knowen and taken and brought to fore the ,iuge ,and confessid the feet and by sentence diffinytyf was hanged and lost his lyf_/ ,and in the same wyse was an other that dyde so_/ ,and the hors smote hym in the visage_/ ,that the prynte of the horse shoo and nayles abode euer in his visage_/ ,another was right cruell and villaynous fylle at tholouse_/ ,hit happend a ,ionge man and his fader wente a pilgremage to saynt ,iames in ,galyce ,and were logged in an hostelrye of an euyll hoost and full of right grete couetyse_/ ,in so moche that he defired and coueyted the goodes of the two pilgrimes ,and here vpon auysed hym and put a cuppe of siluer secretly in the male that the yonge man bare_/ ,and whan they departed oute of their loggynge_/ he folowed after hem and sayd to fore the peple of the court that they had stolen and born away his cuppe_/ ,and the yonge man excused hym selfe and his fader_/ ,and sayde they were ,innocent of that caas_/ ,and than they serchid hem and the cuppe was founden in the male of the yonge man ,and forthwyth he was dampned to the deth and hanged as a theef_/ and this feet doon all the goodes that langed to the pilgrym were deliuerid to the ooft as cofisqued ,and than the fader wente for to do his pilgremage_/ and whan he cam agayn he muste nedes come passe by the place where his sone henge on the gibet ,and as he cam he complaygned to god and to saynt ,iames how they might suffre this auenture to come vnto his sone1' ,anone his sone that henge spack to his fader ,and sayde how that saynt ,iames had kepte hym with out harme ,and bad his fader goo to the ,iuge and shewe to hym the myracle_/ ,and how he was ,innocent of thot fayte_/ ,and whan this thynge was knowen the sone of the pilgryme was taken down fro the gibet_/ and the cause was brought to fore the ,iuge ,and the hooste was accused of the trayson_/ and he confessid his trespaas_/ and sayd he dide hit for couetyse to haue his good ,and than the ,iuge dampned hym for to be hanged on the same gibet where as the yonge pilgryme was hanged ,and that ,i haue sayd of the seruantes beynge men_/ the same ,i saye of the women as chambriers and tapsters ,for semblable caas fille in spayne at saynt donne of a chamberier_/ that put a cup in lyke wyse in the scrippe of a pilgryme_/ be cause he wold not haue a doo wyth her in the synne of lecherye_/ wherfore he was hanged ,and his fader moder that were there with hym wente and dyde her pilgremage_/ ,and whan they cam agayn they fonde her sone lyuynge_/ ,and whan they wente and told the ,iuge_/ whiche ,iuge sayd that he wolde not byleue hit tyll a cok and an henne which rosted on the fyre were a lyue the cok crewe4 ,and anon they began wexe a lyue the cok crewe and began to crowe and to pasture_/ and whan the ,iuge sawe this miracle_/ he wente and toke doun the sone_/ and made the chamberyer to be taken and to be hanged_/ wherfore ,i saye that the hoostes ought to hold no tapsters ne chamberyers_/ but yf they were good meure and honeste_/ ,for many harmes may be falle and come by the disordenat rewle of seruantes4 ,illustration ,the seventh chapitre of the thirde ,tractate treteth of kepars of townes customers and tolle gaderers c4 ,the gardes and kepars of of cytees ben signefied by the 4vii4 pawn whiche stondeth in the lyfte side to fore the knyght_/ ,and is formed in the semblance of a man holdynge in his right hande grete keyes ,and in his lifte hande a potte an elle for to mesure with ,and ought to haue on hys gurdell a purse open_/ ,and by the keyes ben signefyed the kepars of the cytees and townes and comyn offices_/ ,and by the potte and elle ben signefyed them that haue the charge to weye and mete mesure truly ,and by the purse ben signefyed them that reseyue the costumes4 tolles4 scawage4 peages_/ and duetes of the cytees townes ,and thyse peple ben sette by ryght to fore the knyght_/ ,and hit behoueth that the gardes and offycers of the townes be taught ,and enseygned by the knyghtes_/ ,and that they knowe and enquyre how y'e cytees or townes ben gouerned_/ whiche apperteyneth to be kept and defended by the knyghtes4 ,and first hit apperteyneth that the kepars of the cyte be dilygente4 besy4 clere seeynge and louers of the comyn prouffit wele_/ as well in the tyme of pees as in the tyme of warre_/ ,they ought allewaye to goo in the cyte and enquyre of all thynges and ought rapporte to the gouernours of the cyte suche thynge as they fynde and knowe ,and suche thynge as apperteyneth and to the seuerte of the same_/ and to denonce and telle the defaultes and paryls that ther bee_/ ,and yf hit be in tyme of warre they ought not to open the yates by nyght to no man_/ ,and suche men as ben put in this office_/ ought to be of good renome4 fame1 trewe4 and of good conscience_/ ,in suche maner that they loue them of the ,cyte or town_/ ,and that they put to no man ony blame or vilanye with out cause by enuye4 ,couetyse ne by hate_/ but they ought to be sory and heuy whan they see that ony man shold be complayned on for ony cause4 ,for hit happeth ofte tymes that diuerce officers accuse the good peple fraudulently_/ ,to thende that they myght haue a thanke be preysed and to abide stille in theyr offices ,and trewly hit is a grete and hye maner of malyse to be in will to doo euyll and diffame other wyth oute cause to gete glorie to hymself ,also the kepars and officers of cytees ought to be suche that they suffre no wronges ne vylonyes to fore the ,iuges and gouernours of cytees wyth out cause to be doon to them that ben ,innocents_/ but they ought to haue theyr eyen and regarde vnto hym_/ that knoweth the hertes and thoughtes of alle men_/ ,and they ought to drede doubte hym wyth oute whos grace theyr wacche and kepynge is nought ,and that promyseth to them that doubte hym shall be ewrous happy_/ ,and by hym ben alle thynges accomplisshid in good_/ ,hit is founden in the historyes of rome that ,temperour ,frederik the seconde dide do make a gate of marble of meruayllous werke and entayll in the cyte of capnane vpon the watre that renneth aboute the same_/ and vpon this yate he made an ymage lyke hymself sittynge in his mageste_/ and two ,iuges whiche were sette_/ one on the right side and that other on the lifte side4 ,and vpon the sercle aboue the hede of the ,iuge on y'e ryght side was wreton_/ ,alle they entre seurly that will liue purely_/ ,and vpon the sercle of the ,iuge on the lifte side was wreton_/ ,the vntrewe man ought to doubte_/ to doo thynge that he be put to prison fore_/ and on the sercle aboue thempour was wreton_/ ,i make them live in misery_/ that ,i see lyue dismesurably_/ ,and therfore hit apperteyneth to a ,iuge to shewe to the peple for to drede and doubte to doo eyull_/ ,and hit apperteyneth to the gardes and officers to doubte the ,iuges and to do trewly their seruyces and offices ,and hit apperteyneth to a prynce to menace the traytours and the malefactours of right greuous paynes4 ,and herof we fynde in the auncyent historyes of cecylle that the kynge denys had a broder whom he louyd sore well_/ ,but allway where he wente he made heuy and tryste semblant_/ ,and thus as they wente bothe to gyder on a tyme in a chare_/ ther cam agayn hem two poure men wyth glad visage but in foule habite_/ ,and y'e kynge anon as he sawe them_/ sprange out of his chare and resseyuyd them worshipfully with grete reuerence_/ wherfore his barons were not only ameruaylled but also angry in their corages_/ notwithstandynge fere and drede letted them to demande hym the cause_/ ,but they made his broder to demande the cause and to knowe the certaynte_/ ,and whan he had herde his broder saye to hym the demande_/ and that he was blessyd also a kynge whiche was ryche and full of delites worshipis_/ he demanded hym yf he wold assaye knowe the grace and beneurte of a kynge ,and his broder answerd y'e_/ ,and that he desired and requyred hit of hym_/ and than the kinge comanded vnto alle his fugettis that they shold obeye in alle thynges only vnto his broder ,and than whan the oure of dyner cam and alle thynge was redy_/ the broder was sette at the table of the kynge ,and whan he sawe that he was seruyd wyth right noble botelliers and other officers4 ,and he herde the sownes of musicque right melodious ,the kynge demanded hym than_/ yf he supposid y't he were benerous and blessid4 ,and he answerd ,i wene well that ,i am right well blessid and fortunat_/ and that ,i haue well proued and fele and am expert therof ,and than the kynge secretly made to be hanged ouer his heed a sharp cuttynge swerde hangynge by an hors heer or a silken threde so small that no man myght see hit where by hit henge_/ and whan he sawe his broder put no more his hand to the table_/ ne had no more regarde vnto his seruantes_/ he sayd to hym why ete y'e not_/ ar y'e not blessid_/ saye yf y'e fele ony thynge otherwyse than blessid and well_/ ,and he answerde for as moche as ,i see this sharp swerde hangynge so subtilly and parillously ouer my hede ,i fele well that ,i am not blessid for ,i drede that hit shold falle on my hede_/ and than discouerd the kynge vnto hem alle wherfore he was allway so heuy cherid and triste ,for where he was_/ he thought alleway on the swerde of the secrete vengeance of god_/ whiche he behelde alleway in his herte_/ wherfore he had all way in hymself grete drede ,and therfore he worshipid gladly the poure peple wyth glad visage and good conscience ,and by this sheweth the kynge well_/ that what man that is all way in drede is not all way mery or blessid4 ,and herof fayth ,quyntilian that this drede surmounteth alle other maleurtees and euyllys_/ ,for it is maleurte of drede nyght and day_/ ,and it is verite that to hym that ,is doubtid of moche peple_/ so muste he doubte moche_/ ,and that lord is lasse than hys seruantes that dredeth hys seruantes_/ ,and truly hit ,is a ryght sure thynge to drede no thinge but god_/ ,and sumtyme right hardy men ben constrayned to lyue in drede_/ ,drede causeth a man to be curyous and besy to kepe the thynges that ben commysed to hym that they perisshe not_/ ,but to be to moche hardy to moche ferdfull_/ bothe two ben vices ,the comyn officers ought to be wise1 discrete4 and well aduysed in suche wyse that they take not of y'e peple ne requyre no more than they ought to haue by reson_/ ne that they take of the sellars ne of the byars no more than the right custom and toll_/ for they bere the name of a comun sone_/ and therfore ought they to shewe them comune to all men_/ and for as moche as the byars and sellars haue somtyme moche langage_/ they ought to haue with them these vertues_/ that is to wete pacience and good corage with honeste_/ for they that ben despiteus to the comun_/ ben otherwhile had in vilayns despite_/ therfore beware y't thou haue no despite to the poure mendicants_/ yf thou wilt come and atteyne to thingis fouerayn_/ for the ,iniurye that is don wyth oute cause_/ torneth to diffame hym that doth hit_/ ,a ,iogheler on a tyme beheld socrates and sayd to hym_/ thou hast the eyen of corrumpour of children art as a traytre4 ,and whan his disciples herde hym_/ they wold auengid their maister_/ ,but he repreuyd hem by suche sentence saynge_/ ,suffre my felaws for ,i am he and suche one as he saith_/ by the sight of my visage_/ ,but ,i refrayne and kepe me well from suche thynge_/ ,this same socrates hymself was chidde and right fowll spoken to of his wyf_/ and she ,imposid to hym many grete ,iniuries with out nombre_/ and she was in a place a boue ouer his heed ,and whan she had brawlid ,i nowh_/ she made her watre and pourid hit on his heed ,and he answerd to here no thynge agayn_/ sauf whan he had dryed and wypid his heed he said_/ he knewe well that after suche wynde and thonder sholde comen rayn and watre ,and the philosophres blamed hym that he coude not gouerne two women_/ that was his wyf and his chambrere_/ ,and shewde hym that one cokke gouerned well 4xv4 hennes ,he answerd to them that he was so vsed and accustomed wyth theyr chydynge that the chydynges of them ne of estrangers dyde hym no greef ne harme_/ gyue thou place to hym that brawleth or chydeth_/ and in suffrynge hym thou shalt be his vaynquysshour_/ ,and ,cathon fayth whan thou lyuyst ryghtfully recche the not of the wordes of euyll peple_/ ,and therfore it is sayd in a comyn prouerbe_/ he that well doth reccheth not who seeth hit_/ hit is not in our power to lette men to speke4 ,and prosper sayth that to good men lacketh no goodnes_/ ner to euyll men tencions stryfs and blames ,and pacience is a ryght noble vertu_/ as a noble versifier sayth ,that pacience is a ryght noble maner to vaynquysshe4 ,for he that suffreth ouercometh4 ,and yf thou wylt vaynquysshe and ouercome_/ lerne to suffre_/ ,the peagers ner they that kepe passages ought not to take other peage ne passage money but suche as the prynce or the lawe haue establisshid_/ so that they be not more robbeurs of moneye than reseyuours of peage and passage ,and hit apperteyneth to them to goo out of the paryllo99#i weyes and doubteuous for to kepe their office and they ought to ,requyre theyr passage of them that owe to paye hit wyth oute noynge and contencion_/ ,and they ought not to loue the comyn prouffyt so moche_/ ,that they falle in the hurtynge of theyr conscience_/ ,for that shold be a manere of robberye ,and herof sayth ysaye ,woo to the that robbest_/ ,for thou thy self shalt be robbed_/ ,the gardes or porters of the gates of cytees and of the comyn good ought to be good and honeste4 ,and alle trouthe ought to be in them and they ought not to take ne withdrawe the goodes of the comyn that they haue in kepynge_/ more than apperteyneth to them for theyr pension or ffee_/ ,so that they that ben made tresorers and kepars ben not named theuys_/ ,for who that taketh more than his_/ ,he shall neuer thryue wyth alle_/ ner shall not enioye hit longe_/ ,for of euyll gooten good the thyrde heyr shall neuer reioyce_/ ,and this suffisith c4 ,illustration ,this chapitre of the thirder book treteth of ,rybauldis players of dyse and messagers and corrours ,the rybaulders1 players of dyse and of messagers and corrours ought to be sette to fore the rook_/ ,for hit apperteyneth to the rook whiche is vicayre lieutenant of the kynge to haue men couenable for to renne here and there for tenquyre espie the place and cytees that myght be contrarye to the kynge_/ ,and thys pawn that representeth thys peple ought to be formed in this maner_/ he must haue the forme of a man that hath longe heeris and black and holdeth in his ryght hand a lityll monoye ,and in his lyfte hande thre ,dyse ,and aboute hym a corde in stede of a gyrdell_/ and ought to haue a boxe full o lettres ,and by the first_/ whiche is money is vnderstand they that be fole large wastours of theyr goodes_/ ,and by the seconde whiche is the dyse ,ben represented the players at dyse_/ ,rybauldes and butters_/ ,and by the thyrde whiche is the boxe full of lettres ben representid the messagers4 corrours_/ ,and berars of lettres_/ ,and y'e shall vnderstande that the roock whiche is vicaire of the kynge whan he seeth to fore hym suche peple as ben folelarge and wastours4 ,he is bounden to constitute and ordeyne vpon them tutours and curatours to see that they etc not ne waste in suche maner theyr goodes ne theyr heritages_/ that pouerte constrayne hem not to stele_/ ,for he that of custome hath had haboundance of moneye and goth and dispendith hit folily and wasteth hit away_/ whan he cometh to pouerte and hath nought_/ he must nedes begge and axe his breed1 orellis he must be a theef_/ ,for suche maner of peple_/ yf they haue ben delicyous they wyll not laboure_/ for they haue not lerned hit ,and yf they be noble and comen of gentilmen_/ they be ashamed to axe and begge_/ ,and thus muste they by force whan they haue wasted theyr propre goodes yf they wyll lyue they muste stele and robbe the goodes of other ,and y'e shall vnderstande that folelarge is a right euyll vice_/ for how well that she dooth good and prouffyt somtyme to other yet she doth harme and domage to hym that so wasteth4 ,caffiodore admonesteth the fole larges to kepe theyr thynges_/ that by no necessite they falle in pouerte_/ ,and that they be not constrayned to begge ne to stele of other men ,for he faith that hit is gretter subtilte to kepe well his owne goodes_/ than to fynde strange thynge_/ and that it is gretter vertue to kepe that is goten than to gete and wynne more_/ and claudian saith in like wise in his book that hit is a gretter thynge better to kepe that is goten ,than to gete more ,and therfore hit is sayd y't the poure demandeth and beggeth er he felith_/ and also hit is sayd that he y't dispendith more than he hath_/ with oute strook he is smyten to the deth_/ ,ther was a noble man named ,iohn de ganazath whiche was ryght ryche_/ ,and this man had but two doughters whom he maryed to two noble men_/ ,and whan he had maryed them_/ he loued so well his sones in lawe their husbondes_/ that in space succession of tyme_/ he departed to them alle his goodes temporell_/ ,and as longe as he gaf to them they obeyed hym were right diligent to plese and serue hym_/ so hit befell that on a tyme that he had alle gyuen in so moche that he had ryght nought_/ ,than hit happend that they to whom he had gyuen his goodes_/ whiche were wonte to be amyable obeyssant to hym as longe as he gaf4 ,whan tyme cam that he was poure and knewe that he had not they becam unkynde ,disagreable and disobeyssant_/ ,and whan the fader sawe that he was deceyuyd by his debonayrte and loue of his doughters_/ ,he desired and couetyed fore teschewe his pouerte_/ ,at laste he wente to a marchant that he knewe of olde tyme4 ,and requyred hym to lene to hym4 x4 thousand pound for to paye and rendre agayn wyth in thre dayes_/ ,and he lente hit hym_/ and whan he had brought hit in to his hows_/ ,hit happend that hit was a day of a solempne feste_/ on whiche daye he gaf to his doughters and her hufbonde a right noble dyner_/ and after dyner he entrid in to his chambre secretly wyth them_/ ,and drewe out of a coffre that he had do make all newe shettynge with iii4 lockis_/ the menoye that the marchant had lente hym ,and poured out vpon a tapyte that his doughtres and theyr hufbondes myght see hit_/ ,and whan he had shewid hit vnto them he put hit vp agayn and put hit in to the cheste saynynge that hit had ben all his ,and whan they were departed he bare the money home to the marchant that he had borowed hit of_/ ,and the next day after his doughters and theyre hufbondes ,axid of hym how moche moneye was in the cheste that was shette wyth4 iii4 lockis_/ ,and than he fayned and saide that he had therein4 xxv4 thousand pound_/ whiche he kepte for to make his testament and for to leue to his doughters and hem_/ yf they wolde here hem as well to hym ward as they dyde whan they were maried_/ ,and than whan they herde that_/ they were right ,ioyous and glad ,and they thoughte and concluded to serue hym honorably as well in clothynge as in mete and drynke of alle other thynges necessarye to hym vnto his ende ,and after this whan the ende of hym began tapproche_/ he callyd his doughters and her husbondes and sayd to hem in thys mauere_/ y'e shall vnderstande that the moneye that is in the chest shette vnder4 iii4 lockes ,i wylle leue to yow ,sanynge ,i wyll that y'e gyue in my prefence er ,i dye whilis ,i lyue to the frere prechours4 ,c4 pound and to the frere menours4 ,c4 pound_/ ,and to the heremytes of saynt ,augustyn 4,i4 pound to thende that whan ,i am buryed and put in the erthe y'e may demande of them the keyes of y'e cheste where my tresour is ,inne_/ whiche keyes they kepe_/ and ,i haue put on eche keye a bille writynge ,in witnessinge of the thynges abouesayd_/ ,and also y'e shall vnderstande that he dyde do to be gyuen whilis he laye in his deth bedde to eche churche and recluse and to poure peple a certayn quantyte of moneye by the handes of his doughters husbondes_/ whiche they dyde gladly4 ,in hope to haue shortly the money that they supposid had ben in the cheste_/ ,and whan hit cam to the last day_/ that he deyde_/ ,he was born to churche and his exequye don and was buryed solempnly_/ ,and the eyght daye the seruyse worshipfully accomplisshid_/ ,they wente for to demande the keyes of the ,religious men that they had kept_/ whiche were deliueryd to them_/ ,and than they wente and opend the coffre where they supposid the money had ben ,inne_/ ,and there they fonde no thyng but a grete clubbe_/ ,and on the the handlynge was wreton_/ ,j ,iohn of canazath make this testament_/ that he be slayn wyth this clubbe_/ that leuyth his own prouffit4 ,and gyuyth hit to other_/ as who sayth hit is no wysedom for a man to gyue his good to his children and kepe none for hym self_/ ,and y'e shall vnderstande that it is grete folye to dispende and waste his good_/ ,in hope for to recoure hit of other_/ be hit of sone or doughter or ryght nyghe kyn_/ ,for aman ought to kepe in his hande in dispendynge his owen goodes_/ to fore he see that he dyspende other mennys_/ ,and he ought not to be holden for a good man_/ ,that hath lityll renome and spendeth many thyngys_/ ,and ,i trowe that suche persones wold gladly make noueltees as for to noye and greue feignories and meue warres and tencions agaynst them that habounde in rychesses and goodes_/ ,and also make extorcyons clamours trybulacyons ayenst theyr lordes to thende to waste the goodes of the peple4 lyke as they haue wasted theyris ,and suche a wastour of goodes may neuer be good for the comyn prouffit4 ,and y'e shall vnderstande that after these wastours of goodes we saye that the pleyars of dyse and they that vse bordellis ben worst of alle other ,for whan the hete of playnge at the dyse_/ ,and the couetyse of theyr stynkynge lecherye hath brought hem to pouerte_/ hit foloweth by force that they muste ben theuys and robbeurs ,and also dronkenship4 glotonye4 ,and alle maner of euyllis folowe them and myschief_/ ,and they folowe gladly the companyes of knyghtes and of noble men whan they goon vnto the warre or batayllis ,and they coueyte not so moche the victorye as they do the robberie ,and they do moche harme as they goo ,and they brynge lityll gayn or wynnynge_/ wherof hit happend on a tyme that fsaynt bernard rode on an hors aboute in the contrey ,and mette wyth an hasardour or dyse-player_/ whiche sayd to hym_/ thou goddes man wilte thou playe at dyse wyth me thyn hors ayenst my sowle_/ to whom saynt ,bernard answerd_/ yf thou wilt oblige thy sowle to me ayenst my hors_/ ,i wolle a lighte doun playe wyth the_/ and yf thou haue mo poyntes than ,i on thre dyse ,i promyse the thou shalt haue myn hors_/ ,and than he was glad_/ and anon cafte4 iii4 dyse_/ ,and on eche dyse was a fyfe_/ whiche made4 xviii4 poynts ,and anone he toke the hors by the brydell_/ as he that was fewr that he had wonne_/ and said that the hors was his ,and than saynt ,bernard sayde abyde my sone ,for ther ben mo poyntes on the dyse than4 xviii4 ,and than he caste the dyse_/ ,in suche wyse that one of the4 iii4 dyse clefte a sonder in the myddes_/ ,and on that one parte was fyfe and on that other an ,aas_/ ,and eche of that other was a fyfe_/ ,and than ,saynt ,bernard sayde ,that he had wonne hys sowle for as moche as he had caste on thre dyse4 xix4 points_/ ,and than whan thys player sawe and apperceyuyd thys myracle_/ ,he gaf hys sowle to saynt ,bernard and be cam a monke and finysshid his lyf in good werkes_/ ,the corrours and berars of lettres ought hastely and spedily do her viage that comanded hem_/ with oute taryenge_/ ,for their taryenge might noye and greue them that sende hem forth_/ or ellis them to whom they ben sent too_/ ,and torne hem to ryght grete domage or villonye_/ for whiche cause euery noble man ought well to take hede to whom he deliuere his lettres and his mandements_/ and otherwhilis suche peple ben ,ioghelers dronkelewe_/ ,and goon out of their waye for to see abbayes and noble men for to haue auantage ,and hit happeth ofte tymes_/ that whan suche messagers or currours ben enpesshid by ony taryenge_/ ,that other currours bere lettres contrarye to his_/ ,and come to fore hym_/ of which thinges ofte tymes cometh many thinges discouenable of losse of frendes of castellys of lande many other thinges as in the feet of marchandise c4 ,and otherwhile hit happeth that a prynce for the faulte of suche messangers lefeth to haue victorye vpon hys enemyes_/ ,and also ther ben some that whan they come in a cyte where they haue not ben to fore_/ that ben more besy to visyte the ,cyte and the noble men that dwelle theryn_/ ,than they ben to doo theyr voyage_/ whyche thynge they ought not to doo_/ ,but yf they had specyall charge of them that sente hem forth so to doo4 ,and also whan they be sente forth of ony lordes or marchauntes they ought to be well ware_/ that they charge hem not wyth ouer moche mete on morenynges ne with to moche wyn on euenynges_/ wherby her synewis and vaynes myght be greuy_/ that they muste for faute of good rewle tarye ,but they ought to goo and come hastely for to reporte to their maistres answers as hit apperteyneth ,and this suffisen of the thynges aboue sayd4 ,,book ,,iv4 ,illustration ,the fourth tractate the last of the progression and draughtes of the forsayd playe of the chesse4 ,the first chapitre of the fourth tractate of the chesse borde in genere how it is made4 ,ze haue deuised aboue the thinges that apperteyne vnto the formes of the chesse men and of theyr offices_/ that is to wete as well of noble men as of the comyn peple_/ than hit apperteyneth that we shold deuyse shortly how they yssue and goon oute of the places where they be sette_/ ,and first we ought to speke of the forme and of the facion of the chequer after that hit representeth and was made after_/ ,for hyt was made after the forme of the cyte of ,babyloyne_/ ,in the whiche this same playe was founden as hit is sayd afore_/ ,and foure thinges ,the first is_/ wher y'e shal vnderstande that y'e ought to consydere here in fore that4 lxiiii4 poyntes ben sette in the eschequer whiche ben alle square_/ ,the seconde is wherfore the bordeur aboute his hyher than the squarenes of the poyntes_/ ,the thirde is wherfore the comyn peple ben sette to fore the nobles_/ ,the fourthe wherfore the nobles and the peples ben sette in their propre places ,ther ben as many poyntes in y'e eschequer wyde as full ,and y'e shall first vnderftande wherfore that ther ben4 lxiiii4 poyntes in the eschequer_/ ,for as the blessid saint ,iherome saith_/ the cyte of babilone was right grete and was made alle square_/ and in euery quarter was4 xvi4 myle by nombre and mesure_/ the whiche nombre foure tymes told was4 lxiiii4 myles_/ ,after the maner of lombardye they be callid myles_/ and in france leukes_/ and in englong they be callid mylis also_/ ,and for to reprefente the mesure of thys cyte_/ ,in whiche thys playe or game was founden_/ ,the philosopher that fonde hit first ordeyned a tablier conteynyng 4lxiiii4 poynts square_/ the which ben comprised wyth in the bordour of the tablier_/ ther ben xxxii4 on that on fide 4 xxxii4 on that other whiche ben ordeyned for the beaulte of the playe_/ and for to mewe the maner drawynge of the chesse as hit shall appere in the chapitres folowynge_/ and as to the seconde wherfore y'e bordour of theschequyer is hyher than the table wyth in4 hit is to be vnderftande y't the bordour aboute representeth the walle of t'e cyte_/ whiche is right hyghe_/ ,and therfor made y'e philosopher the bordour more hyghe than y'e tablier4 ,and as y'e blessid saint ,iherome saith vpon y'e prophesie of ysaye_/ that is to wete vpon a montayne of obscurete4 whiche wordes were said of babilone whiche standeth in chaldee and nothinge of that babilone that stondeth in egipte_/ for it is so y't babilone whiche standeth in chaldee was sette in a right grete playne_/ had so hyghe walles that by the heyghte of them_/ was contynuell derkenes environed obscurete_/ that none erthely man might beholde and see the ende of y'e hyghnes of the walle_/ ,and therfore ysaye callid hit y'e montaigne obscure_/ ,and saint ,iherome sayth y't the mesure of the heyght of this walle was thre thousand paas_/ whiche extendeth vnto y'e lengthe of thre myle lombardes_/ hit is to wete that lombarde mylis and english myles ben of one lengthe ,and in one of the corners of this cyte was made a toure treangle as a shelde wherof the heyght extended vnto the lengthe of 4vii4 thousand paas_/ whiche is 4vii4 myle english ,and this tour was callyd the tour of ,babell_/ ,the walles aboute the tour made a woman whos name was semiranus as sayth virgilius_/ ,as to the thirde wherfore the comyn peple ben sette to fore the nobles in the felde of the bataylle in one renge ,first for as moche as they ben necessarye to alle nobles ,for the rooke whiche standeth on the ryght syde and is vicaire of the kynge what may he doo yf the labourer were not sette to fore hym and labourid to mynystre to hym suche temporell thynges as be necessary for hym_/ ,and what may the knyght doo yf he ne had to fore hym the smyth for to forge his armours4 sadellis4 axis and spores and suche thynges as apperteyneth to hym_/ ,and what is a knyght worth wyth oute hors and armes_/ certaynly nothynge more than on of the peple or lasse pauenture ,and in what maner shold the nobles lyue yf no man made cloth and bought and solde marchandyse_/ ,and what shulde kynges and quenes and the other lordes doo yf they had no phisicyens ne cyrurgiens_/ than ,i saye that the peple ben the glorye of the ,crowne ,and susteyne4 the lyf of the nobles ,and therfore thou that art a lord or a noble man or knyght_/ despise not the comyn peple for as moche as they ben sette to fore the in y'e pleye ,the seconde cause is why the peple ben sette to fore the nobles and haue the table wyde to fore them_/ is be cause they begyn the bataylle_/ ,they ought to take hede and entende to do theyr offices and theyr craftes_/ ,in suche wyse that they suffre the noble men to gouerne the cytees and to counceylle and make ordenances of the peple of the batayll how shold a labourer a plowman or a craftyman counceylle and make ordenance of suche thynges as he neuer lerned_/ ,and wote ne knoweth the mater vpon what thynge the counceylle ought to be taken_/ ,certes the comyn peple ought not to entende to none other thynge but for to do their seruyse and the office whiche is couenable vnto hem_/ ,and hyt apperteyneth not to hem to be of counceyllys ne at the aduocacions_/ ne to menace ne to threte noman_/ for ofte tymes by menaces and by force good counceylle is distroublid_/ ,and where good counceyll faylleth_/ there ofte tymes the cytees ben betrayed and destroyed_/ ,and ,plato sayth ,that the comyn thynges and the cytees ben blessid whan they ben gouerned by wyse men_/ or whan the gouernours studye in wisedom_/ ,and so hit apperteyneth to the comyn to lerne to vttre the maters the maner of procuracion to fore they be counceyllours_/ ,for hit happeth oftetymes that he that maketh hym wyser that he vnderstandeth is made more foole than he is_/ ,and the fourth cause wherfore y't ther ben in the tabler as many poynts wyde as ben full4 hit is to wete for that they what euer they be that haue peple to gouerne_/ ought tenforce to haue cytees caftellis possessions for to sette his peple theryn_/ ,and for to laboure doo their ocupacion_/ ,for for to haue the name of a kynge with out royame is a name voyde_/ and honour with oute prouffit_/ ,and alle noblesse wyth oute good maners_/ and with out suche thinges as noblesse may be mayntenyd_/ ought better be callid folye than noblesse4 ,and shamefull pouerte is the more greuous whan hit cometh by nature of an hyhe and noble burth or hous4 ,for noman gladly wole repreue a poure man of the comyn peple_/ ,but euery man hath in despite a noble man that is poure yf he haue not in hym good maners and vertuous_/ by whiche his pouerte is forgoten_/ and truly a royame with oute haboundance of goodes by whiche hit may be gouerned and prospere_/ may better be callyd a latrocynye or a nest of theeuys than a royame_/ ,alas what haboundance was some tymes in the royames4 ,and what prosite_/ ,in whiche was ,iustice_/ ,and euery man in his office contente_/ how stood the cytees that tyme in worship and renome_/ how was renomed the noble royame of ,englond ,alle the world dredde hit ,and spack worship of hit_/ how hit now standeth and in what haboundance ,i reporte me to them that knowe hit yf ther ben theeuis wyth in the royame or on the see_/ they knowe that laboure in the royame ,and sayle on the see ,i wote well the fame is grete therof ,i pray god saue that noble royame ,and sende good true and politicque counceyllours to the gouernours of the same c4_/ ,and noblesse of lignage wyth oute puyssance and might is but vanyte and despite4 ,and hit is so as we haue sayd to fore that theschequer whiche the philosopher ordeyned represented and figured the sayd cyte of ,babilone ,and in lyke wyse may hit figure a royame and signefye alle the world ,and yf men regarde and take heed vnto the poyntes vnto the middes of euery quadrante and so to double euery quadrant to other the myles of this cyte all way doublinge vnto the nombre of 4lxiiii4 ,the nombre of the same shulde surmounte alle the world_/ ,and not only the world but many worldes by the doublinge of mylis_/ whiche doublinge so as a fore is sayd shuld surmounte alle thynges_/ ,and thus endeth the first chapitre of the fourth booke4 ,illustration ,the seconde chaitre of the fourth tractate tretheth of the draught of the kynge_/ ,and how he meuyth hym in the chequer4 ,we ought to knowe that in this world_/ the kynges seygnourye and regne eche in his royame4 ,and in this playe we ought to knowe by the nature of hit how the kynge meueth hym and yssueth oute of his place_/ ,for y'e shall vnderstande that he is sette in the fourth quadrante or poynt of theschequer4 ,and whan he is black_/ he standeth in the white_/ and the knyght on his ryght side in white_/ ,and the ,alphyn and the rooke in black_/ ,and on the lifte side the foure holden the places opposite_/ ,and the rayson may be suche_/ ,for be cause that the knyghtes ben the glorye the crowne of the kynge1' ,they ensiewe in semblable residence_/ that they doo whan they ben sette semblably on the ryght side of the kynge on the lyfte side of the quene_/ ,and for as moche as the rook on the ryght syde is vicayre of the kynge he accompanyeth the quene in semblable siege that the ,alphyn doth whiche is ,iuge of the kynge_/ ,and in lyke wyse the lifte rook the lyfte ,alphyn accompanye the kynge in semblable siege_/ ,in suche wyse as they ben sette aboute the kynge in bothe sides wyth the ,quene in manere of a crowne_/ ,that they may seurely kepe the royame that reluyseth and shyneth in the kynge and in the ,quene_/ ,in suche wyse as they may conferme and diffende hym in theyr sieges and in theyr places4 ,and the more hastily renne vpon his enemyes ,and for as moche as the ,iuge1 the knyght_/ and the vicaire4 kepe and garnysshe the kynge on that one syde_/ ,they that ben sette on the other syde kepe the ,quene_/ ,and thus kepe they alle the strength and fermete of the royame_/ ,and semblably otherwhile for to ordeyne the thynges that apperteyne to the counceyll_/ and to the besoygne of the royame_/ ,for yf eche man shold entende to his owen proper thynges_/ ,and y't they defended not ner toke hede vnto the thingis y't apperteynen to the kynge to the comyn and to the royame_/ the royalme shold anon be deuided in parties ,and thus myght the ,iuge regne_/ ,and the name of the dignyte royall shold be lost_/ ,and truly for as moche as the kynge holdeth the dignyte aboue alle other and the seygnourye royall_/ therfore hit apperteyneth not that he absente hym longe_/ ne wythdrawe hym ferre by space of tyme from the maister siege of his royame_/ ,for whan he wele meue hym_/ he ought not to passe at the first draught the nombre of 4iii4 poynts_/ ,and whan he begynneth thus to meue from his whyt poynt_/ he hath the nature of the rooks of the right syde and of the lifte syde for to goo black or whithe_/ ,and also he may goo vnto the white poynt where the gardes of the ,cyte ben sette ,and in this poynt he hath the nature of a knyght4 ,and thyse two maners of meuynge apperteyneth otherwhile to the quene_/ and for as moche as the kynge and the quene that ben conioyned to geder by mariage ben one thynge as one flessh and blood_/ therfore may the kynge meue on the lifte side of his propre poynt also wele as he were sette in the place of the quene whiche is black_/ and whan he goth right in maner of the rook only_/ ,and hit happen that the aduersarie be not couered in ony poynt in the seconde ligne_/ ,the kynge may not passe from his black poynt vnto the thirde ligne_/ ,and thus he sortisith the nature of the rook on the ryght syde and lyfte syde vnto the place of the knyghtes and for to goo ryght to fore ,in to the whyte poynt to fore the marchant_/ ,and the kynge also sortyst the nature of the knyghtes whan he goth on the ryght syde in two maners_/ ,for he may put hym in the voyde space to fore the phisicyen_/ ,and in the black space to fore the tauerner_/ ,and on the other side he goth in to other two places in lyk wise that is to fore the smyth_/ and the notarye_/ ,and thus as in goynge out first in to 4iiii4 poynts he sorteth the nature of knyghtes_/ and also the kynge sortiseth the nature of the alphins at his first yssu in to 4ii4 places ,and he may goo on bothe sides vnto the white place voyde_/ that one to fore y'e smith on that on side_/ and that other to for the tauerner on that other side_/ ,all these yssues hath y'e kyng out of his propre place of his owen vertue whan he begynneth to meue4 ,but whan he is ones meuyd fro his propre place_/ ,he may not meue but in to one space or poynt_/ and so from one to an other_/ ,and than he sortiseth the nature of the comyn peple_/ and thus by good right he hath in hymfelf the nature of alle_/ ,for alle the vertue that is in the membres cometh of the heed and all meuyng of the body_/ ,the begynnynge lyf comen from the herte_/ ,and all the dignyte that the subgettes haue by execucion_/ and contynuell apparence of their meuynge yssue_/ ,the kynge deteyneth hit is attribued to hym_/ the victorye of the knightes_/ the prudence of y'e ,iuges_/ the auctorite of the vicaires or legates ,the cotynence of the quene_/ the cocorde vnyte of y'e peple ,ben not all thise thinges ascribed vnto the honour and worship of the kynge ,jn his yssue whan he meuyd first ,the thirde ligne to fore the peple he neuer excedeth_/ ,fro in the 4iii4 nombre alle maner of states begynne to meue ,for the trynary nombre conteyneth 4iii4 parties_/ whiche make a perfect nombre_/ ,for a trynarye nombre hath4 i4 ii4 iii4 ,whiche ,ioyned to geder maken 4vi4 ,whiche is the first parfyt nombre ,and signefieth in this place_/ vi4 persones named that constitute the fection of a royame ,that is to wete the kynge4 the quene4 ,iuges1 knyghtes4 the vicaires or legats_/ and the comyn peple ,and therfor the kynge ought to begynne in his first meuynge of 4iii4 poyntes_/ that he shewe perfection of lyf as well in hym self as in other ,after that the kynge begynneth to meue he may lede wyth hym the quene_/ after the maner of his yssue ,for why the quene foloweth vnto two angularye places_/ after the maner of the alphyn_/ and to a place indirect in the maner of a rook in to the black poynt to fore the phisicien_/ herin is signefied that the women may not meue neyther make vowes of pylgremage ner of viage wythoute the wylle of theyr husbondes_/ ,for yf a woman had a vowed ony thynge_/ her husbonde lyuynge_/ and agaynsaynge_/ she may not yelde ne accomplisshe her vowe_/ yf the husbond wyll goo oughwer4 he may well goo wyth oute her ,and yf so be that the husbond wyll haue her wyth hym_/ she is bounden to folowe hym_/ ,and by reson ,for a man is the heed of a woman_/ and not econuerso_/ ,for as to suche thingis as longe to patrymony_/ they ben lyke_/ but the man hath power ouer her body_/ ,and so hath not the woman ouer his ,and therfore whan the kynge begynneth to meue4 the ,quene may folowe_/ ,and not alleway whan she meuyd it is no nede the kynge to meue_/ ,for why four the first lignes be with in the limytes and space of the royame_/ ,and vnto the thirde poynt the kynge may meue at his first meuynge out of his propre place_/ ,and whan he passith the fourth ligne he goeth oute of his royame4 ,and yf he passe oon poynt late hym beware_/ ,for the persone of a kynge ,is acounted more than a thousand of other_/ ,for whan he exposeth hym vnto the paryllis of bataylle_/ ,hit is necessarye that he goo temperatly and slyly_/ ,for yf he be taken or ded_/ or ellis ,inclusid and shette vp_/ ,alle the strengthes of alle other faylle and alle ,is fynysshid and loste_/ ,and therfore he hath nede to goo and meue wysely_/ ,and also therfore he may not meue but one poynt after hys fyrst meuynge but where that euer he goo foreward or bacward or on that one syde or that other or ellis cornerwyse_/ ,he may neuer approche hys aduersarye the kynge nerrer than in the thirde poynt_/ ,and therfore the kynges in batayll ought neuer tapproche one nyghe that other_/ ,and also whan the kynge hath goon so ferre that alle his men be lost_/ than he is sole_/ ,and than he may not endure longe whan he is brought to y't extremyte_/ ,and also he ought to take hede that he stande not soo that a knyght or an other saith chek rook_/ than the kyng loseth y'e rook_/ ,that kynge is not well fortunat that leseth hym to whom his ,auctoryte delegate apperteyneth_/ who may doo the nedes of the royame yf he be priuyd taken or dede_/ that was prouisour of alle the royame_/ he shall bere a sack on his hede that ,is shette in a cyte_/ ,and alle they that were theryn ben taken in captiuite and shette vp c4 ,illustration ,the seconde chapiter of the fourth book of the quene and how she yssueth oute of her place4 ,transcriber's note3 ,the printer's error in the original text1 labeling the third chapter as ,the seconde chapiter is preserved here4 ,whan the ,quene whiche is accompanyed vnto the kynge begynneth to meue from her propre place_/ ,she goth in dowble manere_/ that is to wete as an ,alphyn whan she is black_/ fhe may goo on the ryght syde come in to the poynt to fore the notarye ,and on the lifte syde in the black poynt and come to fore the gardees of the cyte ,and hit is to wete that me sortiseth in her self the nature in 4iii4 maners first on the ryght syde to fore the alphyn_/ ,secondly on the lifte syde where the knyght is_/ ,and thirdly indirectly vnto the black poynt to fore the phisicyen ,and the rayson why4 ,is for as moche as she hath in her self by grace_/ the auctrorite that the rooks haue by comyscion_/ ,for she may gyue graute many thynges to her subgetts graciously ,and thus also ought she to haue parfyt wisedom_/ as the alphyns haue whiche ben ,iuges_/ as hit sayd aboue in the chapitre of the ,quene_/ ,and she hath not the nature of knyghtes_/ ,and hit is not fittynge ne couenable thynge for a woman to goo to bataylle for the fragilite and feblenes of her_/ ,and therfore holdeth she not the waye in her draught as the knyghtes doon_/ ,and whan she is meuyd ones oute of her place she may not goo but fro oon poynt to an other and yet cornerly whether hit be foreward or backward takynge or to be taken_/ ,and here may be axid why the quene goth to the bataylle wyth the kynge_/ certainly it is for the solace of hym_/ and ostencion of loue_/ ,and also the peple desire to haue sucession of the kynge ,and therfore the tartaris haue their wyues in to the felde with hem_/ yet hit is not good that men haue theyr wyuys with hem_/ but that they abyde in the cytees or within their owne termes_/ ,for whan they ben oute of theyr cytees and limytes they ben not sure_/ but holden suspecte_/ they shold be shamfast and hold alle men suspect_/ ,for dyna ,iacob's doughter as longe as she was in the hows of her brethern_/ she kept her virginite_/ ,but assone as she wente for to see the strange ,regyons4 ,anone she was corrupt and defowled of the sone of sichem_/ ,seneca sayth that the women that haue euyll visages ben gladly not chaste_/ but theyr corage desireth gladly the companye of men_/ ,and ,solynus saith that no bestes femellys desyre to be towched of theyr males whan they haue conceyuyd_/ ,exept woman whyche ought to be a best ,raysonable_/ ,and in thys caas she lefeth her rayson_/ ,and ,sidrac wythnesseth the same ,and therfore in the olde lawe_/ the faders hadd dyuerce wyues and ,ancellys to thende whan one was wyth childe_/ they myght take another_/ ,they ought to haue the visage enclyned for teschewe the fight of the men_/ that by the fight they be not meuyd with ,incontynence and diffame of other_/ ,and ,ouyde sayth that ther ben some ,that how well that they eschewe the dede_/ yet haue they grete ,joye whan they ben prayed_/ ,and therfore ought the good women flee the curyositees and places wher they myght falle in blame and noyse of the peple4 ,illustration ,the fourth chapitre of the fourth book ,is of the yssuynge of the ,alphyn4 ,the manere and nature of the draught of the ,alphyn is suche_/ that he that is black in his propre fiege is sette on the right side of the kynge_/ ,and he that is whyt is sette on the lifte side_/ ,and ben callyd and named black and white_/ ,but for no cause that they be so in subftance of her propre colour_/ ,but for the colour of the places in whiche they ben sette_/ ,and alleway be they black or white_/ whan they ben sette in theyr places_/ the alphyn on the ryght syde_/ goynge oute of his place to the ryght sydeward comyth to fore the labourer_/ ,and hit is reson that the ,iuge ought to deffende and kepe the labourers and possessions whiche ben in his ,iurisdiction by alle right and lawe_/ ,and also he may goo on the lyste syde to the wyde place to fore the phisicien_/ ,for lyke as the phisiciens haue the charge to hele the ,infirmites of a man_/ ,in lyke wyse haue the ,iuges charge to appese alle stryues and contencions and reduce vnto vnyte_/ ,and to punyfshe and correcte causes crymynels_/ ,the lyste alphyn hath also two wayes fro his owen place oon toward y'e right syde vnto the black space voyde to fore the marchant_/ ,for the marchants nede ofte tymes counceylle and ben in debate of questions whiche muste be determyned by the ,iuges_/ ,and that other yssue is vnto the place to fore the rybauldis_/ ,and that ys be caufe that ofte tymes amonge them4 falle noyses discencions thefte and manslaghter_/ wherfore they ought to be punysshid by the ,iuges_/ ,and y'e shall vnderstande that the alphyn goth alleway corner wyse fro the thirde poynt to the thirde poynt kepynge all way his owne fiege_/ ,for yf he be black_/ he goth all way black_/ ,and yf he be whyte he goth alleway whyte4 the yssue or goynge cornerly or angularly signefieth cautele or fubtylyte_/ whiche ,iuges ought to haue_/ ,the 4iii4 poyntes betoken 4iii4 thynges that the ,iuge ought to attende_/ ,a ,iuge ought to furder rightfull trewe causes4 secondly he ought to gyue trewe counceyll_/ and thirdly he ought to gyue and ,iuge rightfull sentences after tha legeances_/ ,and neuer to goo fro the ryghtwisnes of the lawe_/ ,and it is to wete that the ,alphyn goth in fix drawhtes alle the tablier round aboute_/ and that he cometh agayn in to his owen place_/ ,and how be hit that alle rayson and good perfection shold be in a kynge_/ yet ought hit also specially be in them that ben conceyllours of the kynge and the ,quene ,and the kynge ought not to doo ony thynge doubtouse_/ tyll he haue axid counceyll of his ,iuges ,and of the sages of the royame ,and therfore ought the ,iuge to be parfaytly wyse and sage as well in science as in good maners_/ ,and that is signefied whan they meue from thre poynts in to thre_/ ,for the fixt nombre by whiche they goo alle theschequer_/ ,and brynge hem agayn in to her propre place in suche wyse that thende of her moeuynge is conioyned agayn to the begynnynge of the place frowhens they departed_/ ,and therfore hit is callid a parfayt moeuynge4 ,illustration ,the fyfth chapitre of the fourth ,tractate ,is of the meuynge of the knyghtes4 ,after the yssue of the ,alphyns we shall deuyse to yow the yssue the moeuynge of the knyghtes_/ ,and we saye that the knyght on the right syde is whyt_/ ,and on the lifte syde black_/ ,and the yssue and moeuynge of hem bothe is in one maner whan so is that the knyght on the ryght syde ,is whyt_/ ,the lyfte knyght is black_/ ,the moeuynge of hem is suche_/ ,that the whyte may goo in to the space of the alphyn_/ as hit apperyth of the knyght on the right side that is whyte4 ,and hath thre yssues fro his proper place_/ one on his ryght syde in the place to fore the labourer_/ ,and hit is well reson that whan the labourer and husbonde man hath laboured the feldes_/ the knyghtes ought to kepe them_/ to thentent that they haue vitailles for them self and their horses_/ ,the second yssue is that he may meue hym vnto the black space to fore the notarye or draper4 ,for he is bounden to deffende and kepe them that make his vestementis couertours necessarye vnto his body4 ,the thirde yssue is that he may go on the lifte syde in to the place to fore y'e marchant whiche is sette to fore the kynge_/ the whiche is black_/ ,and the refon is for as moche as he ought and is holden to deffende the kynge as well as his owen persone_/ whan he passith the first draught_/ he may goo foure wayes_/ ,and whan he is in the myddes of the tabler he may goo in to 4viii4 places fondry_/ to whiche he may renne ,and in lyke wise may the lyste knyght goo whiche is black and goth oute of his place in to white_/ and in that maner goth the knyght fightynge by his myght_/ and groweth and multiplieth in hys poyntis_/ ,and ofte tymes by them the felde ,is wonne or lost_/ ,a knyghts vertue and myght is not knowen but by his fightynge_/ and in his fightynge he doth moche harme for as moche as his myght extendeth in to fo many poyntis_/ they ben in many peryllis in theyr fightynge_/ ,and whan they escape they haue the honour of the game ,and thus is hit of euery man the more vailliant_/ the more honoured ,and he that meketh hym self ofte tymes shyneth clerest4 ,illustration ,the sixt chapitre of the fourth tractate treleth of the yssue of the rooks and of her progression4 ,the moeuynge and yssue of the rooks whiche ben vicairs of the kynge is suche_/ that the ryght rook is black and the lifte rook is whyte_/ ,and whan the chesse ben sette as well the nobles as the comyn peple first in their propre places_/ ,the rooks by their propre vertue haue no wey to yssue but yf hyt be made to them by the nobles or comyn peple_/ ,for they ben enclosed in their propre sieges_/ ,and the refon why is suche ,that for as moche as they ben vicaires lieutenants or comyssioners of the kynge_/ ,theyr auctoryte is of none effecte to fore they yssue out_/ ,and that they haue begonne tenhaunce theyr office_/ ,for as longe as they be within the palais of the kynge_/ ,so longe may they not vse ne execute theyr commyssion_/ ,but anon as they yssue they may vse theyr auctorite_/ ,and y'e shall vnderstande that their auctorite is grete_/ for they represente the sone of the kynge_/ and therfore where the tablier is voyde they may renne alle the tablier_/ ,in lyke wyse as they goon thurgh the royame_/ and they may goo as well white as black as well on the right side lifte as foreward and backward_/ ,and as fer may they renne as they fynde the tablier voyde whether hit be of his aduersaryes as of his owen felowship_/ ,and whan the rook is in the myddell of the tablier_/ he may goo whiche way he wyll in to foure right lignes on euery side_/ and hit is to wete that he may in no wyse goo cornerwyse_/ but allway ryght forth goynge comynge as afore is sayd_/ wherfore all the subgettis of the kinge as well good as euyll ought to knowe by their moeuynge that auctorite of y'e vicaires and comyssioners ought to be verray true rightwis ,iuste_/ and y'e shall vnderstande that they ben stronge and vertuous in bataylle ,for the two rooks only may vaynquyfshe a kynge theyr aduersarye and take hym_/ and take from hym his lyf and his royame_/ ,and this was doon whan chirus kynge of perse ,and darius kynge of medes slewe baltazar and toke his royame from hym4 ,whiche was neuew to euylmoradach vnder whom this game was founden4 ,illustration ,the seuenth chapitre of the fourth book treteth of the yssue of the comyn peple c4 ,one yffue and one mouynge apperteyneth vnto alle the peple_/ ,for they may goo fro the poynt they stande in at the first meuynge vnto the thirde poynt right forth to fore them_/ whan they haue so don they may afterward meue no more but fro one poynt ryght forth in to an other_/ ,and they may neuer retorne backward ,and thus goynge forth fro poynt to poynt ,they may gete by vertue and strengthe_/ that thynge that the other noble fynde by dignyte_/ ,and yf the knyghtes and other nobles helpe hem that they come to the ferthest lygne to fore them where theyr aduersaryes were sette4 ,they acquyre the dignyte that the quene hath graunted to her by grace_/ ,for yf ony of them may come to thys sayd ligne_/ yf he be white as labourer draper phisicyen or kepar of the cyte ben_/ they reteyne suche dignyte as the quene hath_/ for they haue goten hit_/ and than retornynge agayn homeward_/ they may goo lyke as it is sayd in the chapitre of the quene ,and yf ony of the pawns that is black_/ as the smyth the marchant the tauerner and the rybaulde may come wyth oute domage in to the same vtterist ligne_/ he shall gete by his vertu the dignyte of the black quene ,and y'e shall vnderftande_/ whan thyse comyn peple meue right forth in her ligne_/ and fynde ony noble persone or of the peple of their aduersaries sette in the poynt at on ony side to fore hym_/ ,in that corner poynt he may take his aduersarye wherther hit be on the right side or on the lifte_/ ,and the cause is that the aduersaries ben suspecyous that the comyn peple lye ,in a wayte to ,robbe her goodes or to take her persones whan they goo vpward right forth4 ,and therfore he may take in the right angle to fore hym one of his aduersaries_/ ,as he had espied his persone_/ ,and in the lifte angle as robber of his goodes_/ and whether hit be goynge foreward or retornynge fro black to whyte or whyte to black_/ the pawn must allway goo in his right ligne_/ and all way take in the corner that he findeth in his waye_/ but he may not goo on neyther side tyll he hath ben in the furdest ligne of theschequer_/ ,and that he hath taken the nature of the draughtes of the quene_/ ,and than he is a fiers_/ ,and than he may goo on alle sides cornerwyse fro poynt to poynt only as the quene doth fightynge and takynge whom he findeth in his waye_/ ,and whan he is thus comen to the place where y'e nobles his aduersaries were sette he shall be named white fiers or black fiers_/ after the poynt that he is in_/ and there taketh he the dignyte of the quene c4 ,and all these thinges may appere to them that beholden y'e play of the chesse_/ and y'e shall vnderstande that no noble man ought to haue despite of the comyn peple_/ for hit hath ben ofte tymes seen_/ that by their vertu witte_/ ,diuerce of them haue comen to right highe grete astate as poopes bisshoppes ,emerours and kynges_/ ,as we haue in the historye of ,dauid that was made kynge_/ of a shepherd and one of the comyn peple_/ and of many other c4 ,and in lyke wyse we rede of the contrary_/ that many noble men haue ben brought to myserye by their defaulte ,as of gyges whiche was right riche of landes and of richesses ,and was so proude that he wente and demanded of the god appollo_/ yf ther were ony in the world more riche or more happy than he was_/ and than he herde a voys that yssued out of the fosse or pitte of the sacrefices_/ that a peple named agalaus sophide whiche were poure of goodes and riche of corage was more acceptable than he whiche was kynge ,and thus the god ,appollo alowed more the sapience the seurte of the poure man and of his lityll mayne_/ than he dide the astate and the persone of giges ne of his ryche mayne_/ ,and hit is more to alowe a lityll thynge seurly poursiewed than moche good taken in fere and drede ,and for as moche as a man of lowe lignage is by his vertue enhaunsed so moche the more he ought to be glorious and of good renomee_/ virgile that was born in lombardye of y'e nacion of mantua and was of lowe and symple lignage_/ yet he was souerayn in wisedom and science and the moste noble of alle the poetes_/ of whome the renome is and shall be durynge the world_/ so hit happend that an other poete axid and demanded of hym wherfore he setted not the versis of homere in his book_/ ,and he answerd that he shold be of right grete strength and force that shold pluck the clubbe out of hercules handes_/ ,and thys suffyceth the state and draughtis of the comyn peple c4 ,illustration ,the eyght chapitre and the last of the fourth book of the epilogacion and recapitulation of this book4 ,for as moche as we see and knowe that the memorye of the peple is not retentyf but right forgetefull whan some here longe talis historyes whiche they can not alle reteyne in her mynde or recorde ,therfore ,i haue put in this present chapitre all y'e thynges abouesayd as shortly as ,i haue conne_/ ,first this playe or game was founden in the tyme of euilmerodach kynge of ,babilone_/ ,and exerses the philosopher otherwyse named philometer fonde hit_/ ,and the cause why_/ was for the corre#ction of the kynge lyke as hit apperith in thre the first chapitres_/ for the said kynge was so tyrannous and felon that he might suffre no correction_/ ,but slewe them and dide do put hem to deth_/ that corre#ctid hym_/ and had than do put to deth many right wyse men ,than the peple beynge sorowfull and ryght euyll plesid of this euyll lyf of the kynge prayd and requyred the philosopher_/ that he wolde repryse and telle the kynge of his folye_/ ,and than the philosopher answerd that he shold be dede yf he so dide_/ and the peple sayd to hym_/ ,certes thou oughtest sonner wille to dye to thende that thy renome myght come to the peple_/ than the lyf of the kynge shold contynue in euyll for lacke of thy counceyll_/ or by faulte of reprehension of the_/ or that thou darst not doo and shewe_/ that thou faist_/ ,and whan the philosopher herd this he promisid to the peple y't he wold put hym in deuoyr to correcte hym_/ and than he began to thynke in what maner he myght escape the deth and kepe to the peple his promesse_/ ,and than thus he made in this maner and ordeyned the schequer of4 lxiiii4 poynts as ,is afore sayd_/ ,and dide doo make the forme of chequers of gold and siluer ,in humayne fygure after the facyons and formes as we haue dyuysid and shiewid to yow to fore in theyr chapitres_/ ,and ordeyned the moeuynge and thestate after that it is said in the chapitres of theschesses ,and whan the philosopher had thus ordeyned the playe or game_/ and that hit plesid alle them that sawe hit_/ on a tyme as the philosopher playd on hit_/ the kynge cam and sawe hit and desired to playe at this game_/ ,and than the phylosopher began tenseigne and teche the kynge the science of the playe the draughtes4 ,saynge to hym fyrst how the kynge ought to haue in hymself pytie4 debonairte and rightwisnes as hit is said to fore in the chapitre of the kynge ,and he enseygned to hym the estate of the queue and what maners she ought to haue ,and than of the alphyns as connceyllours and luges of the royame ,and after the nature of the knyghtes_/ how they ought to be wise4 trewe and curtoys and alle the ordre of knyghthode ,and than after_/ the nature of the vicaires rooks as hit apperyth in theyr chappitre ,and after this how the comyn peple ought to goo eche in his office_/ ,and how they ought to serue the nobles4 ,and whan the philosopher had thus taught and enseigned the kynge and his nobles by the maner of the playe and had rephended hym of his euyll maners_/ ,the kynge demanded hym vpon payne of deth to telle hym the cause why and wherfore he had made founden thys playe and game ,and what thynge meuyd hym therto_/ ,and than the philosopher constrayned by fere and drede answerd_/ that he had promysid to the peple whiche had requyred hym that he shold correcte and reprise the kynge of his euyll vices_/ but for as moche as he doubtid the deth and had seen that the kynge dide do flee the fages wyse men_/ ,that were so hardy to blame hym of his vices_/ he was in grete anguysshe sorowe_/ how he myght fynde a maner to correcte reprehende the kynge_/ ,and to saue his owen lyf_/ and thus he thought longe studyed that he fonde thys game or playe_/ ,whiche he hath do sette forth for to amende and corre#cte the lyf of the kynge and to change his maners_/ and he adioustyd with all that he had founden this game for so moche as the lordes and nobles habondynge in delyces richessis_/ ,and enioynge temporell peas shold eschewe ydlenes by playnge of this game_/ ,and for to gyue hem cause to leue her pensisnes and sorowes_/ ,in auysynge studyynge this game4 ,and whan the kynge had herd alle thyse causes_/ ,he thought that the philosopher had founde a good maner of correction_/ ,and than he thanketh hym gretly_/ and thus by thenseygnement and lernynge of the phylosopher he changid his lyf his maners alle his euyll condicions ,and by this maner hit happend that the kynge that to fore tyme had ben vicyous and disordynate in his liuyng was made ,iuste4 and vertuous4 debonayre4 gracious and and full of vertues vnto alle peple_/ ,and a man that lyuyth in this world without vertues liueth not as a man but as a beste#ef_/ ,and therfore my ryght redoubted lord ,i pray almighty god to saue the kyng our souerain lord to gyue hym grace to yssue as a kynge tabounde in all vertues_/ to be assisted with all other his lordes in such wyse y't his noble royame of ,englond may prospere habounde in vertues_/ and y't synne may be eschewid iustice kepte_/ the royame defended good men rewarded malefa#ctours punysshid the ydle peple to be put to laboure that he wyth the nobles of the royame may regne gloriously ,in conquerynge his rightfull enheritaunce_/ that verray peas and charite may endure in bothe his royames_/ and that marchandise may haue his cours in suche wise that euery man eschewe synne_/ and encrece in vertuous occupacions_/ ,praynge your good grace to resseyue this lityll and symple book made vnder the hope and shadowe of your noble protection by hym that is your most humble seruant_/ in gree and thanke ,and ,i shall praye almighty god for your longe lyf welfare_/ whiche he preserue ,and sende yow thaccomplisshement of your hye noble4 ,ioyous and vertuous desirs ,amen3_/3 ,fynysshid the last day of marche the yer of our lord god4 a4 thousand foure honderd and lxxiiii ,footnote #a3 ,blades' ,life of ,caxton1 ii41 #ab4 ,footnote #b3 ,mr4 ,blades enumerates only ten1 but between the publication of his work in #ahfc and the appearance in #ahhj of a more popular one1 an eleventh copy turned up4 ,it is described further on4 ,as both editions of ,mr4 ,blades' book are frequently cited1 it may be stated here that where the reference is to the page only1 the one volume edition of #ahhj is meant4 ,footnote #c3 ,blades1 ii41 #ab4 ,footnote #d3 ,van der ,linde1 ,geschichte und ,literatur des ,schachspiels1 ,berlin1 #ahgd1 ii41 #abe4 ,footnote #e3 ,blades1 ii41 #dh4 ,footnote #f3 ,blades1 ii41 #ig4 ,footnote #g3 ,blades1 ii41 #ie4 ,footnote #h3 ,dibdin's ,bibliotheca ,spenceriana1 iv41 #aie4 ,footnote #i3 ,see ,prosper ,marchand1 ,dict4 ,hist41 t4 i41 p4 #aha4 ,footnote #aj3 ,les ,bibliothques ,franoises de ,la ,croix du ,maine et de ,du ,verdier4 n4 e4 ,paris1 #aghb1 t4 i41 p4 #dic4 ,footnote #aa3 ,dr4 ,van der ,linde1 ,geschichte1 #aad4 ,footnote #ab3 ,cf4 ,van der ,linde1 ,geschichte1 and his ,jartausend4 ,footnote #ac3 ,jaubert1 cited by ,van der ,linde1 ,geschichte1 t4 i41 p4 #abb4 ,footnote #ad3 ,blades' ,caxton1 #agc-age4 ,footnote #ae3 ,blades1 i41 #aff4 ,footnote #af3 ,geschichte1 i41 #bi4 ,there is a manuscript copy in the ,chetham ,library1 ,manchester1 which he does not name4 ,it came from the ,farmer ,collection1 and is in a volume containing a number of fifteenth century ,latin tracts4 ,see account of ,european ,,mss4 in the ,chetham ,library1 ,manchester1 by ,james ,orchard ,halliwell1 ,f4,r4,s41 ,manchester1 #ahdb1 p4 #ae4 ,footnote #ag3 ,bulletin du ,bibliophile1 #ahcf-ahcg1 #b;ime serie1 p4 #ebg4 ,footnote #ah3 ,academy1 ,july #ab1 #ahha4 ,footnote #ai3 ,blades' ,life of ,caxton1 vol4 ii41 p4 #i4 ,footnote #bj3 ,de regimine ,principum1 a poem by ,thomas ,occleve1 written in the reign of ,henry ,,iv4 ,edited1 for the first time1 by ,thomas ,wright1 ,esq41 ,m4,a41 ,f4,s4,a41 c4 ,printed for the ,roxburghe ,club4 ,london3 ,j4 ,b4 ,nichols1 #ahfj1 #daj4 ,footnote #ba3 ,warton's ,history of ,english ,poetry1 #ahga1 iii41 #dd4 ,footnote #bb3 ,the fires of purgatory are finely and amply illustrated in the story at p4 #aaj1 whilst the power of the saints and the value of pilgrimages would be impressed upon the hearers by the narrative of the miracles wrought by ,st4 ,james of ,compostella 7p4 #acf7 ,footnote #bc3 ,hist4 of ,siege of ,troye4 ,footnote #bd3 ,works of ,polidore ,virgil4 ,london1 #affc1 p4 #ie4 ,footnote #be3 ,grsse3 ,trsor1 s4v4 ,sydrach4 ,see also ,warton's ,history of ,english ,poetry1 #ahga1 vol4 ii41 p4 #add1 ,hazlitt's ,handbook of ,early ,english ,literature1 p4 #dc4 ,footnote #bf3 ,hoeffer3 ,nouvelle ,biographie ,universelle4 ,footnote #bg3 ,hoeffer1 ,nouvelle ,biographie ,gnrale1 xxxiii4 #hah4 ,footnote #bh3 ,brunei1 ,manuel du ,libraire1 s4 v4 ,gesta4 ,footnote #bi3 ,gesta ,romanorum1 edited by ,herrtage4 ,london1 #ahgi1 p4 vii4 ,footnote #cj3 ,occleve1 ,de ,regimine ,principum1 p4 #aii4 ,footnote #ca3 ,curiosities of ,search ,room4 ,london1 #ahhj1 p4 #cb4 ,footnote #cb3 ,percy ,anecdotes3 ,domestic ,life1 iv4 #ddf4 ,footnote #cc3 ,dunlop1 ,history of ,fiction1 #ahgf1 p4 #bei4 ,footnote #cd3 ,latin ,stories1 edited by ,thomas ,wright4 ,percy ,society1 #ahdb1 p4 #bbb4 ,footnote #ce3 ,see ,gesta ,romanorum1 edit1 by ,herrtage1 p4 #cfd4 ,footnote #cf3 ,on ,two ,collections of ,medival ,moralized ,tales1 by ,john ,k4 ,ingram1 ,,ll4,d4 ,dublin1 #ahhb1 p4 #acg4 ,footnote #cg3 ,muratori3 ,rerum ,italicarum ,scriptores1 t4 i4 p4 #dfe4 ,footnote #ch3 ,wright1 ,latin ,stories1 p4 #bce4 ,footnote #ci3 ,francis of ,assisi1 ,mrs4 ,oliphant4 ,london1 #ahgd1 p4 #hg4 ,footnote #dj3 ,valerius ,maximus1 vi4 #b1 #c4 ,footnote #da3 ,it will be sufficient here to refer for further details to the following works3--,geschichte und ,literatur des ,schachspiels1 von ,antonius van der ,linde1 ,berlin1 #ahgd1 #b vols42 ,quellenstudien zur ,gefchichte des ,schachspiels1 von ,dr4 ,a4 v4d4,linde1 ,berlin1 #ahha4 ,footnote #db3 ,this dedication is omitted in the second edition4 ,footnote #dc3 ,second edit4 reads ,thossyce of notaries_/ aduocates scriueners and drapers and clothmakers capitulo iii ,footnote #dd3 ,sec4 edit4 reads ,the forme of phisiciens leches spycers and appotycaryes ,footnote #de3 ,sec4 edit4 ,of tauerners hostelers vitaillers ,footnote #df3 ,sec4 edit4 ,of kepers of townes ,receyuers of custum and tollenars ,footnote #dg3 ,sec4 edit4 ,of messagers currours ,rybauldes and players at the dyse ,footnote #dh3 democrite in the sec4 edit4 ,footnote #di3 beclyppe in sec4 edit4 ,footnote #ej3 demotene in sec4 edit4 ,footnote #ea3 demostenes in sec4 edit4 ,footnote #eb3 blisful in the sec4 edit4--,the reading of the first edition is evidently a misprint4 ,footnote #ec3 ,sec4 edit4 buneuentayns4 ,footnote #ed3 sec4 edit1 y nough4 ,footnote #ee3 sec4 edit4 by the martel or hamer4 ,footnore #ee3 ,and therfore c4 to the end1 is wanting in the second edition1 and1 instead thereof1 the treatife concludes in the following manner-- ,thenne late euery man of what condycion he be that redyth or herith this litel book redde take therby enfaumple to amende hym4 ,explicit per ,caxton4 ,,glossary ,aas2 ace4 ,aduocacions2 ,latin advocationis1 assembly of advocates1 the bar4 ,agaynesaynge2 gain-saying4 ,alphyns4 ,the alphin1 or elephant1 was the piece answering to the bishop in the modern game of chess4 ,ameruaylled2 astonished4 ,ample1 ampole2 ,latin ampulla1 vessel for holding liquids4 ,ancellys2 ,latin ancilla1 handmaids1 concubines4 ,appertly2 openly4 ,appetissid2 satisfied1 satiated4 ,ardautly ardantly2 ardently4 ,arrache2 ,french arracher1 to pull1 to pluck4 ,auenture2 adventure4 ,axe2 ask4 ,barate2 trouble1 suffering4 ,beaulte2 beauty4 ,benerous2 ,french bnir1 blessed4 ,besaunt2 besant1 a ,byzantine gold coin4 ,beneurte2 ,french bonheur1 good fortune4 ,bole2 bull4 ,bourdellys2 brothels1 stews4 ,butters2 freebooters4 ,butyn2 ,french butin1 plunder1 spoils4 ,chamberyer2 ,chambrere2 woman servant1 concubine4 ,chequer2 chefs-board4 ,chauffed2 ,french chauffer1 to warm4 ,compaignon2 ,french compagnon1 companion4 ,connynge2 cunning1 knowledge4 ,corrompith2 ,french corrompre1 to corrupt4 ,couenable2 ,french convenable1 proper1 fit4 ,courrours2 ,french coureurs1 runners1 messengers4 ,curatours2 guardians1 trustees4 ,dampned2 condemned4 ,debonairly2 debonairte1 ,french de ban air1 in a good manner1 with good will4 ,depesshed2 ,french depecher1 defpatched4 ,deporte2 deport4 ,devour2 ,french devoir1 duty4 ,dismes2 ,latin decimal1 tenths1 or tithes4 ,disobeyfance2 disobedience4 ,difpendynge2 spending4 ,distemprance2 intemperance4 ,dolabre2 ,latin dolabra1 axe1 pick-axe4 ,doubted2 redoubted1 of doughty4 ,drawhtes2 draughts1 movements4 ,drof2 drove4 ,dronkelewe2 drunkenness4 ,dronkenshyp2 drunkenness4 ,dyse2 dice4 ,enbrasid2 embraced4 ,enpessheth2 ,french empcher1 to forbid4 ,enpoigne2 ,french empoigner1 to take in hand4 ,enfeygned2 ,french enfeigner1 to teach4 ,eschauffed2 ,french chauffer1 to warm4 ,esmoued2 ,french mouvoir1 to move4 ,espicers2 ,french epicier4 ,espryfed2 ,french epris1 taken4 ,ewrous1 in2 ,french heureuse1 happy4 ,feet2 ,french fait1 act1 feat4 ,ferremens4 ,see ,serremens4 ,flessly2 fleshily4 ,folelarge2 prodigal1 extravagant4 ,fumee2 ,french fumee1 smoke1 vapour4 ,garnyfche2 garnish1 adorn1 set off4 ,genere2 general4 ,goddes man2 godsman1 saint or religious person4 ,gossibs2 gossyb2 gossips1 gossip4 ,gree2 ,french gr1 liking4 ,grucche2 grudge4 ,guarisshors2 ,french gurir1 to cure4 ,hauoyr2 ,french avoir1 possessions4 ,herberowe2 harbour4 ,historiagraph2 historian4 ,hoos2 hoarse4 ,iape2 jape1 trick4 ,jolye1 lvii2 fine 7,french joli74 ,keruars2 carvers4 ,langed2 belonged4 ,latrocynye2 ,latin latrocinium4 ,lecherye2 lechery4 ,letted2 prevented4 ,male2 mail1 trunk4 ,maleheurte2 ,french malheur1 misfortune1 sorrow4 ,maronners2 mariners4 ,martel2 hammer4 ,meure2 ,french moeurs1 manners4 ,mordent2 biting4 ,mortifyed2 mortified1 deadened4 ,mufyque2 mufic4 ,nonne2 nun4 ,noye2 annoyance4 ,oeuurages2 ,french outrages1 works4 ,oftencion2 show4 ,olefauntes2 elephants4 ,oughwer2 over4 ,oultrage2 outrage4 ,pardurable2 everlasting4 ,parfyt2 ,french parfait1 perfeft4 ,pawon2 pawn4 ,payringe2 without a pareing1 i4e4 undiminished4 ,peages2 peagers2 ,french page1 pager4 ,a local tax on merchandise in paflage for the maintenance of roads and bridges4 ,a gatherer of the page4 ,pensee2 ,french pense1 thought4 ,pourueance2 providence4 ,rawe2 rough4 ,renomee2 renown4 ,roynyous2 ruinous4 ,rybauldes2 ribalds4 ,saciat2 satiated4 ,sawlter2 salter4 ,scawage2 scavage1 toll or tax4 ,semblant2 ,french sembler1 to appear1 to seem4 ,serremens2 cerements4 ,siege2 feat4 ,slear2 slayer4 ,spores2 spurs4 ,spyncoppis2 spiders4 ,stracched2 stretched4 ,supplye2 ,french supplier1 to supplicate4 ,syfe2 fix4 ,tacches2 gifts1 bequests4 ,a4 ,s4 tacan1 having the double meaning of giving and taking4 ,tapyte2 carpet4 ,tencyons2 temptations4 ,trycheur2 tricker4 ,tryste2 sad4 ,tutours2 tutors1 guardians4 ,vignours2 vine-dresser4 ,wetyngly2 knowingly4 ,yates2 gates4 ,yre2 ire4 ,,index ,abel1 ,abner1 ,absalom1 ,abstrastion1 ,abysay1 ,accusation1 false1 ,adam1 ,adultery1 ,adversity1 ,advocates1 gidius ,romanus4 ,see ,colonna4 ,agyos1 ,albert gauor1 ,alchorne library1 ,alexander1 ,alisander1 ,alixanander1 ,alphyn1 ,altagone1 ,ambrose1 ,st41 ,amity1 ,ammenhaufen1 ,ammomtes1 ,amos florus1 ,amphicrates1 ,anastatius1 ,anaximenes1 ,andrea1 ,giovanni1 ,anger1 ,anguissola1 ,anna1 ,anthonie1 ,anthonius1 ,anthony1 ,st41 ,anthonyus1 ,antigonus1 ,antonius1 ,antygone1 ,ape1 ,apollo1 ,apollodorus1 ,apothecaries1 ,aquinas1 ,st4 ,thomas1 ,archezille1 ,arismetryque1 ,arispe1 ,aristides1 ,aristippus1 ,aristotle1 ,armour1 ,astronomy1 ,athenes1 ,aubrey1 ,john1 ,audley1 ,lord1 ,augustine1 ,st41 ,augustus1 ,csar1 ,aulus ,gellius1 ,austyn1 ,saynt4 ,see ,augustine4 ,auycene1 ,auycenne1 ,avarice1 ,avicenna1 ,axedrez1 ,babylon and the ,chess-board1 ,baldness of ,csar1 ,baltazar1 ,bankes1 ,rev4 ,edw41 ,barbers1 women1 ,bafille le grant1 ,basil1 ,st41 ,bearers of letters1 ,beauty and chastity4 ,bees1 ,begging1 ,beringen1 ,h4 von1 ,bernard1 ,w41 ,bernard1 ,st41 ,biblical allusions1 ,bibliography of the ,chess-book1 ,birds1 ,blades1 ,william1 ,blindness1 philosophical1 ,blind1 raised letters for1 ,boasting1 ,bocchus1 ,bodleian ,library1 ,body of ,man a castle of ,jefus1 ,boece1 ,boecius1 ,boethius1 ,boneuentan1 ,borrowing1 ,boys1 ,r41 ,breath1 stinking1 ,brevio1 ,giovanni1 ,bribery1 ,bromyard1 ,john of1 ,brudgys4 ,see ,bruges4 ,bruges1 ,brunet1 ,j4,c41 ,brutus1 ,burgundy1 ,duchess of1 ,bull of copper1 ,bulls1 ,cadrus1 duc of athenes1 ,csolis4 ,see ,cessoles4 ,cain1 ,calderino1 ,giovanni1 ,calengius1 ,cambridge ,public ,library1 ,cambyfes1 ,cantanus1 ,capayre1 ,carpenters1 ,carthage1 ,carvers1 ,cassalis4 ,see ,cessoles4 ,cassiodorus1 ,castle of ,jesus ,christ1 ,castulis4 ,see ,cessoles4 ,casulis4 ,see ,cessoles4 ,cato1 ,cauftons1 ,caxton1 ,william1 prologue of ,chess-book1 epilogue1 finished in #adgd1 his account of the translation1 printed at ,bruges1 translated from the ,french1 adapts ,de ,vignay's dedications1 translates ,vegetius1 chief dates of his life1 opinion of lawyers1 epilogue to ,chefs-book1 editions of it1 representative of a new time for literature1 at ,ghent ,caym4 ,cesar4 ,cesolis4 ,see ,cessoles4 ,cessole4 ,see ,cessoles4 ,cessoles1 ,jacques de4 ,cessulis4 ,see ,cessoles4 ,cesulis4 ,see ,cessoles4 ,cezolis1 de4 ,see ,cessoles4 ,cezoli4 ,see ,cessoles4 ,cham4 ,changers4 ,charlemagne4 ,chastity4 ,chequer4 ,chess-book1 copies of first edition described2 prices at which it has sold2 where printed2 second edition described2 when printed2 prices at which it has sold2 translated from the ,french2 ,ferron's version2 version in ,french verse2 ,de ,vignay's version4 ,chess1 game of4 -- how the board is made4 -- manner of its invention4 -- moralized4 -- movements of pieces4 ,chetham ,library4 ,child hostages4 ,children1 ungrateful4 ,chivalry4 ,cicero4 ,cities1 guarding4 ,clarence1 ,george1 ,duke of4 ,claudian4 ,clip4 ,cloth cutters4 -- merchants4 -- workers4 ,colatyne4 ,colonna1 ,guido4 ,common life4 ,common people2 not to be despised2 not to be at councils2 those who have become great4 -- profit4 -- weal4 ,commonwealth4 ,communities4 ,community of goods4 ,contemplation4 ,continence4 ,connaxa1 ,jehan4 ,cordwainers4 ,cossoles1 de4 ,see ,cessoles4 ,council1 women apt in4 ,courage4 ,courcelles1 de4 ,see ,cessoles4 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